Kavousi IIC: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda: Specialist Reports and Analyses (Prehistory Monographs) 9781931534840, 9781623034054, 1931534845

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KAVOUSI IIC The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda Specialist Reports and Analyses

KAVOUSI The Results of the Excavations at Kavousi in Eastern Crete directed by Geraldine C. Gesell, Leslie Preston Day, and William D.E. Coulson

sponsored by The University of Tennessee

under the auspices of The American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Digital reconstruction of the LM IIIC settlement at Kavousi Vronda as seen from the west. Visualization created by Sayed Kashif Dafedar.

PREHISTORY MONOGRAPHS 52

KAVOUSI IIC The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda Specialist Reports and Analyses by Leslie Preston Day, Heidi M.C. Dierckx, Kimberly Flint-Hamilton, Geraldine C. Gesell, Kevin T. Glowacki, Nancy L. Klein, David S. Reese, and Lynn M. Snyder

contributions by Greg Hodgins

edited by Geraldine C. Gesell and Leslie Preston Day

Published by INSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 2016

Design and Production INSTAP Academic Press, Philadelphia, PA

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Day, Leslie Preston, author, editor. | Gesell, Geraldine Cornelia, author, editor. Title: Kavousi IIC : the late Minoan IIIC settlement at Vronda : specialist reports and analyses / by Leslie Preston Day, Heidi M.C. Dierckx, Kimberly Flint-Hamilton, Geraldine C. Gesell, Kevin T. Glowacki, Nancy L. Klein, David S. Reese, and Lynn M. Snyder ; contributions by Greg Hodgins ; edited by Geraldine C. Gesell and Leslie Preston Day. Description: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania : INSTAP Academic Press, 2016. | Series: Prehistory monographs ; 52 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016009619 (print) | LCCN 2016012250 (ebook) | ISBN 9781931534840 (hardcover : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781623034054 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Kavousi Region (Greece)--Antiquities. | Excavations (Archaeology)--Greece--Kavousi Region. | Minoans--Greece--Kavousi Region. Classification: LCC DF261.K4 D396 2016 (print) | LCC DF261.K4 (ebook) | DDC 939/.18--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016009619

Copyright © 2016 INSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

Table of Contents

List of Tables.......................................................................................................... ix List of Charts................................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii List of Figures................................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv List of Plates.................................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi Preface. .............................................................................................................. xxv List of Abbreviations... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxvii Glossary.. . .................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxix 1. The Architecture of Vronda, Nancy L. Klein and Kevin T. Glowacki......................................... 1 Site Analysis: Topography and Natural Features.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Pre–LM IIIC Architecture.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 LM IIIC Architecture at Vronda: Materials and Techniques.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Architectural Morphology: Building Forms and Spatial Organization... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Town Arrangement: Visualizing the LM IIIC Settlement.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

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2. The Pottery, Leslie Preston Day................................................................................ 47 Prepalatial Pottery (FN–MM IA).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Protopalatial Pottery (MM IB–II).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Neopalatial Pottery (MM III–LM I)... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Late Minoan IIIC Pottery.. . ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Post–Late Minoan IIIC Pottery.......................................................................... 103 Household Assemblages............ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Pottery Statistics... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 3. The Terracotta Figurines, Geraldine C. Gesell............................................................... 117 Bovine Figurines.......................................................................................... 118 Horse Figurines..................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Technology.. . ......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Painted Decoration.................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Comparanda......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Function.. . ............................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Conclusions........................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 4. The Ground and Chipped Stone Implements from the Settlement, Heidi M.C. Dierckx... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Typology of the Ground Stone Implements.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Chipped Stone........................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Geology of Eastern Crete.. . ......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Raw Materials and Sources.............................................................................. 147 Distribution on the Site................................................................................... 150 Parallels and Chronology................................................................................ 151 5. Small Finds of Various Categories, Leslie Preston Day..................................................... 155 Terracotta Objects.. . ................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Stone Objects........................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Metal Objects......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Other Objects......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 6. The Faunal Remains, Lynn M. Snyder and David S. Reese... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 The Animal Bones, Lynn M. Snyder... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 The Marine Shells, David S. Reese.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 7. The Palaeoethnobotany of Vronda, Kimberly Flint-Hamilton.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 The Environment of Crete at the End of the Bronze Age.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 Methods and Materials................................................................................... 183 Plant Remains............................................................................................. 184 Discussion.................................................................................................. 192 8. History of Vronda and Society of the LM IIIC Settlement, Leslie Preston Day.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 History of the Site.................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Everyday Life in LM IIIC Vronda.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 The Society of the LM IIIC Settlement................................................................. 220 Conclusions.......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Appendix A. Building a Traditional Oven at Vronda, Leslie Preston Day, Kevin T. Glowacki, and Nancy L. Klein... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Appendix B. Radiocarbon Dates from Vronda, Leslie Preston Day, with contributions by Greg Hodgins.................................................................... 237 Appendix C. Estimates of Vessel Capacities of LM IIIC Pottery from Vronda, Kevin T. Glowacki... . . . . 241 Appendix D. Concordance of Vronda Inventory Numbers with Catalog Numbers.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 References......................................................................................................... 263 Index.................................................................................................................... 291 Tables Charts Figures Plates

List of Tables

Table 1.

Summary of climatic conditions in the Middle to Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.

Table 2.

Terracotta drain tiles at Vronda.

Table 3.

Late Minoan IIIC doorways at Vronda.

Table 4.

Possible stone pivots found at Vronda.

Table 5.

Interior post bases at Vronda.

Table 6.

Chimney pots found at Vronda.

Table 7.

Benches at Vronda.

Table 8.

Platforms at Vronda.

Table 9.

Slab enclosures at Vronda.

Table 10.

Cobble enclosures at Vronda.

Table 11.

Boulder enclosures at Vronda.

Table 12.

Stone-paved enclosures at Vronda.

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Table 13.

Hearths at Vronda.

Table 14.

Ovens at Vronda.

Table 15.

Room dimensions of Building A-B.

Table 16.

Room dimensions of Building Complex C-D.

Table 17.

Proposed house units in Building Complex C-D, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total ground area of each unit.

Table 18.

Room dimensions of Building Complex E.

Table 19.

Proposed house units in Building Complex E, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total ground area of each unit.

Table 20.

Room dimensions of Building G, with comparison of interior area (excluding doorways) and total area covered by the building.

Table 21.

Room dimensions of Building Complex I-O-N.

Table 22.

Proposed house units in Building I-O-N, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total area of each unit.

Table 23.

Room dimensions of Building Complex J-K.

Table 24.

Proposed house units in Building J-K, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total area of each unit.

Table 25.

Room dimensions of Building Complex L-M.

Table 26.

Recognizable house units present by time of abandonment.

Table 27.

One-room houses at Vronda.

Table 28.

Two-room houses at Vronda.

Table 29.

Three-room houses at Vronda.

Table 30.

Four-room houses at Vronda.

Table 31.

Five-room houses at Vronda.

Table 32. Examples of fixed, semifixed, and nonfixed feature elements that may have differentiated separate activity areas of Room I3. Table 33. Possible accretion and depletion processes affecting the archaeological record of the Vronda settlement. Table 34.

Vessels by household in Building Complex I-O-N.

Table 35.

Vessels by household in Building Complex C-D.

Table 36.

Vessels by household in Building Complex J-K.

Table 37.

Vessels by household in Building Complex E.

Table 38.

Vessels by household in Building Complex L-M.

Table 39.

Vessels by household in Building B.

Table 40.

Mixed EM–MM cobble fill deposits: percentage of wares.

Table 41.

Middle Minoan II deposits: percentage of wares.

LIST OF TABLES

Table 42.

Middle Minoan IIIB–LM IA deposits: percentage of wares.

Table 43.

Rooms with cooking installations: percentage of wares.

Table 44.

Other rooms with some deposition: percentage of wares.

Table 45.

Courtyards: percentage of wares.

Table 46.

Mixed EM–MM cobble fill deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabric types.

Table 47.

Middle Minoan II deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabric types.

Table 48.

Middle Minoan III–LM IA deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabrics.

Table 49.

Rooms with cooking installations: percentage of recognizable coarse wares.

Table 50.

Other rooms with some deposition: percentage of recognizable coarse fabrics.

Table 51.

Bovine figurine measurements (cm).

Table 52.

Bovine figurine head features.

Table 53.

Bovine figurine body features.

Table 54.

Horse figurine measurements (cm).

Table 55.

Horse figurine head and body features.

Table 56.

Painted features on figurines.

Table 57.

Concordance and dates of bovine and horse figurines.

Table 58.

Distribution of chipped and ground stone tools at Vronda.

Table 59.

List of Type 1 stone implements.

Table 60.

Average size and weight of Type 1 implements.

Table 61.

List of Type 2 stone implements.

Table 62.

Average size and weight of Type 2 implements.

Table 63.

List of Type 3 stone implements.

Table 64.

Average size and weight of Type 3 implements.

Table 65.

List of Type 4 stone implements.

Table 66.

List of Type 5 stone implements.

Table 67.

Average size and weight of Type 5 implements.

Table 68.

List of Type 6 stone implements.

Table 69.

Average size and weight of Type 6 implements.

Table 70.

List of Type 7 stone implements.

Table 71.

Average size and weight of Type 7 implements.

Table 72.

List of Type 8 stone implements.

Table 73.

Average size and weight of Type 8 implements.

Table 74.

List of Type 9 stone implements.

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Table 75.

List of Type 10 stone implements.

Table 76.

List of Type 11 stone implements.

Table 77.

Weights of possible Type 11 implements.

Table 78.

List of Type 13 stone implements.

Table 79.

List of Type 14 stone implements.

Table 80.

List of Type 15 stone implements.

Table 81.

List of Type 16 stone implements.

Table 82.

List of possible stone tools.

Table 83.

List of miscellaneous ground stone tools.

Table 84.

List of chipped stone.

Table 85.

Vronda stone tools: percentages and correlation of raw materials with tool types.

Table 86.

Location of significant stone tool assemblages at Vronda.

Table 87.

Terracotta beads.

Table 88.

Terracotta loomweights.

Table 89.

Stone beads.

Table 90.

Paleobotanical remains from the LM IIIC Vronda settlement (including the Shrine) and the Venetian building/farmstead at Xerambela.

Table 91.

Paleobotanical remains from the Vronda cemetery.

Table 92.

Radiometric dates for Vronda samples.

Table 93.

Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda.

List of Charts

Chart 1. Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of building complexes in the Vronda settlement. Chart 2. Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of individual buildings in the Vronda settlement. Chart 3.

Relative sizes (interior area) of individual rooms in the Vronda settlement.

Chart 4.

Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of recognizable houses in the final phase of the Vronda settlement.

Chart 5.

Number of identifiable specimens of animal bones from floor and roofing deposits in the final phase of the Vronda settlement.

List of Figures

Figure 1. Topographic map of the northern Isthmus of Ierapetra and eastern coast of the Gulf of Mirabello. Figure 2.

Topographic map of the Kavousi region, Vronda (Xerambela), and the north Papoura area.

Figure 3.

Vronda state plan and site section.

Figure 4.

Plan highlighting pre–LM IIIC walls and features on the Vronda summit.

Figure 5.

Vronda: plan of the LM IIIC settlement.

Figure 6.

Stone pivots: Building K, Room K1; Building B, Room B5 (V83.18).

Figure 7.

Plans and sections of ovens: Room C2 (a), Room C4 (b), Room C5 (c), Room I3 (d), Room O3 (e), and Room N5 (f).

Figure 8.

Building A-B: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

Figure 9.

Late Minoan III special status buildings in eastern Crete, from left to right, top to bottom: Gournia House He (after Fotou 1993, plan B), Mochlos House A (after Soles 2008, fig. 4), Karphi Great

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House (adapted from Wallace 2005, 235, fig. 9), Karphi Building A1 (adapted from Wallace 2012, 6, 9, figs. 2, 4), Chalasmenos Megaron A.1 (after Rupp 2007, 63, fig. 7.1), large building at Kypia Kalamafki (adapted from Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999, 241, fig. 11), Kavousi Vronda Building A-B.

Figure 10. Building Complex C-D: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 11. Building Complex E: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 12. Building G: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 13. Building Complex I-O-N: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 14. Building Complex J-K: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 15. Building Complex L-M: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south). Figure 16. Building I: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan of architectural phases 1 and 2, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs. Figure 17. Building E West House: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan, justified access graph, and visibility graphs. Figure 18. Building D: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan of architectural phases 1 and 2, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs of House D1–D3. Figure 19. Building D, after addition of Rooms D4 and D5: schematic plan of architectural phase 3, justified access graph, and visibility graphs. Figure 20. Building D, phase 4 (final) with two houses (D4-D5 and D1–D3): schematic plan, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs (separated to emphasize that each house has been analyzed individually). Figure 21. Vronda, schematic plan of the LM IIIC settlement. Figure 22. Plan of final phase of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement highlighting building entrances, courtyards and open areas, and hypothetical access routes. Figure 23. Plan of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement with initial architectural units of each building complex indicated. Figure 24. Prepalatial pottery: FN–EM I (B5 P11, D1 P2, E1 P106, EN P38, I2 P3, N1 P29, GR17 P10); EM IIB Vasiliki Ware (EC P6, EC P10, EC P83, EC P7, EC P8, EC P9, EC P11, EC P82, EC P16, I5 P1, EC P14, EC P15, EC P19, EN P2); EM II fine wares (EC P88, EC P22, C2 P2, E2 P2, AE P21, EC P1); EM III fine wares (EN P6, EN P7); EM medium-coarse ware (EC P90).

LIST OF FIGURES

xvii

Figure 25. Prepalatial pottery: cooking (EC P48, EC P99, EC P32, EC P33, E3 P3, EC P37, EC P97, E3 P2, EC P42, EC P41, EC P43, EC P44, EC P40, EC P96, EC P46, EC P47, B7 P15, EC P34, I4 P16, E1 P28, EC P35, E1 P27, E2 P15, P P52, EN P37, P P78), and pithos (EC P70, EC P71, EC P74–EC P76, EC P78) wares. Figure 26. Prepalatial pottery: coarse wares (EC P65, CE P20, B5 P10, E1 P121, I1 P3, EC P64, EC P67, E2 P1, B5 P9, EC P26, E1 P44, EC P27, AE P45). Figure 27.

Protopalatial fine pottery: carinated cups (EN P36, B4 P1, B3 P1, CE P1, P P2, C2 P1, EN P9, EN P8, CS P6, AE P65, AE P64), straight-sided cups (E1 P14, EC P84, AE P26, P P22, C1 P4, E1 P15, EN P11, C1 P2, AE P8), tumblers (J1 P2, CE P2, E1 P16, B4 P2, AE P66, CE P3), conical cups (E1 P63, CE P7, P P14, P P19), rounded cups (AE P23, B8 P1, P P18, E4 P2, EC P79, P P20), and Barbotine Ware (AE P61, AE P62, J3 P14).

Figure 28.

Protopalatial pottery: fine bowls (P P13, P P23, EC P86), jugs (AE P20, E1 P93, AE P69, AE P70, AE P68, E1 P12, E1 P11, P P34, AE P60, E1 P92, E1 P9), jars (D3 P7, P P69, E2 P9, B5 P2, E1 P19), amphora (E1 P10), basin/jar (EC P89), and tripod vessels (AE P22, L-M P4).

Figure 29.

Protopalatial pottery: cooking plates (EN P39, P P47, D1 P4, P P46), cooking dishes (P P50, P P51, AE P38, B5 P4, EN P14), cooking bowls (AE P40, P P54), cooking pots (P P12, AE P42, P P53, P P11, CE P14, AE P41, CE P13, P P55, AE P6, I3 P3, EC P50, CE P40, EN P17, P P10, AE P5), and tripods (EN P18, P P61, EC P57, EC P55, EC P56, C3 P3, P P57, EC P58, EC P107).

Figure 30.

Protopalatial pottery: medium-coarse cups (P P40, E1 P20, P P42, E1 P22, CE P7), coarse conical cups (AE P7, AE P49, E1 P21, P P73, P P75, P P43, P P74, AE P51, AE P50, P P81, P P44, E1 P129, AE P52), coarse bowls (AE P29, AE P30, P P70, AE P71, P P71, P P45, P P77, P P76), coarse trays (CE P11, E1 P127), and fruitstands/braziers (AE P31, E1 P50, P P79, EN P31, Q2 P5, AE P54, CE P33).

Figure 31. Protopalatial pottery: coarse jars (EN P26, EC P59, EN P13, AE P34, EN P24, CE P19, EN P40, I3 P5, I3 P16, EN P30, CE P30, EC P113, EN P3, AE P37, CE P37, C4 P8, C1 P7, CE P27, C5 P7, E1 P56, E1 P55, EN P28). Figure 32. Protopalatial pottery: coarse jar/basins (EN P23, EN P12, EC P69, E1 P107, EN P25, EN P27, CE P18, CE P28, CE P23, AE P57, AE P72, EC P29, EN P41), basins (CS P5, EN P29, E4 P3, CE P43, CE P32, EC P61, P P67, AE P46, E2 P19, EC P110, B5 P6), vats (AE P56, E1 P51, P P85), and jug/amphora (EN P22). Figure 33. Protopalatial pottery: large jars and pithoi (E1 P59, EC P118, B5 P7, EC P114, B5 P8, EN P32, E1 P60, EN P34, EC P117, EC P128, EC P115, EN P35, CE P42, EN P33, P P86, E1 P61, B3 P23, E1 P62, EN P42, B6 P20). Figure 34. Neopalatial pottery: fine cups (AW P2, E1 P2, E1 P3, AE P58, AW P6, E1 P6, AW P4, E1 P81, EC P120, A1 P2, AW P1, E1 P1, E1 P99, AW P5, E1 P98, E1 P97), bowls (AW P3, E1 P7, E1 P100, CE P4, B6 P6), and jugs (E1 P8, B4 P34, E1 P13, E4 P1). Figure 35. Neopalatial pottery: cooking dishes (CS P2, B6 P11, E1 P110), cooking trays (B6 P17, E1 P29), tripod cooking pots (AW P16, E1 P42, E1 P75), and cooking pots (CE P41, E1 P33, AW P20, E1 P112, E1 P32, E1 P74, AW P17, AW P18). Figure 36. Neopalatial pottery: cooking pots (E1 P71, E1 P70, E1 P36, E1 P72, E1 P40, CE P13, E1 P31, AW P23, AW P22), cooking bowls (E1 P34, E1 P39, AW P19, AW P15), and cooking jug (CE P12).

xviii

Figure 37.

KAVOUSI IIC

Neopalatial pottery: coarse and medium-coarse cups (AW P28, B6 P21, A1 P1, B6 P7, E1 P103, E1 P66, E1 P105, AW P9, E1 P104, B6 P8, B6 P14, B6 P15, E1 P46, AW P32, AW P31, E1 P48, AW P13, B6 P9), tripod cups (AW P34, AW P35), goblet (AW P7), and bowls (AW P11, AW P12, AW P8, CE P9, AW P36, CE P21, E1 P122–E1 P126).

Figure 38. Neopalatial pottery: coarse basins (A1 P6, E1 P45), jug (E1 P25), jars (E1 P57, EC P111, E1 P69, AW P37, AW P10), and pithos (AW P39). Figure 39. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: conical cups (B7 P12, N5 P22, O3 P5, N2 P8, J2 P3), cups (N3 P1, I3 P6, E1 P80, L1 P5, IC1 P7, N2 P7, B4 P3, B7 P1, N1 P1), and champagne cups (B4 P11, B7 P2, B7 P3). Figure 40. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine deep bowls (B7 P4, B4 P13, N2 P1, B7 P5, B4 P12, B4 P14, B7 P6, B7 P21, WS P3, O2 P1, E1 P84, E1 P96, IC1 P21, E1 P83, E1 P101, C4 P5, K4 P2, N2 P3). Figure 41. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: motifs on deep bowls and deep bowls/cups. Figure 42.

Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine deep bowls/cups (B7 P7, K3 P2, J3 P9, E1 P86, N5 P1, IC1 P8, B4 P16, L1 P4, I3 P8, WS P4, O3 P3, IC1 P4, J3 P3, J1 P5, IC2 P33, D5 P3, IC1 P5, IC2 P20, K4 P10, I3 P11, O1 P12, IC1 P13, E1 P88), bowls (E7 P3, B4 P21, B7 P14, LW P6, I5 P3, B4 P22), and amphoriskos/krateriskos (L2 P1).

Figure 43. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine kylikes (B3 P6, B3 P3, E1 P89, J1 P14, B3 P4, B3 P5, E2 P7, J2 P2, B3 P7, K3 P10). Figure 44. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine kraters (B4 P25, N3 P2, N3 P3, D1 P10, AE P18, LW P4, E7 P4, D2 P4, IC2 P23, K1 P3, J1 P15, J3 P5). Figure 45. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine basket kalathoi (B4 P23, IC1 P16), tankard (N2 P6), fine basins (IC2 P7, IE P2, O1 P13), and fine lids (N3 P4, B7 P13, D1 P11). Figure 46. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine stirrup jars (B4 P28, J3 P8, B7 P11, B7 P10, B4 P29, B4 P30), fine jugs (D1 P1, B4 P31, D4 P13, L2 P24), and fine juglet (E1 P151). Figure 47. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine (K4 P12) and coarse (E1 P132) thelastra, rhyton (B3 P13), fine (NW P2, N5 P18, I3 P12, O1 P14, IC2 P42) and medium-coarse (D1 P12, I3 P15, C4 P2) pyxides, open pyxides or bowls (O1 P17, IE P3), and hut urns (K1 P7, N3 P5). Figure 48. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking dishes (N5 P8, B4 P41, E1 P109, KI P11, O1 P3, J4 P30, O1 P2, C5 P3, N5 P10, D5 P4, KI P13, I4 P10, CDW P1). Figure 49. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking trays (B4 P42, N5 P20, LW P10, N1 P19, IC1 P25), tripod cooking trays (B4 P43, L2/3 P7), and cooking lids (N5 P13, D4 P6, L2 P19, ISE P2, IC1 P19, WS P1, O2 P15, I3 P20, N1 P18, O4 P3). Figure 50. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: tripod cooking pots (M1 P16, J2 P1, J1 P22, K3 P21, N4 P2, N1 P26, I4 P11, E7 P6, I3 P17, E7 P8, E7 P7, O4 P1, C2 P5, I5 P7). Figure 51. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking jar (E3 P5), possible cooking jar (M1 P17), cooking pots (O2 P8, O3 P10, D3 P3, N5 P12, C2 P6, N1 P15, E1 P111, C5 P4, J1 P33), and cooking jugs (I5 P5, WS P6, ICE P1). Figure 52. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse kalathoi (B3 P14, E2 P18, B4 P52, B4 P53, B3 P15, B3 P18, N3 P7, L1 P2, B3 P19, B3 P16, AE P53, L-M P6) and scuttles (E7 P10, CE P22, IC3 P1, D5 P6, B7 P18, E1 P128, E2 P20).

LIST OF FIGURES

xix

Figure 53. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse kraters (E1 P115, WS P7, N1 P11, O3 P8, B8 P4, IC1 P20, IC2 P43, O1 P15, L2 P13, C4 P7, O3 P9, N5 P14, J4 P17). Figure 54. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse lekanai (D4 P4, J2 P4, J1 P28, N5 P16, M1 P21, KI P27, E7 P11, N2 P11, N5 P15, I3 P14, B4 P37, L3 P4, N1 P32) and basins (CDW P4, CS P3, E1 P116). Figure 55. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse fenestrated stands (J3 P10, E2 P17, N5 P6, B8 P7, C2 P4), cylindrical stands (KI P28, AE P32), vat (N2 P15), strainer (C5 P4), lid (E3 P6), and stoppers (IC2 P6, N2 P17). Figure 56. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse stirrup jars (K3 P19, O1 P16), jugs (B4 P38, D1 P14, E1 P117, N3 P6, N1 P31, O1 P5, KI P22, EC P127, O1 P11, O2 P7), and amphorae (E1 P119, E1 P120, B8 P8, N2 P9, J1 P32, E7 P5, L2/3 P12). Figure 57. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse jars (N5 P7, EI P131, IC2 P36, AN P1, L2/3 P14), and pitharakia (E1 P133, N3 P8, WS P9, J4 P35, E7 P14, L2/3 P13, B8 P10, E2 P21, J4 P32, JI P40). Figure 58. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse pithoid jars (E7 P15, E7 P20, E7 P16, N5 P17, E7 P17, E7 P18, B4 P56, D4 P5, KI P25, N2 P14, E7 P19). Figure 59. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: pithoi (B7 P26, B3 P20, B3 P21, J1 P29). Figure 60. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: pithoi (I3 P22, I5 P9, N2 P18, N3 P9, E1 P143, B3 B22, E5 P3, E4 P5, E1 P141, E1 P142, I5 P10, Q2 P21). Figure 61. Venetian pottery: fine (R1 P4, J1 P31, E1 P149), cooking (R1 P1–R1 P3), and coarse (F P3, F P4) wares; Ottoman to Modern pottery (D5 P7, LW P8). Figure 62. Vronda bovine figurines: D1 F1 right side, front, left side, back; GS F1 right side, top, front, left side. Figure 63. Vronda bovine figurines: C4 F1 right side, left side; F F1 front, top, left side; K1 F1 right side; C5 F1 right side; C5 F2 right side. Vronda horse figurine D1 F2 right side, left side. Figure 64. Vronda horse figurines: D1 F3 right side, left side; VN F1 right side, front, left side. Figure 65. Patsos bull figurines: HM 1119 right side, front, left side, back; HM 1150 right side, front of muzzle, left side. Figure 66. Patsos horse figurine HM 1129 right side, front of leg, front of muzzle, top of head, left side. Karphi horse figurine HM 11058 right side. Figure 67. Stone tools: Type 1 (N5 ST9, N1 ST1, N5 ST3, K3 ST6, IC2 ST1, D1 ST13, N5 ST13, K3 ST1, B3 ST1, E7 ST4, LW ST1, N1 ST7, EN ST1, O3 ST1). Figure 68. Stone tools: Types 2 (VN ST1, I3 ST15, I3 ST3, I3 ST13, I5 ST1, O2 ST7, N5 ST6, I5 ST4, D1 ST18) and 4 (I3 ST10, K3 ST7, N1 ST4, M1 ST1, E1 ST4). Figure 69. Stone tools: Types 3 (N3 ST3, NW ST2, LW ST10, I4 ST6, E2 ST5, NW ST1, C2 ST3) and 10 (D3 ST4, D1 ST2, N5 ST15, B4 ST4). Figure 70. Stone tools: Types 5 (J1 ST2, L-M ST3, I3 ST12, LW ST4, E7 ST3, J1 ST4, I3 ST7, D1 ST9, EC ST1, N5 ST2), 9 (B6 ST3), 11 (B3 ST2, B7 ST2), 13 (I2 ST1, D1 ST1), and 14 (E1 ST1, OS ST2, C5 ST4).

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Figure 71. Stone tools: Type 6 (N1 ST5, O2 ST10, N5 ST14, D5 ST3, O3 ST4) and miscellaneous ground stone tools (B8 ST1, L-M ST1, EN ST5, O1 ST4). Figure 72. Stone tools: Types 7 (N5 ST10, D4 ST2, B4 ST2, N5 ST5, C2 ST4, I4 ST5, D3 ST2, I5 ST3, E1 ST6, I3 ST11) and 8 (IC1 ST3, D1 ST14, LW ST3, N1 ST3, E2 ST3, C2 ST5, N5 ST7, E2 ST2, D1 ST12). Figure 73. Stone tools: Type 15 (J1 ST5, D1 ST3, I5 ST2, I3 ST8, E2 ST1, D1 ST15, D4 ST3). Figure 74. Stone tools: Type 12 (D5 ST5), Type 16 (O3 ST2, N3 ST5, N1 ST6, J1 ST1), and miscellaneous ground stone tools (L-M ST4, O3 ST5, O2 ST1, O1 ST7). Chipped stone tools (I4 ST2, I2 ST3, I2 ST2, N5 ST8, I3 ST14, O2 ST8). Figure 75. Distribution of stone implements (roofing material to floor deposits) in Building Complexes C-D, E, J-K, and I-O-N. Figure 76. Terracotta objects: beads or spindle whorls (N2 TC1, C4 TC1, J2 TC1, O3 TC1, N1 TC1, WS TC2, EN TC1). Loomweights (E2 TC1, E4 TC2, C3 TC1, N1 TC3, IC1 TC2, C4 TC2, WS TC3, K3 TC1, L2/3 TC1). Figure 77. Terracotta objects: nodulus (P TC1), stoppers (E4 TC1, O2 TC1), disks (N1 TC2, I5 TC1), tiles (R1 TC1, J3 TC1), and “trivet” (K3 TC2). Figure 78. Stone vessels: blossom bowl (I3 S1), lid (L1 S1), block vase (WS S1), bowl fragments (C4 S1, V S1, L-M S2, E1 S1, E7 S1), bore cores (VW S1, K2 S1), and disks (O1 S1, WS S3). Stone beads (D3 S1, E7 S2, L-M S1, N3 S1, CS S1, C5 S1). Figure 79. Metal objects: iron (R1 M1, WS M1, LW M1) and lead (Q2 M1, E2 M1, NW M1). Glass object (J4 G1). Figure 80. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Prepalatial material in gray. Figure 81. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Protopalatial material in gray. Figure 82. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Neopalatial material in gray. Figure 83. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Venetian–Modern material in gray.

List of Plates

Frontispiece. Digital reconstruction of the LM IIIC settlement at Kavousi Vronda... ...................... ii Plate 1A. View of Vronda and Kastro from Pacheia Ammos (west). Plate 1B. View of Vronda and Kavousi from the harbor of Pseira (north). Plate 2A.

View of Vronda from Azoria (northeast).

Plate 2B.

View of Vronda from Kastro (east).

Plate 3A.

View of Vronda ridge from the southeast.

Plate 3B.

View of Vronda from the south.

Plate 4A.

View from Vronda west slope (Building I Courtyard) looking southwest/west across the northern Isthmus of Ierapetra and Gulf of Mirabello.

Plate 4B.

View from Vronda summit looking northwest/north.

Plate 4C.

View from Vronda summit looking north/northeast.

Plate 5A.

Aerial view of Vronda (north at top).

Plate 5B.

Building B, Room B7, view of north wall (Wall C) from the south.

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Plate 5C.

Building D, Room D1, view of east wall (V 4606) from west.

Plate 6A.

Building D, Room D1, aerial view of east wall (V 4606 at right).

Plate 6B.

Building D, Room D4, aerial view of east wall (V 5001, at right) and bench (V 5006).

Plate 6C. Building O, aerial view of wall between Rooms O1 and Building I, Rooms I3 and I5 (to east/ right). Plate 6D. Building O, wall between Room O1 (downhill/below) and Building I, Rooms I3 and I5 (uphill/ top). Plate 6E.

Building C, Room C1, east wall (V 11901) from west.

Plate 6F.

Building A, Room A1, aerial view of east wall (V 2805).

Plate 7A.

East Terrace Wall, from the east.

Plate 7B.

Southern end of East Terrace Wall, from the northeast.

Plate 7C.

Northern portion of East Terrace Wall, from the east.

Plate 7D.

West Terrace Wall, from the west.

Plate 8A.

Building B, Room B3, paved floor surface, from the north.

Plate 8B.

Building K, Room K4, possible pivot stone (V92.49).

Plate 8C.

Building K, Room K1, pivot stone.

Plate 8D.

Building B, Room B5, possible pivot stone (V83.18).

Plate 8E.

Building Q, Room Q2, possible pivot stone (V87.30).

Plate 9A.

Building C, Room C2, oven, from the northwest.

Plate 9B.

Building C, Room C2, clay fragment from oven in C2, possibly from upper surface, with lip/ rim and horizontal finger grooves on exterior.

Plate 9C.

Building C, Room C4, oven, from the west.

Plate 9D.

Building C, Room C5, oven, from the east.

Plate 9E.

Building C, Room C5, clay fragment from superstructure of oven with curving edge. Profile (left) and top (right).

Plate 10A. Building I, Room I3, oven after excavation of clay lining on western side, from the south. Plate 10B. Building I, Room I3, joining clay fragments from superstructure of oven, possibly from the upper surface. View from above showing crudely finished rim and partially preserved diameter. Plate 10C. Building O, Room O3, oven, from the south. Plate 10D. Building O, Room O3, clay fragment from oven, possibly part of a flue. Profile (left) and view of inner, concave surface (right). Plate 10E. Building O, Room O3, large clay section from superstructure of oven, possibly from the upper surface. View from above (top) and from side (bottom). Plate 11.

Building N, Room 5, hearth and oven: (a) view from south; (b) profile view of clay fragments from superstructure of oven; (c) view of oven from south, showing pieces of clay superstructure fitted against western slab.

Plate 12.

Aerial view of digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement, from the south.

LIST OF PLATES

xxiii

Plate 13.

Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement: (a) view from the south; (b) view from the southeast.

Plate 14.

Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement: (a) view from the northwest; (b) view from the southwest.

Plate 15.

Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC settlement showing the courtyard between Buildings C-D and J-K: (a) view from the northeast; (b) view from the northwest.

Plate 16.

Pithos B7 P26: (a) showing hole in base; (b) lower part of pithos showing beveled join of fragments; (c) position of chevron band beneath scoring for coil join; (d) edge of fragment showing scored lip added to make a secure join between coils.

Plate 17.

Pithos B7 P26: (a) showing two joining pieces from rim (left) and same pieces joined together (right); (b) showing neck join and handle fragment (left) and joined neck and body fragments along with handle fragment with chevron impressions (right).

Plate 18.

Vronda bovine figurines: D1 F1 right side, front, left side, back; GS F1 right side, front, left side, back; C4 F1 right side, front, left side.

Plate 19.

Vronda bovine figurines: F F1 front; K1 F1 right side; C5 F1 front, right side; C5 F2 left side. Vronda horse figurine D1 F2 right side, front, top, left side, back.

Plate 20.

Vronda horse figurines: D1 F3 right side, front, left side, back; VN F1 right side, front, left side, back, top. Patsos bull figurine HM 1119 right side, front, left side, back.

Plate 21.

Patsos bull figurine HM 1150 right side, front, left side, top, bottom.

Plate 22. Hagia Triada bull figurines: HM 22392 right side, front, left side, back, bottom; HM 22389 right side, left side, bottom. Hagia Triada cow figurine HM 22394 right side, left side, bottom, back. Plate 23.

Hagia Triada HM 22465 right side, front, left side, back, top, bottom.

Plate 24.

Patsos horse figurine HM 1129 right side, front, left side, back. Patsos animal figurine HM 1166 right side, front, left side, back.

Plate 25.

Karphi horse figurine HM 11058 left side, top, front, hooves from bottom, back.

Plate 26.

Terracotta objects: loomweights E4 TC2 and E2 TC1 (two views); stopper E4 TC1.

Plate 27. Plant remains: (a) Triticum aestivum (bread wheat); (b) Vitis vinifera (grape); (c) Olea europaea (olive); (d) Amygdalus communis (almond); (e) Pistacia atlantica (pistachio); (f) Ficus carica (fig); (g) Vicia ervilia (bitter vetch); (h) Lathyrus cicero (grass pea); (i) Pisum sp. (pea); (j) Aethusa cynapium (fool’s parsley). Plate 28.

Aerial photo of the Vronda area, showing the location of Vronda Tholos IX and Vronda Tholos X, the Xerambela farmstead, and the Byzantine church.

Plate 29.

Construction of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) construction of stone enclosure; (b) the stone enclosure; (c) clay lining of floor; (d) construction of doorway; (e) clay oven before finishing; (f) smoothing clay top to create lip.

Plate 30.

Construction of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) top with clay lip and channel; (b) completed oven before drying and use; (c) oven with plakas over door and top; (d) fire during use of oven; (e) cooking within and on top of oven.

Plate 31.

Gradual disintegration of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) 1997; (b) 1999; (c) all clay gone in 2012.

Preface

This book is the third volume in the final report of the cleaning and excavations at Kavousi Vronda, conducted between 1983 and 1992 by Geraldine C. Gesell, Leslie Preston Day, and the late William D.E. Coulson. The reports on the houses of the settlement in their context, with focused analyses of specific buildings, can be found in two previous volumes. Kavousi IIA describes the buildings on top of the Vronda ridge: Building A-B, Building Complexes C-D and J-K, and Buildings P, Q, and R (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009). Kavousi IIB presents the buildings on the slopes of the Vronda ridge: Building Complexes E, I-O-N, and L-M, Building F, and the pottery kiln, as well as areas excavated on the periphery that did not belong to any of these buildings (Day and Glowacki 2012). Detailed analyses of the architecture, pottery, other finds (including figurines and stone tools), and botanical and faunal remains are presented here, along with a complete history of the site and an attempt to reconstruct the social, political, and religious organization of the Late Minoan (LM) IIIC settlement. For building and room designations, the reader should consult the previous two volumes, which also present the analysis of the stratigraphy that serves as the basis for the assignment of the material into chronological phases and periods. Pottery and objects are discussed in this volume using the catalog numbers given in the first two volumes. In each case, the catalog number has a letter designation for the building in which the object was found (e.g., A, B, C, and so on) followed

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by the room number (e.g., C1, C2, C3, and so on) and then a letter designation: P for pottery, TC for terracotta, F for figurine, S for stone, ST for stone tool, M for metal, and G for glass; any individual object or building thus can be easily located in Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB. All of the objects are discussed fully here, with illustrations (figures and/or photographs), some of which are repeated from Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB. Objects are arranged on figures according to types, and within those types they are grouped by similarity of features (e.g., size, preservation, diagnostic parts). Only some of the pottery is illustrated since drawings of all cataloged ceramics appear in the first two volumes; figures of major shapes in each period and some of their variations are provided here. Reports on the LM IIIC Shrine (Building G) and the later cemeteries at Vronda are being prepared as separate books. The Kavousi series also includes volumes on the excavations on the Kastro, a site high on the mountain above and to the east of Vronda, and another volume presents the material from the tombs on the slopes surrounding the Kastro that were recovered by earlier archaeologists. A history of excavations at Kavousi can be found in Kavousi I (Haggis 2005, xvii–xix) and Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, xxv–xxviii, 3–5) and will not be repeated here. Information on the topography of the site, the methodology employed in excavation, the cataloging of finds, and the presentation of the material in this publication are to be found in the first volume on the Vronda settlement (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 1–14). The fabric types referred to in this report appear in the appendix to Kavousi IIA (Mook and Day 2009). The list of acknowledgments for the three volumes on the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda is presented in Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, xxix–xxxv), and additional acknowledgments follow. Peter Day and David Wilson helped with the identification of the Prepalatial pottery, Donald Haggis and Carl Knappett with the Protopalatial pottery, and Kellee Barnard and Emilia Oddo with the Neopalatial pottery. Their comments were insightful, but any faults in the final discussion are the responsibility of the author. Heidi Dierckx would like to thank Vasilis Tsikouras, Charalambos Fassoulas, and Yannis Bassiakos for helping with understanding the geology of the area and for providing identification of the raw materials used for the stone tools. Her thanks also extend to Maria Emanuela Alberti for help with the Type 11 possible balance weights. Finally, she is grateful for the help of Elizabeth Warkentin and Ashley Cesta in scanning the inkings of the tools. Kevin Glowacki and Nancy Klein wish to thank Melissa Eaby for panoramic photos from the Vronda summit, Sabine Beckmann for insights on topography and inter-site visibility, Sayed Kashif Dafedar for his work on the digital reconstruction of the Vronda settlement, and Ryan Collier, Matthew Hurley, Shireen Kanakri, Matthew Miller, Megan Oehrlein, and Mark Willingham for assistance with the architectural illustrations and estimates of vessel capacities. Geraldine Gesell would like to express her appreciation for the assistance of the director, Thomas Brogan, and the staff of the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete during her study and preparation of the manuscript on the figurines. In particular she would like to thank Eleanor Huffman for both preparing the figures and plates for this chapter and her assistance with the digital problems involved in this and in general throughout her years of study there. She would also like to thank Nota DimopoulouRethemiotakis, the Director of the Heraklion Museum in 2005 at the time the study of the comparanda figurines was made, and her staff for their helpful assistance in the study of the material from Hagia Triada, Karphi, and Patsos.

List of Abbreviations

The following chronological abbreviations are used. Early Neolithic and Middle Neolithic dates are based on Tomkins 2007b; Final Neolithic and Bronze Age dates are based on Warren and Hankey 1989 and Nowicki 2002a. EN

Early Neolithic (ca. 6500–5900 b.c.)

EIA

Early Iron Age (ca. 1100–700 b.c.)

MN

Middle Neolithic (ca. 5900–5300 b.c.)

PG

Protogeometric (ca. 1000–850 b.c.)

LN

Late Neolithic (ca. 5300–4500 b.c.)

EPG Early Protogeometric (ca. 1000–920 b.c.)

FN

Final Neolithic (ca. 4500–3200 b.c.)

MPG Middle Protogeometric (ca. 920–875 b.c.)

EM

Early Minoan (ca. 3200–2100 b.c.)

LPG

Late Protogeometric (ca. 875–850 b.c.)

MM

Middle Minoan (ca. 2100–1600 b.c.)

PGB

Protogeometric B (ca. 850–810 b.c.)

LM

Late Minoan (ca. 1600–1100 b.c.)

G

Geometric (ca. 900–700 b.c.)

SM

Subminoan (ca. 1100–1000 b.c.)

LG

Late Geometric (ca. 750–700 b.c.)

LH

Late Helladic (ca. 1600–1100 b.c.)

EO

Early Orientalizing (ca. 700–660 b.c.)

xxviii

KAVOUSI IIC

Venetian (13th–17th century a.d.)

A

Archaic (ca. 600–480 b.c.)

V

C

Classical (ca. 480–331 b.c.)

Mod. Modern (1900 a.d.–present)

The following additional abbreviations are also used in this volume. avg.

average

min. minimum

b. breadth

mm millimeter(s)

ca.

approximately

MNI minimum number of individuals

cat.

catalog

N north

cf.

comparable to (in faunal analyses)

NE northeast

cm

centimeter(s)

NISP number of identified specimens

cont.

continued

no(s). number(s)

d. diameter

NW northwest

E east

P 1/12 of N (N = 1/2 mina)

est.

estimated

P pottery

ext.

exterior

pers. comm. personal communication

F figurine

pers. obs. personal observation

fr fragment

pres. preserved

g gram(s)

PT possible tool

G glass

s shekel of Ugarit (9.4 g)

GS

S south

ground stone

h. height

S stone

ha.

hectare

SE southeast

H

hardness (Mohs scale)

ST stone tool

HM

Herakleion Archaeological Muse- um catalog number

SW southwest

IM

Ierapetra Museum number

th. thickness

Inv.

inventory

UM MS University of Pennsylvania Muse- um of Archaeology and Anthro- pology, Mediterranean Section catalog number

kg kilogram(s) km

kilometer(s)

L. length L liter(s) m meter(s) M metal m asl

meters above sea level

MASSPROP

mass properties

max.

maximum

TC terracotta

VGA visibility graph analysis W west w. width wh whole wt. weight

Glossary

The text uses the following terms, which are specialized terminology or do not have exact English equivalents. aloni

threshing floor with stone-built border, usually round (pl. alonia)

andreion

building for communal male dining (pl. andreia)

apotheke

a building housing archaeological workrooms and storerooms

conulus

conical stone or terracotta bead (pl. conuli)

dint

thumb impression on pottery, generally at the attachment of handle or leg

dromos

the entrance passage of a tholos tomb

jift

solid and semi-solid residue from olive pressing

kalderimi

paved mountain road of the Ottoman and Modern periods (pl. kalderimia)

kernos

a flat stone whose surface is decorated with a ring of small indentations, possibly used as an offering table or gaming table; also called a cupule stone (pl. kernoi)

marzeah

a Near Eastern ritual practice that involved drinking and ancestor worship

xxx

KAVOUSI IIC

meltemi

strong, dry northern wind that blows primarily in the summer months; also called Etesian winds

nodulus

a small lump of clay with one or two seal impressions but without any means of attachment to another object (pl. noduli)

plaka

large flat stone or paver (pl. plakas)

plateia

a wide court or square

sgraffito

a technique of decorating glazed ceramics by scratching designs through a surface layer to reveal a different color beneath

stamnotaki

a jar stand

synoikismos

uniting of several towns or villages into one community

tholos

a type of tomb that is generally round in plan and covered with a corbeled vault (pl. tholoi)

tsakali

soft marl bedrock that can easily be cut; also called kouskouras

umbo

lateral prominence just above the hinge of a bivalve shell

unguentarium a small bottle commonly used as a container for oil in the Hellenistic and Roman periods Vierpasse

a design that includes four interlocking spirals

zembili

a large rubber basket with two handles used for carrying dirt and stones; approximate capacity of 25 liters (pl. zembilia)

1

The Architecture of Vronda Nancy L. Klein and Kevin T. Glowacki

The preserved architecture of the Vronda settlement, with the exception of Building G (the Shrine) has been described in detail in Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009) and Kavousi IIB (Day and Glowacki 2012). The architecture of Building G is to be discussed separately. In these publications, emphasis was given to the contextual presentation of all finds within their architectural and stratigraphic settings. In this chapter we present a synthesis of the architectural data and an analysis of materials and construction techniques, beginning with a topographical overview of the site and its natural features, followed by a summary

of the limited evidence for Proto- and Neopalatial architecture at Vronda, and concluding with a more in-depth discussion of the built environment of the Late Minoan (LM) IIIC settlement. Our aim is to identify the “set of consistent choices” that reflect culturally specific human behavior and societal rules (Rapoport 1990, 80–86), as well as the exceptions and anomalies, in order to understand more clearly how the vernacular architectural traditions at Vronda met the needs of the residents and expressed aspects of culture, social structure, and communal identity (McEnroe 2010, 5, 147–159, 161–162).

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NANCY L. KLEIN AND KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

Site Analysis: Topography and Natural Features Vronda is located in northeastern Crete, approximately 3–4 km east of the isthmus of Ierapetra and 1.25 km south of modern Kavousi village on the eastern edge of the Gulf of Mirabello (Figs. 1, 2). The site lies at an elevation of ca. 427 m asl on top of a ridge known locally as Xerambela (“Dry Vineyards”), a prominent northern spur of Mt. Papoura in the Thriphti Mountain Range (Pls. 1A–3B). With steep escarpments at its back to the south, Vronda enjoys a commanding view of the northern part of the isthmus of Ierapetra and the Gulf of Mirabello (Pls. 4A–4C). On clear days, visibility to the west extends as far as Anavlochos, overlooking the main route from the northern coastal plain of Central Crete, to Mt. Dicte above the Lasithi Plateau and as far south as the Libyan Sea west of Ierapetra. The summit forms a roughly oval, flat-topped area (ca. 40 m north–south by 24 m east–west at the 426 m asl contour) oriented north to south (Fig. 3; Pl. 5A). The terrain slopes gradually (11°–12°) away from the crest toward the north and west but falls more steeply (ca. 30°–40°) on the east. On the southern edge of the summit, the ridge first drops abruptly, then it levels out to form a narrow saddle or trough, and it finally rises again toward the south. The exposed bedrock at Vronda is gray, often heavily brecciated dolomite (limestone) of PermianTriassic date above layers of yellow, gray, and green phyllite (schist), while the mountains immediately to the south are composed primarily of late Paleozoic carbonate rock and bluish-gray, crystalline limestone (Plattenkalk series; Morris 2002, 62; Haggis 2005, 11; cf. Betancourt and Farrand 2006, 22–28). Large colluvial deposits from the steep mountain slopes extend nearly to the Vronda site, in front of which are extensive agricultural terraces, some of which may date at least to the Venetian period if not earlier (Haggis 2005, 16–18; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 2). The Vronda ridge is exposed to the prevailing winds from the northwest for most of the year and to the strong, dry northern wind (meltemi) that regularly blows with wind speeds of 5–7 Beaufort (29–61 km/h or 18–38 mph) for several days at a time during the summer, especially in July and August (for a general discussion of wind and weather

patterns in Crete, see Rackham and Moody 1996, 33–38; for the Kavousi area specifically, see Betancourt and Farrand 2006, 19–21). The summit and the north and west slopes of the site are particularly open to these northern and northwestern winds, while the southeast slope is somewhat better protected. At times, the mountains on the east and south trap clouds and moisture from weather systems moving from the north, with the result that the entire Kavousi valley, especially the upland sites such as Vronda, can be cool and overcast while the isthmus is dry and sunny. Although largely sheltered by the mountains, the site can also be affected by a strong, warm wind from the south (sirocco) that blows mainly during the spring and autumn but is not unknown in the summer; such winds are desiccating and often bring with them dust from the Sahara along with intense heat. The modern climate of the region is moderate and “Mediterranean,” with a cool rainy season in winter and hot, dry, and sunny weather in summer. While detailed meteorological data are not available specifically for the Kavousi area, a general idea of temperature ranges and precipitation levels can be gained by comparing records from larger nearby towns (cf. Betancourt and Farrand 2006, 19–21). For example, according to the Hellenic National Meteorological Service, average monthly temperatures from 1956 to 1997 recorded at Ierapetra, ca. 15 km away on the south coast at 10 m asl, range from a low of 8.7°C (47.6°F) and a high of 16.2°C (61.2°F) in January and February to a low of 22.7°C (72.9°F) and a high of 31.8°C (89.2°F) in July and August. Absolute minimum and maximum temperatures for the same period were 0°C (32°F) and 41°C (105.8°F). Rainfall over the same years averaged 618.9 mm (24.37 in.) and fell mostly in October through March. Located at a higher elevation (427 m asl), facing the north coast and the prevailing winds, and framed by mountains on the south and east, Vronda is generally cooler and experiences more rainfall. Recent studies on the ancient climate (Moody 2005, 2009), however, have emphasized important differences and changes throughout the Bronze Age that may have affected not only the island’s ecology, agriculture, and animal husbandry practices, but also its built environment (Table 1). In the

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

Protopalatial and early Neopalatial periods, when the first evidence for building appears at Vronda, the climate appears to have been generally warmer and moister than at present. Conditions changed significantly in the Postpalatial period and Early Iron Age, as drought conditions developed and intensified. When Vronda was reoccupied early in the LM IIIC period (ca. 1170 b.c.; for chronology, see Ch. 8, pp. 205–209), the climate became cold and dry with much colder winters—changes that may be reflected in the vernacular building traditions and domestic architecture (small, single-story stone structures with flat roofs, central hearths, and interior ovens) of Early Iron Age Crete (Moody 2009). Within two generations, the climate shifted to hotter and drier conditions, accompanied by lower levels of precipitation than at present. Extreme hot and dry conditions may have peaked ca. 1050 b.c., around the time when the settlement at Vronda was finally abandoned.

3

There are no natural water sources on Vronda itself. The closest spring is ca. 280 m northeast of the summit in an alluvial fan descending to the north along the northeast edge of Mt. Papoura (Fig. 2), between the sites of Vronda to the southwest, Azoria to the northeast (ca. 900 m), and Kastro to the east (ca. 590 m). This spring, located within the Thriphti drainage, is also situated along one of the main overland routes from Kavousi village to the Thriphti region in medieval and modern times; a stone-paved road (kalderimi) was constructed along this path in the Venetian or Ottoman periods, and it is still partially preserved today (Haggis 2005, 10). The close proximity of the spring, which is probably one of the main reasons people originally chose to live on Vronda, also suggests that the primary ancient access to the site may have been from this direction following the natural topographic contours of the north slope of Mt. Papoura between the spring and the Vronda summit.

Pre–LM IIIC Architecture Buildings and Features The most extensively preserved phase of occupation on the Vronda ridge dates from the LM IIIC period, but archaeological evidence indicates human activity going back to the Final Neolithic (FN) period and continuing at intervals down to the Venetian (13th–17th centuries), Ottoman (17th–19th centuries) and even the Modern (early 20th century) periods (Haggis 2005, 134, site 77; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 2; this vol., Ch. 8). While earlier stone tools and pottery from the Final Neolithic, Early Minoan (EM) II, EM III, Middle Minoan (MM) II, and MM IIIB–LM I periods are found throughout the settlement, especially in the fill beneath the floors of the later buildings, the earliest extant architectural remains belong to MM II and are located on the east and southeast side of the summit (Fig. 4). Building P, dating to MM II, is situated between the east wall of Building A and the East Terrace Wall, both of which were built in LM IIIC (Day,

Klein, and Turner 2009, 65–66, fig. 45, pl. 12B). Building P consists of two bonding walls set at an acute (ca. 80°) angle: a long north–south wall on the east (6.00 m long, 0.80–1.15 m wide) and a short east–west wall on the south (1.80 m long, 1.10–1.30 m wide), together forming the southeast corner of a room. Abutting the southern face of the south wall is a semicircular enclosure (bin) outlined by small stone cobbles. Excavation revealed that these walls were established on bedrock. The wall faces are irregular and utilize large boulders of the breccia (brecciated dolomite) that forms the parent bedrock of the site as well as smaller, crystalline limestone boulders and cobbles most likely collected from the large colluvial deposits from the mountain slopes to the south. Many small cobbles and pebbles fill the interior between the two faces of the walls. In comparison, the walls of the LM IIIC buildings typically consist of roughly coursed breccia and limestone blocks also arranged in two

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NANCY L. KLEIN AND KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

distinct faces but with larger stones used at intervals to span nearly the entire width of the wall and provide greater horizontal bonding. Only the lowest wall courses are preserved from Building P, and these may have supported more regularly built courses either in rubble masonry or mudbrick (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 65). Based on the preserved walls and the presence of the bin, it is possible that Building P was roughly rectangular in shape with two rooms, one to the north and another to the south of the east–west crosswall. It appears that this building was abandoned and most of its superstructure dismantled and reused, probably in the construction of the East Terrace Wall in LM IIIC. Also possibly to be associated with Protopalatial Building P is a partially paved area to the south that includes a cupule stone or kernos (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 49–50, pl. 9C; revised from Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 365–366, where it was associated with LM IIIC Building B; see Ch. 8, p. 201). To the east of Building P and on a lower terrace, a short section of wall (preserved length 1.20, width 0.55 m) founded on bedrock below the floor in Building Q, Room Q2, may also have been part of an earlier MM II structure (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 75, figs. 51, 52). This MM wall is about 10 m east of and roughly in line with Wall G, but it is ca. 2.70 m lower in elevation and so is unlikely to be related to the other structures farther up the slope. At a short distance to the southwest of Building P, in the areas designated as Building B, Rooms B5 and B6, there are a series of walls, linear accumulations, and other features that also predate the LM IIIC settlement (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 39, 47–50, 60, figs. 6, 7, 44, pl. 9C; cf. Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 356, fig. 1). While some of these walls may date to the same (MM II) period as Building P, their slightly different orientation and associated ceramic remains suggest a later date for their construction and use, possibly MM III–LM IA. Walls E and I form a corner with an obtuse angle to the south of Building P. A small slab enclosure (“pot stand”) containing cup fragments was found near Wall E. Walls G and H form a right angle to the north. Three pot stands were also found next to Wall H, including one with the base of a MM II pot (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 49, pl. 9E). The two angles of these

four walls (Walls E and I, Walls G and H) meet at the intersection of Walls H and I to form an open W-shape with arms of differing length. The walls are preserved only in their lowest levels, so that it is not clear if Walls H and I were bonded. If these walls are all contemporary with one another, the two pairs of walls define a level space slightly to the south and west of Building P (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, fig. 6). The ground level drops to the east, which suggests that these walls could have functioned in part as retaining walls, but the presence of a slab enclosure near Wall E and three pot stands next to Wall H suggest that there may have been interior rooms defined by the walls as well. The intersection of these walls in a W-shape is somewhat unusual, but if Wall H had originally extended farther to the south and was paralleled by a companion wall to the west, the resulting structure would have included two parallel, rectangular rooms, not unlike those of Building B, Rooms B1/2, B3, B4, and B7. On the summit of the Vronda hill, to the southwest of Building A, Room A1, the excavators discovered several features that also predate the LM IIIC settlement (Fig. 4), including a stone platform and a series of cuttings in the bedrock leading to a pit (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 21–22, figs. 6, 7, 9). The pottery from the pit dates to MM IIIB– LM IA and suggests that it had been filled during the Neopalatial period. Among the objects found within were a terracotta drain tile (AW TC1) and a fired mudbrick (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 23). The drain tile is one of several collected from the excavation of the settlement (see discussion below, pp. 5–6), and its discovery in the pit has led to the suggestion that there may have been a drainage system in this area consisting of the bedrock cuttings and drains leading into the pit, which might have functioned as a cistern. This pit had ceased to function and was filled with debris in the Neopalatial period. It is clear from even these scanty remains that more than one building stood on the Vronda summit in the Proto- and Neopalatial periods, but most of the earlier walls appear to have been cleared away prior to or during the construction of the LM IIIC settlement. While it is likely that some still-standing sections of early walls were incorporated into the later LM IIIC buildings (e.g., Building B, Walls G, H, I, and E), the stratigraphic and ceramic evidence

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

suggests that most areas were cleared down to bedrock. For example, the very large boulders used in the construction of the southern half of the East Terrace Wall (see below, p. 11) resemble megalithic or Cyclopean masonry used widely throughout the island from MM I to LM I (Zielinski 1998; Shaw 2009, 57–58; Beckmann 2012, 92–114), but the ceramic material recovered from the deep rubble fill

5

behind the terrace, combined with the wall’s close alignment with Building A-B, suggest a date in LM IIIC for its construction (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 27–28). If any part of the East Terrace Wall dates to an earlier period, archaeological evidence indicates that entire wall was substantially modified and/or rebuilt in LM IIIC.

Materials Although there is very little architecture remaining in situ before the LM IIIC period, the preserved walls and features are constructed of the same local stones as the later buildings. Evidence exists, however, for two types of materials or objects used in the built environment of the earlier periods of habitation that are not used in the later settlement: mudbrick and terracotta drain tiles.

Stone The brecciated dolomite bedrock was used as the primary building material, usually in the form of carefully selected but minimally worked cobbles and boulders of irregular shape. Bluish-gray, crystalline limestone from the scree or talus slopes of the mountain immediately to the south was also employed. Since these more crystalline limestones frequently break in nearly cubic or rectangular blocks, they seem to have been used in wall construction with little or no dressing or modification.

Mudbrick Mudbrick does not appear to have been in common use as a building material at Vronda in any period. Mudbrick may have been used in the construction of Building P, where a soft red soil between the MM wall and the eastern wall of LM IIIC Building A may represent either packing for the floor or decomposed mudbrick from the walls (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 66, fig. 46). The excavation of the pit outside the southwest corner of Building A, Room A1, recovered several fragments of what seem to be fired mudbrick, most of

which were subsequently reassembled into a single block measuring 10 cm thick, with preserved dimensions of 24.33 x 20.45 cm (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 21–23, pls. 4D, 4E). The material found in this pit has been dated to MM IIIB–LM IA, and the excavator has most recently suggested that the mudbrick may have been used in the wall of a Neopalatial building on the summit (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 23, revised from the earlier discussion in Day 1997, 394, where it was proposed that the object came from the superstructure of LM IIIC Building A). Apart from the thickness (10 cm), however, the preserved dimensions of the single Vronda example do not correspond closely with other attested Minoan mudbricks, whose sizes normally ranged from 42–64 cm long x 26– 42 cm wide x 9–12 cm thick (Shaw 2009, 132–135, 183–188). Mudbricks of smaller dimensions, however, are attested at EM II Myrtos, where sizes vary from 14–20 cm long x 14–16 cm wide x 8–10 cm thick (Warren 1972, 59 n. 1, 80; Shaw 2009, 182). The Vronda mudbrick is also unusual in that it contains almost no organic tempering material (e.g., straw), a common ingredient in most other Minoan examples (Nodarou, Frederick, and Hein 2008, 2999; Shaw 2009, 127).

Terracotta Numerous terracotta drain tiles or channels were recovered from the area of the summit and the west slope. None of the fragments was found in situ, but their spatial distribution is at a distance from the early preserved architecture on the east side of the summit and so could be a reflection of their original use (i.e., nonarchitectural) or abandonment and

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NANCY L. KLEIN AND KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

reuse processes. Based on their fragmentary and worn condition, it is likely that most of these tiles originally served structures or features that predate the LM IIIC settlement. The preserved fragments are made from a variety of coarse fabrics, some of which can be dated to MM–LM, while others are of uncertain date (Table 2). There are no complete examples, but the drain tiles appear to have been three sided, with a flat base (width ranges from 7–11 cm) and two vertical sides (preserved heights range from 4.6–11 cm) with a maximum preserved length of 21.7 cm. The bottoms and outsides are generally very rough. There are traces of burning on the bottom of one example (WS TC1) and the interior of another (IC3 TC1), but it is not possible to determine if these objects were exposed to fire in their primary role or after they had been discarded (Day and Glowacki 2012, 133, 166, figs. 83, 133). The only fragment for which a particular use can be suggested was found in association with the bedrock cuttings and pit to the southwest of Building A (AW TC1); it may have been used to channel water into the pit in MM IIIB–LM IA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 22, 25, fig. 13, pl. 4B). Comparison with similar tiles from other Minoan sites suggest two primary architectural functions for these three-sided, U-shaped objects, either as drains set at ground level to channel wastewater or runoff liquid or as spouts built into a wall or parapet at roof level to direct rainwater away from

a building (Shaw 2004, 188; 2009, 137–139, 189– 192). For example, long sections of terracotta channels have been found at many Neopalatial sites, including Kato Zakros, Palaikastro, and Gournia (Shaw 2009, 135, 137–139, 190–192). Two fragmentary examples of terracotta drains were found in Building AD 11 from the Neopalatial settlement at Pseira, where it has been proposed that they were used to direct wastewater (McEnroe 2001, 34). Ushaped tiles were also found in the Neopalatial Artisan’s Quarter at Mochlos and the Chalinomouri farmhouse, some in association with vats and possibly functioning in an industrial process or in food preparation (Soles et al. 2004, 19–20). Numerous examples were noted in MM III–LM I contexts at Gournia by Hawes, who suggested that they were used both as drain channels and as gutters (Hawes et al. 1908, 28, pl. 1:5; Shaw 2009, 138). In Neopalatial houses at Akrotiri on Thera, terracotta drains with a similar shape projected from the facade at roof level (Palyvou 1999; 216–217; 2005, 39, 128– 129) in order to direct rainwater away from the house. The Theran tiles are 65–70 cm in length (or shorter) and pass through the entire thickness of the wall or parapet. Similar U-shaped drain tiles have also been found at LM III sites such as Knossos (Hood and de Jong 1958–1959, 188, fig. 7:19), Katsambas (Alexiou 1955, 312–313, fig. 1), and even at LM IIIC Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 299, fig. 17:P30).

LM IIIC Architecture at Vronda: Materials and Techniques In this section we present a detailed analysis of materials and construction techniques from foundations to roofs of the LM IIIC buildings of the Vronda settlement (Fig. 5). The discussion of construction

materials includes a description of types, sources when known, and uses. We then address the construction techniques used in site preparation, and the building of walls, floors, and ceilings/roofs.

Materials The excavation of a number of domestic complexes provides information about the materials and techniques used to build each structure and

allows us to determine which practices were commonly used, as opposed to others that may indicate preferential treatment, higher investment of

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

resources, or special status. In the case of building materials, all of the architecture from the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda was built with locally available materials that would not have required specialized knowledge or preparation in order to use them effectively. These are stone, mud mortar, clay or claylike soils, terracotta, and wood.

Stone Rubble masonry was used to build the walls (house walls, terrace walls) and fixed features (e.g., benches, bins, platforms) with stones selected from the slopes of the Vronda hillside and the nearby mountains. As noted above, there are two main types of stone used in construction: the brecciated dolomite (Tripolitza series) that represents the local bedrock and a more crystalline limestone (Plattenkalk series), often with chert or calcite veins, from the colluvial scree or talus deposits of the Thriphti range immediately to the south. The excavators described the stones using terms that are less geologically accurate, but more reflective of their visible properties. The bedrock surfaces and boulders are often described as “breccia,” a poor quality stone that has a rough, fragmented appearance and does not lend itself easily to shaping with tools. Many of the better-preserved sections of walls also employed the hard, bluish-gray and crystalline limestone that fractures naturally into larger rectangular blocks with long straight edges. While larger (>1.0 m), irregularly shaped breccia boulders and bedrock outcrops are frequently employed in the wall foundations, smaller boulders, usually of a size that could be lifted easily by one or two people, were selected for the upper courses. Stone tools (basalt, conglomerate, sandstone, limestone, quartzite) were also sometimes reused in wall and bench construction (see Day and Glowacki 2012, 62 [I2 ST1], 67 [I3 ST1, I3 ST2], 95 [O1 ST1–O1 ST4]). Individual limestone blocks found on the floors of several rooms have been interpreted as bases for wooden posts to support ceiling beams. Phyllite schist plaques, cobbles, and small boulders are present, but they were rarely used in wall construction. Small schist plaques are occasionally found in the uppermost courses of benches and platforms, where they seem to have been used to create more level surfaces. Larger schist plaques, frequently trimmed

7

by chipping to a nearly circular or oval shape, were probably employed as lids or bases for storage vessels (Day and Glowacki 2012, 65, 75).

Mud Mortar All of the walls and built features at Vronda are made of local stone with a small amount of mud mortar or filler, which serves as a bedding and binding agent. No evidence was found, however, for mud or earthen coatings of the walls that would have provided an additional layer of insulation or base for a more refined layer (for a discussion of the mud coating found in the LM I Building 5 at Palaikastro, see Devolder 2005, 71).

Mudbrick There is no evidence for the use of mudbrick in the LM IIIC architecture of Vronda (contra Wallace 2010, 106–107). Fragments of a poorly fired mudbrick recovered from a pit near the southwest corner of Building A were mentioned in preliminary reports as possibly coming from the superstructure of that building (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 364, pl. 80:b; Day 1997, 394). Subsequent analysis, however, has dated the context in which the single mudbrick was found to the Neopalatial period (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 21–23, pl. 4E; see also the discussion of pre–LM IIIC architecture above). Heat-reddened clay pieces noted during excavation as fragments of mudbrick were later determined to have come from the superstructure of hearths and ovens or from earthen artifacts that may have been curbs or stands used in association with hearths (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 18, 97; Day and Glowacki 2012, 111).

Clay/Claylike Soils A distinctive claylike soil, frequently with pebbles of schist, flecks of carbon, and small and worn pieces of pottery, was used in the construction of the flat roofs of the buildings at Vronda (see description and discussion of roofing material in Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 6). Soil with significant clay content was laid down on top of the rough bedrock in

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NANCY L. KLEIN AND KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

some interior spaces to form a rudimentary floor surface. A similar clayey soil was used to build the hearths and ovens found inside many of the rooms, as well as the floor and possibly the superstructure of the LM IIIC kiln (Day and Glowacki 2012, 52).

Terracotta Terracotta architectural elements are very rare in the LM IIIC architecture of Vronda. Terracotta drain tiles found in the excavation appear to belong to structures or features that predate the LM IIIC settlement (see discussion above, pp. 5–6). A singular example of a terracotta window frame (B8 TC1) was found in Building B (Day 1999; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 59; see also Ch. 5, pp. 160–162). In addition, pithoi were used as chimney pots above the hearths of at least three rooms. The fabrics of the window frame and the reused pithoi were typical of LM IIIC cooking or storage vessels.

Wood There is very little direct or indirect evidence for the use of wood in the LM IIIC architecture at Vronda. Samples of carbonized wood from the settlement were all too small or too worn for identification; remains from the later cremation burials included olive and oak (for architectural uses of olive wood in Archaic buildings at nearby Azoria, see Haggis et al. 2011a, 445, 447; 2011b, 22, 35). Based on ethnographic parallels with traditional Cretan architecture, it is assumed that the Vronda buildings had flat roofs with a series of horizontal ceiling timbers (beams or joists) topped by smaller branches and brush and covered by layers of claylike soil (Vasileiadis 1980; Rackham and Moody 1996, 165–173; Mook 2000; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 6; McEnroe 2010, 10–11). In the excavation of most interior spaces at Vronda, deposits of

roofing clay were found beneath rock tumble or wall collapse, but the actual wooden timbers that had supported the roofs must have decomposed over time. A single example of charred wood was discovered in Building D, Room D1, in a deposit with carbon and ash in heat-reddened roofing clay. This evidence suggested to the excavator that a wooden ceiling beam had caught fire and collapsed onto the floor, along with a section of the clay ceiling/roof (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 96). Other indirect evidence of the roofing timbers may be found in a few fragments of heat-hardened clayey soil with curved surfaces that were found in the excavation above hearths and ovens. The most likely example comes from Building O, Room O3, and it preserves a smooth, concave surface (est. d. 0.05–0.06 m) on one side (Day and Glowacki 2012, 102, pl. 21C). Such fragments may have been part of the roofing clay packed on top of the wooden beams and branches: when the roofing material dried or was hardened by exposure to heat (above an oven, as in, e.g., Room O3), it retained the shape of the wooden supporting elements. Similar indirect evidence in the form of mud or plaster bearing impressions of wooden beams or reeds comes from many other sites on Crete from the Early Neolithic (EN) through the Late Minoan period (Shaw 2009, 152–153). For example, the LM IB Building 5 at Roussolakkos Palaikastro that was destroyed by fire has fragments with a smooth flat surface that is perpendicular to one or more concave, curving surfaces that Devolder suggests come from an earthen coating applied to the underside of rounded ceiling timbers (Devolder 2005, 72–76). The fragments from Vronda do not have the smooth surface seen at Palaikastro, so it is not clear that the coating was applied to the underside in order to make a smooth ceiling, but it may have been from the packing above. Indirect evidence for interior wooden posts to support the ceiling in some of the rooms is found in the stone post bases lying on the floor.

Construction Techniques The excavation of the Vronda settlement revealed a consistent pattern of stratigraphy that reflects both construction and abandonment processes in all of

the building complexes (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 5–7). Our study suggests that the builders were deliberate in their selection of building

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locations and that they prepared the area in order to create a stable and usable space. The natural terrain played a key role in determining situation and orientation in particular. All of the structures were laid out to take advantage of the level areas on or around the summit, and orientation appears to have been determined more by the direction of the slope than any other variable, such as weather (prevailing winds) or cardinal direction (solar alignment and exposure to sunlight). The buildings were all constructed with rubble walls set in earth mortar, probably with flat ceilings and roofs made from layers of timbers and branches with water-resistant clay packing above. The techniques used to build the structures are straightforward and functional with very few decorative embellishments, although some buildings are clearly distinguished by their materials and the effort required to construct them. Many of the building complexes were expanded over the life of the settlement as the population grew, in particular Building Complexes C-D, E, J-K, and I-O-N. Based upon the architectural phasing and ceramic evidence, it appears that the community existed for at least three, perhaps four generations, probably slightly over a century, and was then abandoned, with most material goods taken away (see Ch. 8, p. 209). Over time, the lack of maintenance of the superstructure led to the weakening of the roof beams and the clay and soil covering of the ceiling began to collapse into the room. This layer of roofing material was usually found directly above the floor and built features within each room. The subsequent collapse of the rubble walls created areas with rock tumble above roofing material, although the process of collapse was not uniform and some walls may have stood longer than others, resulting in varying horizontal and vertical distribution of these layers. Although postabandonment processes have impacted some areas quite severely, the systematic excavation of all of the major building complexes provides ample evidence for understanding the techniques common to LM IIIC vernacular architecture at Vronda.

Site Preparation Although the buildings at Vronda demonstrate a variety of shapes, sizes, and functions within the LM IIIC community, the sloping topography was a

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consistent challenge and the builders responded by developing several methods to prepare the site and build the walls of their structures. In areas where there was no preexisting architecture, it appears that the ground was roughly cleared down to bedrock prior to construction of the walls (e.g., see Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 120, for Building Complex C-D; Day and Glowacki 2012, 134, for Building Complex I-O-N). In some cases there is evidence for the bedrock having been trimmed back vertically or leveled horizontally, and the walls were then built directly on top of the bedrock. Some walls, especially those running along the edge of a natural contour, incorporate large bedrock outcrops or boulders in their lowest levels. This technique appears to have been used for the houses on the summit (Buildings A, C-D, J-K) and the slopes to the southwest (Building G) and west (Building I-O-N). The east and southeast sides of the Vronda ridge presented two particular challenges: a much steeper slope than elsewhere and the presence of earlier walls from the Protopalatial or Neopalatial period. These differences prompted the builders to use slightly different techniques. In Building E, the builders used a cobble fill to provide a level area for construction (Day and Glowacki 2012, 2). The space between the east wall of Building A and the East Terrace Wall had a deep rubble fill on top of a layer of clay below which was bedrock (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 27–28, fig. 15). This technique of laying down a deep rubble fill supported by a terrace wall may reflect the builders’ concern with providing a stable foundation for these structures that stood on a relatively steep slope by comparison with other parts of the settlement. In the case of Building B, which is also situated on a relatively steep slope in this area, it appears that some of its walls were built on top of the earlier walls (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 59).

Wall Construction It is apparent that the materials and techniques used to build the walls had a primary, practical purpose to create a stable structure, but in some cases the size of the blocks and the care with which they were laid also provided a visual statement of each structure’s importance and status in the community. There are two main types of walls

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found in the Vronda settlement: house walls and terrace walls. All of the walls are built of rubble in earth mortar, but the shape and size of the stones, the regularity of courses, and the quality of workmanship can differ from one building to the next. Our experience of excavating collapsed walls indicates that the majority of the stones were fairly small and could be moved easily by one or two people. Although the excavators occasionally mention blocks that appear to have been dressed, there are no preserved examples of visible toolmarks as are frequently seen, for example, on the architectural remains of the Minoan palatial periods (see Shaw 2009, 38–54, 253–258, figs. 50–63:c). This may be due to the weathering of exposed surfaces or the manner in which blocks were dressed, with either harder stones or possibly metal tools. It could also be that the builders selected stones with an appropriate size and shape, and the need for further dressing or surface treatment was minimal. Most building stones of brecciated dolomite are rounded and range in size from cobbles (0.06– 0.25 m) to boulders (>0.25 m). Flat-faced, rectangular limestone boulders and cobbles are most commonly used in the best-built walls. The stones are set in an earth mortar and roughly coursed, sometimes with smaller cobbles and large pebbles to fill in the gaps (sometimes called “boulder-andchink” construction), and the walls usually have two vertical faces (Pls. 5B–6A; see McEnroe 2010, 10). In order to prevent splaying and provide horizontal bonding, larger through-stones were used at irregular intervals to span the width of the wall. Large boulders were frequently employed at the basal levels, especially at the corners, and straightedged stones were selected to form wall terminations marking doorways. These techniques are used for the walls throughout the LM IIIC settlement but offer a contrast with the walls of MM Building P, which have irregular faces and rely upon larger breccia boulders with earth mortar and many smaller stones in the interior. Differences in wall construction, whether in materials, techniques, or both, appear to be determined by topography and the importance of each building. Most of the building complexes occupy sloping ground, and the builders took advantage of natural contours to place rooms along a flat plateau or to expand a building with additional rooms

downslope. In general, the walls on the downslope side are built directly on top of bedrock and are made of heavier, coarser materials such as breccia boulders and even bedrock outcrops. Some of the walls toward the top of the hill are built on soil and have a greater percentage of limestone in their superstructure. The strength and size of the downslope walls that are located along the natural contour lines suggest that they were intended to act as retaining walls (i.e., they served to retain or support the fill below the floor) as well as structural members of a building. These are sometimes called spine walls, and one example is found between Rooms D1 and D4–D5 (Pl. 6B; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 95, 105–106, 108–109, pl. 19E). This wall (V 5001) is situated along the edge of a natural plateau and is built directly on top of the bedrock, with bedrock outcrops incorporated in its construction along with very large limestone blocks. The size of these boulders is much greater than almost any other wall in this building and must correspond to its role as a retaining wall. The wall has two faces, although the western (downslope) face is much more uneven than the eastern, due to the predominance of large breccia boulders. A bench (V 5006) was built against the downslope face in Building D, Room D4. Another example is seen in Building I (Pls. 6C, 6D): the west wall between Rooms I3 and I5 (uphill to the east) and O1 (downhill to the west; Day and Glowacki 2012, 63, 75, 93). In Building C, the bedrock has a more significant drop between Rooms C1 and C2 (downslope to the west) and C3 and C4 (uphill to the east). Here the bedrock at the eastern side of Room C1 has been partially trimmed to create a vertical face, and additional breccia boulders were laid on top with earth packing to provide a foundation for a built wall (V 11901; Pl. 6E; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 81, pl. 12F). Differences in type and size of stone are also apparent among the buildings at Vronda. Two examples of house walls with a greater uniformity and use of limestone blocks are the east wall of Building A, Room A1 (Pl. 6F) and the east wall of Building D, Room D1 (Pls. 5C, 6A). These rooms are distinctive for having the two largest interior spaces on Vronda (72.07 m2 and 38.90 m2, respectively). Building A may have been used for communal feasting by select members of the community

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(Day and Snyder 2004; Day, Klein and Turner 2009, 61–63; see Ch. 8, pp. 222–224). Based upon its size (overall and individual rooms), Building D may have been home to one of the more important households, and Room D1 was used, among others things, for domestic cult activities (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 122; see also Ch. 3). The western wall of Building G, which faces an open area that was perhaps used for communal ritual activity, was built with some of the largest bedrock and limestone boulders found in the Vronda settlement (Klein 2004, 96, fig. 7.3). These examples suggest that the selection of stone type and size was not a random process. It takes time and skill to collect limestone blocks of an appropriate size and shape and then build them into a wall; larger stones offer greater strength but also require more people to move them. Based upon these examples, it appears that the builders may have used the material and block size to indicate a difference in status among buildings in the settlement. There are three partially preserved, large terrace walls at Vronda, two on the summit of the hill and one on the western slope. Each of these was situated along a natural contour line and served to increase the horizontal space available for building. Two of them were later covered by modern field walls, which also tend to follow contour lines. On the eastern side of the Vronda summit, the East Terrace Wall is a megalithic construction (Figs. 3–5; Pls. 7A–7C), utilizing numerous unworked boulders that can range well over 1 m in width (Day, Klein and Turner 2009, 27–28, fig. 14, pl. 3A; see Boyd 1901, 131 [“an excellent stretch of wall”]). The wall was built with a single face on the east, with boulder and rubble fill behind (th. 1.20–1.50 m). It is preserved up to ca. 1.97 m in height (next to Building Q) and extends ca. 27.50 m from the southern end of Room B3 to just south of Building R, although it may once have continued farther to the north, in the direction of Building J-K. At the south the wall forms the east wall of Building B, Room B3 (Wall A), and it continues to the north in a line parallel to the east wall of Building A (V 2903). Two main sections of the wall are preserved. In the southern section, the exterior face of the wall consists of extremely large, uncoursed breccia boulders (Pl. 7B). As noted above (p. 5), while the large size of the blocks and

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the rough exterior face of this section of the wall are reminiscent of megalithic constructions found from MM I to LM I (Zielinski 1998; Shaw 2009, 57–58; Beckmann 2012, 92–114; cf. Haggis 2005, 129, pl. 20A), the deep rubble fill behind the East Terrace Wall contained LM IIIC pottery almost to the very bottom, indicating that the filling took place in that period (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 27–28). The northern section of the wall (Pl. 7C), to the northeast of Building A and just southeast of Building R, stands only to a height of two or three courses, but it is clearly built with different materials at its basal level. The exterior face of this part of the wall is made with smaller, more quadrangular and flat-faced limestone blocks that are roughly coursed—a technique more commonly found in the best-built house walls of the settlement. The stones selected for the face here generally have a maximum dimension under 1 m. Massive boulders of brecciated dolomite over 1 m in length are still used along with smaller boulders and rubble for the fill behind the wall (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, fig. 14). Although this northern section of the East Terrace Wall follows the same contour line as the segment to the south, and its construction with only a single exterior face indicates that it was also meant to function as a terrace wall supporting the fill to the west, the differences in material and coursing suggest that it may have been part of a different phase of building or rebuilding. To the west of Building C, Rooms C1 and C2, a section of an ancient terrace wall was discovered below a modern field wall built along the face of the bedrock where it drops significantly from east to west (Figs. 3, 5; Pl. 7D; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 111–112, figs. 5, 55, 56, pls. 20D, 21A). This West Terrace wall is modestly constructed with a single, western face of limestone and breccia boulders and cobbles built against bedrock, with a maximum preserved height of 1.22 m. Larger boulders were placed directly on top of and against outcroppings of bedrock, on top of which were laid smaller boulder and cobbles in rough courses. The outer face of the terrace wall is slightly battered. In the LM IIIC period, this wall defined the western edge of a terrace (pres. L. ca. 11.80 m) beside the rooms of Building C that was accessed by a stepped passage from the north. To the west of Building N, Room N4, is a short stretch of what may have been a

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substantial terrace wall that was also uncovered beneath a modern field wall (Day and Glowacki 2012, 131–132, figs. 64, 65). The ancient wall was built along a natural drop-off in the level of the bedrock, and it is 2.80 m in length and 1.40–1.60 m wide. Although it is different from the other two terrace walls in apparently having two built faces, its significant width (more than twice that of the other house walls in the building complex) and topographical placement suggest that it also functioned as a terrace wall. The location, construction, and size of these terrace walls set them apart from others in the settlement and raise the question of their function. It is clear when considering the topography and looking at the position of these walls in the aerial photograph of the Vronda settlement (Pl. 5A) that these walls were built along the edge of natural topographic contours. Both walls on the summit incorporate bedrock faces in their construction, which would have provided a suitable foundation to support the wall and retain a deep fill behind. The preserved height and limited length of the two walls on the west suggests that they offered no strategic defense. An able-bodied individual could quickly scale a wall of these heights or simply use the staircase leading to the terrace beside Building C. These characteristics suggest that the walls were intended to increase the usable area of the summit and western slope, with an additional role of indicating access around the buildings. Similarly, the preserved height of the East Terrace Wall would have restricted access to Building A-B and served to direct a pedestrian to the north or south in order to gain access to the summit of the Vronda settlement. The scale of the East Terrace Wall (length and height), however, along with the very large stones used to build the exterior face in its southern section and the roughly coursed limestone to the north, may also have been intended to distinguish the area by creating a visible demonstration of strength and power. Its most impressive face is apparent when the settlement is viewed at a distance from the east, which may indicate an ancient line of approach to the settlement (from the settlements at the Kastro or Azoria, e.g.). If the approach from the east was indeed the primary route (rather than the present-day approach from the west via the modern road), then the presence of the East Terrace Wall and the position of Building A-B were

deliberately chosen to emphasize the great symbolic importance of the building that was so visually prominent.

Floors The interior floors of the buildings at Vronda were usually established on bedrock that had been roughly leveled with the addition of an earth or clay packing to create a usable surface. In many cases, irregular bedrock outcrops still protruded above the discernible LM IIIC floor surface and in some instances were used to the builders’ advantage; in Building C, Room C1, the central hearth was flanked by bedrock, perhaps to serve as a fixed curbstone (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 81). The same manner of incorporating bedrock into the LM IIIC floor can be observed in Building I, Room I3, where a smoothed outcropping of bedrock to the north of the hearth may have provided a level foundation for a wooden post (Day and Glowacki 2012, 65, pl. 11C). In other rooms, such as those in Building Complex E, the floor rested upon a layer of cobble leveling fill (Day and Glowacki 2012, 2), while some areas also contained layers of earthen fill. These deposits of fill immediately beneath floors are often the source of earlier pottery, especially from the Pre- and Protopalatial periods (e.g., Building E, Rooms E1, E3, and Courtyard; Building C, Room C2). Partially paved floors or areas covered by flat stone slabs were found in several rooms. For example, much of the interior of Building B, Room B3 was paved with stone slabs (Pl. 8A; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 35, pl. 6E). The pavement may have been related to its function as a storage room or to create a level surface for pithoi to stand upon. In other rooms (C4, C5, J1) a cobbled or paved area next to a wall may have been designed to create a level surface on which pithoi or other objects could stand (Day, Klein and Turner 2009, 87–88, 91, 128).

Ceilings/Roofs Our understanding of ceiling and roof construction comes from the stratigraphic deposition of building material following the abandonment of the structures, comparison of wall and room

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design with better preserved examples of Minoan architecture, and ethnographic parallels. Excavation of interior spaces throughout the Vronda settlement typically revealed rock tumble above a significant layer of clayey soil deposited on top of LM IIIC surfaces (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 6). These layers were deposited when the abandoned structures began to collapse, and the flat earthen roofs fell into the rooms below, followed by the rocks and earth mortar of the rubble walls. Other organic material from wooden timbers or branches in the ceiling is rare, although a single example of charred wood found in Building D, Room D1, discussed above, may be from a timber roofing beam. Evidence for the construction of ceilings and roofs from better-preserved Minoan buildings presents a design that was probably also used in the buildings at Vronda. Shaw’s discussion of Minoan architecture suggests that most buildings had flat roofs supported by horizontal timbers, often with layers of smaller branches or reeds, which were then covered by layers of clay or earth (Shaw 2009, 152–154; McEnroe 2010, 10–11). Studies of traditional architecture on Crete show that this technique continued in use down to the 20th century (Vasileiadis 1980; Bozineki-Didonis 1985; Rackham and Moody 1996, 165–173; Mook 2000). Clay roofs must be maintained in order to remain impervious to water. Crete can receive a significant amount of rainfall in the winter, and a flat roof with a clay surface would need to maintain its thickness and its impermeability so that no water leaked into the house. Shaw has suggested that a new layer of earth and clay was probably added annually, and an example from the West House in the settlement at Akrotiri on Thera shows eight layers of earth combined with waterproof clay (Palyvou 1999, 220, fig. 117; 2005, 128, fig. 184; Shaw 2009, 154 n. 993, fig. 265). Ethnographic parallels suggest that the clay layer had to be rolled on an annual basis (Rackham and Moody 1996, 167). Without this care, rainfall would begin to pool in depressions on the roof and ultimately cause the ceiling to collapse. This process of collapse, with the clay roofing material falling into the building and later being covered by the rubble walls, appears to be reflected in the stratigraphy observed within the buildings at Vronda.

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Architectural Features The Vronda buildings were enhanced by a variety of fixed architectural features, some structural (doors, thresholds, stairs, post bases), and others related to activities (benches, platforms, enclosures, hearths, and ovens). Windows may have been present in the fabric of the wall, but the state of preservation does not provide evidence for their size, number, or placement. While some features are found frequently in a variety of houses (benches, hearths, and ovens), others appear to be less common (platforms) or unique (terracotta window frame). The discussion below is dedicated to the LM IIIC buildings, although reference may be made to earlier examples. Most of the features were made of stone or rubble, a few of terracotta (a window frame, chimney pots). Others modified existing natural features such as bedrock for use within the buildings.

DOORWAYS AND THRESHOLDS In her discussion of the “affluent” architecture of Akrotiri on Thera, Palyvou observes that doorways present a challenge to the structural stability of a wall while also creating a focal point in the urban landscape (Palyvou 2005, 136). At Vronda, the construction of the doorways is another example of the very basic, functional nature of building, but one that may also reflect significant characteristics of a building’s importance and placement in the settlement. Many of the building complexes preserve doorways that allow us to understand access and circulation patterns (Table 3). In general, doorways are indicated by a gap in the line of the wall where both wall ends are well finished. There are no preserved examples of worked stone doorjambs, orthostats, or pivots found in situ. Doors were probably made of wood and either attached to vertical poles that pivoted on one side or attached to a vertical frame by means of rope hinges. Internal doorways may also have had a similar design, but it is also possible that a less substantial barrier, such as a cloth hanging, was employed, which offered visual privacy but little else in terms of physical separation. In most examples at Vronda, the floor level is consistent from one side of the doorway to the other. In two or perhaps three examples,

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a stone threshold marked the transition. In Building D, the northern entrance from the outside into Room D1 had a wide and smooth bedrock threshold at the level of the interior floor (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 95). In Building E West House, two courses of flat limestone boulders raised slightly above the floor level indicate a central doorway between Rooms E1 and E4 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 3, figs. 4, 5). Although these stone thresholds may have been deliberately smoothed, none of them shows any sign of having been worked to receive a wooden doorframe. In several other cases, the doorway marks a transition in levels between one room and another that required steps. There are three doorways associated with stairs leading down into another room. In Building N, steps were cut in the tsakali bedrock to facilitate access from Room N1 to Room N2, and stone-built steps lead down from Room N3 to Room N5 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 108, 115, 119, pls. 21D, 24A). In the northeast corner of Room D4, there are stonebuilt steps leading to a doorway located in the wall at a short height above the interior floor (similar to a stile; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 105, 109, pls. 19E, 20B). In some cases there is no doorway apparent in the state plan of the buildings. This may be due to the level of preservation of the wall. The location of doors in Late Bronze Age architecture has sometimes been considered as a diagnostic tool to determine Minoan (off-center) or Mycenaean (central, axial) influence. Minoan Neopalatial architecture traditionally uses doors that are off-center or in the corner, but by the LM IIIC period, domestic architecture on the mainland and Crete show that both forms were commonly used, often in the same building (Hayden 1990, 211; Hiesel 1990, 251–259; E. Hallager 2000, 127 n. 2). Other factors may have influenced door position. For example, Shear noted that both types of doorways were used in the Late Helladic (LH) III Panagia Houses at Mycenae but suggested that central doorways were used for more important rooms (Shear 1987, 35). Darcque acknowledged that this phenomenon appears to be the case for houses at Mycenae, Sparta, and Pylos but added that other factors, including routes of access and use of interior space, may also have played a role (Darcque 2005, 164). Hayden, in assessing the relationship of Postpalatial domestic architecture on Crete to the mainland, notes that off-center doors were

common to both places, and she suggests that their use may be a reflection of their advantages, namely “more protection from the elements and privacy, universal concerns which do not necessitate a relationship” linking Crete and the mainland (Hayden 1990, 211). Not all of the buildings at Vronda have preserved doorways, but those present can be central (Rooms C4 to C5, D1 to exterior, D1 to D2/3, E1 to exterior, E1 to E4, G2 to exterior, I4 to exterior court, K1 to K2, K3 to K4, and possibly A1 to A2) or in a corner (all others; Table 3). The central or axially located doors are larger (1.00–1.65 m) while corner doors are slightly smaller (0.70–1.20 m). Both types are found leading into and within the houses. In cases where we can determine the development of a building complex over time, there may be a general trend toward a large central door leading into a building in its earliest phase, as seen in Buildings C (Room C4 from north), D (Room D1 from north), K (Room K1 from east), I (Room I4 from north), and G (Room G2 from north). It has been noted that the central doorway offers the least amount of privacy or protection from the elements, and thus the central door may have been used for other reasons, perhaps ease of access or visibility. In Building Complexes C-D and I-O-N, where we have the best evidence for agglutinative (additive) expansion over time—the construction of rooms on lower slopes with later walls abutting the earlier, higher ones—the corner doorway was easily created by leaving a gap between the existing wall and the new addition. In these cases, practicality and expediency may have been the determining factors, although the desire for greater privacy, protection from the elements, and room function may also have played a role.

PIVOT STONES Very few pivot stones were recovered from the excavation of the settlement (Pls. 8B–8E), and none of them were found in situ directly beside a doorway (Table 4). Because pivot stones could have been used both for architectural and industrial purposes (e.g., for use by potters; see Soles et al. 2004, 83), the interpretation of their function depends as much upon context as form. The best candidate for an architectural element was found in Room K1, displaced a short distance (ca. 0.70 m) to the west

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of the badly disturbed doorway between Rooms K1 and K2 (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 146, figs. 82, 83). The object is a small, oval, limestone boulder with a circular depression in the center worn by pecking and rotary abrasion; a few concentric striations are clearly visible (Fig. 6; Pl. 8B). In Room K4, another possible pivot stone (V92.49) was recovered from the cleaning of the south wall (V 5702/V 5801; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 154). The stone object is described as a limestone cobble with a circular depression (Pl. 8C). One possible pivot stone (V83.18) was discovered during the excavation of the area designated Room B5 (Fig. 6; Pl. 8D), in cobble fill of mixed date (EM– MM, LM IIIC) brought in to level up the area for the construction of Building A-B (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 36 and pl. 8A [where it is incorrectly assigned to Room B3], 47–48). The object is a worn and irregularly shaped sandstone cobble, broken on one side; the top surface preserves most of a circular depression created by pecking. As with the example from Room K1, the object from Room B5 also shows traces of striations from rotary abrasion. Its archaeological context, however, provides little reliable information about its date or original use. Finally, a possible pivot stone (V87.30) was recovered from a layer of light yellowish-brown soil with pebbles and larger stones, perhaps wall collapse on top of the floor of Room Q2 (Pl. 8E; for the context, see Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 75). The object is intact except for a few chips on its edges. A shallow, oval depression in the center has clear traces of circular striations.

STEPS (INTERIOR) Steps built from stone slabs laid in earth mortar are found inside several buildings. In Building D, there is evidence for steps leading over a threshold between Rooms D4 and D5 (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 105, 109, pls. 19E, 20B). Steps may also have been used in this way to allow access between Rooms C3 and C4 (stones in southeast corner of Room C4) and possibly between Rooms C2 and C1 (a structure called a platform [V 12404] against south wall of Room C2 may be the remains of a step or landing; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 83, 87, figs. 55, 56). In Building N, there are three bedrock-cut steps connecting Room N1 with Room N2 and three stone-built steps leading down from

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Room N3 into Room N5 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 108, 115, 119, pls. 21D, 24A). Building E, Room E1 may have had a stepped entrance at its northern edge (Day and Glowacki 2012, 4, pl. 2C).

POST BASES The use of vertical wooden supports is suggested by the presence of square or rectangular stone blocks found resting on or embedded in the LM IIIC floor surface of several rooms at Vronda (Table 5). In a room with a small interior span (e.g., in Room I5), a post base can be situated closer to one wall than another (Day and Glowacki 2012, 75, pl. 14A). In most cases, however, the preserved bases are more or less equidistant between the two long walls of the room, probably to support a large main beam, although their placement does not have to be rigidly axial or symmetrical. Other factors (e.g., desired visibility and lines of sight, the position of a hearth, the presence of a doorway or passage, the sizes of available timber for the ceiling beams, necessary structural repairs and reinforcement of cracking timbers) may also have influenced the location of a vertical support. In large spaces, such as Room D1, it must have been necessary to divide the span into shorter segments supported by vertical supports sitting either on bases or directly on the floor. Two base stones were located approximately midway between the east and west walls in rough alignment with each other, ca. 1.80 m apart, in the southern half of the room (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 95, pl. 16D). The northern base is on axis with the hearth, but the southern base is shifted to the east, possibly so as not to obstruct the room’s southern, central doorway. A similar concern may have influenced the situation of the base in Room C5 (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 91); its placement closer to the west wall than to the east allows unimpeded access to the central doorway leading into Room C4. Stone post bases slightly off axis with a central doorway, as in Rooms D1 and C5, are also attested at Karphi, in Room K 9 of the “Great House” and Room K 113 of the Western Block (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 67, 77, 94, pl. XXI.5). In Room N1, a post base just north of the central hearth is equidistant from both the east and west walls, but another base, ca. 3.00 m to the south, rests significantly closer to the west wall

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NANCY L. KLEIN AND KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

(Day and Glowacki 2012, 109, fig. 93, pl. 21D). Since the doorway from Room N1 into Room N2 is in the southeast corner, some other concern must have necessitated the westward placement of the southern post base.

WINDOW FRAME/WINDOWS The buildings at Vronda may have had windows or openings in the walls to provide light and air, but none are preserved in the walls as excavated. The terracotta window frame discovered in Building B (B8 TC1) is unique for this site (Day 1999; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 58; see also Ch. 5, pp. 160–162).

CHIMNEY POTS At Vronda, there are three examples of pithoi being used as chimney pots (Table 6). Based on the similarity of their fabric and profile to other pithoi found in the houses, these appear to be reused or repurposed, perhaps after having been partially broken. Two fragmentary pithoi from Building C, Rooms C1 (C1 P8) and C2 (C2 P7) were found in the roofing to floor deposit directly above or in very close proximity to a central hearth (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 81–83, 85, figs. 58, 60). Another was found in topsoil to the east of Building I (IE P4) (Day and Glowacki 2012, 90, 91, fig. 83). The preserved examples are unfortunately incomplete. Although they have the original rim and a section of the body, it is unclear if they would have had additional perforations in the sides and/or top. The interior surfaces of these three examples are still darkened with soot carried through the chimney pot as the smoke from the fire passed through the vessel. While the neck opening was relatively narrow (est. d. 0.32 m), these reused pithoi would have provided rudimentary ventilation for the rooms with cooking installations. Modern parallels suggest that they were used in an upright, vertical position with the narrow neck at the top, in which case the original base must have been broken away. If used upside down, it might have been preferable to leave the base intact and to cut openings in the side so that the vessel could still draw air from the room below while protecting the interior from rainfall or downdrafts of air.

Although it is commonly assumed that rooms with heating and cooking facilities must have had some type of opening for the evacuation of smoke, specific examples of chimney pots have rarely been noted in the excavation reports of Minoan sites. Excavations at Akrotiri on Thera have uncovered two areas that have been tentatively identified as kitchens with chimneys dating to the last period of occupation prior to the LM IA eruption (Nikolakopoulou 2003, 564–565; Palyvou 2005, 108 n. 7). At Mochlos, a piriform vase whose bottom had been broken off evenly may have functioned as a chimney pot in Building A, Room 1 of the LM IB Artisans’ Quarter (Soles 2003, 21). A fragmentary pithos with a burned interior may have served a similar purpose in Room 6 of the LM IIIB farmhouse at Chalinomouri (Soles 2003, 109). Recent excavations of LM IIIB Building CD at Sissi have discovered large fragments of two cylindrical objects designed with one open end and the other end domed and perforated, which the excavators suggest may have been used as chimney pots (Gaignerot-Driessen and Letesson 2011, 95–96, fig. 5:16). The use of pithoi as chimney pots was suggested by the excavators of LM IIIC Karphi, who called attention to the quantity of pithos fragments found above collapsed roofing debris (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 67). Chimney pots have been identified on the Greek mainland at Mycenae, Pylos, Nichoria, and Midea (Darque 2005, 81). The four examples from Mycenae (two found in the Panagia Houses, one from Citadel House, and another from the House of the Columns) all appear to be cylindrical, and most have openings in the walls (Shear 1987, 8, 18, 114, fig. 21, pl. 33). At Pylos, Blegen discovered two fragmentary chimney pots above the hearth in the Throne Room (Room 6; Blegen and Rawson 1966, 81, figs. 271:2, 3, 272:6, 7), and two more in the Queen’s Hall (Room 46; Blegen and Rawson 1966, 200, figs. 271:7, 8, 272:8, 9). At Nichoria, a cylindrical, tapering chimney pot without openings was found in a mixed context to the north of Unit III3 (McDonald and Wilkie, eds., 1992, 547, pl. 9.76). A fragmentary example found in a LH IIIB destruction layer at Midea is said to have an opening in the wall, although this feature is not clear in the published photograph (Demakopoulou, DivariValakou, and Walberg 1994, 23, fig. 12).

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

Terracotta architectural models from Crete may also serve as a potential source of information concerning the use of chimney pots in Minoan architecture. Mersereau’s study of prehistoric models lists several examples from the Proto- and Neopalatial periods, many of which clearly depict buildings, often with an extraordinary amount of structural detail, but none with features resembling chimney pots (Mersereau 1991, 48–103, cat. nos. 13–26). Postpalatial and Postminoan cylindrical models (“hut urns” or “hut models”) are generally more schematic and include fewer details that can be related to actual domestic architecture, although a few have what appear to be openings or projections at the apex of their roofs (Mersereau 1991, 107–146, cat. nos. 28–48; see also Hägg 1990; Mersereau 1993; Petrakis 2006). In Quartier Nu A at Malia, a very large house model was found smashed on top of a LM IIIB pebble mosaic courtyard (Driessen and Farnoux 2011; Driessen and Fiasse 2011, 287–288, fig. 25.2). The model depicts a tall square house with windows in the middle of each side and two cylindrical chimneys protruding from the gently sloping, hipped roof. Finally, a house model from a tholos tomb at Knossos Khaniale Tekke, apparently dating to Protogeometric B (PGB) or later, depicts a nearly square structure with entrance, windows in its side walls, and a cylindrical chimney projecting near the center of its flat roof (Hutchinson 1954, 220–221, 224, pl. 20; Boardman 1967, 64– 66; Mersereau 1991, 147–151, no. 49). The abstract manner of representation used for the models makes difficult a direct translation to vernacular architecture, and the lack of chronological overlap with the Vronda settlement must be noted, but the models do suggest that the use of chimney pots was not unknown in LM architecture. The study of the houses at Vronda shows that interior hearths and ovens were commonplace, so it seems likely to us that there would have been a need to provide ventilation. The three examples of chimney pots recovered from the excavation suggest that pithoi (reused or repurposed) could be set into the roof over a hearth in order to draw air up and out of the room. In contrast, the preserved examples from the Greek mainland are either solid (Pylos, Nichoria) or pierced (Mycenae, Midea), and they appear to have been purposefully made.

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The presence of cylindrical elements in the roofs of Minoan architectural models leaves open the possibility that cylindrical chimneys were common, they could be either solid or pierced, and they may have been open to the sky.

BENCHES Stone-built benches are a common feature within the Vronda settlement (Table 7). They are found in 14 rooms of the domestic building complexes and both rooms of the Shrine (Building G). The benches are typically long, narrow, and built of rubble in earth mortar directly on top of the floor surface or a thin layer of soil. Unlike walls, which were constructed using a two-skin technique, most benches preserved only one (outer) face. All of the examples are built against a wall, typically against the downslope face of the longest wall in a room (Rooms B8, E1, north of E2, E6, C4, D4 east, G1, G2, I3, I4, K1, K3, O4, N2, N3), with some built against the shorter transverse walls (Rooms C4, E6, O1, K1, G2). One possible bench (Room D4 west) was built against the upslope face of a long wall. Three benches (Rooms K1, E6, north of E2) have continuous sections built in the corner of two walls, so that the completed features are L-shaped. The length of the benches varies from room to room, with some examples running almost the entire length of a wall (Rooms D4 east, I3, N2, N3, O4) and others for only a short section (Rooms B8, C4, D4 west, E1, E6, K1, K3). Some of the constructions categorized as benches are distinguished from what we have called platforms only by their shorter heights and/or shallower depths. Excluding the very large bench outside of Building G, which is of monumental proportions, the maximum preserved lengths of the benches at Vronda range from 1.00 to 6.25 m (avg. 2.48 m), the depths from 0.20 to 0.75 m (avg. 0.48 m), and the heights from 0.12 to 0.60 m (avg. 0.31 m). Most of the benches are found inside the buildings, with some rare exceptions. Possible exterior benches were found in Room/Area B8, north of Room E2, and in Room E6. The first two cases appear to be exterior spaces, but erosion and later activity have obscured or destroyed much of the LM IIIC levels in these areas, so it is not certain that the benches were originally outside the LM

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IIIC buildings. It was not possible to excavate the area to the south of Room E6, so the nature of this space also remains unclear. The only unequivocal example of an exterior bench belongs to Building G, the communal Shrine (Klein 2004, 96). What function(s) did these benches serve in the domestic complexes at Vronda? We have used the term “bench” collectively to describe these long, narrow stone-built features, but their lengths and depths vary, and their original heights probably did so as well. Essentially, the bench is a narrow surface raised above the floor, which provides a permanent architectural feature that could be used for many different activities. Comparable rubble benches from the Neopalatial houses on the island of Pseira, for example, measure 1.1 m long and 0.45 m wide and 0.40 m high and are typically located near the entrance, either inside or outside (McEnroe 2001, 52–53). It has been suggested that the size and location of these benches were suitable for a variety of activities, including meeting with friends and neighbors in front of the house. Although “bench” suggests a primary role as permanent seating, the preserved height of most of the Vronda benches is below the modern U.S. industry standard of ca. 18 inches or 0.46 m (Ramsey and Sleeper 2000, 625). Extremely shallow benches may have functioned as shelves, while the length and depth of others barely may have made them suitable as places to sleep. Kopaka’s study of Minoan “bedrooms” identified benches ranging in length from 1.50–2.00 m, depth 0.60–1.00 m, and height above floor 0.06–0.35 m as appropriate for sleeping or as platforms to support a bed (Kopaka 1990, 226). This size is generally confirmed by the portable wooden beds (shape recovered using plaster of paris) from the excavations of the settlement at Akrotiri on Thera (Marinatos 1971, 22–24, 41–42, pls. 34:b, 35:a, b, 104; Doumas 1993, esp. 178, pls. 105, 106). One example found in the Room Delta 2 measures 1.60 m long and 0.68 m wide (Marinatos 1971, 41). The horizontal surface of the Vronda benches would also have been useful for food preparation or other activities, or simply as a means to raise foodstuffs or objects off the ground. Some long benches are found in rooms with a central hearth (Rooms C4, D4, E1, I3), but not every hearth room preserves a stone bench. In some cases a bench is located next to an oven (Rooms C4, I3, O1), but there are also ovens without any preserved benches nearby.

PLATFORMS Platforms, like benches, are built of rubble in earth mortar, with all but one example (in Room C2) distinguished by their relatively more compact proportions and greater height (Table 8). The maximum preserved lengths/widths of these platforms range from 0.65 to 1.48 m (avg. 0.98 m), the depths from 0.55 to 1.00 m (avg. 0.72 m), and the heights from 0.30 to 0.92 m (avg. 0.57 m). The anomaly is the low platform in Room C2 (V12404), which is roughly triangular in shape, measuring ca. 1.20 x 0.90 m, but only 0.15 m high (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 83, 87, figs. 55, 56). As noted above (p. 15), its identification as a platform is not secure, and it may have been a step or landing providing access to Room C1 to the south. Platforms are less common than benches at Vronda, and most of the securely identified examples are located in the corners of rooms. There are nine built features identified as platforms in the LM IIIC settlement, six found within houses (in Rooms C2, D1, I3, N1, N3, N5), two in the Shrine (Building G), and one to the east of Building A (it is not clear if this is an interior or exterior space). Determining the function of platforms is a challenge; their similarity to benches suggests that they, too, could be used for multiple purposes, as workspaces, storage surfaces, or even for display. At Vronda, the form of the platform and the objects left in situ at the time the settlement was abandoned offer some clues. The height and location of the platforms, often next to a bench or in a room with a hearth, suggest that they could have been used as working surfaces or places to store vessels and objects. Two stone tools (N1 ST 9, N1 ST10) were discovered on top of the small platform in Room N1 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 108, 110, 114). The platform in Room I3 has a central depression that the excavator suggested would have been suitable to cradle a ceramic vessel or other utensil (Day and Glowacki 2012, 64, pls. 12A, 12B), perhaps similar to the “jarstand” (stamnotaki) noted in Room K 9 at Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 77, pl. 18.2). The platform in Room D1 is unique at the site in having objects preserved on top and adjacent that may be related to its function. Two nearly complete terracotta figures, a bovine (D1 F1) and a horse (D1 F2), were found on

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

the top surface, and a second horse (D1 F3) was found in a pit nearby. A small LM IIIC krater (D1 P10) and coarse painted jug (D1 P14) were on the ground to the north (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 94–98, pls. 16A–16F, 17A, 17B). Gesell has suggested that the figurines and platform were used as a focus for domestic ritual (see Ch. 3). McEnroe identified six platforms in the Neopalatial houses at Pseira (McEnroe 2001, 54). The Pseira examples are somewhat lower than those found at Vronda (average height 0.20–0.30 m), but it is suggested that they could still have served as workspaces for people sitting on the ground. This may also be the function of the low platform in Room C2 at Vronda. For comparison, Darcque notes that built features identified as benches in Mycenaean architecture average 0.50–0.60 m above the ground, while platforms are between 0.10–0.20 m taller (Darcque 2005, 178).

STONE-BUILT ENCLOSURES: BINS AND POT STANDS The terminology used to identify stone-built enclosures is often vague or inconsistent due to the poorly preserved state of remains and lack of direct evidence for function. The typology proposed below, of features meant to enclose a small space for storage or to support a ceramic vessel, is based upon the design and dimensions of the features, particularly the shape and height of the superstructure and the presence of stone-paved interior surfaces. Precise functions remain elusive, but some examples have preserved objects or remains from the time the settlement was abandoned that may reflect daily practice. Slab enclosures, sometimes known as bins, are formed by a series of thin stone slabs (sometimes combined with other cobbles and small boulders) set on edge and usually utilizing the face of a wall for one of its sides (Table 9). This construction forms a box-like enclosure, generally taller than features we have designated as pot stands. The function of these slab enclosures may have been to hold or store pots, but the relatively tall, enclosed space could also have been used for storage of foodstuffs or nonperishable objects. Some may even have been covered with additional flat stones or a wooden cover to create a closed storage bin with workspace on top.

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Cobble enclosures, also referred to as bins and pot stands, consist of areas bordered by cobbles and small boulders instead of upright slabs (Table 10). While one or more sides of these features are often formed by the walls of a room, the height of the enclosing border is very low, typically that of a single stone. Plans vary, with circular, semicircular, oval, triangular, and rectangular forms attested. Boulder enclosures, also called bins, differ from cobble enclosures in terms of larger overall size, the use of larger stones, and the opportunistic use of bedrock boulder outcrops in their construction (Table 11). Other features that have been called bins are what we refer to here as paved enclosures, partially paved areas in the corners of a room (Table 12). Walls define two or three sides, but there was little evidence for a constructed boundary elsewhere. The northern end of Room/Area B8 was partially paved in the area between the west wall, north wall, and the East Terrace Wall (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 57, pl. 11E). In the northwest corner of Room D3, a paved area was bounded on the north and west by walls, while the southern edge was formed by an outcropping of bedrock that projected above the level of the floor (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 103–104, pl. 19B).

HEARTHS Sixteen hearths were identified in buildings at Vronda (Table 13). We have defined a hearth as an area, sometimes bordered by curbs of stone, clay, or bedrock, where a fire was built repeatedly during the life of the structure (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000, 116). Hearths were recognized in the course of excavation by the presence of hard, heatreddened clay, often associated with ashy soil and bits of carbon directly above the floor. In preliminary reports, the more poorly preserved examples were sometimes designated as decayed mudbricks (Rooms A1 and D1), nonspecific evidence for fire (Rooms D4, E2, and O1), or a pyre site (there is actually a pyre site above a hearth in Room C4). Most hearths appear to have been constructed primarily with thin layers of clayey soil, similar to the material used for the roof. At Vronda, they were built on top of floor surfaces but not dug into the ground or raised significantly above it on any type of built platform. In most cases, the preserved thickness of

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the hearths was not substantial (ca. 1–2 cm), but in Room N5, the depth of stratigraphy and the presence of curbs allowed the excavator to measure a thickness of 10 cm (Day and Glowacki 2012, 126– 127). Their preserved shapes, as excavated, are circular, oval, or rectangular with rounded edges; they may originally have been square or rectangular, as suggested by the presence of long, straight curbstones (in Rooms C2, I3, N4, and N5). The curbstones in these hearths and a clay or mudbrick-like curb in others (in Rooms E2, I3, N1, N4, and N5), suggest that a built edge was a common feature. In some cases bedrock outcrops appear to have fulfilled the same function (in Rooms C1, C2, and M1). A curbstone or border would have limited the spread of burning material or ash and could also have been used to support cooking vessels or spits. Hearths must have served many purposes in the house: to provide a means of heating and cooking, to illuminate interior spaces for a variety of daily activities, and to serve as a focal point for meals and other social gatherings (Leroi-Gourhan 1971, 73; Shaw 1990, 235). Most of the hearths at Vronda are either centrally located within a room and/or on axis with doorways, so it appears that they were placed for optimum visibility, partial lighting of adjoining rooms, and diffusion of heat. It would have been possible for a group of people to gather around a central hearth very easily, but it also required everyone to walk around it when a fire was lit. The central location and axial alignment of the hearths contrast with that of the Vronda ovens that are, with one exception (in Room N5), found in a corner or up against a wall. The placement may be a reflection of open (hearth) and enclosed (oven) heating and cooking processes as well as structural, symbolic, and cultural considerations. Evidence for cooking on hearths comes from the cooking wares found in all of the domestic rooms with hearths, including cooking dishes, cooking trays, and tripod cooking pots (see discussion of LM IIIC cooking wares in Ch. 2, pp. 82–89). These ceramic vessels would have been placed directly on top of the hearth, and many show signs of burning on their exterior surfaces, especially the bottoms. The design of the cooking trays and dishes, with a flat or slightly rounded bottom and shallow interior, suggests that they were used like a griddle for frying or cooking food on a surface without exposing the food directly to the fire. Cooking pots,

including tripod vessels and cooking jars or amphorae, were designed to hold liquids and could be used to simmer, poach, steam, or stew a variety of foods. For a detailed analysis of the ceramic assemblages found in rooms with cooking installations, see Chapter 2 (pp. 115–116). As attested at Vronda and elsewhere, fixed hearths, especially hearths located near the center of a room, are common features in LM IIIC. For example, three fixed hearths are specifically mentioned in the reports of the 1937–1939 excavations at Karphi, all of them centrally placed in the “megarons” on the eastern side of the site (in Room K 139 of Building K 138–K 140, Room K 137 of Building K 141–K 137, and Room K 136 of Building K 135– K 136; Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 71). Other “fireplaces,” apparently built against walls, are noted in Rooms K 68 and K 113 as localized patches of blackening on the walls and burned earth (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and MoneyCoutts 1937–1938, 89, 94, 136). More recent investigations at Karphi, however, west of the previously excavated area, have brought to light remains of several hearths, not all of which are centrally located. Building B1 has a roughly ovoid clay central hearth, while Building C1 has two ovoid hearths of hard-packed clay, one centrally located, one noncentral, and Building MG1, Room B has a roughly ovoid or rectangular clay hearth near its center (Wallace 2012, 23–34, 36–41, 47–59). Fixed hearths and evidence for burning are also attested at Chania, but with published details of construction that appear slightly different from those observed at Vronda. Several rooms of the LM IIIC settlement preserved central hearths with a bedding of sherds (Rooms M, I, and E), typically coated with a very thin layer of clay (E. Hallager 2000, 128; Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 34, 44, 77). A burned area in the center of Room K may also represent a poorly preserved hearth; Hallager, however, prefers to use the term “fire area” for this type of feature, reserving “hearth” for fire installations with a bedding of stone slabs and/or potsherds (E. Hallager 2000, 128 n. 4; Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 57). None of the hearths/fire installations at Chania were raised significantly above the level of the surrounding floor, and no curbstones were preserved. The published dimensions of the hearth in Room M (ca. 0.90 x 0.64 m) are within the range seen at Vronda

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(Table 13), and Hallager has suggested that, as at Vronda, these centrally located hearths were used for both cooking and lighting. In contrast to the situation at Vronda, where all preserved hearths were located inside of buildings, traces of at least two fire installations lacking beddings of sherds or stone slabs were noted in exterior areas (Space A-D and Space O; E. Hallager 2000, 128; Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 82, 85, 100). Excavations at Thronos/Sybrita have revealed a large central hearth in the main room of Building 3, while other “fireplaces” appear in Building 1 and in an enclosed court (“Paved Room”) in front of Building 2 (D’Agata 1997–2000, 48). At Vasiliki Kephala, fixed hearths appear in multiple rooms of the only completely excavated structure at that site (Building E); a large central clay hearth in Room 6 is framed by two post bases on the long axis of the room, while the others in Rooms 3, 4, and 5 are located off-center or in corners (Eliopoulos 1998). Another hearth or area of burning was noted immediately outside of Room 5. Numerous interior hearths have also been mentioned in the preliminary reports of the excavations at LM IIIC Chalasmenos (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 71, 76–77, figs. 11, 12, pl. 9.2; Tsipopoulou 2004; 2005b; 2011a; Rupp 2007, 63, fig. 7.1, pl. 7.1; Eaby, forthcoming). Central clay hearths appear most notably in the “megarons” of Sectors Alpha and Gamma, some of which may have been used for used for suprahousehold feasting and drinking. In these cases, the more uniform heating, lighting, and visibility afforded by the central hearths may have enhanced the atmosphere of the gatherings taking place in their main rooms. In striking contrast, most of the hearths preserved in the nonaxially arranged architectural units of Sector Beta, which seem to have been used for large-scale preparation of food, are not centrally located but are placed in corners or close to walls (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 71, 76–77, figs. 11–12, pl. 9.2; Tsipopoulou 2011a, 335, 344–347). At nearby Katalimata, LM IIIC hearths were noted as patches of ashy soil and burned earth in the northeast corner of Room 6 and in the northern part of the exterior East Area on Terrace C (Nowicki 2008b, 23, fig. 16 [context 23], and 27–28, fig. 26 [contexts 151 and 159], respectively). While preliminary reports from Kavousi Kastro mention fixed LM IIIC hearths in Building G, Room 25, Building L, Room 35, and

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possibly the earliest phase of Northwest Building (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1995, 101–102, fig. 12; Coulson et al. 1997, 343, 346, 361, fig. 18), the overburden of later habitation makes it difficult to discern their exact locations within contemporary rooms. The majority of the well-preserved heating/ cooking/lighting installations from Kastro date to later periods (Protogeometric [PG]–Early Orientalizing [EO]), where examples of both central and non-central hearths have been discovered (Coulson et al. 1997; Mook 1998). Several scholars have interpreted the appearance of fixed central hearths, especially within rectangular, axially aligned structures with their entrances on a short end (“megarons”), as reflecting Mycenaean or Mycenaeanizing cultural practices (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 137; Darcque 2005, 399; Tsipopoulou 2005b; 2011a; cf. McEnroe 2010, 143, 151, 175 n. 30), despite the fact that fixed central hearths are known on Crete from earlier periods (Muhly 1984; Kopaka 1989; Shaw 1990; Rethemiotakis 1999; McEnroe 2010, 12–16, 24, 35–41, 65, 139–145). Moody has also recently pointed out that the proliferation of fixed interior hearths and ovens observed in LM IIIC could be a response to environmental conditions—an adaptation to a more arid, colder, and seasonal climate in which single-story, rectangular dwellings with limited ventilation and well insulated clay roofs would have helped to keep the cold air out while retaining the maximum amount of heat (Moody 2009; see also Table 1 for a summary of climatic conditions in MM–Early Iron Age [EIA] Crete correlated with building activity at Vronda).

OVENS The identification of an oven, as opposed to a hearth, is based upon the presence of constructed boundaries and fragments of a clay superstructure that formed an enclosed structure for heating. All of the Vronda examples have some sort of defined boundary formed by walls, benches, stone slabs, or rows of cobbles, as well as thick fragments of heat-hardened clay that formed a lining on the bottom and sides and were used to build the superstructure of the oven. While none of the superstructures are preserved to their full height, the typical placement of ovens in corners or against walls suggests that the superstructure required both support

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and protection provided by the surrounding stones. Similar constructions are well attested in the archaeological and ethnographic record of the eastern Mediterranean (Aurenche 1977, 89–90; McQuitty 1984; Amouretti 1986, 150; Van der Steen 1991; Mülder-Heymans 2002; see also App. A), but only a few examples have been reported to date from LM IIIC settlements on Crete. Built ovens were found in seven rooms in four different building complexes at Vronda, all of them representing domestic contexts (Table 14). Four of the ovens were built in corners (in Rooms C4, I3, O1, and O3), two were placed against a wall or bedrock outcrop but not in a corner (in Rooms C2 and C5), and one (in Room N5) was placed on top of a hearth in the center of the room. The placement against a wall or in a corner is both practical and functional. The wall(s) provided support for the oven itself, because the handmade clay superstructure would have been vulnerable to breakage. At the same time, the location against stone surfaces maximized heat retention, and so it may have been related to the specific type of cooking activity for which ovens were used. Ovens are less common than hearths in the Vronda houses, which may indicate that they had a more specialized role in household activities. The following catalog of ovens, along with Table 14, supplements the descriptions already provided in Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB, focusing more specifically on details of architectural form and construction. Special attention is given to the fragments of heat-hardened clay that provide evidence for the collapsed superstructure of each feature.

x 0.60 m (area ca. 0.23 m2). Evidence for the superstructure comes from the two upright limestone slabs (max. h. ca. 0.28 m) as well as many fragments of heat-hardened red clay. A channel was carved within a natural fissure in the bedrock outcrop leading southeast from the oven up toward the face of the east wall of the room. Traces of a gray clay lining within the channel suggest that it may have served as part of a flue to draw air through the oven and to evacuate smoke. Another oval cutting on the bedrock outcrop ca. 0.50 m south of the oven may have served to hold a pot or other utensil. Several fragments of heat-reddened clay from the superstructure were recovered in and around the oven. One large fragment forms an angle with a nicely smoothed and rounded top surface/lip and an exterior corner with two horizontal finger grooves clearly visible near the lower edge (Pl. 9B). It is unclear if the rounded lip represents a rim around the upper surface of the oven or is related to the technique of constructing the superstucture in sections, similar to that observed in the manufacture of large storage jars (see Ch. 2, p. 103). The interior surface is broken and uneven. The thickness of the wall is ca. 1.8–2.3 cm, widening at the bottom to ca. 2.8 cm; the height of the wall is ca. 9.5 cm. Another large fragment curves at an acute angle. It has the same surface treatment and fabric as the other fragment with the addition of very large calcium carbonate pebble inclusions. A chunk of coarse, clayey material still adheres to the interior. The height of the wall of this fragment is ca. 8.7 cm, the maximum preserved width of base is ca. 8.4 cm, and the wall thickness is 2.1 cm, at the bottom ca. 2.4 cm.

Building C, Room C2

Building C, Room C4

A well-preserved oven was built on top of the floor and against a large bedrock outcrop along the eastern side of Room C2 (Fig. 7:a; Pl. 9A; see also Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 83, figs. 55, 56, pls. 13C, 13D, 14A). The northwest and northeast walls were made from two upright limestone slabs, the southwest of stacked cobbles. A large bedrock outcrop projecting from the east wall of the room formed the southeast side. A nearly square, flat cobble protruding from the line of the northwest and southwest walls may indicate the location of a small opening into the chamber. The oven is nearly square in plan, with exterior dimensions of ca. 0.60 x 0.68 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.38

A small and poorly preserved oven was built on the floor in the northeast corner of Room C4 (Fig. 7:b; Pl. 9C; see also Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 88, figs. 55, 56, pls. 15A–15C). The oven was framed by the corner of the room to the north and east and had a poorly defined line of stones at the south and west. As preserved, the oven is rectangular in plan, with exterior dimensions of ca. 1.14 x 0.64 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.54 x 0.64 m (area ca. 0.35 m2). The floor and sides of the oven were lined with a mass of clay, which the excavators originally described as decayed mudbrick. Two tall and narrow limestone slabs stood upright at the back, against the two corner walls, and these may

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have helped support the superstructure or flue of the oven. Several small fragments of heat-hardened, red clay were recovered from within the oven and nearby. Many of these fragments preserve two finished surfaces that suggests the upper section was flat or slightly convex.

Building C, Room C5 A small and poorly preserved hearth or oven was built on top of the floor and against the west wall of Room C5 (Fig. 7:c; Pl. 9D; see also Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 91, figs. 55, 56, pl. 15D). The space was enclosed on the other three sides by a long, narrow, flat slab at the east, and by cobbles along the north and south. Smooth bedrock outcrops at approximately the same level on the east and south may have provided associated workspaces. Distinct layers of heat-reddened clay were excavated from within, suggestive of a superstructure that had collapsed on top of a lower lining. Along with the location against the wall of the room, the clay fragments suggest that this feature was an oven, rather than a hearth. As preserved, the feature is square in plan, with exterior dimensions of ca. 0.62 x 0.68 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.50 x 0.40 m (area ca. 0.20 m2). At the time of excavation, carbonized olive pits were retrieved from the interior and identified in the field. They have unfortunately disappeared from the botanical samples collected from the site, but the evidence is consistent with the Mediterranean practice of using olives, olive tree branches, and the remains of olive pressing as fuel from prehistoric to modern times (Matson 1972, 219; Amouretti 1986; Avitsur 1994, 102; Soles 2003, 81, 83, 86; Betancourt 2004, 102; Hayden 2004, 323; Sarpaki and Bending 2004, 126). Fragments of heat-hardened red clay were excavated in and immediately adjacent to the feature. Several large pieces were recovered, including one with two preserved exterior surfaces forming a corner and outer lip or rim. The exterior is smooth, while the interior is roughly finished. This fragment (rim th. ca. 1.7–1.8 cm), which probably comes from the oven wall, has a double curve toward the inside and along the finished upper edge (Pl. 9E).

Building I, Room I3 A well-preserved oven was located in the northeast corner of Room I3 in the angle formed by

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a small stone platform and a bench (Fig. 7:d; Pl. 10A; see also Day and Glowacki 2012, 64, figs. 64, 65, 66, pls. 12A–C, 13A, 13B). An upright slab, now broken into three pieces (restored h. 0.34 m), formed the western side, while a row of flat rectangular cobbles marked an opening on the south. The oven is nearly square in plan, with exterior dimensions of ca. 0.68 x 0.65 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.62 x 0.46 m (area ca. 0.30 m2). Two upright stones on the eastern side, next to the bench, may also have provided support for the sides and top of the oven. The interior was filled with a mass of heat-reddened clay from the superstructure along with several fragments preserving edges and smoothed surfaces, angles, and curves. Distinct layers were noticed during excavation, with an average thickness of 1.5–2 cm. Although the original location of all of these fragments cannot be determined precisely, they do provide good evidence that the bottom and sides were lined and the superstructure had a slight convex curve. Two joining fragments of the collapsed superstructure recovered from the eastern side of the oven have a smoothed and rounded edge resembling a handmade rim with an estimated diameter of ca. 41– 42 cm (Pl. 10B). It was discovered high up along the northeastern edge of the oven, so it may have formed part of the upper surface that had collapsed into the heating chamber. A sounding through the clay lining the bottom of the oven on its western side demonstrated that it was built directly on the pebbly floor surface of the room. The original height of the oven is unknown, but the unexcavated mass of clay on the eastern side projects 0.38 m above the floor. A thin slab of schist found on the floor of Room I3, just beside the oven to the southwest (Pl. 10A), may have been used as a tray, oven door, or work surface. A small indentation on the upper surface of the stone platform to the north of the oven may have served as a receptacle for a pot or other utensil.

Building O, Room O1 A poorly preserved oven (or hearth) was located in the northeast corner of Room O1, partially covered by a later bench (Day and Glowacki 2012, 94, figs. 64, 65, 84). The feature is roughly rectangular or oval in plan and covers an area of ca. 0.45 m x 0.75 m. Preserved is a uniformly flat layer of heat-reddened clay, ca. 3 cm thick, similar

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in texture and color to the material used in ovens elsewhere at Vronda, but with a few coarse sherds embedded into its surface. No traces of the superstructure were discovered; the area seems to have been cleared and leveled prior to the construction of the bench.

Building O, Room O3 A small oven was built on top of the floor in the northeast corner of Room O3, bordered on the south by an upright slab of limestone (Fig. 7:e; Pls. 10C–10E; see also Day and Glowacki 2012, 102, figs. 64, 65, 89, pls. 21A–21C). An irregular line of cobbles marked the northwestern edge of the feature; an opening may have been on the west or southwest where the cobbles were not present. The oven is square in plan, with exterior dimensions of ca. 0.50 x 0.50 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.30 x 0.45 m (area ca. 0.135 m2). The interior was lined with heat-reddened clay, with fire/heat cracked and calcined rocks beside the oven. Many large and small pieces of fired clay that appear to come from the sides and top of the oven, judging by their thickness and shape, were collected. The walls were lined with clay that ranges from 1.3 to 2.2 cm in thickness; fragments from the top are somewhat thicker, 2.2 to 2.4 cm. Several pieces reveal hand-smoothed surfaces, including both straight and curving profiles with rounded edges resembling crude rims. One section, mended from eight joining fragments (Pl. 10E), preserves a broad, flat surface and a tall, sloping rim (pres. h. 11.6; max. pres. L. 23.8; max. pres. w. 16.8; est. d. 34 cm). The finished edge gives the fragment a tray-like appearance. It was discovered high up on the eastern side of the oven and thus may have formed part of the upper surface that collapsed into the heating chamber. Alternatively, it may have been from some type of crude, handmade, and poorly fired vessel that sat on top of the oven; similar vessels have been found in Late Cycladic IA “kitchens” recently discovered at Akrotiri on Thera (Birtacha 2008, 353, 357, figs. 35.9, 35.17, 35.18). A smaller fragment recovered from the upper levels in the northeast corner of the oven has a rounded, concave section (est. d. 5–6 cm), smoothly finished on the interior but rough and unworked on the exterior (Pl. 10D). This fragment may have come from a flue in the northeast corner or, alternatively, may have come from a clay

coating applied to the ceiling timbers that was hardened by the heat of the oven below. A small, oblong boulder stood upright in the northeast corner, against the two corner walls, and it may have helped support the superstructure or flue of the oven. Four, flat-topped, rectangular cobbles immediately to the south of the oven may have been part of an associated work surface or stand (ca. 0.17 x 0.14 m); these cobbles were partially covered by a thin layer of heat-reddened clay from the collapsed superstructure. A flat limestone slab was discovered on the floor beside the oven immediately to the west, and it may also have been used as a tray, oven door, or work surface, similar to the schist slab noted near the oven in Room I3.

Building N, Room N5 This oven was built on top of a hearth located near the center of the Room N5 (Fig. 7:f; Pl. 11:a; see also Day and Glowacki 2012, 127, figs. 64, 65, 101, pls. 26A–26C). Its construction, therefore, differs from the other ovens at Vronda that were built against a wall or in a corner. Three sides were formed by limestone slabs set on edge, with an opening to the south. The oven is nearly square in shape, with exterior dimensions of ca. 0.62 x 0.62 m and interior dimensions of ca. 0.50 x 0.35 m (area ca. 0.175 m2). The interior was lined with heat-reddened clay that had collapsed into the center. The careful excavation of these pieces made it possible to recognize finished edges and to reposition some of the fragments against the stone slab on the west (Pl. 11:b, c). These pieces demonstrate that the clay lining was carried up the sides of the oven and formed a flat, horizontal top surface. Also associated with the hearth and oven is a stone-built feature immediately to the east that may have been a pot stand or a work surface.

Discussion All of these small, enclosed structures we have identified as ovens were lined with layers of heatreddened clay that formed an interior wall and extended upward into a horizontal or slightly convex top surface. The heat-reddened, friable character of this clay indicates that the oven structure was repeatedly subjected to heat, while the size of the structure and associated finds offer some indirect evidence about what may have been placed within. From the excavated remains, it is apparent that these

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ovens were not used for metallurgy; several tiny bits of iron oxide were recovered in the soil sample taken for flotation from the excavation of the oven in Room N5, but these appear to be naturally occurring inclusions and not evidence of ancient metallurgy (E. Photos-Jones, pers. comm.; Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000, 118 n. 14). Rather, rooms in which ovens are found have ample evidence for food preparation and consumption, suggesting that these installations were used to cook food. It is clear from their modest dimensions, however, that they are too small to accommodate any of the cooking vessels found at Vronda. Instead, the ovens must have been used to cook something that did not need a ceramic container, such as cuts of meat or loaves of bread (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000), or perhaps the food was baked on a stone slab, like the examples found in Rooms I3 and O3 (Pls. 10A, 10C; Day and Glowacki 2012, 64, 102, pls. 12B, 21A). All of the ovens at Vronda have a single small chamber that would have been heated by placing wood or other fuel (such as residue from olive pressing, e.g.) inside and burning it. Once the oven had reached the desired temperature or the fire had died down, what remained of the fuel could have been pushed to the sides or pulled out and the food placed within. In some cases the food may also have been placed on top of the embers for cooking. Once the oven was closed, the food would have been cooked by the heat radiating from the clay lining of the interior. (For a modern experiment to recreate a similar oven according to traditional techniques, see App. A.). Unlike fixed hearths, relatively few ovens have been reported from LM IIIC settlements. This situation may be attributed in part to poor preservation. Fragments of the collapsed clay superstructure of ovens are often hard to distinguish from worn pieces of mudbrick or even poorly fired pottery and, if left exposed for any length of time, rapidly disintegrate. At Karphi, two ovens were discovered in the 1937–1939 excavations, but their size and construction clearly contrasts with the examples from Vronda (Table 14). One very large oven was recognized along the north wall of Room K 73, the “Baker’s House” (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and MoneyCoutts 1937–1938, 87, pl. 20:2). The oven stood ca. 1.50 m tall and was solidly built with a socle of small stones lined with clay and a partly vaulted superstructure of clay and reeds. The excavators

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noted a projecting clay knob at the top but did not speculate on its purpose. The interior dimensions, to judge from the published plan, were ca. 1.00 x 1.00 m. Another possible stone-built oven (est. h. 1.30 m) was found in the southwest corner of Room K 89 of the “Commercial Quarter” (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 88, pl. 20.5; Day 2011c, 171–174). The installation’s scale (interior dimensions ca. 0.90 x 1.00 m based on the published plan) and construction (stone with no clay lining or evidence of burning) raise a question concerning its identification as an oven rather than a stone enclosure. Since K 89 may have been part of an open-air courtyard with K 79, the location of an oven in an exterior area would further distinguish it from the ovens at Vronda. At Palaikastro Kastri, a large clay oven was discovered in a LM IIIC building in Area KA (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 265, figs. 6, 7, pl. 7C). The oven was built on top of a layer of limestone and schist slabs. The base and sides were lined with clay that showed signs of burning, but no other fragments of the superstructure were reported. The installation is rectangular in shape and measures ca. 0.80 x 1.25 m, which is notably larger than the examples found at Vronda. At Chania, Room M had a central hearth, as discussed above (p. 20), and a partially preserved, clay-lined oven immediately next to it (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 76– 77, 128, fig. 17, pls. 25:b–d). Three sides of the oven had socles (pres. h. 0.20 m) of stones and fragments of pottery set into a shallow foundation trench; the fourth side may have been open. No fragments of the superstructure were preserved. The interior dimensions of ca. 0.55 x 0.47 m are within the range seen at Vronda. The close proximity of hearth and oven in the center of Room M is similar but not identical to the construction of the oven on top of the central hearth in Room N5 at Vronda. At Chalasmenos, three ovens have been reported from Sector B Houses B.1 and B.2 and Sector A Unit A.2 (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 336; Eaby, forthcoming). Ovens are also attested at Kavousi Kastro, although in later periods. In the transitional LM IIIC–Early Protogeometric (EPG) phase of the settlement, Building G had a stone-built oven with a clay superstructure in the northeast corner of Room 23 (Gesell, Coulson, and Day 1991, 170, pl. 67:c; Coulson et al. 1997, 343–344, figs. 16–17, pl. 81:d). In the Late Geometric (LG)–Early Orientalizing

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(EO) periods, a stone-built oven lined with clay (exterior dimensions ca. 0.80 x 0.90 m) was constructed in the southwest corner of Building A Room 43; a gap of ca. 0.40 m on its northern side may have provided an opening (Gesell, Day, and Coulson

1995, 96, pl. 29:c; Coulson et al. 1997, 324). Curved fragments of the clay superstructure suggest that the oven was domed. Both the scale and construction of these later ovens seem to compare closely with the LM IIIC examples from Vronda.

Architectural Morphology: Building Forms and Spatial Organization In its final form, the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda consisted of several architecturally distinct building complexes covering an area of at least 0.50 ha. on the summit and slopes of the hill (Fig. 5). Most of the complexes reveal clear evidence of sequential expansion from an initial architectural unit of two to three rooms. In subsequent phases of construction, new clusters of rooms were added in an agglutinative (additive) fashion, usually on adjacent lower terraces, abutting preexisting walls but not necessarily communicating directly with the original building by means of connecting doorways. Although room size, orientation, and ground plan were unique to each unit, similar syntactic arrangements of rooms, the duplication of cooking facilities (fixed hearths and ovens), and comparable ceramic and lithic assemblages suggest the presence within each complex of multiple coresident domestic groups that were largely independent in terms of activities related to production, consumption, and reproduction that have been used to define a “household” (Hammel and Laslett 1974; Flannery and Winter 1976; Wilk and Rathje 1982; Ashmore and Wilk 1988; Tringham 2001; Rainville 2012; for a recent discussion of the definition of household as an analytical concept distinct from coresidency, see Souvatzi 2008, 7–46). If each of the units we have identified at Vronda on the basis of both architecture and domestic activity areas represents a separate house serving a household or family, then each building complex can be understood as a cluster of multiple houses and households expanding from an initial core residence into its own distinct block or neighborhood, probably representing the growth of an extended family (i.e., related kinship group) over time (Glowacki 2004, 2007). The preference for enlarging an existing structure instead

of creating a new freestanding building, even when there was ample room available elsewhere on site, may reflect not only household reproduction, but also the survival and transmission of a cohesive group identity, a sense of place, and other important social conventions (Glowacki and Klein 2011, 454; cf. Locock 1994, 5–6; Joyce 2000). Notable exceptions to this pattern of agglutination and reproduction are Building A-B (the “Big House”— perhaps the home of the community’s leader) and Building G (the Temple or Shrine of the Goddess with Upraised Hands), whose largely nonadditive and static nature sets them apart from the other complexes and marks them as special purpose buildings whose role and status in the community were clearly different from that of the domestic structures (Wallace 2005, 261–263; 2010, 128; Glowacki and Klein 2011, 455–456). In order to explore the architectural forms and spatial organization of the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda more formally, it will be helpful to begin with an overview of the main characteristics of each building complex. The following synthesis and summary tables are based upon descriptions already provided in greater detail in Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB. In a few instances room measurements and area calculations have been updated or corrected from those provided in earlier publications, and we have attempted to regularize the terminology used for the measurement of building and room size. For the sake of consistency, the interior dimensions listed for each room at Vronda reflect measurements taken at the internal corners of each enclosed space (preserved or restored). The interior area of each room was then calculated by multiplying the average north–south and east–west dimensions. Interior

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area thus includes fixed architectural features such as benches, bins, hearth, ovens, and post bases sharing the same roofed space. The combined interior area of each building unit or house is the sum of the interior areas of the individual rooms, excluding internal walls, doorways, or staircases shared between rooms. That is, it represents what can be called the net internal area (Davies and Jokiniemi 2009). The ground area (footprint or gross external area) for each building was measured from the perimeter or external surface of the exterior structural

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walls of the individual architectural units or houses, and it includes all interior features. This measurement was obtained by using the measuring tool feature of Adobe® Acrobat® 9 Pro. Party walls shared between buildings, however, were counted only once, with the initial unit of construction. Finally, it should be emphasized that the total ground area of a building does not include any external, unroofed spaces (open courtyards or terraces), even though these spaces may have included important activity areas associated with specific building units.

Building A-B Building A-B is a large structure on the southeastern side of the Vronda summit (Fig. 8; Table 15; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 15–63). Although only six rooms are preserved, the complex covers a ground area of at least 197.64 m² (Chart 1). If the badly eroded area between Building A and the East Terrace Wall was also once a roofed space, the structure may have included an additional area of at least 66.3 m2 (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 26–27). The complex consists of two contiguous structures that share a common north to south orientation; both also face onto a large open space (court or plateia) on the southern edge of the summit and utilize, to different degrees, surviving segments of earlier (MM II or MM IIIB–LM IA) walls in their construction (Walls E, H, I, G). The northern section, Building A, is a rectangular two-roomed structure (Rooms A1 and A2) oriented northeast to southwest on the highest point of the site. Measuring ca. 15.25 m north–south by 8.75 m east–west externally and covering a ground area of at least 130.04 m2, it is one of the largest single buildings (as opposed to building complexes) at Vronda. Only Building C and Building N are larger, but, unlike Building A, both of those structures show evidence of several phases of agglutinative construction (Chart 2). Since no doorways are preserved, it is unclear precisely how Building A was entered; an entrance into Room A1 from the open court on the south is likely but unproven. Room A1, which is the largest roofed space in the Vronda settlement (interior area of 72.07 m²; Chart 3), contained traces of a central hearth, but no other LM IIIC built features were preserved. Communication between Rooms A1 and

A2 was probably through a central doorway in the wall they share. Room A2 is much smaller (restored interior area of ca. 16.50 m2), and it either served as a small back room, similar to Room D3 in Building D, or a vestibule, like Room I4 in Building I. The preserved section of its north wall indicates that any doorway that may once have led into Room A1 from the north could not have been located centrally on the main north to south axis of the building. Building B, located to the southeast, is irregular in shape and covers a ground area of at least 67.60 m2. This wing of the complex consists of four small rooms whose floor levels decline steeply from west to east following the natural slope of the bedrock. In its initial LM IIIC construction phase, Rooms B1/2 and B3 were apparently planned and built as a single space, partially utilizing preexisting Proto- or Neopalatial Walls E and I at the west; the eastern edge of Room B3 was formed by the East Terrace Wall, which may have been constructed at the same time as Building B (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 60). Room B4, whose western edge is formed by pre–LM IIIC Wall H, may also have been enclosed in this phase. At some point, the space of Rooms B1/2 and B3 was divided into two separate, narrow rooms with their long axes running from north to south (i.e., parallel to the contours of the bedrock outcrops in this part of the summit). In a subsequent architectural phase, Room B7 was added to the south of Rooms B1/2 and B3. At least three of the preserved rooms (Rooms B1/2, B3, and B7) of Building B clearly functioned primarily as storerooms, as evidenced by the series

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of large pithoi discovered within both by Boyd and the Kavousi Project. The storage vessels must have occupied a significant portion of those rooms, leaving little available space for other activities. For example, pithos B3 P20 (max. d. of body 0.94 m) would have taken up more than half of the width of Room B3 (ca. 1.52–1.70 m east–west), leaving a passage significantly narrower (ca. 0.58–0.76 m) than most doorways attested on the site (cf. Table 3). While the northern section of Room B3 was paved with small, flat boulder slabs and cobbles, irregular outcrops of bedrock in Rooms B1/2 and B7 significantly reduced the amount of usable floor space in those rooms. In terms of architectural form, the narrow, rectangular ground plans of Rooms 1/2 and B3 somewhat resemble the elongated magazines of Minoan Neopalatial architecture, although those earlier storerooms almost always open onto a shared corridor (McEnroe 2010, 86), which is not the case in Building B. Because no doorways or staircases are preserved in Building B, it has been suggested that the preserved spaces represent basement storerooms that would have been accessed by ladders from rooms above (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 34, 61, 62). A hypothetical single room restored above Rooms B1/2 and B3 would have measured ca. 5.40–5.60 m north–south by 4.10 m east–west, with an interior area of ca. 22.55 m2, a size slightly greater than that of hearth rooms C1 (18.28 m2), D4 (19.51 m2), E1 (16.51 m2), I3 (18.53 m2), and N5 (19.53 m2) but smaller than that of Rooms C2 (28.89 m2), C4 (27.78 m2), D1 (38.90 m2), and N1 (30.23 m2). Such a wide space would have required at least one vertical support, possibly centered over the wall that separates Room B1/2 from B3 (Wall B), to accommodate the wide span between the walls. The hypothetical space above Room B7 would have had the same dimensions as the basement room (ca. 3.60– 3.70 north–south by 2.40–2.60 m east–west; interior area 9.13 m2), a size comparable to that of Room I5 (9.13 m2) and greater than that of Rooms D5 (6.55 m2), I1 (3.50 m2), I2 (5.63 m2), and O1 (8.76 m2). It should be noted, however, that the stratigraphy observed in Building B provided no definitive evidence for the collapse of any upper floors (e.g., multiple levels of roofing clay, beam impressions, floor plaster or pavers, significant concentrations of fallen objects, etc.). The only physical evidence for the elevation and height of Building B comes

from the dimensions of the large pithoi discovered in Rooms B3 and B7. Based on the height of pithos B3 P20, the ceiling height of Room B3 (and probably Room B1/2) can be inferred to have been greater than 1.58 m above the paved floor in that room (ca. 425.87 m asl). The pithos from Room B7 (B7 P26) was 1.65 m tall and stood upon a layer of clay fill (ca. 425.50 m asl). The minimum ceiling heights of Rooms B3 (ca. 427.45 m asl) and B7 (ca. 427.15) would have been at least ca. 0.51 and 0.23 m above the floor level of Room A1 (ca. 426.94 m asl), not taking into account any necessary headroom for access to the vessels or accommodations for structural beams, ceiling, floor, roof construction, and so forth. Several features distinguish Building A-B from the other excavated buildings at Vronda (Day and Snyder 2004; McEnroe 2010, 154; Glowacki and Klein 2011). As noted above (p. 26), its plan is relatively static; while there is certainly some evidence for sequential construction of walls (e.g., the addition of Wall B separating Rooms B1/2 and B7) and even limited expansion (Room B7), the building does not reveal the type of consistent agglutinative growth and duplication of functional activity/social areas evident in the domestic complexes. Secondly, if Rooms B1/2, B3, and B7 represent basement storerooms supporting additional rooms above, the southeast wing (Building B) preserves the only evidence for two-storied construction at the site. In this regard, the terracotta window frame (B8 TC1), which may be associated with Room B7 or the hypothetical room above, perhaps served as another visual indication of the building’s importance and status (Day 1999; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 58; see also Ch. 5, pp. 160–162, and Ch. 8, p. 221–222). Finally, Building A-B must have dominated the settlement not only through its visually prominent location on the highest part of the Vronda ridge, supported in part by the megalithic East Terrace Wall, but also by its sheer size. For example, the ground area covered by the northern wing alone (Rooms A1 and A2; ca. 130.04 m2) is two to three times greater than that of most other individual houses at the site (Chart 4). Moreover, the interior area of Room A1 (ca. 72.07 m2) is close to twice that of the next largest hearth room (D1; ca. 38.90 m2) and is, in fact, nearly double that of the combined average of most houses.

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This contrast in size is striking: not only did Room A1 (ca. 10.15 x 7.00–7.20 m) have the potential to accommodate gatherings of a larger number of participants than any other interior space on site, its large dimensions would have allowed for—and perhaps even required—a greater range of social behaviors, interactions, and modes of communication. For example, environment-behavior research into “proxemics,” the study of the human organization of space and the distances between people as they interact and communicate, has theorized that there are defined zones (termed “intimate,” “personal,” “social,” and “public”) in which different types of interactions could take place between participants (Hall 1966; 1968; 1972; for recent discussions of proxemics applied to archaeological data, see Letesson and Vansteenhuyse 2006; Mills 2007; Fisher 2009; 2014; McBride 2014; Wheatley 2014, 124–127). Each of the four main proxemic zones can be divided into a near and a far range according to their effects on perception and both verbal and nonverbal communication related to sound, vision, touch, movement, gesture, smell, and heat: intimate-near (0.15–0.45 m), personal-near (>0.45–0.76 m), personal-far (>0.76–1.20 m), social-near (>1.20– 2.15 m), social-far (>2.15–3.65 m), public-near (>3.65–7.60 m), and public-far (>7.60 m). According to this framework, most rooms at Vronda preserve dimensions that correspond to the social-far or public-near ranges. Recognizing that concepts of personal space are heavily influenced by cultural conventions, and that spaces may have been divided by features, furniture, and decorative or symbolic elements into multiple zones or activity areas, rooms of these sizes could have accommodated a variety of social interactions between inhabitants alone or between inhabitants and visitors at proxemic distances ranging from intimate to public-near. Most individuals gathered in these spaces could probably see and hear each other clearly, although a loud voice may have been necessary when speaking to others at the opposite end of the room (>3.65 m). Room A1, however, is the only interior space in the settlement large enough to allow social interactions up to and including the public-far distance (>7.60 m), where voices must be raised significantly and gestures exaggerated in order to be perceived clearly (e.g., in a public address or performance). In our opinion, this

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analysis supports the interpretation of Building A-B as a location of suprahousehold gatherings and ceremonies (see Ch. 8, pp. 221–224). In regard to overall scale and plan, it is also instructive to compare the scale and plan of Building A-B with several other Postpalatial structures that have been considered to be special status, elite, or “high investment” buildings, either as the dwellings of high-ranking local officials and/or as ceremonial centers for ritual feasting or drinking (Fig. 9). In eastern Crete, these include not only contemporary LM IIIC constructions at Karphi, Chalasmenos, and Kypia Kalamaphki, but also LM IIIA–IIIB buildings at Gournia and Mochlos. Gournia House He is clearly recognizable as a “corridor house” or “corridor building,” an architectural type well documented in the Greek mainland that consists of a megaron unit (rectangular structure, rooms aligned on the major axis communicating by means of central doorways, open porch or anteroom, central hearth in the largest room, sometimes with a rear chamber) flanked on one side by a long corridor providing access to several other rooms (Shear 1968, 459–460, 464–465; Hiesel 1990, 111–112; McEnroe 2010, 143–145; Pantou 2010, 38–39). The other buildings, however, show considerable variations in their plans that were responses to their local contexts, topography, and settlement histories. The asymmetrical and nonaxial plan of LM IIIA:1 House A at Mochlos, for example, closely reflects the outline of the LM IB predecessor (House D.6) upon which it was built, but it also presents a change in elevation from a multistory to a single-story design, a division of the interior space into several new rooms, and a relocation of the primary entrance. The interior plan and entrance system was changed further during extensive remodeling in LM IIIA:2–IIIB (Soles 2008, 9–49, 186–187, 200–205). In LM IIIC, the asymmetrical plan of the wellknown Great House in the densely inhabited core of Karphi reflects an agglutinative sequence of growth from an initial one-room core followed by additions (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937– 1938, 77–79; Day and Snyder 2004; Wallace 2005, 233–238; McEnroe 2010, 152–156). It has recently been suggested, however, that Building A1, a large, rectilinear, two-roomed structure located in relative isolation just below the ridge that links Mikri and Megali Koprana, may have held special status in

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a slightly earlier phase (early–mid LM IIIC) of the site’s history (Wallace 2012, 5–18, 74, fig. 2; cf. Nowicki 1987, 242–243). Only a small portion of the structure has been excavated, but its size (external dimensions ca. 15.00 x 6.50 m as mentioned in the preliminary report) seem to rival that of Building A at Vronda (ca. 15.25 x 8.75 m). Megaron A.1 at Chalasmenos (published external dimensions ca. 5.70 x 17.10 m), which forms the initial unit of Sector A Lower, seems to have been planned and constructed as a large, elongated, rectangular structure with an entrance doorway centrally located in its narrow eastern wall and aligned with the longitudinal axis; the addition of an internal cross wall and off-center doorway resulted in a two-room plan with a larger front room and a smaller backroom, perhaps intentionally recalling aspects of a Mycenaean megaron as a sign of elite status (Tsipopoulou 2005b; Rupp 2007; 2014; cf. Whittaker 2005, 336). Two other separate megaron-like structures were later added to it immediately to the north (Megaron A.3 followed by Megaron A.2). Finally, a large rectilinear structure at Kypia Kalamaphki near Praisos may also be comparable to Vronda Building A and Karphi Building A1 in form and size (two rooms, one large and one small, with external dimensions estimated as 17.00 x 8.00 m; Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999, 238–241, fig. 11; Whitley 2006, 601–604, fig. 31.3). Although

the building is known only through surface survey, its size, quality of masonry, and associated LM IIIC fine ware pottery are suggestive of a special status building where “krater-centred drinking practices” may have taken place (Whitley 2006, 601). Not only are all of these buildings the largest—or among the largest—structures in their respective settlements, they also include substantial spaces with potential for hosting suprahousehold gatherings and ceremonies and are often distinguished by a combination of other architectural and symbolic embellishments (e.g., prominent locations, selective use of special building materials and techniques, access to/from courts or public squares, clearly articulated avenues of approach, formal gateways, decorative elements, access to large-scale storage facilities; cf. Wallace 2010, 129–130; 2011). It should be noted that Building Complex A-B covers a larger ground area than any of the special status buildings discussed above. While its architectural form does not correspond closely to any specific type or precedent, the rectangular, tworoomed plan of Building A, incorporating a central hearth in its largest room, could be seen as a Mycenaeanizing trait at least partially inspired by the tradition of megaron-type buildings and older elite architectural forms (Wallace 2005, 266–270; 2011, 329–330; McEnroe 2010, 143–145, 151).

Building Complex C-D Building C-D is a complex of 10 rooms on the western edge of the Vronda summit, covering a ground area of ca. 290.98 m2 (Tables 16, 17; Chart 1; Fig. 10; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 79– 123). The initial architectural unit of the complex consisted of a rectilinear, two-roomed structure (Rooms C3 and C4) oriented northeast to southwest and roughly parallel to Building A. The entrance into this building was on the north, where a central doorway gave access to Room C4, which contained a central hearth, a small oven, and benches along its eastern and southern walls. Room C3, in contrast, has no preserved doorways. Communication between Rooms C3 and C4 is not evident, and any doorway in the wall they share must have been located above the level currently preserved. In subsequent architectural phases, Rooms C1 and C2

were built on a lower terrace to the west, utilizing the preexisting western wall of Rooms C3 and C4 as their eastern boundary. These new rooms have their long axes running from east to west (i.e., perpendicular to the north–south orientation of Rooms C3 and C4), which was determined by the lower elevation of the bedrock and the available space defined by the West Terrace Wall to the west. Each of these additional rooms contained a central hearth, while a small oven was also preserved in Room C2. The lack of any doorway or other evidence of communication (e.g., joins of pottery) between these two rooms, combined with the duplication of central hearths and comparable ceramic assemblages, suggest that each may represent separate, one-room house units. Entrance to each room was probably from the west, where the West Terrace

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Wall provided space for a pathway along the western and southwestern edges of the building. Finally, Room C5 was added to the north of Room C4 on the upper terrace, but only after the construction of Building D, Room D1. Building D is adjacent to Building C, but it does not have any direct communication with its rooms. The construction of Building D began with Room D1, a large rectangular room with central doorways on both the north and south; the southeast corner of Room D1 abuts the northwest corner of Room C4, but there is no evidence of any communication between them. Room D1 is the largest roofed space (ca. 5.25–5.30 m x 7.35–7.40 m; interior area of 38.90 m2) in the Building C-D complex (and second largest roofed space at Vronda; only Room A1 [72.07 m2] is larger; see Chart 3). As noted above, a room this size and with these dimensions could have accommodated social interactions up to and including the entire public-near proxemic range (>3.65–7.60 m). Room D1 also contained a central hearth, a bin, and a stone platform. Rooms D2 and D3 were subsequently created by enclosing the space between Rooms D1, C2, and C4. A doorway

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in the northeast corner of Room D2 originally provided another entrance to Building D from the north on a lower terrace, but the passageway was later carefully blocked, possibly at the time Rooms D4 and D5 were constructed parallel to Room D1. In the final phase of the building, Rooms D4 and D5 formed a linear, two-roomed unit; entrance from the outside was from the north, first through a doorway in Room D5, then through a stepped doorway (or stile) into Room D4, which contained a hearth and long, narrow benches along its east and west walls. At the time of abandonment, Building Complex C-D comprised five distinct architectural units, which we have interpreted as houses (Table 17; Chart 4): Rooms C3, C4, and C5 (74.87 m2 of combined interior area); Room C1 (18.28 m2); Room C2 (28.89 m2); Rooms D1, D2, and D3 (53.47 m2); and Rooms D4 and D5 (26.06 m2). Houses D1–D3 and D4-D5, and probably C3–C5, opened onto a small courtyard shared with Building J-K. Houses C1 and C2 probably had their entrances on the west, opening onto a small, level terrace created by the West Terrace Wall.

Building Complex E Building E is a complex of at least seven rooms located immediately below the steep southeastern edge of the summit, covering a ground area of at least ca. 124.57 m2 (Tables 18, 19; Chart 1; Fig. 11; Day and Glowacki 2012, 1–45). The building partially abuts the southeast corner of Building B, Room B7 but is situated at a much lower elevation. Most rooms in Building E are oriented northeast to southwest, largely following the natural topographic contours of this part of the site, although a good deal of fill was also brought in to level the area artificially (Day and Glowacki 2012, 45). Erosion and other posthabitation activities have greatly disturbed the northeastern and southern portions of the building, with the result that the full extent of the complex is unknown and the precise relationships between the different spaces are not always clear. The construction of Building E began with Room E1, a rectangular room with central doorways on both the north and south. In its original phase, a stepped entrance bordered by short spur

walls led down from the north to a paved landing; at some later phase, this entrance seems to have been blocked off by the construction of a small wall across its northern end, creating a small “closet” or area for the storage and/or display of ceramic vessels. Room E1 contained a hearth near its center and a stone bench along its western side. Room E4 to the south seems to have been constructed sequentially after Room E1, but it is likely that both rooms were planned as a linear and axially aligned two-roomed unit. The stone-built threshold in the doorway between the two rooms is raised above the floor level of Room E1, providing important evidence for the existence of elevated doorways in the architecture of Vronda. In subsequent architectural phases, Rooms E2 and E3 were built on a lower level to the east, apparently as a two-room unit that utilized the preexisting eastern walls of Rooms E1 and E4 as their western boundary. The northern wall of Room E2 is not preserved, but it is likely that the entrance

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was on the north, as in Room E1 and elsewhere at Vronda. A small patch of heat-reddened clay and white ashy soil observed near the southwest corner of Room E2 may represent either the remains of a hearth or burned roofing clay associated with some postabandonment event (e.g., the cremation burial in Room E3 to the south). If this burned clay feature dates to LM IIIC, Room E2 may have been a hearth room of a size (restored interior area of ca. 16.51 m2) comparable to that of E1. No trace of a doorway is visible in the wall shared by Rooms E2 and E3; if one existed it must have been located above the level currently preserved. A narrow gap at the northern end of the east wall of Room E3 may represent a poorly preserved doorway opening to the east or simply damage to the wall at this point. It is unclear if Room E7, which was enclosed by four walls but may not have been have been covered by a roof in its final period of use, was constructed at the same time as Rooms E2 and E3 or later. While Room E7 follows the same orientation as Room E3, its floor level was at a significantly lower elevation. If there was a doorway connecting Rooms E3 and E7, access must have been by a staircase or ladder of which no traces are extant. A doorway in the northeast corner of Room E7 gave access to an open courtyard on the north. Room E5, aligned with Rooms E3 and E2, was clearly

added sometime after the construction of Room E4, but its relationship to either Room E3 or E7 is obscured by several factors. Room E5 does not visibly communicate with any of the other spaces, and its southeast corner is not preserved. Since no habitation surface was recognized during excavation, it is not certain if the space was roofed or even used in LM IIIC. Room E6, of which only an L-shaped bench remains, utilized the preexisting west wall of Room E5. At the time of abandonment, Building Complex E consisted of at least two separate architectural units (Table 19; Chart 4), designated the Building E West House (Rooms E1 and E4 [28.39 m2], possibly also including Room E6 [>3.69 m2]), and the Building E East House (Rooms E2 and E3 [26.67 m2], possibly also including Rooms E7 [13.44 m2] and E5 [4.86 m2]). As noted above, Room E7 may have been part of the East House, or it could have been its own separate unit. Building E West House had its entrance, at least in its initial phase, on the north, communicating with the area designated Room B8, a small, apparently unroofed space bordered on the west by Room B7 and partially enclosed on the north by the south wall of Room B3. Building E East House, whose entrance is not preserved, also probably opened to the north, as did Room E7.

Building G (Shrine) Building G is a rectilinear, two-roomed structure located immediately beneath the steep southwestern edge of the summit, covering a ground area of ca. 62.75 m2; a large bench along the western facade covers an additional 8.75 m2 (Table 20; Charts 1, 2; Fig. 12; for a preliminary discussion of the architecture, see Klein 2004; Klein and Glowacki 2009, 154–156). The building is oriented roughly north to south; as with other buildings at Vronda, the linear plan follows the topographic contours in this location. The only preserved entrance is on the north, where a central doorway provided access to Room G2 (14.63 m2 of interior area), which contained a hearth on the floor just east of center, benches along the north, east, and south walls, and a tall, stone-built platform rising near the center of the eastern bench. A doorway in

the southwest corner of Room G2 led into Room G1, a larger, rectangular space (22.75 m2) with a shorter platform in its northeast corner and a long, narrow bench in front of its east wall. A large exterior bench also ran along the western facade of the building—a prominent architectural feature unparalleled elsewhere on the site. Building G, like Building A, stands in contrast to the domestic building complexes at Vronda because it did not reveal evidence of agglutinative growth and duplication of architectural and functional units, and its plan apparently remained static over the life of the settlement (Glowacki and Klein 2011). A close architectural parallel for Building G is the LM IIIC cult building at nearby Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2001; 2009; Gesell 2004, 136, 138, 145, no. 3; Prent 2005, 150–151, no. A.17; Klein and

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Glowacki 2009, 156–158). As at Vronda, the Chalasmenos shrine is an axially arranged, rectangular, two-roomed structure (exterior dimensions ca. 5.50 x 13 m) with several benches along the interior wall faces of both rooms for the display and storage of cult-related objects. The building is oriented northwest to southeast, following the terrain. Entrance is through a central doorway on the narrow, northwestern side into the larger of the two rooms, which is in contrast to the entrance into the smaller of the two rooms observed at Vronda. A doorway at the southwestern corner of the larger room

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provided access to the smaller rear chamber. A recently discovered LM IIIC cult building at Azoria also appears to reflect the architectural type represented by the Vronda and Chalasmenos shrines (Whitley et al. 2006–2007, 100). Only part of one room is preserved, with a long wall on the east (pres. L. ca. 8 m) and a short segment of a southern return wall (pres. L. ca. 2 m) marking its southeast corner. A bench runs along the inner face of the east wall, upon which were found fragments of a terracotta goddess figure.

Building Complex I-O-N Building Complex I-O-N consists of at least 14 contiguous rooms on the western slope of the Vronda hill, covering a ground area of at least 282.32 m2 (Tables 21, 22; Chart 1; Fig. 13; Day and Glowacki 2012, 57–141). The earliest part of the complex to be constructed was a rectilinear, three-roomed unit (Rooms I4, I3, and I5), to which two additional rooms (Rooms I1 and I2) were later added to the east. The entrance was from the north, by means of a central doorway in the north wall of Room I4, which formed a narrow anteroom with a small, narrow bench or shelf and possible pot stand along its eastern side. From the southwest corner of I4, another doorway provided access to Room I3, the largest room in the unit and the main activity room of the house, containing a central hearth, oven, stone platform, bench, and storage bin (slab enclosure). Additional doorways connected Room I3 to Room I5 to the south, and, in the building’s later phase, to Room I1 in the southeast. Room I1 then provided exclusive access to Room I2. Utilizing the west wall of Building I as a spine wall, the builders continued the architectural expansion of the complex with Building O, Rooms O1 and O2, parallel with Building I but on a lower terrace to the west. Analysis of the wall bonding suggests that these two rooms were constructed as a single rectangular unit, but no communicating doorway is preserved in the wall they share (similar to the situation observed in Building C, Rooms C3 and C4). The only definite doorway into the two-room unit was in the northeast corner of Room O2, providing access from the north. The larger,

northern room (Room O2) preserved one stone post base along the longitudinal axis in the southern portion of the space and the remains of a possible slab enclosure near its northwest corner. The smaller, southern room (Room O1) had a single stone post base its center. In an earlier phase of Room O1’s history, a small oven was located in the northeast corner; this feature was later flattened and covered by a small bench constructed along the eastern half of the northern wall. An irregularly shaped, heatreddened area on the floor in the southern portion of the room may represent a hearth or at least indicate some episode of burning or heating. In a later architectural phase, Room O3 was added to the north of Room O2, following the same north–south orientation. Although the northern and central portions of the room had been badly disturbed by erosion and the construction of a later tomb (Grave 28), a small oven was preserved in its northeast corner. Finally, Room O4 was added to the north of Room O3, again following the natural contour of the terrain. Only the southeastern corner of the room is preserved, with benches lining both extant wall segments. It is unclear if Room O4 communicated directly with Room O3 to the south. The construction of Building N, on a lower terrace west of Building O, began with Room N2, a large rectangular room that used the preexisting west wall of Room O2 as its eastern boundary. A long bench ran along the room’s eastern wall, and a possible storage bin (boulder enclosure) was slightly sunken below floor surface in its northwest corner. In its initial phase, Room N2 had two off-center

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doorways in both the northeast and southeast corners; the southern doorway was blocked at some later point in the building’s history and divided the complex into northern and southern sections. In a subsequent architectural phase, Rooms N3 and N5 were built as a unit to the south and west, incorporating the preexisting architecture of Rooms N2 and O1 into their design, but with a change in orientation from north–south to east–west reflecting shifts in the natural terrain. Room N3 contained a bench and platform along its eastern side, and a storage bin (cobble enclosure) in the southeast corner. A stairway in the northwest corner of Room N3 provided access to Room N5, situated on yet a lower terrace, reflecting a sharp drop in the bedrock. Room N5 contained a central hearth, a small oven located on top of the hearth, a small pot stand, and a tall platform in the northeast corner. The western wall of Room N5 is no longer preserved, but the entrance may have been from that direction, where a terrace wall provided space for a narrow pathway. At some point after the construction of Room N5, Room N1 was added immediately north of Room N2. Room N1 had a centrally located hearth, a small platform in the southwest corner, and possibly a small bin (slab enclosure) in the northeast. The largest space in the Building I-O-N complex (restored area of ca. 30.23 m2), Room N1 communicated with the earlier-built Room N2 by means of the

preexisting doorway in its southeast corner; three steps cut into the bedrock leading up to the door in order to accommodate the slightly lower floor elevation of Room N1. Finally, Room N4 seems to have been constructed to the south of Room N5. Although largely destroyed by postabandonment activities, Room N4 contained evidence for a central hearth and a nearby stone post base. The presence of a central hearth and the lack of any doorway or other evidence of communication (e.g., joins of pottery) between Rooms N4 and N5 suggest that Room N4 may have been a separate, one-room house unit. At the time of abandonment, Building Complex I-O-N comprised five recognizable architectural units, which we have interpreted as houses (Table 22; Chart 4): Rooms I1–I5 (41.76 m2 of combined interior area); Rooms O1–O3 (39.88 m2), possibly augmented by Room O4 (>7.40 m2); Rooms N1–N2 (45.91 m2); Rooms N3–N5 (36.53 m2); and Room N4 (>10.00 m2). House I1-I5 opened onto a courtyard, bordered on the west by the walls of Building O, but was not apparently shared with any other structure. House O1-O2 also had its main entrance on the north. Although their northern walls and doorways are not preserved, it is likely that House O1-O3 and House N1-N2 were also entered from the north. House N3-N5 probably had its main entrance on the west, opening onto a small, level area created by a terrace wall.

Building Complex J-K Building Complex J-K is located on the summit of Vronda, immediately north of Building A-B and northeast of Building C-D (Tables 23, 24; Chart 1; Fig. 14; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 125–161). Because this area had been badly disturbed by erosion as well as later building activity during the Geometric (G), Venetian (V), and Modern (Mod.) periods, the full extent and form of the LM IIIC complex are not completely understood. Building Complex J-K consists of at least four contiguous rooms, covering a ground area of at least ca. 143.35 m2, and several associated exterior spaces. The rooms are rectangular, with their long axes oriented east to west, following the natural contours of the Vronda ridge as it slopes gently down to the north.

The first part of the complex to be built was apparently Room J4, with a doorway opening to the east. It is unknown whether the area designated Room J3 was an interior or exterior space; if the large East Terrace Wall originally extended farther to the north, as is likely, the resulting terrace would have provided space for either a small room, porch, or forecourt on the eastern side of Room J4. Next in the sequence of construction was Room J1, located downslope and to the north of Room J4. Although its eastern wall is not preserved, Room J1 can be restored as a rectangular room with an interior area of at least 34.96 m2, making it the third largest room at Vronda (Chart 3). A patch of heat-reddened clay recognized near the middle of the room may be the remains of a central hearth.

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A doorway may have existed on the west side of the room, opening onto an exterior workspace (J5) and semiprivate courtyard shared with the northern rooms of Building C-D. It is unknown if the area designated Room J2 to the east of Room J1 was an interior or exterior space. In a subsequent phase of construction, Room K3 was built utilizing the preexisting north wall of Room J1. Entrance to Room K3 seems to have been by means of a central doorway on the western side of the room, which communicated with the semiprivate courtyard through a narrow, open-air alley or corridor and/or workspace (K4). Finally, Room K1 was constructed on a lower terrace to the north. Room K1 was entered through a doorway located on its eastern side, communicating with a small courtyard (K2). The full extent of Room K1 is not known; only the eastern part of the room, where an L-shaped bench lined the southeast corner of the space, was excavated. Although the area to the west of Room K1 was disturbed by a modern aloni or threshing floor, a line of stones visible in the southern edge of the aloni may be the remains of an ancient wall running east to west, but with a slightly different alignment than the preserved south wall of Room K1. This small distinction may

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indicate the existence of another room to the west of Room K1; any wall separating these two spaces was either destroyed by the construction of the aloni, or it is obscured by the unexcavated western balk of Room K1. Determining the composition of individual houses in Building Complex J-K is complicated by the extremely poor state of preservation. Based on the available evidence, Building J may represent, at a minimum, two single-room houses (Rooms J4 and J1), although it is possible that other small rooms on their eastern sides may have once existed in the highly eroded areas designated J3 and J2. The same scenario may apply to Room K3, where the eastern end of the structure is no longer preserved. Finally, Room K1 also probably represents a separate house, although in this case at least one additional room may be indicated by a single face of a wall extending at least 5.6 m to the west of the excavated area. Therefore, by the time of abandonment, Building Complex J-K comprised at least four architectural units that probably represent separate houses/households (Table 24; Chart 4): Room J4 (interior floor area of 27.75 m2), Room J1 (34.96 m2), Room K3 (≥23.10 m2), and Room K1 (>20.03 m2).

Building Complex L-M Building L-M is located on the northern slope of Vronda, ca. 10 m north of Building J-K (Table 25; Fig. 15; Day and Glowacki 2012, 143–161). Since the area had been severely disturbed by erosion and later disturbances, the form and extent of the LM IIIC complex are not clearly understood. As excavated, Building L-M consists of at least four contiguous rooms built on three terraces descending gently from south to north; the preserved remains cover an area of only ca. 35.79 m2. Like Building J-K, the rooms of Building L-M all appear to be oriented east to west following the natural topographic contours of the slope. The sequence of construction seems to have begun with Room L3, a small rectangular space on the middle terrace. While no trace of the east wall of Room L3 is preserved, a central(?) doorway on the room’s western side communicated with an apparently unroofed courtyard in that direction

(Room L2/3). Rooms L1 and L2, located on a higher terrace immediately to the south but sharing the south wall of Room L3 as a northern boundary, may have been constructed at the same time as Room L3. It is likely that Rooms L1 and L2 were originally a single space that was later divided by a small, slightly curving partition wall (Day and Glowacki 2012, 145). Room L1 may preserve part of a doorway on its eastern side, but it is unknown if this opening provided communication with the exterior or with another room to the east. The west wall of Room L2 is not preserved; a hypothetical doorway in this location would have opened onto the unroofed space (Room L2/3), which may then have functioned as shared courtyard allowing interaction between Room L1–L2 and Room L3. Room M1 was constructed on the terrace north of and below Room L3, utilizing the north wall of Room L3 as its southern edge. The remains of a

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hearth set between projecting ridges of bedrock were discovered ca. 1 m north of the south wall, near the western edge of the excavated area. No other walls or built features are preserved, but if the hearth was located along the main east–west axis, as is common at Vronda, Room M1 must have been at least 3 m wide. At the time of abandonment, Building Complex L-M comprised three distinct architectural units, which may represent at least two, and probably three, separate houses: Rooms L1 and L2

(designated the Building L South House), Room L3 (Building L North House), and Room M1. The Building L North House opened onto a small, unroofed area to the west (Room L2/3), bordered on the north by the south wall of Room M1. The house represented by Room M1 may have extended farther to the east, as suggested by the alignment of boulders and the presence of claylike soil (possibly roofing material) in partially explored trenches in that direction (Day and Glowacki 2012, 143, 153).

Building Q Building Q is located on the eastern slope of Vronda, immediately east of the East Terrace Wall (Fig. 5; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 73–77). Limited excavation in the area revealed a short stretch (ca. 1.94 m) of a single LM IIIC wall that abutted the East Terrace Wall at a nearly right angle. Traces of roofing clay found both to the north and south of the wall suggest the presence of two separate rooms, Q1 to the north and Q2 to the south, of unknown shape and dimensions. Artifacts and faunal remains recovered from these rooms are similar to the domestic assemblages found in the more extensively represented building complexes. The top of an earlier wall, probably from a MM structure, was apparently incorporated into the LM IIIC floor

surface of Room Q2, ca. 0.80 m south of and parallel to the LM IIIC wall. Because the earlier wall clearly projected a short distance above the LM IIIC floor, it may have served as a type of platform or paved area for the later room. While little can be said about the architecture of Building Q, the existence of this structure on the east side of the East Terrace Wall demonstrates that the Vronda settlement continued in this direction on the unexcavated terraces below. Since the floor surfaces of Building Q were only ca. 2 m below the preserved height of the East Terrace Wall, the building would have completely obscured the face of the terrace wall behind.

Scattered Architectural Remains Poorly preserved traces of other architectural remains suggest that the Vronda settlement may once have included more buildings than the recognizable complexes previously discussed, filling in some of the open areas on the northwestern and western slopes (Fig. 3). For example, immediately to the west of Building L-M and Tholos VIII, a short stretch of a wall and a possible bench along its western face were uncovered in Trenches V 7000 and V 7500 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 158– 159, pl. 30A). Oriented northeast to southwest to follow the natural contours of the hill, the wall and bench do not seem to be part of the same complex as Building L-M. Indications of hard-packed clay

surfaces on either side of these features, along with a good deal of LM IIIC pottery, are consistent with remains from other domestic complexes. North of Building D, a linear accumulation of stones in Trench V 14400, oriented northeast to southwest and parallel to a projecting ridge of bedrock boulders, may also represent a poorly preserved wall (Day and Glowacki 2012, 168). Two more wall fragments were discovered in Trench V 13100 to the west of Building D and northeast of Building I (Day and Glowacki 2012, 167). The walls are oriented roughly north to south, nearly parallel with Building D. Vestiges of what may have been living surfaces were preserved on the western sides

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of both walls, including possible roofing clay associated with the westernmost wall. Finally, a small circle of stones in Trench V 11600, ca. 10 m to the east of Building I, may represent a pot stand or

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bin (cobble enclosure), a feature usually associated with interior spaces; no other traces of architecture were preserved nearby (Day and Glowacki 2012, 166).

House Form and Size As shown by the preceding discussion, the most common form of building represented at Vronda is the house. Individual dwellings have been identified by the presence of connecting doorways and the duplication of key domestic features such as hearths and ovens. The typical or average house at Vronda seems to have been a single-story, two- to three-room building with approximately 30 to 50 m2 of combined interior area (avg. 40.06 m2; revised from Glowacki 2004, 134; 2007, 136). Most of them appear as rectilinear, axially arranged structures following the natural topographic contours of the site, often utilizing preexisting architecture to create a party wall with a neighboring house. Even the exceptions to the strictly axial or linear plan (e.g., D1–D3, N1-N2, N3–N5) act in ways that respond to the natural landscape and earlier buildings. Many of these houses, however, also reveal several stages of architectural modification, either through the later addition of rooms or through the blocking of doorways to create separate domestic units. By the time of the site’s abandonment toward the end of LM IIIC, the Vronda settlement consisted of at least 20 distinct houses in addition to Buildings A-B and G (Table 26; Chart 4). It is unknown, however, how many of the units remained in concurrent use, and it is likely that some houses—or rooms within an individual house—were abandoned before others, similar

to what can observed in the gradual abandonment and decay of modern ethnographic parallels in the homes of the Kavousi region and elsewhere on Crete (Mook 2000; Papadopoulos 2013). Taking into consideration the entire occupational history of the settlement, the identifiable houses at Vronda consist of one to five rooms, each with its own hearth room as the core of the structure and main living space. The mostly likely one-room houses range in size from 18.28 to 28.89 m2 (avg. 23.59 m2) of interior area (Table 27), with two possible larger examples (34.96 and 38.90 m2). Tworoom houses, which are the most common type, are only slightly larger, in general ranging from 22.77 m2 to 45.91 m2 (avg. 32.45 m2); the exception is Building A, which, if it is to be interpreted as a dwelling, was much larger, with 88.57 m2 of combined interior area (Table 28). Three-room houses (Table 29) have interior areas of 32.63 m2 to 74.87 m2 (avg. 50.72 m2). Four- and five-room houses are the least common types. The best example of a four-room house range has an interior area of 47.28 m2 (Table 30), while another may be slightly smaller (>44.97 m2). The only definite example of a five-room house is Building I, with 41.76 m2 of combined interior area; if Building D ever represented a single structure with five connecting rooms (Table 31), it would have had nearly twice as much space (79.53 m2).

Spatial Organization Additional insights concerning the form and spatial organization of the buildings at Vronda can be derived from the application of space syntax analysis, a theoretical framework and a set of techniques that seek to represent how architectural spaces within a structure or settlement are arranged in relationship to each other (Hillier and Hanson 1984;

Hillier 1996, 2014; Hanson 1998). This information is then used to interpret patterns of spatial configuration as reflections of social, economic, and cultural characteristics. The qualitative and quantitative techniques and underlying theoretical assumptions of space syntax analysis have been used by architects, urban planners, architectural historians, and

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archaeologists to discuss and compare the built environment from a variety of cultures and chronological periods. The results, however, are not always very instructive when based upon the incomplete evidence found at many archaeological sites. As Cutting (2003, 18) has noted, these techniques require “a minimum level of information about connected spaces both inside and outside buildings, with clear entrances, complete buildings and open spaces and complete settlements—or at least blocks of buildings.” Moreover, space syntax is most instructive when a building consists of a large number of clearly demarcated and connected spaces, such as many houses, villas, and administrative complexes of the Minoan and Mycenaean palatial periods (Thaler 2005; Letesson 2009, 2013, 2014; Hacıgüzeller and Thaler 2014), but its effectiveness is more limited in situations where a building or house consists of only a few rooms and offers less potential for movement and interaction in space, as is frequently the case at LM IIIC Vronda. Despite these limitations, some qualitative aspects of space syntax analysis can still be used to visualize and discuss the internal configuration and the spatial organization of buildings and to suggest patterns of movement, activities, and even notions of privacy at both the household and suprahousehold level (Cutting 2003; 2006; Stockett 2005; Fisher 2009, 440– 443; see Westgate 2007 for a similar discussion concerning the utility of access analysis diagrams for Hellenistic houses on Crete). When informed by detailed contextual observations about the distribution of artifacts and features, such as the data presented in Kavousi IIA and IIB, these insights can provide complementary perspectives on how people organized their built environment and allow us to compare and contrast architectural forms more formally and objectively. Two primary techniques of space syntax analysis can be applied to the architectural remains: access analysis (also called permeability analysis and gamma analysis) and visibility graph analysis. Access analysis begins by converting a simplified ground plan of a building into a schematic representation of individual spaces, their distance from the building’s entrance(s), and links joining these spaces (Hillier and Hanson 1984; Hillier 1996; 2014; Hanson 1998; Bafna 2003; Shapiro 2005; Fisher 2009, 440–443; Ostwald 2011). According to this method of architectural diagramming, the exterior of the

building (the “root “or the “carrier”) is represented by a circle with a cross. Interior rooms or spaces are indicated by circles (“nodes” or “vertices”), and connections between rooms are shown as solid lines (“links” or “edges”). In creating the justified access graph (also called “justified plan graph”), the exterior space is conventionally placed at the bottom; all spaces connected directly to the exterior are then shown on the graph at one level above the exterior (“step depth” of 1), all spaces connected to the first level are placed at the second level (step depth of 2 from the exterior), and so on. The result is a graphic representation (justified access graph or “j-graph”) of a building’s internal configuration that illustrates, at a glance, fundamental properties of architectural space such as permeability, accessibility, connectivity, integration, segregation, and internal circulation. In more complex buildings, generally consisting of five or more rooms, this type of analysis can also be used to express quantifiable values (e.g., connectivity, control, integration, relative asymmetry) for each room or for the network as a whole. The justified access graphs and the quantifiable values are useful for comparing buildings of different plans, configurational complexities, and scales in a consistent way. Visibility analysis, on the other hand, explores the spatial relationships of rooms in a building or network of spaces through the creation of a visibility graph, a color- or grayscale-ranged representation of the intervisible connections (Turner 2001, 2004; Turner et al. 2001). A grid is established over a plan of a building, and a point at the center of each grid square is connected to every other point that it can see. The grid is usually based on an eye-level plan, excluding built features (such as hearths, ovens, or benches). Whereas the access or configurational diagramming intentionally treats all spaces as equal, regardless of form or size of the rooms, visibility analysis is sensitive to both the shape of the rooms and placement of connecting doorways. By assigning a color or grayscale value to the number of connections, the visibility graph allows us to see the underlying mathematical values, patterns, and structure in different architectural configurations in an intuitive way (Hillier 2014, 23). In this method, visually connected locations (i.e., areas that can be seen from relatively many points) are shown in lighter shades, while locations that are more visually segregated (i.e., areas that

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can be seen from relatively few other points) are indicated in darker colors. Visibility graph analysis (VGA), therefore, is an attempt to understand the visual properties of the built environment and the relationship between architectural form and what people (both residents and visitors) can see and where they can go (Hanson 1998, 54). From the visibility graph, several different types of maps can be generated, each reflecting different characteristics of the internal structure of the building and the potential for interaction and movement in space. For the purposes of our discussion, the Depthmap 10 program has been used to generate six different visibility maps based on properties that have been used effectively to illustrate key spatial relationships and syntactic patterns within buildings from a variety of cultures. The objectives of these maps are defined below. 1. Visual connectivity attempts to map how connected a location is within its own network. Areas with high values (lighter shades) are directly connected (visible on a direct line of sight) to more spatial units within a room or building (Turner 2004, 10). 2. Visual integration, which is similar to connectivity, attempts to measure potential movement within a system by calculating both the connectivity and the number of turns it takes to see (or reach) any given point. The higher the integration value of a space (lighter shades), the easier it is to see or reach and the more likely it is that it is an often used (i.e., potentially more social) space (Turner 2004, 14–15; cf. Letesson 2009; 2013). 3. Visual entropy (or point depth entropy) also attempts to map how easy it is to see or reach a certain depth within a system, with low disorder/low values (darker shades) corresponding to areas where it is theoretically easier to move around, and high disorder/ high values (lighter shades) representing areas where it is theoretically harder to move around (Turner 2001, 31.7; 2004, 15; cf. Tahar and Brown 2003; Güney 2007). 4. Visual clustering coefficient attempts to show how much of an observer’s visual field will be lost or retained as he or she moves away from a specific location. Low values (darker

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shades) indicate locations where movement in any direction will involve a loss of visual information, potentially indicating key decision-making points (junctions) in movement through space (Turner et al. 2001, 110– 111; Turner 2004, 16–17; cf. Tahar and Brown 2003; Güney 2007). 5. Visual control attempts to show areas that are visually dominant (i.e., places from which other areas can be seen easily). Areas with higher control values (lighter shades) are connected to (can see) relatively more points than other spaces in the same network, so may suggest locations that could potentially control access to other parts of the building (Turner 2001, 31.5; 2004, 16–17; cf. Letesson 2009; 2013). 6. Visual controllability attempts to map areas that can be dominated visually. Areas with higher controllability values (light shades) are locations that may be controlled more easily than other spaces in the same network (Turner 2004, 16; cf. Letesson 2009; 2013). Only three houses at Vronda (Building D, Building E West, and Building I) preserve evidence for their complete plans and the locations of external and internal doorways connecting two or more rooms. Building I provides an instructive example (Fig. 16). As noted above (p. 33), the initial core of Building I was a rectilinear, single-story, threeroom structure accessed from the outside via a central door leading to a narrow room (Room I4) that formed a small vestibule. Movement then proceeded from the vestibule into the hearth room (Room I3) via a doorway in the southwest corner and from the hearth room to a single rear chamber (Room I5), also through a doorway in the southwest corner. While the arrangement of the three rooms is linear, the doorways are not all aligned on the same axis. Visibility into the house from the outside was therefore limited until one entered the hearth room. Even with the addition of two rooms (Rooms I1 and I2) in its latest phase, the pattern of circulation in Building I is not significantly altered, with the hearth room (Room I3) still key to controlling access to the other more secluded and presumably more private areas of the house.

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The simplified ground plan and justified access graph of Building I illustrate some basic characteristics about circulation within the house as well as the organization of the rooms and their relationships to each other in both phases. Room I4 is recognized as the space most exposed or open to the outside (step depth of 1 from the entrance), but it is also the room that controls the only entryway to the house. Both residents (inhabitants) and nonresidents (visitors) would have needed to pass through Room I4 to proceed any farther. Room I3 is slightly less accessible (step depth of 2), but it is the most interconnected space, with doorways leading to or from three rooms. Rooms I5 and I1, even though they were built in two different architectural phases, are equivalent in terms of their depth from the entrance (step depth of 3), but Room I1 is more “connected” and facilitates more movement in that it communicates with both Rooms I3 and I2, controlling access to the latter. Room I2 is the least accessible space, located farthest from the entrance (step depth of 4) and accessed only from Room I1. The justified access diagram shows that Rooms I2 and I5 are both dead-end spaces, although the greater depth of Room I2 suggests more privacy. In terms of its access and configuration, this type of plan is referred to as asymmetrical (because the spatial relationship of one room to another in respect to the exterior is not equal; one room sequentially controls the access to another) and nondistributed (since movement within the system does not include multiple, nonintersecting routes, but always requires passing through some controlling space; Hillier and Hanson 1984, 148–149; Shapiro 2005, 44–47). Buildings of this type often include isolated, more inaccessible (segregated) spaces. The visibility analysis of Building I reinforces many of the conclusions derived from both the qualitative description of the ground plan and the access diagram but adds additional visual dimensions to the analysis. For example, Room I3 (the hearth room) can be seen as the most visually connected and integrated space (represented in lighter shades), suggesting that it may have been the room most often used by the inhabitants of Building I. The western and southern portions of Room I3 have higher visual connectivity and integration values than the eastern and northern portions, largely related to the shape of the room and location of doorways, but perhaps also reflecting

a distinction between activity areas and connecting passageways. The potential for both movement and decision-making along the western side of the room is also suggested by the point depth entropy and clustering coefficient maps (darker shades). As could be predicted, Room I2 is the least integrated and connected space, followed by Rooms I4 (vestibule and storeroom) and I5 (storeroom). Although Room I3 is treated as one convex space in terms of traditional access and visibility graph analyses, it is also possible to view the room as having its own internal network of activity areas. As we have discussed above (p. 20), the central hearth was used for cooking but also for heating and lighting. As a fixed architectural feature, it is at the same time a focal point in the room, an activity area, a partition, and an obstacle to movement. An inhabitant or visitor would, at some point, have to choose to move around it, either to the east or west. On the east side of the hearth, one encountered what must have been a busy activity area for cooking (oven), food preparation (stone tools), sitting (bench), and possibly even sleeping. On the west, however, the path through the space was not impeded with built features but led directly to the doorway into Room I5. Moving toward the southern side of the hearth, one could choose to proceed deeper, past a storage facility (slab-lined enclosure or bin), into either Room I5 or Room I1. Even within one room, therefore, there could have been divisions marked by fixed, semifixed, or even nonfixed feature elements that divided the space into different zones, activity areas, and pathways, some appropriate for inhabitants only, some for both inhabitants and visitors (Table 32; Rapoport 1990, 87–101). In this way, the spatial configuration of the built environment, combined with features, artifacts, decoration, and other cues, may indeed reflect and reinforce underlying cultural characteristics, expected social behavior, and meanings that have been encoded into the architecture (Bourdieu 1977; Rapoport 1990, 59–62; Sanders 1990; Fisher 2009, 443–446). McEnroe’s comments (2010, 150) emphasize precisely this cognitive aspect of architectural placemaking in the vernacular traditions of Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Crete: Walking across the settlement at Vronda and entering, say, the hearth room of a cousin’s house, one knew where to go, where not to go, what to do,

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what not to do, where to sit, etc.—in short, how to behave. An agreed-upon pattern of interaction— one might regard it as a set of manners—is probably almost as necessary to the sustainability of a community as a water source and arable land, even, or perhaps especially, in a time of dire poverty. Community identity depends on familiarity (in the root sense of the word) with the set of social expectations.

The two-room, rectangular Building E West House, at least in its initial phase, is similar in plan and syntactical arrangement (asymmetrical and nondistributed) to Building I, with three exceptions: there are only two rooms, there is no vestibule separating the hearth room from the entrance, and the rooms are arranged on both a linear and a truly axial plan (Fig. 17). As in the case of Building I, the hearth room (Room E1) is the larger room and is central to movement within the house, even though it is, in this case, the most accessible from the outside (step depth of 1 from the entrance) as well as the most connected space. Also similar to Building I, a bench lines the side of the room, but there is no oven preserved. The southern room (Room E4) has a step depth of only 2 and is a dead-end space. The spatial configuration of this house is shallower and more permeable than that of Building I; the doorway between the two rooms is directly aligned with the entrance to the house and is therefore potentially more visible—even if the passageway itself may have been closed at times by a semifixed feature element such as a door or curtain. The visibility graphs also highlight the connectivity and integration along the central axis; the similarity in size and shape of Rooms E1 and E4, combined with the central doorway, result in similar values for the other characteristics as well. In the case of this two-room house, the insights offered by the access and visibility analyses seem somewhat limited, but they rather complement and confirm what is already apparent from a traditional ground plan and qualitative description. Building D presents a more complicated case, resulting from the agglutinative expansion of the structure through several phases of construction and, unlike most other buildings at Vronda, the unambiguous evidence for both its full extent and doorways linking all of its rooms. Analysis of wall bonding has demonstrated that the first room to be constructed was Room D1 (Phase 1), a large rectangular room with a central hearth, a stone-built

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platform in its southeast corner, a storage bin against its western wall, and central doorways at both the northern and southern ends (Fig. 18). The basic architectural unit represented by Room D1 can be shown graphically as a single cell linked to the outside with two lines, a manifestation of an “elementary building” and “bipermeable point” (Hillier and Hanson 1984, 147–148; Hanson 1998, 5–8). If Room D1 by itself also represents the initial habitation of the building—and this is uncertain, if not unlikely—there was neither separation from the outside by means of a vestibule, nor were there more secluded rooms indicating any great concern for privacy or additional interior space for specific activities. After the construction of Rooms D2 and D3 (Phase 2), however, the building had two separate entrances, situated on different terraces. The unusual plan of the structure is the result of both topography (the bedrock drops off to the west of Room D1) and the available space between Room D1 and the preexisting architecture of Building C (Room C2). The northern entrance into Room D1 continued in use, providing access to the interior from a semiprivate court to the north. Movement then could have proceeded to the south via a central doorway to a small, narrow room (D3) and from there to an even smaller room (D2), which also had a separate entrance from the outside. As shown in the justified access graph, Rooms D1 and D2 are equivalent in their depth from the entrance (step depth of 1), and both rooms are connected directly to Room D3 (step depth of 2). While Rooms D1 and D2 are therefore symmetrical to each other with respect to their access to the exterior, Room D3 is not, because its access is controlled by either D1 or D2. Moreover, instead of ending in a deadend space whose access was regulated by only one room (as seen in the linear arrangements of Buildings I and E), movement within the building could have taken alternate routes in a shallow, ring-like (“ringy”) configuration that suggests greater permeability and perhaps greater flexibility in the use of space. In terms of its configuration, this type of arrangement can also be described as asymmetrical (since the spatial relationship of each room to another in respect to the exterior is not equal; access to a room is sequentially controlled by another) but distributed (because movement within the system can take multiple, nonintersecting paths).

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The visibility graph analysis of this phase reveals Room D1 as the most visually connected and integrated space of the building, a feature shared by the hearth rooms in Building I and Building E West House. Room D3 contained areas of both potentially high and low visual connectivity and integration, reflecting the architectural form of the room and the presence of a central doorway, suggesting its role as a transitional space. The least integrated space is Room D2, reflecting both the size and location of the room but perhaps also a functional distinction between a secondary entrance here and the primary entrance in Room D1. In the next building stage (Phase 3), Rooms D4 and D5 were constructed on the lower terrace to the west of Room D1 and to the north of Room D2 (Fig. 19). At some point, the doorway between Rooms D2 and D4 was blocked, but it is impossible to know if this event occurred at the time Rooms D4 and D5 were built or if it happened at a later date. Hypothetically, there could have been a time, however brief, when the doorway was open and Rooms D2 and D4 communicated directly. In this scenario, the configuration of the building remained asymmetrical, distributed, and ringlike, although the overall depth became greater. Despite their differences in size and function, Rooms D1 (hearth room) and D5 (vestibule?) were equivalent in terms of their depth (1) from the entrance, as were Rooms D3 (storeroom?) and D4 (hearth room), both of which were located at a step depth of 2. Room D2 became the space farthest from either entrance (step depth of 3), but it was also the space that connected the two parts of the structure. The blocking of the doorway between Rooms D2 and D4, whenever it took place, altered the plan and circulation patterns of Building D in significant ways, essentially creating two completely separate houses, each with its own entrance from the semiprivate courtyard on the north (Fig. 20). The eastern part of the complex consisted of Rooms D1– D3, as in the original plan but with more restricted circulation. Entrance was still from the north into the hearth room (D1) and from there to Room D3 and finally into Room D2, which now became a dead-end space. (In this regard, it is interesting to note that in its final phase, Room D2 apparently became a dumping place for broken pithoi; see Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 102, 122.) That is, the configuration of the nonlinear Rooms D1–D3 changed

from ringlike and asymmetrical/distributed to linear and asymmetrical/nondistributed, similar in terms of its syntactical arrangement to the linear houses represented elsewhere on Vronda. Like Building E West House, the hearth room (Room D1) was the space most accessible from the outside, and it controlled movement to the other rooms. The two-room, linear house represented by Rooms D5– D4 also reveals an asymmetrical and nondistributed arrangement, with the only access to the hearth room (Room D4) controlled by a small vestibule or entrance room (Room D5), similar to the situation in Building I, although the hearth room (Room D4) here was the end of the circulation network and did not control access to other rooms. In terms of visibility graph analysis, the eastern part of the complex (Rooms D1–D3) reverted to exactly the same values that it had in Phase 1, despite the change in configuration from asymmetrical/ distributed to asymmetrical/nondistributed. The blocking of the doorway between Rooms D2 and D4 resulted in D2 once again becoming an area of low integration values, but this time without any connection to the exterior or the ability to control access. In the western half of the complex, however, Room D4 became, relatively, a much more integrated part of its own two-room unit. Other buildings at Vronda whose plans are known or can be restored with confidence, but whose doorways are not completely preserved, seem to be arranged in the pattern of Building E, but with notable variations. For example, the rectilinear, two-room structure that represents the earliest stage of Building C (Rooms C3–C4) was accessed from the outside through a central doorway that led into a large hearth room with bench and corner oven (as in Room I3). If a doorway once existed above the preserved level of the wall connecting the two rooms, as seems likely, the plan and typology (asymmetrical and nondistributed) of this house resembled that of Building E. Likewise, the earliest component of Building O formed a linear, two-room structure (Rooms O1 and O2). Access to this unit was from the north through a door in the northeast corner of Room O2. As with the house formed by Rooms C3 and C4, any opening that connected these two rooms must have been located above the preserved level of the wall that separates them, resulting in a conjectural access diagram that is also asymmetrical and nondistributed.

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Observations on Building Forms and Syntactical Arrangements In summary, the most common type of building at Vronda is a rectilinear, single-story, two- or three-room house laid out in a linear or axial plan along natural topographic contours and revealing an asymmetrical and nondistributed syntactical arrangement. Even in the few buildings that have a nonlinear ground plan, responding to differences in topographic situation and available free space at the time of construction (e.g., Buildings D and N), their final layout also reflects an asymmetrical and nondistributed syntax for the organization of space. Where entrance doorways are preserved, they are located on a short side of the rectangular structure, either in the center or off to one corner. The main activity area and focal point of the LM IIIC house, whether for one-room or multiroom structures, was the hearth room. In multiroom houses, the hearth room usually controlled access to the other inner spaces. In the majority of cases at Vronda, the hearth room was also the first room entered from the outside. Less frequently, a vestibule or antechamber separated the hearth room from the entrance. In the houses represented by Building I and Rooms D4–D5, the vestibule seems to have been an element of the original design of the structure, while in the house represented by Rooms C3–C5, the hearth room is separated from the entrance only in a later architectural phase. The simplicity of this arrangement in a LM IIIC house stands in striking contrast to the more complex configurations seen in the Neopalatial period (McEnroe 1982; 2010, 93–107; Letesson 2009; 2013). If architecture reflects meaningful aspects of social relations, the domestic organization at Vronda appears to have differed significantly from that expressed by the Minoan houses of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. The linear or axially arranged plan that characterizes most of the buildings at Vronda is well attested on Crete in the Final and Postpalatial periods (Hayden 1981, 101–110; 1987; 1990), where it has been considered to represent a break from the Neopalatial domestic architectural traditions derived from Minoan Palatial prototypes and a possible Mycenaeanizing element (Sinos 1971, 105; McEnroe 1979, 165–168; 2010, 143–145); the implications for ethnic and cultural identity have been the subject of much debate (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and

Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 137–140; Darcque 1990; Hayden 1990, 211–213; Tsipopoulou 2005b; 2011a; Whittaker 2005; McEnroe 2010, 151; Wallace 2010, 129–130; Ch. 8, pp. 228–230). In the LM IIIC period, rectilinear houses, often with central hearths, are found at several sites contemporary with Vronda, such as Karphi and Chalasmenos (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 70–72, 137–140; Wallace 2005, 224–225, 265–270; Tsipopoulou 2005b; 2011a; Rupp 2007). This type of plan, with modifications, also remains an important house form on Crete throughout much later periods, sometimes even with a central hearth in the main room of the structure (see Westgate 2007 for a discussion of Hellenistic houses with hearth rooms at Lato and Trypetos). In the Kavousi area in particular, preliminary analyses of the LG–EO settlement on the Kastro have identified houses consisting of two, three, or four rooms, most of which have linear plans that closely reflect the steep topography of the site (Mook 2011; cf. Coulson et al. 1997 for an earlier discussion with slightly different building designations). Nonlinear plans seem to be a response to the terrain, the available space, and the location of streets and courtyards. Most configurations of both linear and nonlinear plans are asymmetrical and nondistributed, with a single entrance from the exterior followed by a sequence of rooms each controlling access to the next. Individual house sizes are also similar to those at Vronda: two-room houses range from 17.0 to 52.3 m2 of combined interior area (avg. 32.45 m2), three-room houses from 19.8 to 71.8 (avg. 48.54 m2), and four-room houses from 38.8 to 87.2 (avg. 63.30 m2; Mook 2011, 478–479; cf. above, p. 37; Tables 27–31). Although the settlement on Kastro is larger and much more densely inhabited than that on Vronda, most buildings clearly reveal a similar agglutinative expansion from a single dwelling to a cluster of several contiguous houses, each forming its own recognizable block. As at Vronda, these have also been interpreted as kinship-based neighborhoods (i.e., inhabited by related familial groups) and “a physical reflection of the community’s social order and as such a means by which different groups within the settlement defined themselves” (Mook 2011, 481).

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Recent excavations at the nearby site of Azoria have revealed important evidence for domestic and civic architecture from the late seventh through early fifth centuries b.c., providing a rare opportunity to observe multiple aspects of the built environment of an urban center in a transformative period (Haggis and Mook 2011; Haggis et al. 2011b; Fitzsimons 2014). Preliminary reports mention houses of both radial and linear plans, some of which have multiple rooms arranged sequentially along terraces following the natural topographic contours of the site in configurations reminiscent of the earlier structures found at Vronda and Kastro. Despite the initial similarity, however, there are several important differences in house form, room function, and organization of space. First, there is no hearth room, which is the characteristic feature of the LM IIIC domestic architecture at Vronda. Second, there is a much clearer separation of domestic activities into distinct architectural spaces (e.g., storeroom, hall, kitchen). Third, the best-preserved houses at Azoria have fixed food processing and cooking areas (kitchens) that are isolated from the main living room (hall) of the house; in some cases, the kitchen appears to have been added as completely separate room accessed from a shared courtyard. Fourth, at least one of the axially arranged houses

at Azoria (the Northeast Building) is significantly larger than any of the domestic structures discovered at LM IIIC Vronda, a phenomenon perhaps related to an increase in overall family wealth and prosperity. Fifth, and perhaps most strikingly, the houses at Azoria do not reveal the pattern of agglutinative expansion over time that has been documented at Vronda even though they were apparently inhabited for several generations. The more architecturally static nature of the Archaic houses at Azoria may therefore reflect important changes in the traditional kinship associations of the family and how they are expressed in the new sociopolitical environment (Fitzsimons 2014, 230–231). While complete analysis must await more detailed publication, the excavators have suggested that the large houses uncovered thus far at Azoria may have served as elite urban centers for large and dispersed households that had other residences elsewhere on site or in the surrounding territory (Haggis et al. 2011b, 439). In this way the diachronic perspective offered by the domestic architecture of Vronda, Kastro, and Azoria highlights both the continuity of vernacular building traditions and the dynamics of change in social structure and group identity in the Kavousi region from the 12th to early fifth centuries b.c.

Town Arrangement: Visualizing the LM IIIC Settlement The layout of the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda consisted of several independent building complexes separated by narrow pathways on the summit but by more spacious open areas on the north and west (Fig. 21; Pls. 12–14). The summit, bordered on both the east and west by terrace walls, was densely occupied by Buildings A-B, C-D, and J-K. Buildings E and Q were located immediately below the summit on the southeast and east, constructed at a lower elevation due to the steepness of the terrain but still contiguous with Building B and the large East Terrace Wall. In contrast, Building G stood in isolation below the precipitous southwestern corner of the hill, with no other buildings close by; the large and relatively flat field immediately to the west of Building G seems to have been empty except for a pottery kiln. Buildings I-O-N and

L-M occupied the more gently sloping western and northern sides of the hill, respectively, situated at some distance (ca. 10–20 m) from the buildings on the summit. Poorly preserved segments of walls to the northeast of Building I-O-N (Trench V 13100), west of Building J-K (Trench V 14400), and west of Building L-M (Trench V 15900) hint at other buildings that may once have stood on the northwest slope, filling in some of the apparent open areas between the slopes and the summit. Many of the buildings at Vronda were associated with exterior spaces that must also have been used on a daily basis for a variety of activities (Fig. 22). A good example of such an unroofed, open space is the courtyard area north of Building I, which is divided into two main sections. The southern portion (IC Area 1), closest to the

THE ARCHITECTURE OF VRONDA

building’s entrance, controlled access to the house and must have been an important space for social interaction between both inhabitants and visitors. The northern section (IC Area 2), located on the other side of a small east–west wall, is farther removed and was perhaps used for less personal and social activities; a stratified sequence of exterior surfaces and fills preserved evidence suggestive of butchering (Day and Glowacki 2012, 83–85, table 11). Both sections of the courtyard are bounded by the walls of Building O on the west, which may have provided some protection from northwest winds as well as a small amount of shade in the late afternoon. No evidence was preserved for any built enclosure wall on the eastern side, however, and the area may have simply been left open in that direction. Similar open areas seem to have been located in front of Rooms E7 and K1. Another type of exterior space can be identified between Buildings C-D and J-K (Pl. 15:a, b). Although the area had been badly eroded and so provided little material evidence of activities, the walls of Building J-K to the north and east and Building C-D to the south and west enclose a semiprivate courtyard (for this discussion, semiprivate is defined as being neither completely restricted/private, nor completely accessible/public; see Sjögren 2007). Access is restricted by the surrounding buildings. A narrow passage between Rooms C5 and J4 allowed entry from the southeast, while another opening between Rooms D5 and Building K gave access from the northwest. Rooms D5, D1, and probably C5 opened directly onto this shared courtyard. Although the doorways of Building J-K are not well preserved, the evidence suggests that Rooms J1 and K3 may have also had similar access. Projecting spur walls (between C5 and D1, D1 and D5, and J5 and K4) may have provided a visual, as well as physical, boundary between private and shared space in front of each house. A similar type of semiprivate courtyard may once have been defined by Building Complex L-M and another building to the west, now represented only by a badly preserved section of a single wall and bench. A third type of exterior court (or plateia) is located south of Building A, enclosed on its eastern side by Building B (Pls. 12, 13, 14:b). Although on plans it may appear that Building E and Building G also border this relatively large, open space, both buildings, in fact, are situated at a much lower

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elevation. The likely surface level of the court (ca. 426–427 m asl) is well above what would have been the rooftops of either building. It is difficult to reconstruct site access and circulation patterns in detail, since the full boundaries of many building complexes and the extent of the settlement as a whole are not known. Access routes within the settlement can be inferred from several sources: traces of hard-packed, exterior surfaces; the position of built staircases; the location and direction of terrace walls that not only support a building but also provide usable space in front of room entrances; the location and distribution of courtyards and other open spaces between buildings; the location of preserved buildings and their entrance doorways; and natural topographic contours. For example, a stepped passage west of Room D2 leads up to a level terrace in front of Rooms C1 and C2, defined by the West Terrace Wall (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 111–112). Proceeding along this terrace to the southwest corner of Room C1, the slope ascends to the east along the south side of Rooms C1 and C3, where excavators discovered traces of a hard-packed pebble surface, which they interpreted as part of a paved pathway (Gesell, Day and Coulson 1995, 71; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 113–114). From this pathway, movement could proceed south to the open court in front of Building A-B or north along a passage bordered by Building A on the east and Building C on the west. Near the southeast corner of Room C5, a large outcropping of bedrock appears to have been trimmed in order to provide a smoother pathway between the buildings (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 115). From this path, one could approach the open(?) area between Rooms A2 and J4 (and perhaps continue east toward the East Terrace Wall and around Building J), or proceed toward the narrow opening into the semiprivate courtyard shared by Buildings C-D and J-K. Overall, the distribution of buildings and open spaces within the settlement indicates a densely clustered grouping of building complexes on the summit, with more widely spaced placement around the slopes. This organization of space may be related to both topographic and sociocultural considerations (e.g., status within the community, proximity and access to the “Big House” [Building A-B]). Although we do not have ceramic evidence

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to determine accurately the relative chronological sequence of when each building complex was established, architectural analysis reveals a consistent pattern of growth from an initial architectural unit followed by expansion and modifications over time (Fig. 23). The agglutinative growth of most building complexes is most likely related to both social structure (the growth and changing composition of families) and the negotiation of space (shared walls, proximity to or distance from other buildings or activity areas) within the community. In this regard, it seems significant that only two structures, Building A-B and Building G, preserve

very little evidence for architectural phasing or agglutinative expansion. The static quality of these two special status structures may indicate that the groups or individuals they accommodated, and perhaps the meaning of the buildings themselves, also remained largely static throughout the lifetime of the settlement, while the domestic complexes reflect the dynamic life cycles of coresidential groups or households over the same time and, consequently, the negotiation and renegotiation of architectural space within the built environment of the Vronda settlement (Glowacki and Klein 2011).

2

The Pottery Leslie Preston Day

In this chapter the pottery from Vronda is discussed according to its date, beginning with the analysis of the pottery of the earlier periods— Prepalatial (FN–EM I, EM II, EM III–MM IA), Protopalatial (MM IB–MM II), and Neopalatial (MM III–LM IA). Most of the earlier pottery comes from the fill below the floors of the LM IIIC buildings and is not stratified; for this reason dating of individual pieces is not always secure. Nevertheless, several closed deposits of early date exist and are discussed extensively, including the MM II pottery from Building P (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 65–71) and the MM III–LM IA pit west of Building A (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 21–26). The primary ceramic discussion focuses on the LM IIIC pottery, as that is the main period of the site’s use, and the majority of the vessels associated with the buildings belong to this period. Some mention

is also made of the early Subminoan (SM) pottery styles found in the settlement. Finally, there is a description of the pottery from the later use of the site, especially Venetian to Modern. All of the Late Geometric (LG)–Early Orientalizing (EO) pottery is associated with burial activity and is discussed in detail with the rest of the cemetery pottery in another volume in the Kavousi series. Following the discussion of pottery by periods is a statistical analysis of the pottery that includes the uncataloged sherds as well as the recognizable vessels. As discussed in the introduction to Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 10–12), within these chronological divisions, the pottery is divided according to major ware groups: fine, medium-coarse, and coarse. In addition, two types of coarse wares are distinguished on the basis of function: cooking wares, which show evidence of burning, and

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pithoi, used for storage. Within these groups, pottery is discussed by shape. Accompanying the discussion of each shape is a list of cataloged vessels or fragments. Illustrations of selected examples of the pottery shapes are provided; for others, the reader should consult the catalogs in Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB (Day and Glowacki 2012). As there are no shapes that belong exclusively to the mediumcoarse category, and because it is often difficult to distinguish this type, each medium-coarse vessel is considered with the fine wares or coarse wares, depending on the frequency of occurrence; if the shape appears more frequently in fine wares, the medium-coarse examples are included with the fine examples, and if the shape appears most commonly in coarse form, then medium-coarse examples are discussed with the coarse wares. Colors, when given, are those in Munsell 1998 and 2000. Coarse wares have been identified macroscopically on the basis of the types established for the

Kavousi area by Haggis and Mook (Haggis and Mook 1993) and published in the first volume of the Kavousi series (Mook 2005); an abbreviated and adapted version of this typology appears in Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 163– 167). Not all of the types have been identified at Vronda, and some fabrics found at Vronda were not included in the original typology; four new types were recognized in the Vronda assemblages: XXIV, XXV, XXVI, and XXVII. The petrographic analysis of the Kavousi fabrics has been or is to be discussed elsewhere (Day et al. 2005, 2006). Most of the coarse vessels and cooking pottery seem to have been manufactured locally, in the larger isthmus area, or to the east, and there is little evidence for imports from Central or West Crete, where petrological analysis has been carried out (e.g. Moody et al. 2003; Boileau and Whitley 2010), or from areas outside the island.

Prepalatial Pottery (FN–MM IA) Final Neolithic to Early Minoan I Only a few scattered pottery fragments attest to activity on the site of Vronda in the FN and EM I periods (Fig. 24), and for the most part these could not be more precisely dated in earlier volumes. Since the publication of Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB, however, new evidence has been presented that allows us to distinguish better the pottery of these periods, especially the FN examples (Nowicki 2014). Fragments of Neolithic pottery of early FN or even earlier (LN) have been identified (K. Nowicki, pers. comm.) in Buildings E (EN P38), I (I2 P3), the area around the Shrine (GS P5, GS P7, GNW P10), and on the summit under Grave 17 (GR17 P10). The medium-coarse burnished bowl with incised decoration (I2 P3) belongs with this group of early FN (K. Nowicki, pers. comm.). The burnished cooking pot (EN P38) is also of this date. It is likely that the bowl with a pierced lug (E1 P106) is also of FN I because of its similarity to a piece from nearby Azoria (Nowicki 2014, 158–159,

fig. 20:22). The coarse handmade jug (N1 P29) can also be dated to FN; it has a profile similar to a Neolithic bowl from Palaiochora Nerovolakoi in western Crete (Nowicki 2002a, 58, fig. 29:12). Two fragments can be identified as FN–EM I: a burnished basin (E1 P121) and a burnished bowl (I1 P3), both of which were identified as EM in the catalogs, but these could also be FN (K. Nowicki, pers. comm.). Included among those fragments identified as FN–EM is a coarse ladle (D1 P2), similar to handles from Knossos of FN date (Tomkins 2007b, 37, fig. 1.10:1). The bowl from Grave 17 (GR17 P10), which is similar to bowls from FN Knossos (Tomkins 2007b, 34, fig. 1.9:4, 5), is also to be included in the FN–EM group. These fragments, along with Neolithic stone axe heads or celts (D1 ST1, I2 ST1; see below, Ch. 4) indicate use of the site in the Neolithic period. There is only one certain fragment of EM I pottery: a burnished chalice found in Building B, Room B5 (B5 P11);

THE POTTERY

it is similar to examples from EM I Knossos (Wilson, Day, and Joyner 2000, 31, fig. 2:50; Hood and

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Cadogan 2011, 32, fig. 3.4:1) and attests to use of the site in EM I.

Early Minoan II A substantial amount of material from the EM II period came from the fill below Building Complex E, but never in an entirely pure stratum unmixed with later material. There is no associated architecture, and the material may have been brought in either from the ridge or the surrounding slopes; it certainly would not have been brought from far away. The lowest fill below the courtyard of Building E East produced the greatest concentration of EM II pottery, and much material from that layer has been assigned to EM II on the basis of the recognizable Vasiliki Ware fragments. A few fragments also came from Room B5 and from the area of Building Complex I-O-N. Most of the recognizable fine pottery falls into the category of Vasiliki Ware (Fig. 24), identified on the basis of fabric, as little of the surface mottling has been preserved (Day et al. 2005, 181– 182). Vessels consist primarily of open shapes, including stems from goblets (EC P4–EC P6), rims from goblets or cups (EC P7, EC P10, EC P83), and rims (EC P8, EC P9, EC P11, EC P13, EC P14, EC P82) or bases (EC P16, EC P18, I5 P1) from cups or bowls. Bowls also appear (EC P85, EC P86), including an example of a shallow bowl (EC P15) similar to one of EM IIB–MM date from Kastri Goudourou (Schlager and Dollhofer 1998, 13–14, fig. 7:3). Several examples of deep bowls have small knob-like projections on the rim (EC P9, EC P11, EC P13, EC P80), like a Vasiliki

Ware bowl from Kastri Goudourou (Schlager and Dollhofer 1998, 13–14, fig. 7:1). Jugs also occur in Vasiliki Ware (EC P12, EC P19, EC P20, EN P2, and possibly EC P22). One probable Vasiliki Ware vessel (E2 P2) may have come from a spouted teapot similar to an example from Knossos (Wilson, Day, and Joyner 1999, 36, fig. 17:268). A few pieces of other fine wares are found, including a rounded cup (C2 P2) resembling examples from EM IIB Knossos (Wilson 2007, 75, fig. 2.17:10) and EM II Lebena (Alexiou and Warren 2004, 179, fig. 46:1), a jug (EC P88), and a small tripod vessel with dark-on-light linear decoration (AE P21), possibly a small footed jug, similar to those from EM IIA Knossos (Wilson and Day 1994, 29, 32, fig. 3:72) or a theriomorphic vessel like one from Moni Odigitria (Vasilakis and Branigan 2010, 87, fig. 33:P33). Cup EC P1 may be either EM II or EM III; similar shapes can be found in both periods, as, for example, a cup of EM III–MM I date from Kastri Goudourou (Schlager and Dollhofer 1998, 13–14, fig. 7:8). The combination of painted design and punctuated decoration, however, suggests EM IIB, as similar designs occur on several Vasiliki Ware vessels: a teapot from Mochlos (Betancourt 1985, pl. 4:C) and jugs from Sphoungaras and Myrtos (Betancourt et al. 1979, pl. 5:C–E). A medium-coarse bowl with a knob-like projection on the rim (EC P90) may also belong to EM II.

Early Minoan III to Middle Minoan IA Pottery of EM III date was found in the fills beneath Building E East and to the north of Building Complex E, including two cups of East Cretan White-on-Dark Ware with the decoration in added white still preserved (EN P6, EN P7; Fig. 24; Betancourt 1984); there may have been others in this style, but the surface preservation is too poor

to be certain. The conical cup from the area north of Building E (EN P7) is almost identical both in shape and decoration to an EM III cup found at the metalworking establishment at nearby Chrysokamino (Betancourt 2006, 85, fig. 5.6:75) and to examples from Vasiliki (Betancourt 1985, pl. 4:F, G), Gournia (Betancourt and Silverman 1991, fig.

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1:312), and the Gournia survey (Haggis 2012b, 144, fig. 11:B137). The rounded cup (EN P6) has a more vertical and thickened rim similar to an example of

EM IIB date from Myrtos (Betancourt 1984, 10, fig. 2–4:F).

Prepalatial Cooking Wares There is much coarse cooking pottery from the deposits under Building Complex E that probably belongs to the EM period. Burnished cooking vessels have been assigned to this period, as well as some painted cooking dishes and plates. Most identifiable fragments of EM cooking wares belong to cooking plates (Fig. 25), a shallow variety of cooking dish usually called baking plates (Warren 1972, 111). The term cooking plate is preferred here because it does not imply a particular type of cooking. In fact, most of these vessels have badly burned bottoms, suggesting that they were placed on an open fire, rather than in an oven, and they may have functioned as griddles or frying pans rather than as baking plates. Cooking plates are exclusively of Type II/VI fabric. They are large, with rim and base diameters that are almost the same and range from 25 to 55 cm, with the majority falling between 35 and 50 cm. They have thick rims, but the bases thin out and are roughened or unfinished on the bottom, and most have a slight rim and a flat base (E3 P1–E3 P3, EC P32, EC P33, EC P37–EC P44, EC P96–EC P98, I3 P1, I3 P2, possibly P P48, P P49). These find published parallels at Protopalatial Kommos (Shaw and Shaw, eds., 2006, pl. 3.11:Jc/2) and EM IIA Knossos (Hood and Cadogan 2011, 189, fig. 7.21:764), but they have not so far been reported elsewhere. A few (EC P48, EC P99) have more rounded bases, either with a simple rounded rim (EC P99) or a thickened overhanging rim (EC P48), like examples from Myrtos Phournou Koriphi (Warren

1972, 162–163, figs. 46:P106, 47:P116, P117). Occasionally, cooking plates are smoothed (E3 P1– E3 P3, EC P96, EC P97) or painted (EC P32, EC P33, EC P42); one is painted on both the interior and the exterior (EC P32). Cooking trays are also frequent (B7 P15, EC P34, EC P45, EC P95, EC P102, EC P103); these can be distinguished from the cooking plates by the height of the rim and the thickness of the bottom (Fig. 25). They are also usually in Type II/VI fabric, although one example (EC P34) is of Type IV. Trays can be painted (EC P34) or burnished (B7 P15). Tripod trays are also found, and these are often burnished (E1 P28, I4 P16) or painted (EC P35). Like the plates, these trays are large, with rim diameters of 42 to 50 cm. A few rim fragments may come from either cooking plates with pushed in rims or from trays (EC P46, EC P47). Trays differ from cooking plates because they show little evidence of burning, and they may have been used for baking, warming, or serving food. A few cooking pots have been identified as probably belonging to this period (Fig. 25). These are always of Type II/VI fabric. A number of these are burnished (E1 P27, E2 P15, EN P37, P P52, P P78), sometimes decorated with incised strokes on the rim (E2 P15) or with a rope pattern just below the rim (EN P37). Other cooking pots with incurved (EC P51–EC P54, CE P17) or flaring (EC P36, EC P105, EC P106) rims may belong to this period. Some of the tripod legs found in the mixed fills may also be EM.

Prepalatial Coarse Wares Most of the coarse wares cannot be dated too closely and are assigned generally to the Prepalatial period. Fabrics are generally of Types II or II/ VI, sometimes of other granodiorite fabrics, and occasionally of Type IV. One basin or bowl (I3 P4)

is an unusual fabric with phyllites, quartz, and gold mica. A number of vessels are identified as EM because of their burnished surfaces. A variety of shapes is represented (Fig. 26). A painted cup or ladle from the lower deposit beneath

THE POTTERY

the courtyard of Building E East (EC P65) resembles examples from Trapeza (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1935–1936, 57, fig. 13:514) and Knossos (Momigliano 2007, 85, fig. 3.3:7) and may belong to EM III. A cup with a shape similar to EC P1 in coarse fabric Type IV was found east of Building C (CE P20), and it may belong to EM II or EM III. Bowls are common (B5 P10, E1 P121, EC P64, I1 P3). Piece B5 P10 resembles examples from Myrtos Phournou Koriphi (Warren 1972, 164, fig. 48:P134) and probably dates to EM IIB. Examples I1 P3 and E1 P121 are both burnished; I1 P3 has a slightly incurved rim similar to cooking pots from the Kavousi survey (Haggis 2005, 100, fig. 32:8.14) dated to EM IIB, while E1 P121 with its more elaborate outturned rim resembles bowls from EM I Knossos (Hood and Cadogan 2011, 38, fig. 3.5:52). Piece EC P64, similar to bowls from EM II (Hood and Cadogan 2011, 147, fig. 7.7:312, 323) and EM III Knossos (Wilson 2007, 72, fig.

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2.15:8), is monochrome painted inside and out. Basin E1 P44 is also painted and finds parallels at EM IIA Knossos (Wilson 1985, 336, fig. 31:284). Several examples of jugs (EC P67, EC P68, E2 P1) occur, as well as jars that are possibly spouted (EC P25–EC P27). A large flat-bottomed bowl with horizontal handles attached at the rim (B5 P9) probably belongs to this period because of its similarity to bowls from Myrtos Phournou Koriphi (Warren 1972, 171, 172, figs. 55:P263, 56:P273, P274) and its resemblance to those from Knossos of EM IIA and EM IIB early (Hood and Cadogan 2011, 112, fig. 5.6A); it is of cooking pot fabric (Type IV) but shows no sign of burning. Painted coarse bowl or basin AE P45 may belong with the Prepalatial pottery, as the conical shape finds parallels in EM II (Momigliano and Wilson 1996, 40, fig. 25:127) but the Type III fabric from which it was made is generally a sign of Protopalatial date.

Prepalatial Pithos Wares Many pithos fragments were found in the deposits under the courtyard in Building E East House (EC P70–ECP78) that may belong to the Prepalatial period (Fig. 25). Most of these are of Type II, but there is at least one each of Types III, IV, and XX; several are of fabric types not usual at Kavousi. These vessels have large rim diameters of 30–50 cm. The rims are either inclined inward (EC P70, EC P71, EC P74) or nearly vertical (EC

P72, EC P75–EC P78). Often the lip is thickened inside or outside. Piece EC P70 has a ridge below its flattened and outward thickened rim, and it is painted, probably with drip decoration, like examples from Myrtos Phournou Koriphi (Warren 1972, 197, fig. 81:P620); it may be MM in date, as it is made of Type III fabric, which is generally an indication of MM date, but the shape and decoration have parallels in EM II.

Protopalatial Pottery (MM IB–II) Protopalatial pottery was found in association with Building P on the summit, and at least one apparently pure deposit of MM II occurred in a red clay layer within the building (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 65–71). Pottery from this deposit is assumed to be MM II and is similar overall to that from Quartier Mu at Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005) and MM IIB at Myrtos Pyrgos (C. Knappett, pers. comm.), although there may be some earlier material mixed with it. Other sites in eastern Crete

have produced similar assemblages (Schlager and Dollhofer 1998, 13–26, figs. 8–10; Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999, 231–233, fig. 6). More Protopalatial pottery appeared in the fills beneath Buildings G and E, to the north of Building E, and on the east side of Building C; material was also found in Buildings B, C, J, and Q. These deposits are easily recognizable from the quantities of fine, thinwalled, dark-painted cups, some of which probably once bore decoration in white or other colored

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paint, and from the prevalence of coarse granodiorite fabrics, particularly Type III. Indeed, the presence of the Type III fabric has been taken as a

hallmark of the Protopalatial period, as with a few possible exceptions it seems to belong exclusively to that period (Haggis 2005, 51–53).

Fine Wares Cup Cups represent the most common shape in fine wares and the most recognizable (Fig. 27). Cups can be carinated, straight-sided, conical, or rounded. The surface preservation is poor, and only traces of dark paint still linger, so it is impossible to tell if these were black-slipped, white-on-dark, or polychrome-painted wares. Carinated cups represent the most typical shape (AE P64, B3 P1, B4 P1, C2 P1, CE P1, EN P1, EN P9, EN P36, P P2, P P15, P P17, P P29, P P30, P P33, Q2 P12, probably E1 P17, E1 P18, E1 P94, P P3, P P21, P P31, P P32). These are wheelmade and generally have flat or beveled bases that are slightly hollowed underneath, a sharp carination near the base, and a tall rim that flares out slightly from vertical. A single flat “ribbon” handle is attached at the carination, rises above the rim, and often has a small, flattened pellet of clay at its attachment to the rim, possibly an imitation of a metal rivet. The carinated cups are close in shape to those from Quartier Mu at Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 50:737, 739) and Building M at Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 131, fig. 4.13:107). The tall rim is generally plain, but sometimes it has ribbing (AE P63, AE P65, CS P6, EN P8, EN P9, P P1, P P26–P P28), like examples from Knossos (MacGillivray 1998, pl. 3:95, 96), Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 50:770, 772), Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 87:b, h), and MM IIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 134, fig. 4.14:127); one has ribbing on the lower part of the cup (C2 P1). Straight-sided cups are also common and are usually distinguishable by their bases (AE P8, C1 P2, C1 P4, E1 P15, E2 P13, EC P121, EN P11, P P6, P P22), which are flat or occasionally beveled (C1 P4, E1 P15, EN P11), and they have almost vertical sides. Several rims may be from straight-sided cups, although these are difficult to distinguish from those of conical cups. Rims are

generally flaring (AE P26, E1 P14, E1 P78, E1 P79, P P4, P P16) but occasionally are vertical (B6 P2, EC P84). Straight-sided cups are most often painted, but a few examples may be plain (B6 P12, E2 P13, EC P121). Conical cups represent a variation on the straightsided cups. The sides flare out from a flat bottom, and they may or may not have had handles. These conical cups are quite common in fine wares (AE P3, AE P4, E1 P63, E1 P82, E1 P95, EN P10, P P5, P P14, P P19, P P37–P P39, Q2 P2) but rarer in medium-coarse fabrics (CE P7). They are either painted (EN P10, P P19) or plain (AE P3, E1 P63, P P37, Q2 P2). The bases are raised and flat, and the sides are almost vertical (P P37) to flaring (E1 P63, P P19), with simple pointed rims. The tall straight-sided cups known as tumblers are not as common. They are recognizable from the bases (AE P66, B4 P2, CE P2, CE P3, E1 P16, IC2 P27, J1 P1, J1 P2), which are small and have sides that are nearly vertical but flare out slightly. No complete example is preserved, and no certain rim fragments have been recognized; some rims identified as belonging to straight-sided cups may have come from tumblers (e.g., P P4, P P36). Some tumblers are black slipped (AE P66, B4 P2, CE P3, E1 P16), while others appear to be in plain wares (IC2 P27, J1 P1, J1 P2). Possible drip decoration is preserved on CE P2. The bases of B4 P2, CE P2, and J1 P2 are similar in type to those from Knossos of MM IB date (MacGillivray 2007, 115, fig. 4.7:10), while others (AE P66, IC2 P27) are more like MM IIA examples (MacGillivray 2007, 126, fig. 4.15:2, 3). Both CE P3 and J1 P1 find parallels in MM IIB tumblers from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, fig. 52:1051), but the bases also resemble short-rimmed angular cups from Knossos (MacGillivray 2007, 139, fig. 4.26:1–3) and may come from that shape. Rounded cups are not as common as the other types, and they come in two distinct varieties. One is the hemispherical “teacup” shape common

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53

in MM IB–IIB Knossos (MacGillivray 2007, 119, fig. 4.10:7–9; 139, fig. 4.26:4, 5), Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 51:826, 828, 829, 831), and Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pls. 84, 85) with an outturned rim and rounded body. Only a few examples have been identified (AE P23, AE P27, AE P67, B6 P1, B6 P3, B8 P1, C1 P1, P P18, and possibly AE P12). Bases are flat (AE P12, AE P67) or raised (B6 P3). Two cups have very tiny outturned rims (AE P23, B8 P1), two have slightly flaring rims (B6 P1, C1 P1), and two others have taller outturned rims (AE P27, P P18). These cups often are monochrome coated (AE P23, B6 P1, B6 P3, B8 P1), but three examples may have had painted dark-on-light decoration (AE P12, AE P67, P P18). Cup C1 P1 seems to have been made in plain ware. The other rounded cup type does not have such a pronounced curve, nor does it have the outturned rim (E4 P2, EC P79, P P20); rather, the rim is slightly incurving. This type is found in MM IB– IIB deposits at Knossos (MacGillivray 2007, 119, fig. 4.10:5, 6), Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 83:l), and Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 96). These deep rounded cups often have a band of paint preserved on the interior and exterior of the rim (E4 P2, EC P79) similar to banded cups of EM III–MM IA date from the Gournia survey (Haggis 2012b, 144, fig. 11:B133). Two cups have relief decoration, one in Barbotine Ware (AE P61) with small ridges similar to examples from Knossos of MM IB–II date (Momigliano and Wilson 1996, 14, fig. 8:13; MacGillivray 1998, pl. 4:117; for recent analysis of Barbotine Ware, see Caloi 2009), the other (AE P62) with impressed spirals, similar to examples from MM IIA Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 155, fig. 49:1191). A third example with molded decoration from a vessel of unknown shape is J3 P14, a fragment of an attached bivalve shell, probably a cockle shell (cerastoderma). Such attached cockle shells are well known on MM I–II vases (Evans 1921–1935, IV, 108, fig. 75; 117, fig. 82; Foster 1982, 100–101) and are especially frequent at Malia in MM IIB (Betancourt 2011, 119, figs. 12.3, 12.4).

P86, P P13, P P23; Fig. 28). These have flaring rims, and one example (EC P86) has a flaring rim that is pinched in or wavy, possibly a variation on the pinched-rim bowl found at Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 97). Piece P P23 is probably a type of bowl with sharply flaring sides so common in other MM II deposits (e.g., Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 53:1081, 1084, 1095, 1097, 1105a–1105c). All bowls show traces of paint both inside and out.

Bowl

Amphora

A few fine open vessels are too large to be considered cups, and they are here labeled bowls (EC

Only a single identifiable example was found from the neck of an oval-mouthed amphora in fine

Spouted Jug A number of fragments come from the necks (AE P20, AE P60, AE P68–AE P70, D3 P7, E1 P11, E1 P12, E1 P93, P P25, P P69) and spouts (E1 P9, E1 P92, P P34) probably of bridgespouted jugs (Fig. 28). Jugs most often have short collars with flattened rims, usually outward thickened (AE P20, AE P68–AE P70, D3 P7, E1 P93), but they also can have flaring rims (AE P60, P P34) or hole mouths (E1 P12); this latter may be better termed a bridge-spouted jar (see Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 98). Spouts are generally bridge spouts. Nearly all of the jugs appear to be black monochrome painted, although one (E1 P12) may have dark-on-light decoration. Nearly all have painted bands on the interior below the rim. Bridge-spouted jugs are common in MM II assemblages, and examples similar to most of the Vronda types can be found at Malia, where the type with flaring rim is very common (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 49:642, 644). No examples of beaked jugs have been identified.

Jar Fine jars without spouts are not common, but a few examples of cylindrical mouthed jars do occur (B5 P2, E1 P19, E2 P9; Fig. 28). These all appear to be black-slipped wares. A jar or basin (EC P89; Fig. 28) may also be of MM II date.

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ware (E1 P10; Fig. 28), and it is similar to MM II examples from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 48:85) and Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 21:l, m). The interior of the neck was painted with dark paint, but not enough of the exterior surface was preserved to tell if it was also painted.

Tripod Vessel At least two fine small tripod vessels were found (AE P22, L-M P4; Fig. 28). One is a tripod pyxis (AE P22), paralleled by an example from Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 68:g), while the other (L-M P4) may also be a pyxis, but it is painted on the interior.

Cooking Wares Cooking Dish and Plate Typical of the Protopalatial assemblages are the cooking dishes or cooking plates (AE P38, AE P40, B5 P4, D1 P4, D3 P2, EN P14, EN P39, P P46, P P47, P P50, P P51; Fig. 29). Flat cooking plates are not as frequent as in the mixed Prepalatial–Protopalatial deposits, and they tend to be less shallow and rounded at the ends (EN P39, P P47). Deeper cooking dishes are more common (AE P38, AE P40, B5 P4, D1 P4, D3 P2, EN P14, P P46, P P50, P P51). Dish EN P14 has a flaring rim that has been pinched in to form an inverted handle, like examples from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 47:368, 369), and the rim of D3 P2 has been pulled out. Cooking dishes are generally large, with diameters ranging from 17 to 35 cm, and they are most often made of fabric Type II/VI, with a few examples of Type IV. Piece AE P40, which has been cataloged as a cooking bowl because it is so deep, has unusual round horizontal handles at the rim, and it may have served as a lid for a cooking dish, like an example from the later LM IIIC deposit in Building O (O4 P3) or one on the Kastro (Mook 1999, pl. 110:30).

Cooking Pot Many rims of cooking pot fabric have been found (AE P5, AE P6, AE P41, AE P42, CE P13–CE P15, CE P40, EC P50, EN P17, I3 P3, J4 P27, P P10–P P12, P P53–P P55, Q2 P15; Fig. 29). Some of these may come from the same tripod vessels identified from the legs, but without any physical connection it is impossible to be certain, so they are here simply referred to as cooking pots. Incurving

rims appear frequently, often plain (AE P6, CE P13, I3 P3, P P55, Q2 P15), sometimes outward thickened (AE P41, CE P14, CE P40, EN P17), occasionally with thickening on the interior (J4 P27) or on both interior and exterior (EC P50). Pot EC P50 finds parallels in the cooking ware from MM IB Knossos (Momigliano and Wilson 1996, 24, fig. 14:73). Less frequent are vertical rims (AE P42, P P10–P P12, P P53) and those that flare out (AE P5). Rim diameters vary from 12 to 38 cm, the majority falling between 20 and 30 cm. One example (P P53) has a much smaller diameter of 5 cm and may represent a cooking jug. Pot AE P41 has knobs on the rim that could be functional or decorative, and P P52 may have been burnished on the interior. The majority of vessels (9) are made of fabric Type IV, but a number appear in Type II/VI (7) or other fabrics (3).

Tripod Cooking Pot Tripod cooking pots are identified by their legs, but no complete example has been found. The legs are most commonly flattened and elliptical (AE P1, C3 P3, EC P55–EC P57, EC P108, EN P19, EN P20, P P57, P P61, P P63–P P66, Q2 P4; Fig. 29) or elliptical (AE P2, EC P58, EC P107, EN P21, P P58, P P60, P P62; Fig. 29), but occasionally round legs (P P56, P P59) are found. A single miniature tripod of this date was also found (EN P18). Several examples of legs have applied decoration of bands with finger impressions, either single (P P57) or triple (C3 P3) bands. The majority of these legs are of fabric Types II/VI, but they were occasionally made of Type IV (P P56, P P58, P P62, P P63, P P65, P P66, Q2 P4). Some of the legs may belong to tripod trays or dishes.

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Medium-Coarse and Coarse Wares An important feature of the MM deposits at Vronda is the high percentage of medium-coarse wares in the assemblages, often from thin-walled vessels that resemble fine ware but have rather frequent coarse inclusions. Most of these vessels have been categorized and are discussed with coarse wares, as they often represent the same range of shapes, and they are very different from the fine wares. Coarse wares are varied, but MM deposits are recognizable from the large quantity of granodiorite fabrics (Types II/VI and III). In terms of surface treatment, coarse and medium-coarse wares can be painted, burnished, or plain.

Cup Conical cups are found in medium-coarse and coarse fabrics (Fig. 30). The rarer medium-coarse cups are usually painted (CE P8, E1 P20, P P40, P P42) but occasionally appear in plain ware (CE P7, E1 P21, E1 P22, P P43); E1 P22 is similar to MM IIA–IIB examples from Kommos (Shaw and Shaw, eds., 2006, 282, pl. 3.3:Ba/1). Coarse conical cups are plentiful (AE P7, AE P49–AE P51, CE P8, P P72–P P75, P P80, P P81). They generally occur in fabric Types IV or XXVI but are sometimes made of Type II/VI (AE P7) or a fabric that looks macroscopically like IV but with some silver mica (P P74). Most of the vessels are only known from base fragments, generally with flat bases. The few rims that are preserved are either flaring (AE P7), straight (E1 P21), or inward curving (AE P49, E1 P22). Other types of cups also appear, including one base of a straight-sided cup (P P44) and two coarse carinated cups (AE P52, E1 P129).

Bowl Bowls appear in medium-coarse and coarse wares and can be plain or burnished (Fig. 30). Two examples of painted medium-coarse bowls came from the east terrace fill, one rounded (AE P29), the other with a flaring rim (AE P30). Two buffburnished bowls were found (AE P71, P P70), with burnishing on the interior. The one base (P P70) is

flat, while the rim of the other (AE P71) is flattened on top and thickened outward with a squared off edge. Plain bowls are not common and come in a variety of shapes. One (P P71) has a slightly incurving plain rim, and the other (P P45) has an incurved rim that has a flattened top that angles inward. One shallow bowl similar to bowls or dishes from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 46:260) was found in Building P (P P77). Another fragment (P P76) may also come from a bowl or a dish.

Tray Only two trays can be assigned to this period on the basis of their Type III fabric (Fig. 30:CE P11, E1 P127). The shape of these vessels is similar to the later cooking tray, but neither of these examples shows any sign of burning, and the fabric is generally not used for cooking pottery. They are more likely to have been used for serving than for cooking.

Brazier or Fruitstand Several examples of the shape called a brazier or fruitstand were found (Fig. 30). Two show clear traces of burning (AE P54, Q2 P5), and these might reasonably have functioned as braziers, while the others are not burned and so may have served as stands. At least three examples were painted (AE P31, CE P33, P P79), but the others are apparently plain (E1 P50, EN P31), and several have reed impressions on the interior (AE P54, CE P33, Q2 P5). The bowls of these vessels are shallow, with flaring rims that often were rolled under (AE P31, E1 P50, P P79). The feet are round in section (CE P33, EN P31, Q2 P5). Similar examples have been found in MM IIB contexts at Myrtos Pyrgos (Knappett 2000, 62, fig. 2), Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 103, 131, fig. 4.13:118), and Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 53:1155, 1168).

Jar Coarse jars are numerous but hard to distinguish from deep basins when only the rims are preserved

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(Figs. 31, 32). In general, when the rim does not appear to be the widest part of the vessel it has been categorized as a jar; when the rim has the greatest diameter of the vessel, it has been classified as a jar or basin. A few vessels are called basins, either because they are clearly shallow or because they are decorated on the interior. A number of rim fragments come from painted jars (AE P34, CE P19, EC P59, EN P13, EN P24, EN P26, EN P40) in a variety of shapes and sizes. Rim diameters range from 17 to 30 cm, but generally fall between 20 and 22 cm. The majority of jars lack collars, with the exception of EN P40, which has the largest rim diameter and may be categorized as a small pithos rather than a jar. Most of the rims are outward thickened, sometimes with a rounded (EN P13) or flattened (AE P34) top; the flattened rim of AE P34 resembles a MM IB– IIB example from Kommos (Shaw and Shaw, eds., 2006, 283, pl. 3.11:Ba/8). Two jars have incurved rims with ridges below the rim (EC P59, EN P26), and EN P26 finds close parallels in MM II Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 7:c) and Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 45:209); CE P19 has a simple incurved rim. Another jar has an angular offset rim (EN P24). Decoration can be monochrome dark paint on both exterior and interior (EC P59) or monochrome on the exterior (AE P34, EN P24). Only two jars have painted bands on the interior of the rims (AE P34, EN P13). Many other fragments from the sides of what may have been jars or amphorae were found with painted decoration on the exterior, probably trickle pattern or bands. These were particularly plentiful in the areas around Building P and north of Building E. Two burnished jars were recovered that bear raised bands or ridges with incised slashes, probably a form of rope decoration (AE P48, EN P30). Similar decoration is also found on a jar from east of Building C (CE P30) that has a curving ridge with incisions, and its short, straight collar and ridge with rope incisions are similar to vessels from MM II Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pls. 7:c, d, 8:d). Many fragments come from plain jars (AE P37, C1 P7, C4 P8, C5 P7, CE P27, CE P29, CE P37, E1 P55, E1 P56, EC P62, EC P113, EN P3, EN P28, I3 P5, I3 P16, P P9), most of them of Type III or Type II/VI fabrics. Rim diameters vary from 13 to 40 cm, with the majority falling between 30 and 40 cm. Several of these have the distinctive

“hammerhead” rims (AE P37, C4 P8, CE P37, EN P3) found at MM II Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 45:203), while others are outward thickened and flattened on top (C1 P7, CE P29, E1 P56), outward thickened and rounded (CE P27, I3 P16), or simply rounded (E1 P55, EN P28, I3 P5), like jar rims of EM III–MM I date from the Kavousi survey (Haggis 2005, 97, fig. 28:5.16). One jar has straight sides with a flattened rim (C5 P7), and another has a rim that is sharply offset (EC P113). Piece P P9, which is a medium-coarse example, has an incurved pointed rim that resembles those common on cooking pots.

Jar or Basin Many rim fragments come either from jars, if deep, or from basins, if shallow (Fig. 32). Some of these were painted (CE P18, E1 P107, EC P69, EN P12, EN P23, EN P25, EN P27). The majority of these painted vessels have straight or slightly flaring rims that are generally outward thickened, whether square (CE P18, E1 P107), angular (EC P69, EN P12, EN P23, EN P25), or rounded (EN P27); EN P27 is similar to a pithos rim from MM IIA Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 84, fig. 19:252). One jar or basin has horizontal handles below the rim (EN P23), another has a handle at the rim (EC P69). Like the jars, painted jars or basins can be monochrome painted on the exterior (EC P69, EN P27) or have bands on the interior (EN P23) or exterior (E1 P107, EN P12, EN P23, EN P25) of the rim. Rim diameters range from 20 to 41 cm, about equally divided between small (20–22 cm) and large (34–41 cm). The majority of these vessels are of Type III fabric, but they also occur in II/ VI or other granodiorite fabrics. A number of plain rim fragments may come from basins or jars (AE P57, CE P23, CE P24, CE P28, CE P39, EC P28, EC P112, P P7). These generally have rims that are rounded (CE P24, CE P28, CE P39, EC P28), one with thickening on the interior (CE P23) and another slightly outward thickened (AE P57); one rim is slightly flaring (P P7). Rim diameters range from 24 to 42 cm, with the majority falling between 30 to 40 cm, and they occur in fabric Types II/VI, III, and IV. Two vessels have horizontal handles at the rim, one round and the other elliptical (EC P29, EN P41), similar

THE POTTERY

to a basin from East Crete (Schlager and Doffhofer 1998, 17–18, fig. 8:10), while another has a handle below the rim (EC P112).

Basin Many fragments of large open basins with incised decoration or scoring on the interiors were found in the MM deposits at Vronda (Fig. 32), some cataloged (B6 P19, CS P5, CE P32, CE P43, E4 P3, EN P29), and others came from in and around Building E (EN, Room E1, and Room E3). The bases of these vessels when preserved are flat and large, ranging from 28 to 33 cm in diameter. The scoring is on the bottom of the interior and on the lower sides, and it is always angular and often seems to represent cross-hatching (CS P5, E4 P3, EN P29) or X patterns (CE P32, CE P43). Such scored vessels have been interpreted as beehives at LM II Kommos (Watrous 1992, 25, fig. 22: 439), at Nerokourou (Melas 1999, pl. 107:b–d), and at Chrysokamino (Ferrence and Shank 2006). The interpretation is based on modern ethnographic parallels: Cretan traditional beehives are ceramic tubes or basins with the interior scored to facilitate the attachment of the comb. The modern examples in East Crete are usually open at both ends, although those in the Mesara look more like basins (Blitzer 2004, pls. 6.44, 6.45). Similar basins appear at MM IIB Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, 50, fig. 6:1), where they are not interpreted as beehives. There is no other evidence for the function of these basins. They may have served as beehives, but the cross-hatched incisions may have been decorative or they could have served some function other than making the attachment easier for bees. Other vessels are almost certainly basins because of interior decoration (AE P46) or interior paint (EC P61). Some are categorized as basins because they are shallow, including P P67, which has bands on the interior and exterior of the rim

57

and is similar to an example from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 46:254). A large (rim d. 28– 30 cm) vessel that is probably a basin (B5 P6) has raised bands with incised rope slashes, two near the top of the vessel and one lower down; the rim of this vessel is nearly flat on top, and it is outward thickened with a squared off edge. Other probable basins include AE P72, E2 P19, EC P28, and EC P110. Piece EC P93 may also be a basin; it is similar in profile to EC P61, which has a painted interior. Basins are usually of Type III fabric but occasionally are of Type II/VI. Like the jars, basins have rim diameters of 30–40 cm. Rims can be rounded (EC P28, EC P110), flaring (AE P72), or outward thickened and flaring (E2 P19, EC P93).

Vat Occasionally a basin shape has such thick sides and is so crudely made that it could be considered a vat (AE P56, E1 P51, P P82, P P85; Fig. 32). These vats are large; the only measurable rim diameter was around 40 cm. They occur in fabric Types III, IV, and XXVI. The rims are rounded (AE P56), flattened (E1 P51), or flattened and outward thickened (P P82, P P85).

Jug or Amphora Only one painted jug or amphora was recognized (EN P22; Fig. 32). It has a round handle attached at the rim or just below, and there are traces of a painted band on the interior of the rim. In shape it is very close to a MM I example from the Kavousi survey (Haggis 2005, 144, fig. 61:97.15). Two examples of plain jugs were identified (P P8, Q2 P20). One is the neck and rim of a jug or amphora (Q2 P20), while the other is a small base that seems too small and closed for a cup (P P8).

Pithos Wares Pithos wares include the large vessels used for storage. From small fragments it is difficult to determine if the vessel is a large jar or a pithos. In

general, those storage jars with thick walls and rims have been categorized as pithoi, although some of them may in fact be large jars. These

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vessels are too fragmentary to be associated with Christakis’ pithos shapes (Christakis 2005).

Large Jar or Pithos There are several examples of painted large jars or pithoi (B5 P7, B5 P8, E1 P59, E1 P60, EC P114, EC P118, EN P32; Fig. 33). The paint can appear as a monochrome coating (E1 P59) or as a trickle pattern (EC P114). Other painted pithoi only show traces of paint. Examples B5 P7, E1 P59, and EC P118 have rims that are smaller than the maximum diameter, while EC P114 and B5 P8 are more open shapes. Rims can be flattened (B5 P8, EC P118) but more often are thickened outward (B5 P7, E1 P59), and there is often a ridge below the rim (B5 P7, E1 P59, EC P118). Jar EN P32 has a large, flaring, thickened rim, and it was possibly a collared pithos, similar to an example from MM III Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 109, fig. 28:602). Rim diameters range from 30 to 36 cm, generally larger than those of the jars. Fragment E1 P60 has a beveled base. Painted pithoi appear in fabric Types II and III. Two fragments show applied bands (B3 P23, EN P42; Fig. 33). A collared pithos with a very thick rim, B3 P23 has a slashed ridge on the neck, while EN P42 has two rows of applied bands with

finger impressions at the base. Example EN P42 has a slightly beveled base that is flat on the bottom; it finds a close parallel in MM IIB Monastiraki (Kanta et al. 2012, 77, fig. 2.195). Other pithoi have no painted or applied decoration (B6 P20, CE P42, E1 P61, EC P115, EC P117, EC P128, EN P33–EN P35, P P86; Fig. 33). Several rims are like those in painted wares, outward thickened with a ridge below (EC P117, EC P128, EN P33, EN P34), but they can also be flattened on top (CE P42, EC P115, EN P35). In all of these examples, the rims are not as wide as the maximum diameter of the vessel. Pithos EC P128 is similar to the collar-necked/globular jar of MM IIIB date identified at Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 100, 185, fig. 5.40:662). A few examples of collared pithoi were found (E1 P61, E1 P62; Fig. 33), both with rolled rims, like pithoi from the Kavousi survey of EM III–MM IA date (Haggis 2005, 121, fig. 49:44.4). Rim diameters range from 22 to 50 cm, but the majority fall between 35 and 40 cm. Ridged base B6 P20 may be from a pithos or a pithoid jar, and it is similar to MM II examples from Malia (Poursat and Knappett 2005, pl. 45:211) and Petras (M. Tsipopoulou, pers. comm.). One round handle may come from a pithos (P P86; Fig. 33). Most of the pithoi are in fabric Types II and III, but at least one (E1 P62) is of Type IV.

Neopalatial Pottery (MM III–LM I) There are three deposits that belong to the Neopalatial period. One is the pit west of Building A, which is a closed deposit (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 21–26). The second is Room B6 of Building B (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 49–52), which represents material from below the floor of the LM IIIC period, a surface that had already been cleared off during Boyd’s excavation. The last is the intermediate deposit in Room E1 of Building E West House (Day and Glowacki 2012, 4–7, 11–12); part of this deposit on the south was recognized and collected stratigraphically, but some vessels collected with the floor deposit on the north side of Room E1 also belonged with this intermediate deposit. Many vessels find good comparisons in MM IIIB–LM IA material from Knossos, Palaikastro,

Kythera, and Kommos, but the dating has been problematic. In many of the early publications, MM IIIB and LM IA were lumped together. Bernini (1995) tried to distinguish MM IIIB and LM IA at Palaikastro, but her scheme has been called into question by Knappett and Cunningham (2003), who suggested new dates based on their examination of more recently excavated deposits from Palaikastro. The dates given for Palaikastro in the following discussion are those of Knappett and Cunningham (2003, 2012, 2013). Hatzaki (2007a) has also distinguished MM IIIB from LM IA at Knossos and has discussed parallels elsewhere on Crete (Hatzaki 2007a, 171, 183) and in the islands (Hatzaki 2007a, 184). Her dating has been used for parallels other than those at Palaikastro.

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Fine Wares Most of the fine wares are painted in dark-onlight decoration, are monochrome painted, or are plain; some of the apparently monochrome wares may once have born light-on-dark decoration, but the surfaces are too poorly preserved to be certain. Cups, bowls, and jugs represent the most common shapes.

Cup Straight-sided cups are most common (AE P58, AW P4, AW P6, E1 P2, E1 P3, E1 P6, E1 P81, EC P120; Fig. 34). The rims are generally flaring, and lips are either pointed (AE P58, E1 P2) or rounded (E1 P3). Bases can be flat (E1 P6) or beveled (AW P4), the latter like an example from MM IIIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 125, fig. 12:116). Two vessels have a ridge separating the cylindrical base from the flaring rim, the so-called Vapheio cup shape (E1 P6, E1 P81). Decoration consists of spirals (AE P58, E1 P3), hatched leaf or medallion (E1 P2), dots (E1 P81), and bands (E1 P6); at least two examples are monochrome (AW P4, AW P6). Fragment EC P120, which is probably from a straight-sided cup, has a crocus decoration very similar to examples from LM IA Palaikastro (Bernini 1995, 58, fig. 2). Another piece (AE P58) finds a close parallel for both shape and decoration in a LM IA deposit at Knossos (Mountjoy 2003, 55, fig. 4.1:6). Furthermore, AW P2 is difficult to categorize; it may also come from a straight-sided cup, although its profile is more curving than the others, or it could be a rounded cup. It is decorated with spirals. Only a single example of what may be from the shape known as a tumbler was found in Building A (A1 P2; Fig. 34), and it finds parallels in MM IIIB–LM IA deposits at Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 187, fig. 67:1977) and Palaikastro (Bernini 1995, 72, fig. 12:48; Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 167, fig. 44:413). It is also similar to the straight-sided cup in shape, such as those identified at MM IIIA Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 154, fig. 5.16:303, 304). It is decorated in monochrome paint. Rounded cups (AW P1, AW P5, E1 P1, E1 P99; Fig. 34) are rarer. Two decorated examples exist

(AW P1, E1 P1). One (E1 P1) is a drip rim cup similar to an example from MM IIIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 122, fig. 11:100, 101). The other (AW P1), with its sharply everted rim and spiral decoration, resembles cups from Palaikastro of MM IIIB (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 129, fig. 16:164) or MM III–LM IA date (Bernini 1995, 75, fig. 14:68) and from Kommos of LM IA–IB date (Watrous 1992, 3, fig. 12:33); the wide rim band may be an indication of LM IA date (E. Oddo, pers. comm.). Fragment AW P5 resembles a conical cup but is more rounded; it has paint on the interior and probably also on the exterior. It is like a one-handled conical cup from LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 41, fig. 3:IB.146). Cup E1 P99 is plain, also resembling a conical cup but more rounded; it shows ridging that is typical of MM III, and finds parallels in the S-profile cups at Palaikastro of LM IA date (Bernini 1995, 72, fig. 12:42, 43; Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 194, fig. 6.4:727). Only a few fine conical cups are found (E1 P97, E1 P98; Fig. 34), and the shape is more common in medium-coarse and coarse wares. One (E1 P98) shows ridging on the exterior, a feature common in MM III at Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 117–118, 164–166, figs. 6, 7, 41–43) and Mochlos (K. Barnard, pers. comm.).

Bowl Fine bowls exist (AW P3, B6 P6, CE P4, E1 P7, E1 P100; Fig. 34), but only one (E1 P100) can be categorized as a ledge-rim bowl so typical of MM III deposits at Palaikastro and elsewhere (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 119–120, figs. 8:51, 9:76; 2013, 190, fig. 17.6; 193, fig. 17.14). Two (AW P3, E1 P7) are decorated. One (AW P3) is similar to a cup in shape, but it has a much larger rim diameter (22 cm); it probably was decorated with a spiral. The other (E1 P7), preserved only as a body fragment, has a wavy line pattern like vessels from LM IB Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 49, fig. 9:IB.222). Other bowls are probably shallow (B6 P6, CE P4), with a flattened (CE P4) or outward-thickened (B6 P6) rim. Rims of bowls vary from 12 to 22 cm. None of the bowls has a preserved handle.

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Jug Although fragmentary, five closed vessels probably represent jugs (B4 P34, E1 P8, E1 P13, E1 P64, E4 P1; Fig. 34). Both E1 P8 and E1 P13 have short necks with wide mouths. Fragment B4 P34 probably had a cylindrical mouth and may have been spouted, but its rim is not preserved. It was originally identified as a LM IIIC jug (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 41, although a date of LM I is suggested in the catalog, 46), but the shape is similar to examples from LM IA Priniatikos Pyrgos (Betancourt 1985, pl. 17:A, B), LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 63, fig. 24:IB.328), and LM II Knossos (Popham, ed., 1984, pl. 153:4). This piece (B4 P34) carries a zone of crosshatching between foliate bands on the shoulder, with broad bands below. The foliate band reaches its high point in LM IA (Betancourt 1985, 128), although the combination of foliate band and crosshatched panel is unique. All other jug fragments

bear dark-on-light decoration. Large spirals appear on the body of E1 P13, similar to MM III–LM IA examples from Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 189, fig. 70:2033) and Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 155, fig. 35:286). Jug E1 P8 bears vertical strokes, similar to cups from Hagia Triada and Phaistos (Girella 2010, 344, fig. 111), but also possibly a regularized tortoise shell ripple pattern like that found on MM IIIB jugs from Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 135, figs. 20:176; 153, 34:279) and Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 44, fig. 3.1B:156). The potter may have painted a vertical line, which shows up as a shadow of a regular line, and then used a sponge to blur the edges. Jug E4 P1 is decorated with a floral spray set at an oblique angle, a motif that occurs in both LM IA (Betancourt 1985, 129, fig. 98:f) and LM IB (Shaw and Shaw, eds., 2006, 452, pl. 3.42:37c/8). Another piece (E1 P64) bears irregular horizontal bands in the handle zone.

Cooking Wares Cooking wares comprise the majority of the material from the MM IIIB–LM IA assemblages. These cooking wares are generally of fabric Type IV, with a few of Types I and XXVI, and they differ greatly from those of the Protopalatial period, which are made almost entirely from granodiorite fabrics. Because most of the cooking pottery of the LM IIIC settlement is also made of Types IV and XXVI, it is less easy to distinguish Neopalatial cooking wares from the later material. Early preliminary reports thus often did not recognize Neopalatial cooking vessels (e.g., Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 363). The shapes, however, are very different from the LM IIIC cooking vessels.

Cooking Dish Cooking dishes that are certainly of Neopalatial date are scarce (B6 P11, CS P2, E1 P110; Fig. 35), whether by accident of preservation or because they were less often used than in the Protopalatial era. In all cases they are deeper and more rounded

on the bottoms than those of MM II, and they have a pronounced exterior thickening of the rim, resembling examples from LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 84, fig. 49:1B.512) and MM I– II sites in the Kavousi survey (Haggis 2005, 97, fig. 29:5.24, of fabric Type II/VI). They are large (30–44 cm in diameter) and nearly always of Type IV fabric. The flat cooking dishes with small rims so frequent in EM and common in MM deposits seem to have disappeared in Neopalatial times at Vronda.

Cooking Tray Cooking trays are also rare in the Neopalatial deposits, and only three are known (B6 P17, E1 P29, E1 P30; Fig. 35). Two of these are remarkably similar in shape to Protopalatial examples (E1 P29, E1 P30), and also to the later LM IIIC types. Tray B6 P17 is unusual because the sides are more flaring, and it is similar to an example from Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 86, fig.

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51:1B.583). None of the preserved examples seems to come from a tripod tray.

Tripod Cooking Pot Few cooking pot legs are found (AW P16, E1 P42, E1 P75–E1 P77, E2 P14; Fig. 35), although many of the rim fragments from cooking pots may have come from tripod vessels. In all cases, the feet are elliptical in section, and one example (E2 P14) has a slight ridge down the outside center. Only one tripod cooking pot preserves a nearly complete profile (AW P16). It has a slightly incurved, rounded rim and two round horizontal handles below the rim. The feet are elliptical in section. This is Betancourt’s Type B cooking pot (Betancourt 1980, 3), and it finds parallels at MM III–LM I Knossos (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 41, fig. 28:182). Leg E1 P75 is less rounded, with a bucket-like shape that resembles examples from LM IA Knossos (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 156, fig. 36:292, 293). Fragment E1 P42 is notable for its small size. All of the examples are made of Type IV fabric, although E1 P75 is softer and more orange, like Type XXVI.

Cooking Pot Many of the fragments of cooking pots come from the rim (AW P17, AW P18, AW P20–AW P26, CE P13, CE P41, E1 P31–E1 P33, E1 P35– E1 P38, E1 P40, E1 P70–E1 P74, E1 P112; Figs. 35, 36), and at least some of these vessels probably originally had tripod legs. Open cooking pots of Type B include AW P20, AW P21, CE P41, E1 P33, and E1 P36. The rims are either incurved (AW P20, E1 P36) or straight (AW P21, CE P41, E1 P33); E1 P33 is beveled on the interior. The rims of the more closed Type A cooking pots also show a great deal of variety. Most common is the plain rounded incurved rim (AW P18, CE P13, CE P31, E1 P35, E1 P37, E1 P38, E1 P40, E1 P70–E1 P72, E1 P74), found frequently on cooking pots from MM IIIB deposits (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 135–136, figs. 20:177, 179, 21:178, 180). Occasionally the rim is incurved with an outward-thickened lip, sometimes rolled (E1 P32), but more often it

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is flattened on top (AW P17, AW P22, AW P23); AW P17 finds a parallel at MM III Juktas (Karetsou 2013, 87, fig. 7.28:941). Other rims are vertical (E1 P73, E1 P112). The few preserved handles are horizontal (E1 P70) or vertical (E1 P33, E1 P71); E1 P70 finds a good parallel in the MM III material from Juktas (Karetsou 2013, 87, fig. 7.28:304). Horizontal handles are elliptical and are attached just below the rim (E1 P70), while vertical handles can be round or elliptical and go from the rim to the body of the vase. Fragment E1 P70 resembles cooking pots from MM IIIB deposits (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 41, fig. 28:182; Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 157, fig. 37:294). There is one example of a lug handle (E1 P40), similar to a MM IIIB example from Knossos (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 41, fig. 28:182). While the rim diameters range from 12 to 54 cm, the majority of the cooking pots fall into two groups, a smaller variety with rims from 12 to 19 cm (nine examples), and a larger variety with rims from 20 to 26 cm (12 examples); a few cooking pots are even larger (40–54 cm). The majority of cooking pots are made from fabric Type IV; several are of Type XXVI, which is petrographically identical to Type IV. One piece is similar to Type IV but with granodiorites and gold mica (E1 P34). In short, there is a great deal of standardization among the cooking pots, both in shape and in fabric.

Cooking Bowl A few shapes made out of cooking pot fabric seem to be from large bowls, rather than deeper tripods or cooking pots (AW P15, AW P19, E1 P34, E1 P39; Fig. 36). These can have straight rims (AW P15), slightly incurved rims (AW P19), or flaring rims (E1 P34, E1 P39); E1 P34 has a rim that is also outward thickened. The rim diameters range from 16 to 35 cm.

Cooking Jug Only a single example of a cooking jug appears (CE P12; Fig. 36). This was originally assigned to LM IIIC because of its fabric (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 117), but further study has shown

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tripod cooking jugs with similar necks and rims belonging to MM IIIA (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 155, fig. 5.17:315) or MM IIIB (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 156, fig. 36:290, 295), and it seems best to consider this piece with the

Neopalatial pottery. This is a collared jug with a small mouth and no preserved spout. The small diameter of 9.5 cm, however, and the presence of burning marks make this almost certainly a cooking jug.

Coarse and Medium-Coarse Wares Cup Conical cups are frequent in both medium-coarse (AW P9, B6 P7, B6 P8, E1 P66, E1 P103–E1 P105) and coarse (A1 P1, AW P28–AW P32, B6 P12– B6 P16, B6 P21, E1 P46–E1 P48) wares (Fig. 37); many other examples were found in Room E1 but were not cataloged. Only one complete coarse example is of the larger variety (AW P28), similar to examples from Knossos (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 24, 33, 35, figs. 17, 21, 23), while the rest are small. Conical cups commonly have flaring (AW P9, B6 P7, B6 P21, E1 P66, E1 P103, E1 P105) or vertical (B6 P8, E1 P104) rims. Rim diameters range from 8 to 12 cm. Bases can be flat (AW P31, B6 P21, E1 P47) but more often are slightly raised (A1 P1, AW P28, AW P32, B6 P7, B6 P14–B6 P16, E1 P48); base diameters are 3.6 to 5.2 cm. A few conical cups have pronounced ribbing (e.g., E1 P105), a feature common to MM IIIB conical cups (see Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 117–118, figs. 6, 7); the rest are not ribbed and may date to LM IA, as at Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 95, 191–192, figs. 6.1–6.3). One example (AW P9) is painted. Most conical cups are made of Type IV fabric, while a few are of a fabric similar to Type IV but with a good deal of silver mica. Another conical cup from the intermediate deposit in E1, inventoried as V87.131 but mistakenly not cataloged, is similar in shape to B6 P7 and has ribbing inside and out.

One-handled Conical Cup One-handled conical cups are rare (Fig. 37; A1 P4, AW P13, B6 P9). The best preserved example (AW P13) has a slightly incurved rim and a round handle from the rim to lower body, similar to a cup from LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan

2003, 41, fig. 3:IB.146); other cups with a less pronounced curve to the rim are found at Myrtos Pyrgos (E. Oddo, pers. comm.) and MM IIIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 128, 151, figs. 15:151, 32:261, 265), the latter examples with dark-on-light decoration. Fragment B6 P8 may also be of this shape. Cups A1 P4 and B6 P9 have flat bases, and the lower handle attachment is near the base.

Miniature Tripod Cup Two examples of what look like conical cups with a handle and tiny tripod feet were found in the pit west of Building A (AW P34, AW P35; Fig. 37). Cup AW P34 is similar to an example from MM IIIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 151, fig. 32:266). The smaller and shallower AW P35 resembles examples from LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 53–54, fig. 11:IB.250– 254). It is not certain what these miniature tripods were used for.

Goblet A single medium-coarse goblet fragment comes from the pit west of Building A (AW P7; Fig. 37). It has a conical rim but is much deeper than the conical cup, and the shape is similar to an example from MM IIIB Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 152, fig. 33:274, 275).

Bowl Medium-coarse (AW P8, AW P11, AW P12, CE P9) and coarse (AW P36, CE P21, E1 P124–E1 P126) bowls were found in the MM IIIB–LM IA

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deposits (Fig. 37). Many of these are shallow flaring bowls. The medium-coarse examples are almost always painted (AW P8, AW P11, AW P12, CE P9). One (CE P9) is rounded with a slightly incurving rim, while the other three have outwardly flaring rims. The coarse bowls show more variety. Vessel AW P36 is a shallow flaring bowl similar to examples of MM IIIB date from Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 122, fig. 11:108– 110; 2012, 183, fig. 5.38:655), Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 106, fig. 26:567), Knossos (Mountjoy 2003, 55, fig. 4.1:14), and Kythera (Coldstream and Huxley 1972, figs. 38:46, 40:143). Several other bowls of Type IV fabric may have been cooking bowls (E1 P124–E1 P126), but they do not show burning. They are similar to examples from Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 53, fig. 11:IB.246–249) and to conical bowls from Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 98). What seems to be missing from the MM IIIB–LM IA assemblages at Vronda are the large quantities of ledge-rim bowls so common elsewhere. Two examples, possibly from the same vessel, exist of bowls with interior handles (E1 P122, E1 P123; Fig. 37). These are similar to vessels elsewhere of MM II and MM III date identified as lamps, lids, spinning bowls, or scoops (Floyd 1999). The rim fragment is unusual because the handle rises above the rim, and the base fragment shows the attachment of the handle within. Although such vessels are common in MM II Phaistos (Levi and Carinci 1988, pl. 98:v), they also occur in MM III–LM I (Floyd 1999, 252), and the Type IV fabric for these suggests a Neopalatial date. Their function is uncertain. The bowl with interior handle was first identified as a spinning bowl on the basis of similarity to Egyptian examples (Floyd 1999, 255), but there are no visible wear marks that might suggest such a use on the Vronda fragments. There is no evidence of burning, so they were probably not used as lamps. The shape of the Vronda examples would make their use as lids dubious. They may have functioned as ladles or scoops, as suggested by Floyd (1999).

Basin Only one basin type was found in Building A (A1 P6; Fig. 38). This is a shallow basin with a

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slightly flaring rounded rim and horizontal flattened handle below. The base is slightly beveled and flat. The shape is similar to an example from LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 55 fig. 12:IB.267).

Large Basin or Vat One fragment of a large open shape with some scoring on the interior was found in Room E1 (E1 P45; Fig. 38). This might have been termed a basin, but it is very large, with a rim diameter of 52 cm. Although the walls of this vessel are not as thick as usual, it has been classified as a vat. Because of the deep interior cross-hatched scoring, similar vessels have been interpreted as beehives (see above, p. 57), but parallels at MM III Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 169–170, fig 46:444 and references to unpublished material cited there) and LM I Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 57, fig. 16:IB.282, 283) suggest that it was a large basin or vat. It is difficult to date this vessel, but the best parallels seem to belong to the MM III–LM I period. The incised rayed decoration on the exterior is highly unusual. The incisions are shallower than those on the interior, and the may have been scratched in after firing as graffiti. The sign is not similar to anything in any Minoan scripts, but it does resemble the star pattern found on mason’s marks in palatial Crete, and it may have been an identifying mark for a particular individual (the owner or manufacturer) or group, as has been suggested for mason’s marks (Begg 2004, 20).

Jug Only one coarse jug has been identified as possibly of MM IIIB–LM IA date. Jug E1 P25 (Fig. 38) is a highly unusual shape, with a narrow collar and a flaring rim that is concave on the interior. Made of fabric Type IV, it finds some parallels in collared jugs of Neopalatial date at Mochlos (Barnard and Brogan 2003, 63, fig. 22:IB.317); the general shape and interior ribbing is reminiscent of jugs from Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 153, 155, figs. 34:279, 35:291).

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Jar Few examples of jars were found in the Neopalatial deposits at Vronda (Fig. 38). The one nearly complete jar (E1 P69) made from a distinctive and unusual fabric with pink schist or mudstone inclusions was probably imported. The general shape, especially the rim, is similar to a MM III– LM IA tripod cooking pot from Knossos (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 38, fig. 26:165) and to a MM III collar-necked jar from Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2012, 165, fig. 5.40:663). The outward-thickened rim curves inward, and there are two round horizontal handles on the shoulder. The base is flat and wide. The interior of the vessel is ribbed. Although the vessel resembles some cooking vessels, no burning was observed on any of the fragments, so it was probably used for storage, rather than cooking.

Of the more fragmentary vessels, one mediumcoarse base with painted decoration from the pit west of Building A (AW P10) probably comes from a jar. The base is flat, and the lower body is painted with bands. At least two examples of a wide-mouthed jar with simple rounded or flattened rim and a chain of finger impressions or piecrust decoration below the rim were found in coarse fabrics (E1 P57, EC P111). Jar E1 P57 has a knob at the rim. It is similar in shape to examples from MM III Mochlos (K. Barnard pers. comm.) and LM I Kommos (Watrous 1992, 9, 150, fig. 16:149). Finally, two closed vessels of which only the bases are preserved (AW P27, AW P37) may come from coarse jars. Example AW P27 has a flat base and rather cylindrical sides, while AW P37 has a slightly hollowed base and a carinated body.

Pithos Wares Only a single diagnostic fragment of a pithos was found in the MM III–LM IA deposits (Fig. 38), although many body fragments found in the early deposits from Building E may belong to this phase. Piece AW P39 has a rounded rim that is squared off on the exterior, and it is similar to rims

from MM III Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 168, fig. 56:1493–1495), MM III Palaikastro (Knappett and Cunningham 2003, 159, fig. 39:309), and MM III– LM I Knossos (Catling, Catling, and Smyth 1979, 44, 46, figs. 30:212, 32:228).

Late Minoan IIIC Pottery For the LM IIIC pottery we have adhered to the shape names established by Birgitta Hallager (Hallager 1997a, 1997b, 2000) whenever possible, but in three instances we have diverged from her terminology. The first exception is the stemmed cup, which she calls a “footed one-handled cup” (Hallager 1997a, 408; 1997b, 19). This has traditionally been called a “champagne cup,” certainly a misnomer, but one which immediately calls to mind a particular shape, so it is used here. We have also preferred the term lekane to basin for the particular shape with flat rim and ridge below it, although the term basin is still applied to other large open shapes, particularly earlier ones. Finally, we

have labeled the small pithoi as pitharakia. These probably functioned as storage containers, in the same way as did their larger counterparts, the pithoi, and they are similar in shape, with a collared neck. They would have been useful for storage on a smaller scale than the pithoi, but they do not fit into the category of pithoid jar, which is neckless with a large open mouth and cylindrical sides. The Greek name “pitharaki” (little pithos) seems appropriate; indeed, the most recent study of Minoan pithoi uses this same term for small storage vessels that are less than 50 cm in height (Christakis 2005, 2).

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Fine Wares There are few variations in the fine ware fabrics, except in their degree of softness, from a very soft fabric that comes off on the fingers and can be used as chalk on a blackboard, to a medium-soft fabric that can be scratched with a fingernail but does not come off on the fingers. The few examples of harder fabrics may be imported, although it is possible that the soil conditions in which the fragments were buried has affected the softness of the fabrics, as in several instances fragments of harder fabric join with softer fragments. Most of the fine wares are made of a soft fabric that is very pale brown (10YR 8/3), pink (7.5YR 7/4), or reddish yellow (7.5YR 7/6), occasionally with infrequent phyllite inclusions; this fabric is probably local to the Kavousi area. Such vessels generally have a very pale brown (10YR 8/3) slip and decoration in red or black paint; the color was determined by firing conditions, and it is not clear whether black or red was the intended color. Often the paint is entirely gone; only a shadow remains to show where it was, and the decoration shows up in the drawings but does not appear in photographs. Three other fabrics are less common and may not be local. The first is a porous fabric that is very pale brown (10YR 8/3) to pale yellow (10Y 8/4) in color with tiny black inclusions. This fabric has a slip the same color and is generally decorated with black paint, as with stirrup jar B7 P10. A second fabric is very soft and red (2.5YR 5/6) to reddish yellow (5YR 6/6) in color. Vessels of this fabric were coated with a thick and creamy very pale brown slip, even when monochrome painted, as with the interiors of deep bowls (e.g., B4 P18), and decorated in brown to black paint (B4 P28). The third fabric is also very soft, light red (2.5YR 6/6) to reddish yellow (7.5YR 6/6) in color, and it contains frequent tiny carbonate inclusions (e.g., B8 P2); the surfaces are rarely well preserved, and the fabric, which is soft and soapy to the touch, is often laminating. Decoration of the fine wares will be discussed in conjunction with the description of specific shapes below, but a few general observations can be made here. Three systems for decorating pottery seem to exist at LM IIIC Vronda. Vases may be decorated with dark paint on a light background, they may be dipped (blob decoration), or they may be

monochrome coated. With isolated fragments, it is often difficult to determine whether a vessel was dipped or monochrome, or even if it was dipped or plain, unless the line caused by the dipping is visible. Both blob and monochrome systems of decoration were used, but their popularity may have changed over time; in the early deposits those vessels with certain blob decoration outnumber those with monochrome decoration nearly 2:1, while in the later deposits monochrome vessels outnumber the blob-decorated examples by 3:1. Vessels with preserved painted decoration are relatively few, probably as a result of poor surface preservation. The local sediment adheres so strongly to the surface that it was often impossible to remove the dirt without also removing the slip and paint. Often only a few remaining chips of paint show that the vessel was decorated, or sometimes a shadow left in the slip when the paint was removed can show the pattern. The system of decoration or general syntax on painted LM IIIC pottery has been seen as falling into two distinct categories: the simple, plain, or open style (Kanta 1980, 257; Betancourt 1985, 179) and the close (Furumark 1944, 223; 1972, 178; Mountjoy 1999a, 513) or fringed style (Seiradaki 1960, 17 n. 38; Desborough 1964, 176; Kanta 1980, 254–255; B.P. Hallager 1997b, 331). The simple, plain, or open style has a limited decorative scheme that includes isolated motifs and a good deal of open space on the vessel (Seiradaki 1960, 30–31), and for that reason the term open style is preferred here. It is seen most commonly on deep bowls, where bands delineate a limited area of decoration that bears a single repeated motif, such as a zigzag, spiral, or multiple loops. The second style of decoration, usually confined to vessels with large surfaces, is characterized by multiple patterns that cover most of the surface of the vessel. This has been called the “Minoan Close Style” because of its similarity to the LH IIIC style (Furumark 1944, 223), but the Minoan version is very different from the miniaturist Mycenaean version (Mountjoy 1999a, 513). The other common term, “Fringe Style” or “fringed style,” has been applied because the fringing of motifs is a common element (Seiradaki 1960, 31). This term is problematic for two reasons: first, many of the examples of this

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style contain multiple motifs but without fringed elements, and second, fringed elements appear on vessels of the open style and on earlier vessels, so the presence of a fringed motif does not necessarily indicate either the presence of this elaborate style or a LM IIIC date (Hallager 1997b, 331). Like Mountjoy (1999a, 513), I prefer the term “pleonastic” coined by Schachermeyr (Schachermeyr 1979) for this elaborate style. There does not seem to be any chronological distinction in the use of the two styles, nor do they suggest different classes or groups of people, as Schachermeyr has suggested with his use of the term “noble ware” for the pleonastic style (Schachermeyr 1979, 206). Rather, the pleonastic style seems to have been used on vessels with a larger decorative area, such as kraters, pyxides, and stirrup jars, which may have been used in social settings as an assertion of status or taste, while the open style was preferred on vessels with smaller decorative zones that may have been used in more ordinary domestic contexts as well as social settings. In both cases, decoration occurs in a specific area that is delimited by bands. These bands mark transitions in the shape, such as bases, maximum diameters, carinations, necks, and rims, possibly hiding evidence of manufacture (Smith 2010, 18).

II examples but smaller (MacGillivray 2007, 132, fig. 4.21:1). Cup O3 P5 is shallower than usual with a height to rim ratio of nearly 1:3; it finds some close parallels in an unusual cup of LM IIIA:1–2 date from Tomb 15 at Mochlos (Smith 2010, 21, fig. 1:IIB.22), and it may also reflect an earlier style. The surfaces of most conical cups are wiped and often slipped, and they bear no decoration. At least four examples show string marks on the bases. All of these conical cups are of typical LM IIIC fine wares of reddish yellow or very pale brown color. Medium-coarse and coarse conical cups that can securely be dated to LM IIIC are even less common than the examples in fine wares, although the shape seems to have been plentiful enough in deposits from earlier periods (MM II, MM III–LM I; see above). Two coarse or medium-coarse conical cups are of Type X/XI fabrics (Fig. 39:J2 P3; also Q2 P16). Other conical cups are of medium-coarse to coarse yellowish-red to reddish-brown fabrics. Conical cups are most likely to have been used as simple domestic drinking vessels for small amounts of liquid; their estimated capacities range from 0.035 to 0.086 liters (see App. C). The infrequency of the shape argues against their continued use in public rituals as suggested for earlier periods of the Minoan past (Borgna 2004a, 262–263).

Conical Cup

Cup

Earlier reports suggested that the conical cup continued in use in LM IIIC at Vronda (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 363), but further study has shown that many of the cups originally thought to have been from LM IIIC contexts actually came from earlier deposits beneath or beside the houses. Nevertheless, the following nearly complete fine examples still remain from secure LM IIIC deposits: B7 P12, IC2 P13, L3 P1, N2 P8, N5 P22, O3 P5, and possibly WS P10. These and other fragmentary examples of LM IIIC (Fig. 39) are of simple shape with little variation in size or profile, and they occur most often in fine wares. Heights generally range from 3.5 to 4 cm, base diameters from 3 to 4 cm, and rims from 7 to 8 cm, giving a heightto-rim ratio of approximately 1:2, a base-to-height ratio of about 1:1, and a base-to-rim ratio of around 1:2. Cup N2 P8 is unusual in being smaller and deeper than the usual shape, rather more like MM

Recognizable one-handled cups (Fig. 39) are not common at Vronda, and only 15 are securely identified (B4 P3–B4 P6, B7 P1, E1 P80, I3 P6, IC1 P7, IC2 P3, J5 P1, L1 P5, N1 P1, N2 P7, N3 P1, Q2 P13). They may have been more prevalent, but unless the handle or handle attachment is preserved, it is difficult to distinguish a cup from a deep bowl. Watrous’ observation (Watrous 1992, 140–141) that the rim diameters of cups at Kommos are smaller than those of deep bowls does not seem to hold true at Vronda or at other LM IIIC sites (e.g., Karphi; Day 2011c, 255), although cups may in general have a smaller capacity than deep bowls (0.23– 0.84 liters; see App. C). Identifiable cups at Vronda are almost entirely of the deep variety; the shallow cups and band cups found at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 137) and possibly Karphi (Day 2011c, 255) do not appear here. Profiles are either rounded (B4 P4, B4 P5, E1 P80, I3 P6, IC1 P7, L1 P5, N3 P1)

THE POTTERY

or carinated (B4 P3, B7 P1, N1 P1), like examples from Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 368, fig. 24). Of the six preserved bases of cups (B4 P3–B4 P6, E1 P80, I3 P6, N3 P1), all are raised; five have concave bottoms, two of them quite deep (B4 P4, E1 P80), while one is flat (B4 P5). The diameters of the majority of bases fall between 3.7 and 5.3 cm and are approximately one-third the diameters of the rims, which are mostly between 11 and 15 cm. The diameters of cup rims are generally about 1.5 times their height. Rims are not well articulated and are either straight or slightly flaring. Handles are vertical and either elliptical or flattened. Most of the cups are in the same size range as the deep bowls. Cup N3 P1, however, is exceptionally large, with a rim diameter of 28 cm and a capacity of over 5 liters (see App. C). Large cups, although rare in LM IIIC, occur also at Karphi (Day 2011c, 146–147, no. K81.1, 205–206, no. K115.1), and oversized kylikes (J2 P2: over 7 L) and possibly deep bowls (D1 P10: over 2.2 L) are also found. Recent studies by Rutter have shown that such oversized drinking vessels were found in Neopalatial assemblages, perhaps used as status markers for important consumers of drink (Rutter 2011, 146); the oversized drinking vessels may have served this same function at Vronda. From the identifiable examples, decoration on cups seems limited, although there may be greater variation if some of the vessels that might be either cups or deep bowls are actually cups. The identifiable cups have either blob decoration (B4 P3–B4 P5, E1 P80, I3 P6, IC1 P7) or are monochrome (IC2 P3, L1 P5). The presence of at least three blob cups in the Room B4 deposit suggests that this type was popular in the earlier part of LM IIIC, as was also the case in the latest deposits at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 137), with which Room B4 may have been contemporary. Most of the cups show the same profiles as deep bowls, and neither the decorated conical cups found at Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 34:80-P 0038, 80-P 0262) nor the deep cups with flaring rim common at Karphi (Day 2011c, 255, Type 2) appear at Vronda, although an example from Room I3 (I3 P6) comes close, and two fragments that may come from cups or deep bowls (IC1 P4, N1 P2) have similar profiles.

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Particularly puzzling is cup N2 P7, which looks out of place among the LM IIIC cups. The shape is more rounded than usual for LM IIIC cups, and it is monochrome painted. It bears some resemblance to the later monochrome cups so prevalent in the LG graves at Vronda (e.g., Day 2011a, 755, fig. 5), and at first this cup was thought to be an intrusion from Grave 28, located to the north and east of Room N2. Its context, however, suggests that it was LM IIIC; it was resting on the floor of the room with other LM IIIC pottery and covered with roofing clay. Furthermore, comparisons with cups from the SM and PG tholos tombs at Kavousi and from the LG cremation burials show that it is not precisely like those later types, either. Cup N2 P7 is smaller and shallower than the later examples, with a smaller capacity (0.23 L; see App. C). It has a deep S-curve, it lacks an offset rim, and the handle does not rise above the rim. The shape of the body is similar to deep bowl C4 P5, which itself is anomalous at Vronda (see below). It may come from a footed cup like those found in Vronda Tholos Tomb IX (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983, 407, fig. 8:15, 16). It may be one of the latest pieces in the Vronda settlement, perhaps of SM style, although there are no good parallels. If so, then it may represent one of the earliest examples of the type of one-handled cup that begins to appear late in PG and becomes common in the Geometric period (Coldstream 1996, 401–402). Cups, like deep bowls, were apparently the primary drinking vessels at Vronda. It is possible that the cup, with its single handle, was also used for dipping, especially given the absence of identifiable ladles in the Vronda assemblages. Although the lack of elaborate decoration suggests an ordinary domestic function, the large size of some of the cups may indicate a use in social settings where they served as display objects, impressive for their size.

Champagne Cup The stemmed goblet or champagne cup is not common at Vronda, but it is easily identifiable by the stem, which is shorter than that of the kylix and has a more spreading base (B4 P11, B7

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P2, B7 P3, C5 P13, CDW P2, EC P122, I4 P14, IC2 P14, J1 P3, J1 P4, J3 P1, K4 P1). The champagne cup has a single vertical handle rather than the pair of horizontal handles found on the kylix, and the stem tends to be shorter (Fig. 39). The profiles are similar to those found on cups and may be either rounded (B7 P2) or carinated (B4 P11, B7 P3). The base diameters range from 5.5 to 7 cm, but most of the examples fall at 6 cm. Bases are spreading, often with a small circular depression at the middle of the foot, and stems are short and thick. Of the three preserved nearly complete examples (B4 P11, B7 P2, B7 P3), all are vertical and lipless. Rims vary in diameter from 11.5 to 12.5 cm. Height varies from 8 to 9.2 cm. Capacities range from 0.32 to 0.44 liters (see App. C). All examples with preserved surfaces show blob decoration. A large proportion of the champagne cups are of very soft fabrics. Three of the 12 vessels identified as champagne cups come from early LM IIIC deposits in Building B, Rooms B4 and B7, and an uncataloged fragment appeared in the East Terrace fill of early LM IIIC date. The shape, which derives from a LM IIIB type, may have been more popular in the earlier LM IIIC period than toward the end. It has been found at Chania (B.P. Hallager 1997b, 39–40; 2000, 137) and Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 283, 295, fig. 15:P22), both of which date to earlier in the LM IIIC period. The champagne cup is not common at Karphi, where the abandonment deposits are generally later (Day 2011c, 269). The function of the champagne cup is not known, although the elegant shape suggests something more than a simple domestic vessel. On the basis of burial evidence, it has been suggested that its use is gendered: champagne cups were used by women and kylikes by men (D’Agata 1999c, 54; 2005, 114–115), but the use of champagne cups may also have been related to lower status (Driessen and Fiasse 2011, 293; against this view, see Smith 2011, 305). The appearance of champagne cups in the earlier deposits of Building B, along with many highly decorated cups, deep bowls, and kraters, suggests that it was used in the social or religious rituals that occurred in the early phase of Building A-B, and it is possible that the shape was replaced by the large and highly decorated kylix in the last phase of the building’s use.

Deep Bowl The deep bowl is certainly the most common fine shape at Vronda (33 recognizable examples), as it is at other LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 142–143), although nearly complete profiles are rare. Most examples are known from fragments of rim and base, and the handles are usually missing; without the handles, it is impossible to distinguish the deep bowl from the cup. Typologies of deep bowls have been difficult to establish at most LM IIIC sites (Borgna 1997b, 276–283; B.P. Hallager 2000, 139–143; Kanta 2003, 168–171), and Vronda is no exception. In general, bodies of deep bowls come in two varieties: rounded and carinated, with a few examples falling somewhere in between (Fig. 40). Profiles and details of rims, handles, and bases vary within each of these categories. Carinated examples are less common (E1 P85, E1 P96, O2 P1, L1 P3) than the rounded deep bowls, which can curve into a vertical or outturned rim (B4 P13, B4 P14, B7 P4, B7 P5, B7 P21, E1 P84, J5 P2, M1 P1, LW P1, O3 P2, Q2 P9, WS P3). Several are too small to enable identification of the body shape, but they have a vertical lipless rim (IC2 P4, N2 P2). Also common are bowls with flaring, nearly conical profiles (B4 P15, E1 P83, I3 P24, IC1 P21, J4 P1, K3 P1, K4 P2, N2 P3), and some bowls have more S-curved profiles (B4 P12, B7 P6, E1 P101, N2 P1, O3 P1). Bowl C4 P5 has a bell-shaped profile that resembles SM types of bell skyphoi at Karphi (Day 2011c, 228–229, no. M8.1), Knossos (Warren 1983, 86, fig. 64), and Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2007, 111, fig. 11a:41/6). It is unfortunate that its base has not been preserved, so it is not possible to determine if it is high and conical like the later varieties, or shorter and more rounded like the earlier types. The context of this vessel is rock tumble in Room C4, which was disturbed by the later Geometric Grave 5. While C4 P5 could represent grave disturbance, its appearance does not fit in with the other material from Grave 5, which is all Late Geometric in date. The vessel is more likely to belong with the settlement, in which case it represents one of the very latest vessels found in any of the houses. The wide proportions and curving profile suggest that it fits in with several bell skyphoi that have been seen as early the SM period at

THE POTTERY

Knossos (Warren 1983, 81) and Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2007, 95; 2011, 58, fig. 2.2); it is, however, also similar to a skyphos dated to advanced SM in the nearby tholos tomb at Vasiliki (Tsipopoulou, Vagnetti, and Liston 2003, 112, 117, fig. 15:15) and to another of LPG date from Chamaizi-Phatsi (Tsipopoulou 1997, 458, fig. 2:5052). With an estimated capacity of 0.16 liters, this vessel is considerably smaller than other deep bowls found at Vronda, which range from 0.44 to 1.45 liters (see App. C). Distinctions can be made among the types of bases and rims, although no pattern is discernible in their combination with different profiles or rim types. The raised concave base predominates (Fig. 40), although there is at least one example (N2 P1) of the raised flat base that is common elsewhere in LM IIIC, for example at Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 35), Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 118, fig. 8.11), and Phaistos (Borgna 1997b, 278, fig. 6). Raised concave bases range in size from 3.4 to 5.5 cm, with the majority measuring 4–4.5 cm. There are no examples of the true ring base on a deep bowl, although ring bases appear on fragments without handles that could come from either cups or deep bowls (e.g., IC2 P20) and on kraters. Most of the preserved bases are from the earlier deposits, and they are low in height; the only example from an abandonment context has a slightly higher foot that begins to resemble the later PG conical foot (WS P3). Although rim diameters range from 10 to 19 cm, the majority fall between 12 to 14 cm and are generally about twice the diameter of the bases. The ratio of height to rim diameter ranges from just over 1:1 to nearly 1:2. Carinated deep bowls show two different types of rim. On most examples, nearly vertical sides rise from the carination to a lipless rim (E1 P85, N2 P3, O2 P1, L1 P3), but the rim may also flare out from the carination, as on E1 P96. The lips of the more common rounded deep bowls show more variety. The profiles of the most common (B4 P13, B4 P14, B7 P5, M1 P1, N2 P2, Q2 P9) curve into a vertical rim that is most often lipless, or occasionally (B7 P4, B7 P21, J5 P2, LW P1, O3 P2, WS P3) everted. Bowls with flaring, nearly conical profiles that are lipless (B4 P15, E1 P83, I3 P24, IC1 P21, J4 P1, K3 P1, K4 P2, N2 P3) are common. Finally, bowls with S-curved

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or bell-shaped profiles have rims that are outturned (B4 P12, B7 P6, E1 P101, N2 P1, O3 P1). One example (IC2 P4) has a vertical profile with a lip that is oblique within; similar rims can be found on an early LM IIIC deep bowl from Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 1999a, 189, fig. 4:3.12), another from Phaistos (Borgna 1997b, 278, fig. 6:1), and several at Karphi (Day 2011c, 115–116, 125–126, 195–196, nos. K27.1, K46.1, K120.1). Deep bowls can be decorated with simple patterns in the handle zone. Decorated examples generally have a band at the rim and a band at the base and one to four bands at the bottom of the handle zone; when there are more than two bands the two outer bands are broad, with one or more narrow bands between. Handles are always coated. Deep bowls can also be dipped or have blob decoration, or they may be monochrome. Plain deep bowls do not seem to exist, although because of the poor preservation of the surfaces, it is difficult to be certain; some fragments that appear plain may come from the unpainted portion of a blob-decorated vessel. The interiors of painted and monochrome deep bowls are always coated, and occasionally there is a reserved band on the interior of the lip (B4 P13, B4 P15, B7 P6, L1 P3, O2 P1); the reserved band is more common on the earlier LM IIIC deposits from Building B, Rooms B4 and B7. While the surface preservation makes it difficult to recover many decorative motifs, the repertoire of designs seems to have been limited, even if those pieces without handles that may be cups or deep bowls are taken into account (Fig. 41). The zigzag and spiral motifs are most popular, particularly from the early LM IIIC deposits in Building B, Rooms B4 and B7. The zigzag motif is common in early LM IIIC deposits elsewhere, particularly at Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 286–287, fig. 8:a–d), Knossos (Popham 1965, 324–325, fig. 5:21–23), and Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 370, fig. 29). Because of the preservation, it is not always clear what types of spirals are depicted, whether the running or buttonhook varieties. Nevertheless, spirals are as popular as at Karphi (Day 2011c, 260), Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 286–290, fig. 8:e–h), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopolou 2005, 370–371, figs. 28–30; 2007, 46, 49, 50, figs. 3:1,

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6:2, 3, 9, 11, 7:17, 22), Knossos (Popham 1965, 326, 327, 330, fig. 6:28–35), and Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 35). A few motifs common on deep bowls elsewhere are missing at Vronda. For example, the tricurved streamer is absent, although the deep bowl from B7 (B7 P4; Fig. 40), with its cross-hatched lozenge between two multiple filled loops, may be a local variation on this motif. There are few examples of paneled patterns, common elsewhere in LM IIIC (Borgna 1997b, 278, fig. 6:1, 10; Mook and Coulson 1997, 344, fig. 8:23; B.P. Hallager 2000, 140–141; Day 2011c, 261– 262). Also missing are the Minoan flower, quirk, and bivalve shell, all of which are generally found on early LM IIIC pieces. While surface preservation may account for some of these absences, it seems likely that the local decorative repertoire at Vronda was limited. Chronological developments of shape and decoration are uncertain and may vary regionally. Although deep bowls are not often distinguished stratigraphically at Vronda (in fact, only in Building I are there real stratigraphic distinctions), closed deposits in Rooms B4 and B7 of Building B have earlier LM IIIC deep bowls that can be distinguished from the later LM IIIC examples. Most of the well-preserved examples come from the lower deposits in Rooms B4 and B7 of Building B, dated to the earlier part of LM IIIC, closer to the time of the construction of the LM IIIC settlement than to its abandonment. There are four nearly complete deep bowls from B4, and three from the lower deposit below the pithos in B7. All the Room B4 and B7 deep bowls are of the rounded variety, most often vertical lipless, but some have a S-curved profile or less commonly with a flaring conical profile. There is a single example of an everted rim (B7 P4). The handles tend to be set higher on the body than on many later examples, and they also project farther horizontally. All preserved bases are raised and concave, but they are not very high; two of them are painted around the edge of the underside. Three of the deep bowls have a zigzag decoration in the handle zone, two have spirals, and one has a cross-hatched lozenge between multiple filled loops, similar to that on a cup from Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 48:77-P 0522). Three have reserved bands on the interior of the lip. The capacities of these early LM IIIC deep bowls are generally slightly smaller (0.44–0.68 L,

with one much larger example of 1.45 L) than those in later examples (0.53–0.94 L; see App. C). Deep bowls from the later deposits are neither as complete nor as well preserved, and the fragments may represent material that had broken earlier and was on or embedded in the floors, or even pieces manufactured earlier but still in use at the end of the LM IIIC period. In general, all of the carinated examples come from the floor deposits, but carinated cups and champagne cups exist in the earlier deposits, suggesting that this apparent pattern may be serendipitous. The function of the deep bowl has never been satisfactorily explained. Since the deep bowl forms the most common fine shape and outnumbers the cups, it is likely to have been used primarily for drinking, but it may also have been used for eating of certain foods, such as boiled grains, milk-based drinks, or soups. Because there is some evidence for bread baking in the small domestic ovens, it is most likely that grains were more often baked into breads than eaten as boiled mush. The deep bowl may, however, have been used for stews or soups, possibly on a boiled grain product, in much the same way as rice bowls are used in Asia today to hold rice onto which a smaller quantity of meat or vegetable mixture is placed.

Deep Bowl or Cup The majority of fragments of open vessels come from the rims and bases of bowls or cups without their handles (Fig. 42). It is impossible to determine whether these are cups or deep bowls, and they have simply been referred to as deep bowl or cup (if it seems more likely that the vessel is a deep bowl) or cup or deep bowl (if it seems more likely to be a cup). The same two basic body types are found as on examples that are certainly identified as deep bowls: rounded and carinated. Of the 13 examples that are well-enough preserved to determine the profile, eight are carinated (61%), while five are rounded (39%). Where the bases are preserved, raised concave bases predominate (85%), although there are a few examples of flat bases, either raised (12%) or occasionally completely flat (2%). The range of base diameters is 2–9 cm, the majority (69%) falling between 4 and 5 cm. Only a single example of a true ring base was found (IC2

THE POTTERY

P20), and it comes from a deposit below the floor of Building I courtyard that is of an early IIIC date. Rim diameters range from 6.5 to 19 cm, but most fall between 10 and 16 cm, with the majority (53%) between 12 and 14 cm. As on the deep bowls, the rim profiles vary a great deal (Fig. 42), but they can be classified in the same three groups. Most common is the nearly vertical lipless profile (41 examples, of which eight come from earlier deposits). The second most common group has rims that flare outward, producing a S-curve or bell shape to the body (40 examples, at least six of which are from earlier LM IIIC deposits). A third group, less common, has a flared conical profile (25 examples, three of which are from early deposits). Although most of these vessels are lipless, a limited number have everted rims (nine examples, none early); most of these appear on vertical profiles, but a few are on flaring profiles. There are at least two examples in mediumcoarse ware that could be classified as deep bowls or cups (J1 P18, O1 P9). Fragment J1 P18 is large, with a rim diameter that just misses the measurement for a krater (18 cm), with an outward curving rim and a painted interior. Fragment O1 P9 is straight sided with a simple pointed rim. Decorations on these vessels repeat those found on deep bowls (Fig. 41). Many are blob (10 examples) or possibly monochrome (41 examples), but other decorations include the zigzag (five examples), hatched or cross-hatched lozenge (six examples), hatched lozenge and loops (one example), cross-hatching (one example), spiral (three examples), paneled design (three examples), pendant multiple loops (two examples), wavy lines (one example), filled alternating arcs (one example), fringed motifs (two examples), curvilinear motifs (four examples), and motifs that include vertical strokes (three examples). There seems to be no discernible pattern in the frequency of these motifs among the different types of rims, nor any chronological pattern. The zigzag motif is common on both cups and deep bowls in the early phases of LM IIIC and is particularly popular in the lower deposits in Building B, Rooms B4 and B7 (e.g., B4 P12, B4 P14, B4 P17, B7 P7), but vessels with zigzags also occur in the later deposits in Building E East, Rooms E2 (E2 P3) and E7 (E7 P2), and in the courtyard of Building I (IC2 P28). Lozenges with hatching or cross-hatching occur quite often

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(AE P59, I3 P25, IC1 P8, IC2 P5, L2 P4, O2 P3); this is a common motif at Karphi (Day 2011c, 263). The cross-hatched lozenge occurs in what may be a tricurved streamer motif on a fragment from the courtyard of Building I (IC1 P8), and it is similar to the deep bowl from B7 (B7 P4). The tricurved streamer is a motif that appears on Crete in LM IIIC and becomes more popular as the period progresses (B.P. Hallager 2000, 141; 2007, 190); the context of this example, above the latest floor in the Building I courtyard, suggests that it belongs to the latest LM IIIC on the site. The lozenge-and-loop chain with a hatched lozenge appears on an example from Room B4 (B4 P16) and may occur on other fragments; this motif is particularly popular early in LM IIIC at Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 287, 295, figs. 8:i, 15:P21) and also appears at Chamalevri (AndreadakiVlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 370, fig. 29). One fragment simply has a patch of cross-hatching (IC2 P38). Spirals are also common (B7 P5, B7 P6, B7 P21, E2 P6, L1 P4, L-M P2) but are generally too poorly preserved to determine whether they are buttonhook spirals or some other form. Paneled designs, which should be classified as pleonastic decoration, are rare on deep bowls or cups at Vronda (B4 P18, B7 P23, O2 P4), though they are common at other LM IIIC sites (Day 2011c, 261–262). Pendant multiple loops (J4 P2, O2 P2) occur but not as frequently as at other LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 141; Day 2011c, 260). Other motifs include multiple wavy lines (IC2 P25), filled alternating arcs (IC1 P17), fringed motifs (I4 P17, KI P6), curvilinear motifs (AE P10, C4 P4, J4 P3, LW P3), and motifs that include vertical strokes or filler arcs (AE P9, B3 P2, N4 P1). Reserved bands occur on only 15 examples (16%); bowls or cups with flaring conical profiles are slightly more likely to have a reserved band. Reserved disks on the bases are rare; only two examples are known, and both of these are made from harder fabrics. It may be that the reserved disk is not a local tradition, as it is more common at other LM IIIC sites (Mook and Coulson 1997, 343; B.P. Hallager 2000, 139). The feature begins as early as LM IB but becomes widespread in LM III (Watrous 1992, 130). Popham (1965, 321) suggested that the reserved disk helped the potter to handle the pot while the paint was still wet. More common is paint on the underside of the base; this

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can be solid monochrome (A1 P3, B4 P19, I4 P7, J1 P10, K4 P10, L2 P23), blob or drip decoration (IC1 P13, L2 P20), a band around the outer edge (AE P13, AE P16, I3 P11, I4 P6, K4 P9, K4 P11, KI P4, L2/3 P4, O1 P12), or a spiral (E1 P88).

Other Bowls A limited number of other open shapes are known that are here called bowls for want of a better term. Bowl B4 P24 has a wide offset rim and is decorated with bands; there are no close parallels for the shape, and it may be an earlier piece. The two-handled bowl is similar in shape to the deep bowl, but the vessel is shallower. Only two certain examples are known (B4 P21, E7 P3; Fig. 42), and a third also may be a similar shape (LW P6; Fig. 42). The two-handled bowls are similar to the deep bowl in profile but have more flaring sides and a greater rim diameter (17.3–17.4 cm) than is normal for the deep bowl. The ratio of the height of these vessels to their rim diameters is anywhere from 1:2 to 1:2.5, making them shallower than the deep bowls, which generally have a ratio of 1:1.5. Both bowls have raised bases that are slightly concave and are generally larger than those on deep bowls (5.4–5.8 cm). The profiles are flaring, and the rim can be either slightly flattened on top or thickened on the interior. One is certainly decorated with blob decoration, while the other may be blob or monochrome. The blob on B4 P21 seems to be painted on rather than formed by dipping into the paint, as on the cups and deep bowls. The third example (LW P6) is shallower, although the base and lower body are not preserved. The flattened handle lies at the flaring lip, and the vessel seems to be plain. The shape may derive from FS 295, the shallow angular bowl, found in the mainland and islands in LM IIIC (Mountjoy 1999b, 286, fig. 97:213 [fom Laconia], 1104, fig. 451:98 [from Kos]). A similar shape appears in early LM IIIC at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 45, fig. 2:20). Similar to the fine two-handled bowl is a medium-coarse example (B7 P14; Fig. 42). It has a shallower, more rounded profile and horizontal oval handles attached at the rim. A single example of a spouted bowl was found in Building I, Room I5 (I5 P3). It resembles the deep

bowl in its rounded S-curved profile but has a spout on one side, rather like a tankard. No handles are preserved. It may be a vessel from an earlier period. Only one example of a fenestrated bowl was found at Vronda. It came from Room B4 (B4 P22; Fig. 42), and it is without known parallels on Crete. This shape is also reminiscent of a deep bowl, with a deep vertical profile and simple rim. It has fenestrations or windows on the sides, of which two are preserved.

Amphoriskos/Krateriskos One possible example of this shape comes from the lower deposit of Building L2 (L2 P1; Fig. 42). The profile resembles that of a deep bowl but has an almost collared rim. The amphoriskos or krateriskos seems to have appeared on Crete as early as LM IIIA:2 or LM IIIB (Kanta 2003, 173); on the mainland it occurs in LH IIIB but does not become popular until LH IIIC (Mountjoy 1986, 124). Examples have been found in early LM IIIC deposits at Kastrokephala (Kanta 2003, 173) and Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 295, fig. 15:P23). At Karphi (Day 2011c, 204–206, no. K115.4) the amphoriskos is among the latest deposits in the town and is common in the later tombs. A similar amphoriskos was found in an early SM deposit at Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2.12). The Vronda example comes from beneath the floor surface in Building L South, Room L2, so the shape seems to have been introduced in LM IIIC at Vronda, as elsewhere.

Kylix While the kylix is not the most common shape at Vronda, it is one of the most easily recognized (Fig. 43). Many of the examples come from a single deposit in Building B, Room B3. In general, the kylikes show typical LM IIIC characteristics in shape (Hallager 1997b, 38): carinated bodies and deep conical bowls (B3 P3, B3 P4, B3 P6, B3 P7, E1 P89, E2 P7, J2 P2, J3 P4, K3 P10). The stem varies from tall to short but is generally shorter than the bowl is deep; 41%–45% of the entire height is in the stem. This proportion makes the LM IIIC kylikes very different from those of the LM IIIA and

THE POTTERY

LM IIIB periods. About 40% of the kylikes have bulbous stems, a feature that has been taken as a possible chronological indicator for a late LM IIIC date (Kanta 1980, 264). One of the bulbous stems at Vronda was embedded in an earlier floor surface of Room I4 in Building I (I4 P2), while the other two come from the later LM IIIC levels (B3 P12, J1 P14). Although these examples would seem to refute Kanta’s idea that the bulbous stem is a later feature, one must remember that none of the LM IIIC deposits at Vronda represent the earliest phase of that period. While Popham (1969, 304) suggested that the bulging stem might result from poor potting, the feature is found consistently on LM IIIC pottery, so another explanation is more likely. Perhaps the bulge made the stem easier to grasp and kept the hand from slipping. As is typical for the Cretan kylix, most (88%) of the stems are pierced nearly to the bowl; generally the holes are small in diameter (0.2–0.9 cm), but on at least one example (E1 P89) the hole is quite large (1.4 cm). Stems with such wide holes are not unknown in LM IIIC Crete, and similar examples can be found at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 51, fig. 8:20) and Karphi (Day 2011c, 267). Nearly half (40%) of the kylikes with stem preserved have one or more grooves at the attachment of the body to the stem (B3 P4, B3 P9, B3 P11, J1 P14), and this may be a local feature. The diameters of the feet range in size from 5.4 to 7.4 cm, and many of them are small in proportion to the size of the body; there is some difficulty standing the preserved vessels upright on their bases. The bodies of the kylikes vary from a shallower to a deep conical shape, and there is almost always a carination near the rim. In general, the rim of the bowl is 1.4–1.7 times its depth; this figure makes the LM IIIC examples a bit deeper than those found in LM IIIA and LM IIIB. The rim rises either vertically from the carination or in a flaring outward curve. Handles are always elliptical. The sizes of the kylikes vary greatly, but often they are larger than predecessors in LM IIIA and IIIB. Rim diameters range from 12 cm to the largest at 31 cm (J2 P2). The majority (nine examples, 50%) fall into the range of 12–15 cm, with a large group (five examples, 28%) ranging between 18.5 and 20 cm. Another group of extremely large kylikes (four examples, 22%) with rim diameters over 20 cm represent something new for LM IIIC, and

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they find parallels at Karphi (Day 2011c, 269; Day and Snyder 2004, 76, fig. 5.13), Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 347, fig. 29.14), and Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 383, fig. 47). The estimated capacities of these large kylikes generally range from 1.3 to 2.5 liters, and the largest (J2 P2) is over 7 liters; the capacities of smaller kylikes are 0.5–0.65 liters (see App. C). Kylikes are elaborately decorated. All but two of the stems are painted with bands; the rest (B3 P12, B7 P22) are monochrome painted. The bowls have multiple patterns that cover the entire surface, and sometimes the area between the carination and the rim has a separate pattern of fringing, curvilinear motifs, scallops (E1 P89), triangles (B3 P7), strokes (B3 P7, B3 P8, E1 P89), or bands (B3 P4, K3 P10). Elements of the main decoration include cross-hatched patterns (five examples: B3 P4–B3 P6, B3 P9, E2 P7), fringed motifs (seven examples: AE P17, B3 P3, B3 P6–B3 P8, B7 P8, J1 P14), filled multiple loops (E1 P89, J3 P4; the latter like those from a krater found at Knossos; see Warren 2007, 340, fig. 5:P1917), variation on an octopus (B3 P3), poppy or pomegranate (B3 P6), filled lozenges (E1 P89), and whorl shell (KI P7). The whorl shell pattern is found in LM IIIA:2–IIIB (Hatzaki 2007b, 237, fig. 6.27:4), and this example from the kiln seems to be the earliest found at the Vronda settlement. Four kylikes (B3 P6–B3 P8, E2 P7) show the reserved band on the interior of the lip. The kylikes of Room B3, which represent over a quarter of the total found at Vronda, are numerous and of varied types. Most of them are carinated near the rim and have rather deep conical bodies. The decoration on kylix B3 P3, probably a development of an octopus motif, finds many parallels in LM IIIC kylikes at Vrokastro (Hall 1914, 150, fig. 89:A, C; Hayden 2003, 33, fig. 8.53), Kritsa (Popham 1969, pl. 64:f), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 382, fig. 46; 2007, 51, fig. 8:19), and Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997, 315, fig. 23:g, h). Kylix B3 P4 has an even deeper body than usual and is close to J2 P2 and to examples from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 26, fig. 18:2, 3) and Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 347, fig. 29:14); it ought to belong to late LM IIIC (Hallager 1997b, 38–39), but it is also similar to a kylix from Thronos/Sybrita dated to SM (D’Agata 2011, 59, fig. 3:11). Kylix B3 P5, however, is of a different type; it is smaller and has a real lip. It resembles earlier

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kylikes of LM IIIB in shape, although the carinated profile and the decoration, with its pendant filled triangles in loops and cross-hatched lozenge below, look more like LM IIIC; it is also similar in shape to an example from the early SM phase at Thronos/ Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:7). The kylix was introduced into Crete from the mainland (where it has a longer tradition that goes back into the Middle Bronze Age), probably by the Mycenaeans on the island in LM II and LM IIIA, and its development has been the focus of much study (Popham 1969; Hallager 1997b). The Vronda examples are noteworthy for their generally large size, their carinated profiles, and their elaborate decorations that mark them as having a special function in the life of the community. Because of its stemmed shape (which is not functional) and elaborate decoration, the kylix is likely to have been used as a drinking vessel in social settings where display of taste or status was a major element, and not in ordinary domestic circumstances; indeed, the kylix figures as a major element in the feasting depicted on the Campstool fresco from Knossos, dating to the Final Palatial period (Evans 1921–1935, IV, 388–389, pl. 31; Immerwahr 1990, 95, 176). Kylikes also occur in certain mortuary contexts in LM II–IIIB, and they have been interpreted as indicators of communal drinking ceremonies associated with elite status (Smith 2011, 305–306). A distinguishing feature of many of the LM IIIC kylikes is their large size. At Vronda, nine kylikes had rim diameters above 18.5 cm. At Karphi, six examples were over 20 cm (Day 2011c, 269), at Chalasmenos one example over 20 cm appeared in Megaron A.3 (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 347, fig. 29.14), at Chamalevri three published examples measured above 19 cm (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 382–383, figs. 46, 47), at Kastelli Pediada one had a diameter of ca. 19 cm, and at Chania one measured 19 cm (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 37:70-P 0257/0508). No large examples have been reported at Thronos/Sybrita, Phaistos, Knossos, Palaikastro Kastri, or Kavousi Kastro, but these sites did produce kylikes with elaborate decoration. It is likely that these kylikes were used on festive occasions. They may have been passed around and used communally, or they may have served in a more competitive manner. In many of the Vronda examples, the size of the bowl coupled with the

smallness of the foot makes them difficult to use, because many will not stand on their feet. These features suggest that the contents were meant to be consumed at once, perhaps in competitive drinking rituals that may have helped to establish and maintain social and political hierarchies within the Vronda community.

Krater Fine kraters are found often at Vronda (Fig. 44), but they do not appear to be as common (22 examples) as at other LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 146; Day 2011c, 276). Although appearing in nearly every deposit, they are not as numerous as the deep bowls, and it would appear that while households had numerous drinking vessels, they possessed a more limited number of large decorated mixing bowls. Kraters are similar to deep bowls in shape but larger in size. Deep bowls have rims with diameters less than 20 cm, while krater rims are greater than 20 cm. The function of the vessels that lie close to the dividing line may be incorrectly identified, and those labeled small kraters may have functioned as deep bowls, much like the very large cups. Many kraters also exist in mediumcoarse and coarse wares, and the larger kraters are in coarser wares, perhaps because the inclusions were needed to stabilize such large vessels; the largest krater on the site (B4 P25), however, is fine. The rim diameters of fine kraters range from 21 cm to 52 cm, but these fall into three groups: those with diameters of 21–26 cm, 30–40 cm (the largest group), and 46–52 cm. Heights range from 14 cm for the smallest krater to 32 cm for the largest. The capacities reflect these sizes, with the smallest krater having a volume of 2.25 liters, the medium sized 18 liters, and the largest 37–62 liters. Of the fine kraters, few (six) bases are preserved; three of these (B4 P25, N3 P2, KI P8) are pedestal bases, two are true ring bases (D1 P10, J3 P7), and one is a raised, slightly concave base (B4 P27). The pedestal bases all share a common feature: they have holes pierced through the pedestal just below the attachment to the body. The holes were made with a small, sharp implement when the vessel was still wet, and the implement was apparently regularly left in during the drying and sometimes the firing process. In one case the holes have closed

THE POTTERY

up, but in the other two examples the holes are still open. Possibly this procedure made the firing of such large vessels more uniform. A similar feature is found also on the handles of at least two kraters (N3 P2, N3 P3); holes were pierced through the handles from bottom to top near their attachment. All of the fine kraters have deep rounded bodies, and there are no examples of the carinated kraters like those found at Karphi (Day 2011c, 278) or Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 146–149). Few handles are preserved, but they all seem to be simple horizontal roll handles; there are no examples of the double roll handle. Usually, the bodies rise to a lipless vertical rim, but a few (AE P18, AE P19, LW P4, J3 P5, K1 P3) have outturned lips. The rim on J3 P5 is thickened outward, like examples from Knossos (Warren 2007, 338, 340, figs. 3:P2510 + P2470, 5:P1780). Two have flaring rims that are beveled on top (D2 P4, D3 P6). These are fragmentary and may not be kraters; their profiles are closer to tankards or mugs, but they are much larger. Kraters always have monochrome interiors and often have a reserved band on top of the lip that extends down into the interior. The tops of these kraters are almost always decorated with short strokes (AE P18, AE P19, B4 P25, IC2 P23, IC2 P40, J3 P5, LW P4, N3 P2, N3 P3). All fine kraters show signs of being elaborately painted with multiple motifs in the pleonastic style. Where much of the vessel is preserved, the decoration is generally confined to the upper half of a vessel, with a band at the rim and three or more bands at the bottom, often with a pair of smaller bands on the lower half. The area under and around the handles is also elaborately decorated with some form of multiple loops: multiple pendant loops with Upattern (B4 P25), multiple fringed loops (N3 P3), or upright double loops (N3 P2), often with an accompanying version of the tricurved streamer. Similar decoration under the handles of LM IIIC kraters can be found at Vasiliki Kephala (Eliopoulos 2004, 83, fig. 6.3). The largest and most elaborately decorated krater is from B4 (B4 P25; Fig. 44). This vase has so many different patterns that the fragments were originally thought to have belonged to multiple vessels (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 370–373, fig. 9:19, 20). The motifs on side A include interlocking tailed spirals with multiple arcs filling the space between them, possible horns of consecration, paneled

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pattern, and U-pattern. Side B also has possible horns of consecration (only the bottom is preserved, so the identification is not certain) above a panel of alternating upright and pendant multiple loops on a cross-hatched field and an elaborate pattern of interlocking quatrefoil leaves. The interlocking leaf pattern can also be seen on another Vronda krater (J3 P6), and it has parallels on kraters at Karphi (Day 2011c, 160–162, no. K97.5) and Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997, 319, fig. 28:af), as well as on a LM IIIA:2 amphoroid krater from Kritsa (Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti 2006, 209, fig. 1:f). This vessel from Room J3 belongs to the same phase as the earlier LM IIIC deposit from Building B, and its hard fabric and high quality slip and paint suggest that it was not locally made. Some of the motifs, in particular the elaborate leaf pattern and the multiple loops on a cross-hatched field, are also found in the East Cretan Late Geometric period, and some of these fragments were originally published as Geometric (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 373). Nevertheless, in further study joins were found among these various fragments, making it clear that all came from a single vessel, and that the way in which the motifs are employed on the surface of the pot (its syntax) is clearly LM IIIC. Other kraters are either less well preserved or had less complex patterns. A nearly complete krater from Room N3 (N3 P2) had a scale pattern on one side, while on the other it was decorated with a pattern that covered the entire surface with upright multiple loops alternating with multiple chevrons; pendant multiple loops were used as filler within each of the upright multiple loops. A similar decorative scheme can be seen on a krater from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, pl. 9:c). A small, nearly complete krater came from Building D, Room D1 (D1 P10). It has a paneled pattern: a tree pattern (or upright chevron pattern) with an upright panel of alternating hatched triangles on one side and two stacked spirals with hatching between them on the other. The other kraters are more fragmentary. Recognizable motifs include multiple loops filled with arcs and multiple loops and U-pattern as filler (AE P18), possible double axe (LW P4), bird (J3 P5), spiral (E7 P4), and cross-hatched lozenge (IC2 P23), the last similar to a vessel from Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997, 312, fig. 15:b). Substantial fragments of a small krater come from B4 (B4 P26), with what may be another metopal pattern

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bearing horns of consecration with a dotted outline and loops hanging from the rim. Fragment J1 P15 has an uncertain motif with a spiraliform ending. It is interesting to compare the kraters from the earlier LM IIIC deposits with those from the time of abandonment. Vessels B4 P25 and AE P18 are examples of early kraters, while two kraters from N3 (N3 P2, N3 P3) and one from D1 (D1 P10) belong to the period of abandonment. Vessel B4 P25 has a deep rounded form, similar in shape to an example from room K 131 at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 25, fig. 17). The entire surface of the upper half of the krater is covered with a complex array of decorative motifs, in much the same way that the surface was covered in the later Geometric period. The bottom half, however, is left almost undecorated, with only a pair of narrow bands and a monochrome pedestal base. In contrast, the krater from N3 (N3 P2) is not as globular in shape, and its upper surface is covered with a single repeated motif, a different field of motif on either side of the pot, and it lacks the complexity of the earlier piece. Similarly, the small krater (D1 P10) has a simpler and more linear decoration than the small krater from B4 (B4 P26), and its shape looks forward to the bell skyphos or bell krater of the SM and PG periods. Kraters are popular at other LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 148–149), and at Chania they represent the second most popular fine shape (B.P. Hallager 2000, 146). The function of kraters in LM IIIC is not certain. Their elaborate decoration makes it clear that they were part of the fine table ware of a household, objects of display that were used in the feasting and/or drinking rituals that seem to have been part of the social or political fabric of the settlement. Although kraters in the historic period in Greece were used as mixing bowls for wine and water, this function cannot be inferred for the LM IIIC examples with any certainty. Since the shape echoes that of the deep bowl, it is assumed that both types are involved in drinking, but this may not be the case; kraters may have held some other substance(s).

Kalathos Although regularly occurring in other LM IIIC deposits, the fine kalathos is rare at Vronda. Only two certain examples of the basket kalathos are

found (B4 P23, IC1 P16; Fig. 45), and the rim of a possible third (D4 P12). The most complete example (B4 P23) has two close parallels at Chalasmenos from Tholos Tomb A (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 84, fig. 18:1) and from the settlement (Tsipopoulou 2004, 119, fig. 8.12:95-227). The shape is similar to both Chalasmenos examples, although the Vronda kalathos has a simple beveled base rather than the ledge bases found on the Chalasmenos vessels. The decoration on the Vronda example is very close to the kalathos from Tholos A, including the rim decoration of alternating arcs, the main decoration with the paneled pattern with zigzags in the center, the upright alternating loop chain, and the second panel with central pattern (here chevrons, at Chalasmenos zigzags or alternating multiple triangles), vertical lines, and U-motif. The Chalasmenos examples both have a pomegranate or poppy, a motif missing on the Vronda kalathos. Nevertheless, the decoration is so similar that these vessels may have come from the same workshop. As the fabric of the Vronda example is a bit harder and paler than is common, it may not have been produced on the site. The date of the Chalasmenos tholos has been given as late LM IIIC (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 86), but there are numerous similarities to the material from the earlier deposits in Building B, and some of the vessels from the tomb may be dated to the earlier part of the LM IIIC period. Vessel IC1 P16, however, finds a close parallel in an early SM deposit at Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:10).

Tankard and Mug The mug and tankard are similar in shape; the only difference between them is the presence of a spout on the tankard. The shape, whether tankard or mug, is popular on the mainland in LH III, but uncommon at all LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 153–154), even at Karphi, where a few spectacular examples of the shapes appear (Seiradaki 1960, 20, fig. 13; Day 2011c, 270–271). Only one certain example of a tankard with flaring rim was found at Vronda, from Room N2 (N2 P6; Fig. 45), and it is similar in shape to the Karphi examples but without the elaborate punctuated rim and also apparently without the elaborate decoration. There

THE POTTERY

are bases of what may be other mugs or tankards (CE P6, IC2 P41). Mugs and tankards, although they look similar, served different functions; the mug was a drinking vessel, while the tankard was used for pouring. Because of its size (with a capacity of 1.22 L), the Vronda tankard may have been used in a social setting, like an elaborately decorated example from Karphi (Day 2011c, 111–112, fig. 4.16:K26.4).

Basin or Lekane Although most vessels of this shape are in medium-coarse and coarse wares, there are three examples at Vronda in fine fabrics (IC2 P7, IE P2, O1 P13; Fig. 45). All have wide rim diameters (18.5–34 cm) with a ridge below the lip. Although never entirely preserved, they give every indication of being much shallower than the other large open vessel, the krater. The lip is often flattened on top and/or is thickened outward, like the coarse lekane. The single example with preserved handles (IE P2) has two round horizontal handles just below the ridge. Vase IC2 P7 is painted with a wide band on the exterior rim and an irregular band on the interior. Probably these vessels served functions similar to those of the coarse lekane, but perhaps they were used in serving rather than in the preparation of food. Fine basins also occur at Karphi (Day 2011c, 280–282).

Lid Fine lids are rare at Vronda, and only three are known, all of different types (Fig. 45). The largest and most elaborate example comes from N3 (N3 P4). This is a domed lid with a carinated profile that rises to a loop handle at the top. The rim of the bottom is vertical and rounded, and the handle is elliptical. The whole body is decorated with broad bands alternating with pairs of narrow bands. The shape is similar to domed lids found at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 345, fig. 29.12), Karphi (Day 2011c, 283–284), Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 295, fig. 15:P33), and Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 44:70-P 0472), although it is deeper. Like this lid, those are decorated with bands.

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One lid from B7 (B7 P13) is like a small conical cup, but with a rim diameter of only 2 cm, it is smaller than the usual conical cup, and the base is so uneven that it could not have supported the vessel. It seems best to identify this as a lid. It was not decorated. Similar lids appear also at Karphi (Day 2011c, 283). A crude, handmade lid in fine fabric also came from D1 (D1 P11). This is a very simple type consisting of a plain disk with a crude pinched knob on top. Like B7 P13, it must have been used to close a small vessel.

Stirrup Jar Stirrup jars appear in the settlement at Vronda, but they are not common (Fig. 46). Of the 12 cataloged examples, five (42%; B4 P28–B4 P30, B7 P10, B7 P11) come from the early LM IIIC levels in Building B, Rooms B4 and B7, and these are the best preserved. They are also the largest of the fine stirrup jars on the site. The only nearly complete vessel is B4 P28. Its base is raised and concave, and the body is globular biconical in shape. The spout is tilted back and probably touched the missing false spout, as is often the case with LM IIIC stirrup jars (Kanta 1980, 247; Day 2011c, 290). Enough is preserved of the top, however, to show that the solid false spout and its handles were attached to a disk that was added to the separately made body, a feature that is typical of nearly all of the Vronda stirrup jars (E5 P2 may be an exception) and is an identifying feature of the LM IIIC stirrup jar (B.P. Hallager 2000, 144; Day 2011c, 290); this feature shows itself in the raised ridge of clay at the joint between the disk and the body. Vessel B7 P10 has its false spout and handles, but the spout itself is missing. The handles are flat and the false spout has a slightly rounded top. Example J3 P8 has a similar rounded top. The tops of the other false spouts are flattened (C3 P1, probably J4 P12). None of the preserved examples from the settlement has the conical knob on top of the false spout, a feature that Kanta has seen as belonging to mature LM IIIC (Kanta 1980, 247), but which Hallager (B.P. Hallager 2000, 146) more correctly identifies as advanced LM IIIC to SM. One stirrup jar recovered in Grave 9 (GR9 P10) has a cone and was formed on a disk, but it is not clear if this piece is part of the later grave assemblage or remains

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from the roofing deposit from Building J, Room J1, into which the later grave was cut. Stirrup jars with conical false spouts appear in the later tholos tombs at Vronda (Vronda IV, VIII, and IX), which seem to date to SM and later, although a few vessels may have been LM IIIC. Stirrup jars are elaborately decorated with complex patterns on the shoulder and body. None of the preserved examples shows the separate outlining around the spouts and handles that is characteristic of West Cretan LM IIIC (B.P. Hallager 2000, 144). All five of the Building B stirrup jars have elaborate spiraliform decoration. One (B4 P30) is certainly an octopus motif, while the others may also depict octopods. Example B7 P10, with its spiraliform tentacles and arc fillers with U-pattern, has close parallels with two stirrup jars from Tomb B at Mouliana (Xanthoudides 1904, pl. 1). Vessel B4 P29 may be similar. Jar B4 P28 has spirals that may be octopus eyes and fringed decoration. Vase B7 P11 has a solid, outlined curvilinear motif that may be another octopus tentacle, all in a field of U-pattern; the use of a field of U-pattern finds a close parallel at Karphi (Day 2011c, 214–215, 245–246, figs. 6.24:K109.1, 8.2:K.31), Kritsa (Kanta 1980, fig. 136:1), and Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 1999a, 191, fig. 6.3:20). The fringes, arc fillers, and use of the U-pattern tie the decoration of these stirrup jars together. The motifs on the other stirrup jars are less elaborate or less well preserved. Jar N2 P19 has a crosshatched lozenge or triangle, similar perhaps to examples from Karphi (Day 2011c, 292–293) that are probably late LM IIIC in date. Vessel C3 P1 has multiple arcs with hatching, also paralleled at Karphi (Day 2011c, 53–54, no. K38.6). None of the others has preserved decoration. Stirrup jars have received a great deal of attention, including those of LM IIIC. Many of the best known examples of this period come from tombs. Octopus stirrup jars are a feature of the LM IIIC style, although whether they occur early or late in that period has been a matter of debate (Kanta 1980, 255–256; Mountjoy 1999b, 1045– 1051; D’Agata 2007, 97; Paschalides 2009, 23 n. 207). The presence of so many of them in the early deposits suggests that the octopus stirrup jars at Vronda were in use early in LM IIIC and gradually fell out of favor by the end of the period. Stirrup jars are elaborately decorated and must belong

in the category of fine tableware, used on festive or ritual occasions. In the houses at Vronda they were rare, as at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 144), but they occurred in domestic contexts at Karphi (Day 2011c, 290). They are found more commonly in LM IIIC graves than in settlements, but whether they were deposited there for their contents or because of their intrinsic value is not clear.

Jug Fine jugs are rare at Vronda (Fig. 46). While they can be recognized from their necks, the bases and lower bodies cannot be distinguished from other closed vessels, particularly stirrup jars, and they may have been more common than is now apparent. All of the examples with preserved necks are of the cylindrical-mouthed variety, with flaring rims (D1 P1, D4 P13, IC2 P8, L2 P24). The fine jug from B4 (B4 P31) has a ridge at the base of the neck where it attaches to the body, and the rim is triangular in section; it has an elliptical handle from neck to shoulder. Jug D1 P1 appears to be globular, with a cylindrical neck and slightly flaring rim. The interior of the necks may be plain (D1 P1, D4 P13, IC2 P8), solidly painted (L2 P24), or painted with a band (B4 P31). Three of the jugs have preserved decoration, and two of them come from the early LM IIIC deposits in B4. Jug B4 P31 has a quirk decoration on the neck, a decorative scheme that has a parallel at Karphi (Day 2011c, 212–213, no. K107.6). None of the other jugs has a decorated neck, but they have bands on the exterior of the lip. The main decorative field is the shoulder. Jug B4 P31 has a spiral in a metopal arrangement. Vessel B4 P33 has a curvilinear motif, possibly a scroll pattern or a spiral. Vase D1 P1 simply has bands, like an example from Chamalevri, which also resembles it in shape (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 374, fig. 37). Only one vessel is small enough to be called a juglet (E1 P151). With its raised concave base and biconical body, it finds a close parallel at Karphi (Day 2011c, 160–161, no. K96.2). Another base (WS P2) that may belong to either a small jug or a stirrup jar has a true ring base and banded decoration on the lower body. Fine jugs are found at most LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 150–152), where they were used for

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serving liquids, probably in social situations; for ordinary usage coarse jugs would have been available (see below, p. 97). Jugs come in all shapes and sizes, although Vronda was lacking in the small juglets found at Karphi (Day 2011c, 296) and at other LM IIIC sites.

Thelastron Only a single fragment of a fine thelastron or feeding bottle is known from Vronda (K4 P12; Fig. 47). Only the spout and part of the body remains from this poorly preserved vessel. Likewise, a single coarse thelastron was found in Building E West (E1 P132; Fig. 47). The shape has a flat base, ovoid biconical body, and a tall spout. The rim and handle are missing, but it may originally have had a basket handle like the coarse example from K 11 at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 16, fig. 10:2; Day 2011c, 60–61, fig. 3.8:K11.6). The shape has been identified as a feeding bottle, and the small fine examples may have functioned in this way. Example E1 P132, however, is so large, heavy, and coarse that it could not have served as a child’s feeding bottle. Perhaps it was used like a small jug or stirrup jar in domestic context. The thelastron is rare in LM IIIC sites and seems to appear more in tombs than in settlements (B.P. Hallager 2000, 154; Day 2011c, 296). Karphi produced only seven examples of fine thelastra from the settlement (Day 2011c, 295). Only one other coarse example is known from LM IIIC; it appears at Karphi, where it comes from a domestic context in the Great House (Seiradaki 1960, 16, fig. 10:2; Day 2011c, 60–61).

Rhyton There is only one certain rhyton at Vronda, and it comes from Building B, Room B3; a second fragment from B4 may also derive from a rhyton. Vessel B3 P13 (Fig. 47) is a highly unusual shape. It is more or less piriform in shape, but with a longer bottom than usual, and the rim, if it belongs, is very different from the usual rims of piriform rhyta. Instead of a tall collar or a rim flaring from a narrow neck, this example has a slightly flared, outturned rim, flattened on top and with an added

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ridge or handle just below where the outer surface has broken off; it is more like the rim of a conical rhyton. A parallel for the shape of the body is the head rhyton from Karphi (Koehl 2006, 86, fig. 5:88; Day 2011c, 115–118, no. K27.3), although that vessel has a human head rather than a rim. Also similar, but squatter, are several rhyta of LM IIIA:2 date from the cemetery at Mochlos (Smith 2010, 111, fig. 80:IIB.846, 847). The vessel is decorated with bands, quirks, interlocking loops, and a spiral design that may include some fringes. The motifs are all consistent with LM IIIC, but the shape is not a common one. The second fragment from B4 (B4 P35) has a ridge of clay on the interior perhaps indicating where two parts of the vessel, thrown separately, were bonded together. It has an indeterminate curvilinear decoration. Rhyta are rare in LM IIIC deposits in general. Of the three that are known from the settlement at Karphi, two are highly unusual: one is an elaborate construction of a man driving a chariot (Seiradaki 1960, pl. 13; Koehl 2006, pl. 7:71), while the other is of similar shape to the example from Vronda Room B3, but with a human head in place of a rim (Koehl 2006, 86, fig. 5:88). The third is a conical rhyton (Seiradaki 1960, 27, fig. 20, pl. 10a; Koehl 2006, 203, fig. 38:1069). A conical rhyton also appeared in the LM IIIC levels at Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997, 315, fig. 23:a), where it may come from an earlier period. An animal head rhyton was found in Building B.1 at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 342, fig. 29.8). Two conical rhyta were found in Building Complex 1 at Kastrokephala (Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131, 142, fig. 9:c, d). The precise function of the rhyton has been much debated, but a ritual use is generally accepted. Koehl has suggested that the rhyton was used in the palatial periods by Minoan and Mycenaean priests, as part of their specialized ritual and sacrificial equipment (Koehl 2006, 337–342). It is not clear, however, how such vessels functioned in the Postpalatial societies, particularly in LM IIIC. No rhyta have been found in the shrines or temples to the Goddess with Upraised Hands. When found, such vessels are in more ordinary domestic contexts. At Karphi, two rhyta were found together in Room K 27, and this circumstance has given rise to the idea that this room was a cult center (Gesell 1985, 45). The room also produced a large quantity of spools possibly for weaving (Day 2011c, 115),

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but otherwise it contained a domestic assemblage; the rhyta may have been in storage and perhaps taken out for ritual occasions. At Chalasmenos, the rhyton was found in a kitchen, and its presence interpreted as indicating the social or ritual importance of the large-scale production of food (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 343). At Kastrokephala, the two rhyta were interpreted as indications of drinking rituals in one of the rooms (Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131). At Vronda, the B3 rhyton was found in what was clearly a storeroom with three pithoi, six kalathoi, and a large number of kylikes; its elaborate decoration suggests that it was not simply being used as a funnel. The rhyton, kalathoi, and kylikes may have been stored in this room with the pithoi, but they may also have formed part of the equipment for the festive occasions apparently celebrated in Building A-B. The people of LM IIIC may have preserved memory of the ritual uses of rhyta and associated the form with their own ritual occasions, which may well have been different from those in which rhyta originally functioned. The fact that these vessels were probably used for pouring libations into the ground suggests that they may have had a chthonic connection; it is possible that during the festive occasions held in Building A-B libations were made to the dead ancestors with the rhyton.

Pyxis Pyxides are not common at Vronda, nor at any LM IIIC sites except Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 18, fig. 12; Day 2011c, 286). They appear at Vronda in both fine and medium-coarse wares (Fig. 47), which will be discussed together here. Where made of a medium-coarse fabric, they are usually of Type X/XI. They are small in size, with rim diameters of 8–12 cm, bases of 12–14 cm, and capacities of 0.8– 1.25 liters. The large elaborately decorated pyxides found at Karphi do not appear at Vronda, although it is possible that all traces of decoration have disappeared. Vronda pyxides have a narrow collared mouth and handles that begin on the body or shoulder and rise above the rim. The most common shape has handles that rise from the shoulder (D1 P12, I3 P15, IC1 P6), like Karphi Type 1 (Seiradaki 1960, 18, fig. 12:1). Several other pyxides find close parallels in shape at Karphi. Pyxis D1 P12 is

similar to K8.1 at Karphi (Day 2011c, 57, fig. 3.6), I3 P15 can be paralleled by K.24 (Day 2011c, 245, fig. 8:2), and NW P2 resembles K134.1 and K14.1 (Day 2011c, 38, 67, figs. 2.16, 3.11). On at least four examples (C4 P2, I3 P12, N1 P27, NW P2) the handles begin lower down on the body or at the base (O1 P14) and rise above the shoulders, like Karphi Type 2 (Seiradaki 1960, 18, fig. 12:2). One example (N5 P18) belongs to Karphi Type 7, a rare type with a carinated profile that might better be labeled a straight-sided alabastron (Day 2011c, 286). Except for I3 P15 and N1 P27, with their flat bases, all of these pyxides have articulated bases, whether beveled (O1 P14) or with a ledge (C4 P1, D1 P12, IC2 P42). While pyxides elsewhere are generally elaborately decorated, especially at Karphi (Day 2011c, 286), the Vronda examples are unusual in having no preserved decoration. One example is perhaps monochrome (O1 P14), and NW P2 has strokes decorating the handle, but no other decoration is preserved. The pyxides may once have been as elaborately decorated as at Karphi, but the surface preservation is too poor to be certain. No pyxis fragments have been found in the early LM IIIC deposits. Two open vessels (IE P3, O1 P17) that have wide rims may come from large pyxides, similar to an example from the earliest LM IIIC levels on the Kastro (Mook 1993, 158, fig. 86). It is difficult to know whether these vessels should be classed as pyxides rather than basins or kraters. They have wide rim diameters, one of 24–26 cm, the other of 34 cm, but an equally wide diameter of 34 cm can be found on a large pyxis from Karphi (Day 2011c, 184–185, no. K110.5). Neither of them is painted on the interior, which suggests a closed rather than an open shape. The sides seem to curve in slightly, more like a bowl or a basin. The groove on top of the rim of IE P3 and the scar for a handle attachment suggest that this was a pyxis like the one from the Kastro, and O1 P17 is very similar in shape. Hence they have been tentatively categorized as pyxides. The function of the pyxis is not certain. At Karphi, where they are plentiful, they are often found in association with their lids, so they were probably used for small-scale storage or to hold small objects. The elaborate decoration on the Karphi pyxides suggests that they were meant for display in social settings, but the Vronda examples

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are rarely decorated and may have served a more private function of storage of jewelry or small objects. The distribution of the pyxides in the settlement is unusual. Of the 10 examples known from the site, only two come from contexts other than Building Complex I-O-N, both from Building Complex C-D, and all the fine pyxides were found in I-O-N.

Hut Urn There is only a single certain example of the hut urn from Vronda and a possible second, although the shape is more common at other LM IIIC sites, particularly Karphi (Hägg 1990; Mersereau 1993; Petrakis 2006; Day 2011c, 288–290). One fragment (N3 P5; Fig. 47) preserving the edge of the doorway and the lug alongside it is certainly a hut urn. Another fragment (K1 P7; Fig. 47) may have come from a hut urn, but it could also be from a pyxis, as it was cataloged (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 147). Only the carination is preserved, but it is at a sharper angle than the shoulder of any of the known pyxides, and it seems more likely to come from the angle of the roof rather than the shoulder. It bears painted linear decoration, however, and hut urns are rarely decorated. Much has been written on the function of the hut urns, and most scholars believe that they had some religious or ritual function (Gesell 1985, 52– 53; Hägg 1990, 101–102; Mersereau 1993, 17–21; Hallager 2009, 119–120) because of the hut urn from the Spring Chamber deposit at Knossos with a Goddess with Upraised Hands inside and another

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PG example from Archanes with a goddess figure. Both of these examples are later than LM IIIC, however (Mersereau [1993, 39] dates the Knossos hut urn to LM IIIC or SM, while Hägg [1990, 97] places it in SM; both agree that the Archanes vessel is PG), and do not necessarily indicate that the shape always had a religious association in earlier periods. Petrakis has suggested that the shape is meant to represent a tholos tomb and has connected the presence of hut urns with ancestor veneration or ancestor cult (Petrakis 2006, 188–199). At Vronda, the contexts for the two examples were very different. The hut urn from Building N, Room N3 was accompanied by two elaborately decorated kraters and a large cup that suggest possible feasting activities, along with a horned kalathos, a jug, and two small storage jars. Such an assemblage might suggest that rituals took place in that room, whether religious and connected with a household cult, funerary and associated with ancestor veneration, or secular and part of the structure of political and social feasting. The possible hut urn from Building K, Room K1, however, was found with some ritual equipment: the leg of a terracotta animal figurine and an attribute from the headdress of a Goddess with Upraised Hands. Although this assemblage suggests a possible religious association for the hut urn, all the objects came from a disturbed deposit, and at least one had been brought from the area of the Shrine. It does not represent a secure domestic assemblage. The evidence for the function of the hut urn at Vronda, then, is limited and ambiguous but may support the association of this vessel type with ritual activity.

Medium-Coarse Wares Medium-coarse wares are comparatively rare in this period, and there are no fabrics, shapes, or decorations that are exclusive to this category. The fabrics tend to be those found in coarse wares, with fewer or smaller inclusions than coarse wares. There are no particular shapes that

occur more in medium-coarse ware than either fine or coarse wares. Medium-coarse shapes are discussed in either fine or coarse wares, according to the category into which the majority of examples fall.

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Cooking Wares Cooking wares include the entire class of coarse vessels placed in or on the hearths and ovens for cooking. Other vessels are occasionally made in cooking ware fabrics (especially kalathoi), but they will be considered under coarse wares, as their primary function seems not to have involved cooking. Cooking wares in LM IIIC Vronda generally belong to one of three major coarse ware types: type IV (petrographic group 5, a phyllite fabric that may be manufactured locally), type XXV (petrographic group 2, a type containing granodiorite inclusions and biotite or gold mica, probably from the area around Vrokastro), and type XVI (petrographic group 1, a fabric with abundant silver mica and schist inclusions that may come from the Kavousi area or farther to the east [for these types and corresponding groups, see Haggis and Mook 1993; Day et al. 2005; 2006, 146–152, 156–158; Mook 2005; Mook and Day 2009, 164–167]). A softer version of Type IV with more carbonates was also recognized, and at a late stage of study it was labeled Type XXVI; this type, however, cannot be distinguished from Type IV petrographically and probably comes from the same area and workshop(s). A few other fabrics were recognized but were not widespread enough to assign a type: a ware similar to Type IV but with chaff voids, and another ware with granodiorites and biotite that is not apparently the same as XXV, but that may also come from the western isthmus area. The Type IV with chaff may be from the same workshop(s), and the chaff may have been added for functional reasons. Cooking fabrics seem to have been manufactured to survive the changes in temperature associated with repeated contact with fire. All are of a red to brown color. The surfaces of many of the harder Type IV cooking vessels show an unusual treatment. These surfaces are generally hard and polished, and they often show a mottled black and brown coloration that may result from low firing temperatures in a relatively reducing atmosphere in combination with the low calcareous nature of the clays (Day et al. 2006, 156). Most cooking wares are also recognized by the presence of burning; some do not show signs of burning on the preserved portion, but their shapes and fabric are the same as those that were generally found burned.

Six major shapes of cooking vessels have been recognized. The most common is the tripod cooking pot, which most often appears as a deep, globular, collared jar resting on three legs. A shape similar to the tripod cooking pot but with a flat base is known as a cooking jar (B.P. Hallager 2000, 159–160) or amphora (Tsipopoulou 2004, 115), but it is not common at Vronda. Generally the jar is provided with two round horizontal handles, but occasionally there may be one or two elliptical vertical handles. If the base or legs are not preserved, it is impossible to distinguish the tripod cooking pot from the cooking jar, and such vessels are simply referred to as cooking pots. Occasionally the smaller version of the vessel has a mouth that has been pulled out to create an irregular spout; this type is referred to as a cooking jug. A true jug made out of cooking fabric and with burning along one side came from Room N3 (N3 P6), and it may also be termed a cooking jug. Cooking dishes are also extremely common, recognizable from their thick flaring rims and thin rounded bottoms (which rarely survive). Cooking trays are similar to the dishes but have thick flat bases and a short upright rim; these are often provided with tripod legs and occasionally have lugs or handles. Finally, there are many flat lids with knobs in the center that are made of the same fabrics as the cooking pots, and many show signs of burning. These are categorized as cooking lids.

Cooking Dish The cooking dish is one of the most common vessels at Vronda, as it is also at other LM IIIC sites, appearing in many deposits in all areas of the site. Easily recognizable, the cooking dish has a thick, irregular, flaring rim and a thin rounded bottom that is usually not well preserved (Fig. 48). The vessels are large, with rim diameters ranging from 20–67 cm, with the majority falling between 38 and 49 cm. The rims are irregular, making accurate measurements difficult, and it is not always possible to determine the original stance from preserved fragments. Some of the cooking dishes may have been elliptical or oval in shape rather than round, as suggested also for Chalasmenos

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(Tsipopoulou 2004, 115), but it is also possible that the modifications to the rim have made individual fragments appear to have come from an oval shape. Dish B4 P41, for example, was at first thought to be elliptical until it was recognized that the rim had been pulled out at places along the perimeter. Rims can be pulled outward to form a spout (B4 P41, KI P11, KI P12, L2 P31, N5 P8, O1 P2) or pushed in (IC1 P24, N1 P28, N5 P10, O3 P6). Some examples have a hole pierced through the rim (B4 P41, IC1 P24), possibly for draining. Any individual cooking dish may have had several such modifications, making shape, stance, and measurements difficult to obtain from individual fragments. The rims range in height from 2.8 to 6.8 cm, but most fall between 5 and 6 cm (58%), with some between 3 and 4 cm (30%). Many have one or two grooves at the bottom of the rim (B4 P41, N5 P8, C5 P3, D3 P1, D4 P2, K1 P5, K4 P18, L2 P30, O1 P3), and most have a sharp angle between the base and the rim (CDW P1). The rims and bases were probably made separately and joined together at the point where there is a prominent triangular ridge (Mook 1999, 507). The bases are always roughened on the bottom, but they lack the basket impressions found on such vessels at Kommos (Betancourt 1990, 66) and Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 160). They seem to have been formed against the ground or in a shallow pit. The bottoms of the cooking dishes were rarely recovered, and never in entirety. The bases that are preserved are rounded and thin (generally less than half a centimeter thick), and their rough bottoms are in contrast to the polished or wiped surfaces of the rim. The bottoms show extensive signs of burning, suggesting that the vessels were laid directly on the open hearths and the repeated burning eventually destroyed the bottoms. The rims of cooking dishes at Vronda are varied in shape, but they are similar to those found on other LM IIIC sites; these rim shapes include flaring (B4 P41, B8 P5, D3 P1, D4 P2, D5 P4, E1 P109, J4 P30, K1 P5, LW P9, N1 P28, N5 P8, N5 P10, N5 P11, N5 P19, O1 P2, KI P11, KI P13–KI P18), vertical or nearly vertical (B8 P6, C5 P3, CDW P1, I4 P10, IC1 P24, J3 P13, K4 P18, L2 P30, N5 P9, O1 P3), and incurving (KI P12). Dishes N5 P8, O1 P3, and J4 P30 find close parallels at the Kastro (Mook 1999, pl. 110:1), Karphi (Day 2011c, 47– 49, fig. 3.3:K1.16), and Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou

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2004, 116, fig. 8.9:93-34), while B4 P41 is similar to an example from Chamalevri (AndreadakiVlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 50, fig. 7:4). Others resemble various types from Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 290, fig. 11:p–s) and the Kastro (Mook 1999, pl. 110). Most of the cooking dishes at Vronda were made of Type IV fabric, and many of them were found in the kiln, suggesting local manufacture, although they may have been used there to separate the vessels during firing or as part of the clay floor or superstructure. A few cooking dishes (17% of the total of cataloged dishes) were made from the Type XXV fabric (B8 P6, E1 P109, I4 P10, IC1 P24, O1 P2) imported from the western isthmus area. Two more examples (B8 P5, N5 P10) were made in a fabric similar to XXV, but with added chaff; these may also come from the western isthmus. All of these vessels are similar to those in Type IV, but none of them shows the grooves at the attachment of rim and base. Other cooking dishes were either of Type XXVI (KI P15), a variation on the Type IV, or Type I (K1 P5), and both may be local. There are no cooking dishes of Type XVI, which was common on the Kastro, particularly in Phase III (Mook 1999, 505), the phase that correlates with the final inhabitation of Vronda. This pattern suggests a divergence between the two settlements, at least in the acquisition or production of one type of cooking vessel, at the time just before the abandonment of Vronda. The cooking dish is one of the most commonly recognized vessels found at LM IIIC sites, and it has received a good deal of attention in recent ceramic studies on Crete (Betancourt 1980, 5–7; Borgna 1997a, 199–200; Mook 1999; Tzedakis and Martlew 1999, 90, no. 55; B.P. Hallager 2000, 160; Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 55; Tsipopoulou 2004, 115). Certainly the cooking dish represents the continuation of a long-standing cooking tradition on Crete that goes back to the Early Minoan baking or cooking plate (see above), and the cooking dish undergoes little change from the Neopalatial period on (Tsipopoulou 2004, 115). The cooking dishes of LM IIIC, however, seem to be quite uniform, with particularly high and thick rims, although set at different angles (sometimes on the same vessel). Speculation about the uses of the cooking dishes has been great. They are vessels that must have been set in the open fires of the hearths. Although

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some similar vessels from earlier periods were permanent installations that held burning matter within rather than serving as utensils (Gerontakou 2000, 213), the Vronda examples seem to have been movable vessels, despite their apparent fragility. None of the preserved hearths has a depression that might have accommodated a dish, and fragments of dishes were found throughout the site, often in rooms without hearths. The dishes may have been set on top of temporary stands of clay, like those found in Building N, Room N1 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 111). Betancourt (1980, 7) suggested that they were used like woks and set on a mound of coals, with the thickest elements of the dish removed from direct heat, creating areas with lower temperatures. Mook (1999, 507) pointed out that although coals may have been banked around the dish supporting the sides, the burning on the bottoms suggests that the entire bottoms also came into contact with the fire. Indeed, the preserved hearths at Vronda are generally large enough to accommodate the cooking dishes. The largest hearth, in Building N, Room N5, measured 1.3 m x 1.3 m, while the smallest, in Building C, Room C1, was approximately 0.4 m x 0.7 m. All examples of cooking dishes found in rooms with hearths were small enough to fit in the hearth in that room; in Room N5 the cooking dishes had rim diameters ranging from 43 to 50 cm, while E1, which had a hearth measuring 1.25 m x 1.1 m, produced a dish with a rim diameter of 40 cm. Other ideas about the use of cooking dishes involve turning them upside down. Mook (1999, 508) suggested that the rounded surface of upside down dishes might have been used like griddles. Betancourt supposed that an inverted dish may have served as the lid for another dish, creating a sort of small oven (Betancourt 1980, 7). It is hard to imagine that most of the cooking dishes could have functioned in this way, as their bottoms would have been fragile, and the dishes were heavy and hard to manipulate. One lid found in Building O (O4 P3), similar in shape and fabric to cooking dishes, may have served as a domed cover for a cooking dish, turning the vessel into a small oven or steamer. The manipulation of the rims to form outwardpouring and pinched-in spouts may indicate that these vessels were used for cooking liquids, although these modifications may have served other functions. For example, folding the rim inward may have provided a convenient lifting device

(Mook 1999, 507). The holes pierced in some examples could have been for emptying the dishes or for pouring off liquids. Mook has suggested that the holes may have held rods to suspend a pot above the fire (Mook 1999, 507), although in that case there should be more than one hole; unfortunately, these vessels are so poorly preserved that it is impossible to tell the number of holes on a single vessel. The holes, if there were two of them on opposite sides, could also have been used for a metal rod that might have served as a lifting device. A significant feature of the cooking dishes is size; they were extremely large, either for cooking large portions of food or to create an extensive work surface for cooking different portions of the food under different conditions or at different times. It is possible that household members sat around the dish, whether it was still on the fire or not, and ate communally from it. The shallowness of the dishes means that they would not have been ideal for cooking liquids over long periods of time, because the wide exposed surface would have allowed quick evaporation. They would be more useful for frying, much like the later Athenian lopas shape (Sparkes and Talcott 1970, 227–228). However they functioned, cooking dishes were an important element of the daily lives of the people of LM IIIC Vronda.

Cooking Tray The cooking tray is a separate shape from the cooking dish and served a different function, although the two shapes have frequently been combined together or misidentified (Mook 1999, 503–504). Cooking trays are smaller than dishes and have a short vertical rim and a flat base, rather than the thin, rounded bottom of the cooking dish (Fig. 49). The bases are as thick as the rims, and like the dishes, the bottoms are often rough where they were formed on a gravel or dirt surface. Trays are much shallower than cooking dishes, ranging in height from 1.5 to 5.4 cm; the average height is 3.5 cm, and most (58%) fall between 2.5 and 5 cm. The trays are sometimes provided with handles (L2/3 P7) or lugs (B4 P43, B4 P44, B7 P16, J4 P34, LW P10), and they can have flat bases or rest on tripod legs (B4 P43, B4 P44, L2/3 P7). Trays are generally not as large as dishes, although

THE POTTERY

their size variation is greater; rim diameters range from 19.5 to 50 cm, the average being about 36 cm, with only four (31%) falling below that value. The rims are generally vertical and rounded, although they may be slightly flattened, and in one case outward thickened (L2/3 P7). Trays often bear some decoration; one (LW P10) has incisions on the rim and lug, while three others (L2/3 P7, IC1 P25, N1 P19) have finger impressions on top of the rim. The finger impressions may have been decorative or functional; they have been found on trays at other LM IIIC sites (Seiradaki 1960, 11; B.P. Hallager 2000, 160–161; Day 2011c, 317–318). At Karphi it was suggested that these trays might function as spit stands (Seiradaki 1960, 9), an interpretation accepted for the tripod trays at Chalasmenos (Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 54). Only one of the preserved Vronda examples, however, shows burning on the interior, and the rims are not tall enough to support spits over coals, so this function is unlikely at Vronda. That the trays were used in cooking is shown by the fact that they regularly show burning, most often on the exterior and bottom. Tripod trays may have served as warming dishes, set over coals to keep food hot. Flat-bottomed trays may also have been used for baking rather than for cooking that required stirring (Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 55). Other trays may have been set on top of oven openings or next to the fire. The small and elegant tripod tray from B4 (B4 P43) shows no sign of burning and may have been used in serving rather than cooking. The trays from Vronda find close parallels at other LM IIIC sites, as well as in assemblages from other periods; once the type was introduced, it saw little change over time (Betancourt 1980, 7). The big tray in Room B4 (B4 P42) is similar to LM IIIC examples from Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 46:77P 1008) and Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 46, fig. 3:12). The smaller tripod tray from B4 (B4 P43) has a LM IIIC Chania parallel (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 56:77-P 0107), but it also is similar to a much earlier example from MM II Kommos (Betancourt 1980, 8, fig. 4:C1483). Tray LW P10 also has a parallel in LM IIIB Kommos (Betancourt 1980, 8, fig. 4:C673) and LM IIIC Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 46:78-P 0515). The large tripod tray from L 2/3 (L2/3 P7) is nearly identical to a tray from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004,

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113, fig. 8.7:97-30) and is similar to another from Kastrokephala (Kanta and Karetsou 2003, 159, fig. 10). Vessel N5 P20 has been categorized as a tray but is unlike others of this shape, being smaller in diameter and more crudely made. It finds a parallel in LM IIIB Kommos (Betancourt 1980, 8, fig. 4:C760). It may have served a different function from the other types of trays.

Cooking Lid While lids occur, albeit uncommonly, in both coarse and fine fabrics, the largest and most distinctive class of lids is made out of cooking ware fabrics and shows evidence of use in the fire (AE P55, D4 P6, I3 P20, IC1 P19, ISE P2, L2 P19, N1 P18, N5 P13, O4 P3, WS P1; Fig. 49). Vessels of this class have been termed cooking lids. Lids are generally large flat disks with diameters ranging from 17 to 39 cm, the majority from 20 to 26 cm. The bottoms are often rough, as though formed on a rough surface. Profiles vary; the most common shapes of the edge include rounded (D4 P6, IC1 P19, ISE P2), concave (L2 P19), and straight or angled (N1 P18, N5 P13). The tops are regularly, but not always, decorated with incisions; I3 P20, for example, is plain, while N1 P18 has only a groove around the top near the edge. The most common incised decoration consists of oblique strokes, usually around the outer edge of the lid (D4 P6, IC1 P19, ISE P2, L2 P19, N5 P13) but sometimes also on the top (D4 P6, IC1 P19, ISE P2, L2 P19, N5 P13). One example (AE P55) has a raised edge that has been pinched like a piecrust, while another (WS P1) has a raised ridge with incised oblique strokes. Several have grooves or ridges in addition to the incised decoration (IC1 P19, L2 P19). The lids probably had central knob handles, although the handles are rarely preserved. The burning patterns on these disk lids vary greatly. Two fragments show no sign of burning (L2 P19, WS P1). One lid fragment is burned all over (D4 P6). Another, ISE P2, is burned on the top only, while AE P55 shows burning on the outside edge of the bottom, as if placed on top of a vessel with a smaller diameter and set over the fire. Three are burned only on the bottom and edges (I3 P20, N1 P18, N5 P13), as if placed in the fire or put over the top of an oven or vessel containing burning

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material. Of these 10 disk lids, eight are in Type IV fabric, one is in Type XXV (L2 P19), and one is of a fabric other than the recognized types (I3 P20). In addition to the knobbed disk lid, cooking lids occur in three other shapes. One (O2 P15) is similar to the disk lid in shape: a large flat disk with a knob handle. This lid, however, is without decoration, and it is poorly fired, as though it became hardened through use in a hearth or oven rather than having been fired in a kiln. Possibly it was used to cover circular openings in the tops of ovens (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000, 118). Another disk lid (IC2 P12) has a slightly raised edge, making it similar in shape to a cooking tray; the edge is so slight, however, that the vessel seems to belong more to the category of lid than tray. Finally, there is a single example of a domed lid of cooking fabric (O4 P3). This lid is very large, with a diameter of 48 cm, and it has a heavy raised rim and a domed top. That it is a lid rather than the cooking dish that it resembles can be seen from the fact that the rounded top thickens toward the center rather than thinning out as is the case with the cooking dish. A very similar profile can be found at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 51, fig. 8:18), where it is presented as a cooking dish. Such a lid may have been placed over a cooking dish or tray to create a small oven for baking. Cooking lids are common in LM IIIC Crete. They appear at Chania for the first time in LM IIIC (B.P. Hallager 2000, 163), and they are distinguished from earlier examples by the use of decoration on the top and by the burning on the bottom. They were common at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 26–27, fig. 19:1, 6; Day 2011c, 284–285), where they also show varied patterns of burning. Chamalevri also produced a large number of cooking lids with heavy burning (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 378, 388, fig. 43). Examples from Chalasmenos, however, lack any scorch or blackening marks, making the excavators dubious about their use as cooking utensils (Yasur-Landau 2003– 2004, 55).

Tripod Cooking Pot The tripod cooking pot is the most common of the cooking wares at Vronda (Fig. 50). The most frequent form is a deep subglobular shape with a

tall flaring collar, two round horizontal handles on the shoulder, and a flat base with three legs that are round in section, Betancourt’s Type A (Betancourt 1980, 3). Sixteen nearly complete examples have been found (D3 P3, E7 P6, E7 P7, I3 P17, I3 P18, I4 P11, J1 P22, J2 P1, K3 P21, L2 P32, M1 P16, N1 P26, N4 P2, O4 P1, O4 P2, and possibly M1 P17), along with eight bases with legs (B4 P46, C2 P5, C5 P5, E7 P8, I1 P1, I5 P7, IC1 P27, N2 P10). Twenty-one legs have been cataloged (AE P43, B4 P48–B4 P51, E1 P113, E1 P114, IC4 P6, J4 P28, J4 P29, K3 P14–K3 P18, K4 P16, K4 P17, L2 P36, L2/3 P11, L3 P3, NW P1), some of which may have come from tripod trays, and many more legs were not cataloged. The legs are almost always round in section; only one is oval in section (J4 P29), and it may be earlier in date. The legs are always attached on the sides of the vessel, not on the bottom, and they may be flared (as on J2 P1) or set vertically (as on M1 P16). At least half of the examples have a dint or finger impression at the upper attachment of each leg, whether for decoration or for a functional purpose, such as helping to secure the leg/handle to the vessel or allowing the heat to spread more evenly, either in firing or in cooking. Often the leg is decorated with oblique slashes, either a single slash (B4 P50, B4 P51, IC4 P6, J4 P28), a pair (B4 P49), or three (E7 P9, NW P1, K3 P17); occasionally, a leg will have both a dint and two (K4 P17, N1 P26) or three (E1 P113) slashes. Bases are almost always flat, and only one certain example of the type with rounded bottom (I5 P7), such as those at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 7, fig. 4:3; Day 2011c, 319) and Phaistos (Borgna 1997a, 200–204), has been identified. It is possible that this leg and base come from a tripod tray, however, like one from MM III Kommos (Betancourt 1980, 8, fig. 4:C485). The shape of the bodies, which may be globular to subglobular, varies little. Variations may be seen, however, in the depth of the vessel, the type and position of the handles, and the rim treatments. Three (B4 P46, C2 P5, O4 P1) have almost vertical sides and may belong to Betancourt’s Type B cooking pot (Betancourt 1980, 3). Pot C2 P5 has an unusual feature of a horizontal round handle attached at the top of the leg. The handles are usually round and horizontal, placed on the shoulder. One possible tripod cooking pot from M1 (M1 P17) has vertical elliptical handles attached at rim and shoulder

THE POTTERY

like cooking jars from Chalasmenos (Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 52, fig. 1.1:3, 4), but a nonjoining fragment bears the scar of a tripod leg attachment, and a similar tripod can be found at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 359, fig. 8). One small tripod vessel (I3 P17) has a single elliptical handle from rim to midbody. The tripods almost always have tall collars with flared rims. Rim diameters range from 12 to 27 cm, with the largest number between 23 and 27 cm and slightly fewer between 17 and 22 cm, placing them at the small end of the general range of 13–34 cm for LM IIIC tripod cooking pots at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 158). The actual mouth opening at the base of the collar ranges from 9 to 24 cm. One example (N4 P2) has a rim pinched out to form a spout. Another (L2 P32) has a sharply offset rim, similar to a tripod from Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 362, fig. 12). The estimated capacities for tripod cooking pots range from 0.987 to 19.750 liters, with three groups: very small examples of 0.990–2.285 liters, medium-sized vessels of 5.090–6.663, large vessels (the majority) of 9.202– 16.637 liters, and one super-sized example of nearly 20 liters (see App. C). Most of the tripod cooking pots are made of Type IV fabric, but a few examples exist in Type XXV, including a number of legs. There seems to be no difference, however, in the shapes and details of these vessels. One vessel (N1 P26) is in a phyllite fabric like IV, but with chaff added, while another base is of Type XVI with silver mica (N2 P10). It is clear that these tripod vessels were set over an open fire, probably on the hearths found in many of the rooms, as at Chalasmenos (YasurLandau 2003–2004, 50–51). This interpretation is strengthened by the fact that most of the vessels were burned, particularly on the exterior of the legs and bases, but sometimes all over. One vessel from Room I4 (I4 P11) had a secondary use as a storage jar; the legs had been broken off, and it rested on the floor in the corner of the room. The tripod cooking pots from Vronda are similar to those found in other LM IIIC sites, particularly Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 7, fig. 4; Day 2011c, 319–320), Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 158–159, pl. 45), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 360–362, figs. 9, 12), Chalasmenos (Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 50–52, fig. 1.1:1, 2), Knossos (Warren 2007, 339, fig. 4:P309), and

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Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 297, fig. 17), although the tripod cooking pots from Kastri have more pronounced everted rims than is customary at Vronda. Close parallels exist for many of the Vronda tripod cooking pots. Example M1 P16, for example, bears a close resemblance to a tripod from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 7, fig. 4:1; Day 2011c, 66–67, fig. 3.11:K14.2). Pot J2 P1 is similar to examples from Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 297, fig. 17:P20) and Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 362, fig. 12). Vessel J1 P22 resembles vessels from Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pl. 45:77-P 1178) and the Kastro at Kavousi (Mook and Coulson 1997, 350, fig. 17:39). The very small single-handled tripod from I3 (I3 P17) also represents a common type in LM IIIC; similar examples can be found at Knossos (Warren 2007, 342, fig. 7:P171), Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 7, fig. 4:2; Day 2011c, 47–49, 198–199, figs. 3.3:K1.22, 6.15:K121.13, K121.14), and Thronos/ Sybrita (Prokopiou 1991, 380, fig. 5). Tripod cooking pots have been used as a chronological or ethnic/cultural indicator. The LM IIIC tripod leg is always round in section, a feature that differentiates it from earlier versions, which are elliptical (Neopalatial) or flat (Pre- and Protopalatial). The legs are set higher on the body than in earlier periods, a feature that makes them more stable and may have originated on the mainland (H. Martlew, pers. comm.). The base of the tripod has also been used to indicate the influence of mainland traditions; Mycenaean tripods often have rounded bases, while traditional Minoan types have flat bases. The presence of the rounded base may indicate adoption of mainland ceramic traditions (Borgna 1997a, 200; Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131), as well as Mycenaean cooking methods (Borgna 1997a, 211–212). The scarcity of tripods with rounded bottoms at Vronda suggests that the inhabitants were using traditional Minoan types and island methods of food preparation.

Cooking Jar or Cooking Amphora Only a single nearly complete example of a cooking jar has been identified at Vronda (E3 P5; Fig. 51). Enough is preserved of the bases of three others to determine that they did not have legs (I3

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P23, L3 P2, N1 P17). Vessel M1 P17 (Fig. 51) may also have been a jar, as the preserved part of the base shows no scar for a leg; a leg of the same fabric, however, was found with it, and although it does not join, it may indicate that the vessel was a tripod cooking pot. Example E3 P5 is similar to the tripod cooking pots, but it has a wider, less pronounced collar and elliptical vertical handles instead of the round horizontal handles generally found on the tripod cooking pot. The rim is somewhat wider than those of tripods (28 cm). An unusual feature is the presence of small knobs or “breasts” on one side, a type of decoration that finds parallels on a number of coarse jars at Karphi, although not always found on cooking ware (Day 2011c, 304). The shape is similar to a cooking amphora from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 114, fig. 8.8:96-33). Cooking jars are found at other LM IIIC sites. Although not specifically identified in the original publication, they may exist at Karphi (Day 2011c, 320), and they certainly appear at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 159–160), Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 296, fig. 17:P29), Kastrokephala (Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131), and Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 114, fig. 8:8; Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 51–54, fig. 1.1:3, 4). The function of the cooking jar at Vronda is uncertain. Example E3 P5 was burned inside on the bottom, with patches of burning on both interior and exterior. Of the bases, two were burned on the exterior, so it would appear that these vessels, like the tripod cooking pots, were placed in or near the fire. No stands were found on which these cooking jars might have rested, as was the case at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 159, 162). It is possible that cooking jars were set on top of ovens, particularly if the oven had a ring around a top opening, as may have been the case in Building I, Room I3 (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000, 118). Cooking jars may also have been set up on temporary stands of clay over a hearth. Strangely shaped, oval, burned earthen objects were found in the oven in Building N, Room N1 that could have been used as supports in the fire (Day and Glowacki 2012, 109, 111). Hallager suggested that some of these cooking vessels served a dual function of cooking and storage (B.P. Hallager 2000, 160). The tripod cooking pot from I4 (I4 P11) was certainly used for storage after its legs came off,

so it is clear that cooking vessels could be used for storage, but whether they were made for storage as well as cooking (like an ancient version of Corning ware) is not certain. The cooking jar (E3 P5) is of an unusual phyllite fabric, like the standard Type IV, but with chaff added. This feature may be an indication that it was put to different use than the usual tripod cooking pot, although it could also indicate that the vessel is an import; because it has unusual knobbed decoration, the latter may be true. A tripod cooking pot in a similar fabric (N1 P26) also showed an unusual feature in its legs, with dint and slash decoration. A number of flat bases of cooking fabrics were found that had no traces of leg attachments, but not enough of the bases were preserved to be certain that they were cooking jars (I1 P2, J1 P27, J5 P11, L2 P35). The cooking jar has been identified as a Mycenaean type, introduced into the island during the time of mainland influence (Yasur-Landau 2003– 2004, 54; Tsipopoulou 2004, 115; 2005b, 320; Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131). Recent excavations at Mochlos and Papadiakampos, however, have brought to light cooking jars of LM IB date (T. Brogan, pers. comm.), clearly indicating that this shape has a long history on the island and cannot be seen as the introduction of a new form during the time of Mycenaean presence on Crete. If the cooking jar does not show the adoption of mainland cooking practices, what was its function? It is possible that it was designed for specific uses, such as placing over the top of an oven or on top of stands, where it may have allowed for greater amounts of wood and charcoal to be burned underneath. Modern experiments with Minoan cooking vessels suggest that the cooking jar is excellent for the preparation of lentils (J. Morrison, pers. comm.), and the shape may have had a specialized use in the kitchen assemblages for cooking of legumes and porridges of grains.

Cooking Pot There are many fragments from the rims or upper bodies of cooking vessels, but without preserved bases it is impossible to determine if they are tripods or cooking jars. These are simply referred to as cooking pots (Fig. 51). Where the handles are preserved, they are of the round horizontal

THE POTTERY

variety (C2 P6, C5 P4, D1 P13, D3 P3, E1 P111, E7 P9, J1 P34, J1 P36, KI P21, N1 P15, N5 P12, O2 P8, O3 P10). Most of the examples are collared, with the rims either flaring out or vertical. Flaring rims are more common, but the nearly vertical rims comprise about 28% of the total number of rims (B4 P47, B7 P17, B7 P25, D4 P3, E1 P111, I2 P5, I5 P6, IC1 P26, J1 P24, J1 P33, J1 P37, N5 P12, O2 P8, O3 P10). At least five of these rims (B4 P47, B7 P17, I2 P5, O2 P8, O3 P10) are of Type XXV fabric; they come from a different potting tradition, one that was not practiced at Vronda, and are imports at the site. Two of these cooking pots with vertical rims are very similar to one another (O2 P8, O3 P10), with a slight outward and inward thickening of the rim and handles with dints at their attachment. These were confined to a single house, Building O. Another nearly vertical rim was found in a fabric similar to Type IV, but with carbonate inclusions (N5 P12). There are also a number of cooking pot rims that are totally different from the normal collared jar but do not belong to one of the other types of cooking ware. Several vessels are more open, without the standard collar (L2/3 P8, L2/3 P10, M1 P18). These do not appear to be cooking dishes, but they are also not the standard cooking pot shape. There may be a functional difference, they may be imported, or they may be pieces from earlier deposits that worked their way into the later LM IIIC levels.

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Cooking Jug A cooking jug is similar to a cooking pot but smaller in size. It generally has a single vertical handle, and often the rim is pinched out to form a spout. None at Vronda has its base intact, but the shape exists with a simple flat base at Karphi (Day 2011c, 318–319) and on the Kastro at Kavousi (M. Mook, pers. comm.). The small single-handled tripod like I3 P17 may be related to the cooking jug, but it rarely has the pinched out lip typical of the cooking jug elsewhere. Only one certain example of the spouted variety exists at Vronda (Fig. 51:ISE P1), and it is similar to the examples from Karphi, although lacking its handle. Two other examples of small single-handled cooking pots (Fig. 51:I5 P5, WS P6) may be cooking jugs, but no spout is preserved. These vessels have rim diameters from 10.5 to 16 cm. Other small cooking pot rims may have come from cooking jugs (J1 P37–J1 P39). Example N3 P6 represents another type of cooking jug, a true jug of cooking pot fabric (Type IV) with traces of secondary burning on one side; it is considered with the jugs (see below, p. 97). It may have been set beside the hearth for heating liquids or keeping them warm. Finally, a cooking pot with a small rim and almost cylindrical body may be a cooking jug (L2 P33); it is of Type IV fabric, but does not resemble the other cooking pots at Vronda, nor does it find parallels at other LM IIIC sites.

Coarse Wares Coarse wares not specifically used for cooking represent a large proportion of the Vronda LM IIIC ceramic assemblages. The most common coarse fabric at the site is Type X/XI, a phyllite fabric (Kavousi petrographic group 3; see Day et al. 2006, 148–150) from the isthmus area. It was primarily used for jars, lekanai, kraters, and fenestrated stands. Another common phyllite fabric is Type XXIV, also used for jars and lekanai, and for amphorae as well. Type IV (Kavousi petrographic group 5) also appears, particularly in kalathoi and scuttles, but also in nearly every other shape. Finally, another phyllite fabric, Type XIII, is also common in the coarse wares.

Bowl or Tray An unusual open vessel (J4 P33) may be either a shallow bowl or a tray. With its flat base and incurving profile, it could fit into either category, but is unique in either case.

Kalathos The coarse kalathos without handles is very common in certain buildings at Vronda, particularly in Building B and Building Complex I-O-N, as well as in the Shrine. Strongly flaring walls generally

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rise from a small heavy base (Fig. 52). Base diameters average 6.5 cm but range from 4.5 to 8 cm. At least six of the 10 preserved bases are beveled at the bottom, while two (B3 P15, C3 P4) have torus moldings, one has a raised broad band (I3 P21), and one is raised (B3 P17). Bases are flat on the bottom (B3 P14, B3 P17, C3 P4, E2 P18) or concave (B3 P15, B4 P52, B4 P53, C5 P14, I3 P21, O1 P6). The heights of the kalathoi vary from 9.4 to 12.9 cm, making the Vronda kalathoi a bit taller than their counterparts at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 11; Day 2011c, 274–275). The rims of kalathoi flare sharply outward and are either rounded at the end without any articulated lip (AE P53, B3 P14–B3 P16, B3 P18, B7 P27, I5 P8, N1 P21) or they have a flattened lip that is outwardly (B4 P52, B7 P28, B7 P29, E2 P18, L1 P2, N3 P7) or inwardly (B3 P19) thickened. One example (L-M P6) has a flaring rim with a ledge on the interior. The average rim diameter is 19 cm, but examples range from 15 to 24 cm. Generally the rim is two to three times the diameter of the base and one and one-half times the height. Capacities range from 0.769 to 1.129 liters (see App. C). The rims of kalathoi are sometimes decorated. The most common decoration takes the form of horned knobs that may represent horns of consecration, and 33% of the cataloged kalathos rims bear this type of decoration (B3 P14, B3 P16, E2 P18, L1 P2, N3 P7). Horned knobs are also found on many of the kalathoi from the Shrine (Gesell 1999, pls. 61, 62), as well as on an example from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 344, fig. 29.11). The kalathoi are made of very coarse clay, almost always of Type IV. One (B3 P16) is of a fabric similar to IV but with chaff voids, a type of fabric also found in cooking ware (see above). One probable kalathos base (B3 P17) is of Type XXV. Kalathoi generally have polished and rather hard surfaces and often show the same mottled black and brown coloration that is found on cooking vessels (see above, p. 82). Most (15) show evidence of burning; of these 93% are burned on the interior, while the rest are burned on the exterior, although at least two examples show burning both inside and out. It would appear that these vessels were not placed in the fire, but burning material was placed within the kalathoi. The burning on the interior is more often on the upper portion of

the vessel, however, and not in the bottom, so perhaps some other container holding burning material was placed within the kalathoi. It is possible that they were used as lamps and that the bottoms contained oil. The kalathos does not seem to change much over time. Three examples came from earlier LM IIIC levels, two from Room B4 of Building B, and one from the East Terrace fill that was deposited at the time of the construction of the terrace wall and Building A-B. While AE P53 is a simple flaring rim, the two substantial fragments from Room B4 are unusual. One (B4 P52) is less flaring than usual; its profile is rounded rather than concave, and the raised and beveled base is small in proportion to the rim and the height. The other (B4 P53) has a well-articulated raised and beveled base, similar to an example from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 12, fig. 7:2; Day 2011c, 59, fig. 3.7:K9.9). The function of kalathoi is uncertain. In a religious setting they served as offering bowls, used in conjunction with snake tubes or possibly alone (Gesell 1999). Their use in other contexts, however, is not so clear. Building B produced numerous examples, both early examples in the lower deposit in Room B4 and in the abandonment deposits. In Room B3 there was a high concentration of kalathoi (six), and three more were found in the upper deposits of B7. The use of kalathoi in these rooms seems to have continued over time, and their presence may be related to the function of the building as a locus for ritual drinking and feasting. A connection with religious ritual is suggested by the fact that the kalathoi are so common in Building G, but no other evidence for religious observance has appeared in Building B, with the exception of the presence of the rhyton in Room B3. If kalathoi are associated with religious offerings, they would seem to indicate a widespread practice of ritual activities across the site. It is interesting to note that the one place outside the Shrine where there was evidence for religious observance, Room D1 with its animal figurines on a platform, is devoid of kalathoi or other religious paraphernalia. If many of the kalathoi were used as lamps, then they are domestic objects without any necessary ritual significance. The unburned examples may have been used as bowls for serving, possibly set on fenestrated stands.

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Scuttle or Brazier

Krater

The scuttle or brazier is related to the kalathos in shape, but it has a single handle that was added to the rim, pushing it in. Only a few scuttles/ braziers were found at Vronda outside Building G, and these are for the most part identifiable from the distinctive handles (Fig. 52). Only a few fragments of the bodies were found; one from the lower earlier deposit in B7 (B7 P18) has the handle and much of the rim preserved. The handle is horizontal and S-curved; it is elliptical in section with a large groove down the center and a pointed end. Where it meets the body, the rim is pushed in, creating an irregular diameter. Two other rims of scuttles were identified. One from east of Building C (CE P22) has a carinated profile and a simple rounded rim, and the other (E7 P10) has a flattened rim with some thickening inside. Other scuttles are represented only by their handles (B7 P19, D5 P6, E1 P128, E2 P20, IC3 P1, N1 P20, O2 P14). Most of the handles show evidence of a S-curve, but at least one (E2 P20) has a simple continuous curve. Two of the handles are round, one is oval, two are elliptical; at least two (D5 P6, O2 P14) of the handles have the same distinctive groove down the center as B7 P18, but one (IC3 P1) has a dint at the end rather than a groove. All of the examples are of Type IV fabric, except E2 P20, which is of the softer and more orange Type XXVI, a variation on Type IV. Of those with part of the body preserved, one (B7 P18) shows burning on the interior walls and in patches on the exterior, another (CE P22) has burning only on the exterior, while the third (E7 P10) shows no burning at all. The shape was first identified by Evans as an incense burner (Evans 1921–1935, II, 134–135), and Seiradaki called the Karphi examples lamps (Seiradaki 1960, 12). More recently, it has been called a brazier (Hallager 1997a, 417), but we prefer Georgiou’s term scuttle (Georgiou 1986, 28) to suggest that it was used for holding and carrying hot coals. The presence of scuttles in the Shrine at Vronda and also in places with cult associations at Karphi (Day 2011c, 275–276) suggests a use in rituals. The scuttles in the Vronda settlement show some signs of burning, but only one is burned on the interior, and they may have served a variety of purposes.

Kraters are as common in medium-coarse and coarse wares as in fine wares. They tend to be larger than the fine examples but are otherwise similar in shape and decoration (Fig. 53). Few nearly complete examples were found, but rim fragments are quite common. Most of the kraters (seven) have rim diameter measurements of 30–36 cm, while those of another large group (five) range between 39 and 44 cm. Only a few examples (three) have rim diameters of 20–22 cm, a smaller proportion of the whole than is found with the fine kraters, and these tend to be of medium-coarse fabrics. One rim fragment (O3 P9) with a diameter of 19.5 cm should technically be classed as a deep bowl rather than a krater, but it has the decoration of strokes on the rim often found on kraters (but rarely on deep bowls) and multiple large decorative elements on the body; it may be best to call this a small krater. Although the mean diameter is the same as with the fine kraters, the coarse kraters are on average slightly larger than their fine counterparts; estimated capacities range from 14.695 to 36.090 liters (see App. C). The rule seems to be that the smaller the krater, the finer the fabric. Eleven of the 22 are of medium-coarse fabrics. Seven of the coarse kraters are of Type X/XI; only one (N5 P14) is of Type IV, and this may have functioned not as a krater but as a lid. The coarse or medium-coarse kraters are similar to the fine examples in shape. Rim profiles are generally vertical and rounded (A1 P5, B8 P4, C4 P7, E1 P115, K4 P14, O1 P15, O3 P9, N1 P11, WS P8); eight are outward thickened (IC1 P20, IC2 P43, J4 P17, LW P7, O3 P8, N1 P33, Q2 P17, WS P7). The body of L2 P13 curves slightly inward, and the rim flares out. Those with preserved handles have horizontal round handles that rise almost to the level of the rim. Example N5 P14 is most unusual in shape; it has an S-curved body, offset rim, and horizontal handles that do not rise near the rim. In shape it resembles the later Geometric skyphos (e.g., GR4 P2), but it is of a typical fabric for LM IIIC (Type IV), and it is much larger than the ordinary skyphos; it may have functioned as a lid. Many of the coarse kraters are also elaborately decorated in the pleonastic style. Only four have strokes on the rim (L2 P13, N1 P11, O3 P8, O3 P9), while one has a reserved band (C4 P7).

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Paneled patterns are common (C4 P7, IC1 P20, O3 P8), and these all have panels of vertical chevrons. Individual patterns include horns of consecration (C4 P7, IC1 P20), multiple loops (N1 P11, WS P7), fringes (N1 P11), arc filler (N1 P11), crosshatching (O1 P15), vertical wavy lines (IC1 P20), pendant multiple triangle (A1 P5), and a possible spiral (L2 P14). Medium-coarse and coarse kraters probably functioned in the same way as fine kraters, although because they were larger, they may have been used in larger social settings rather than family meals or small gatherings.

Lekane The coarse and medium-coarse basin occurs frequently in the Vronda assemblages, and it represents one of the most common coarse shapes (Fig. 54). The term basin has been used at Karphi to designate a large open shape with a height between one- to two-thirds of the rim diameter (Seiradaki 1960, 9), and Hallager has adhered to this terminology (Hallager 1997a, 417). The Vronda examples, however, most commonly have a distinctive shape: a wide mouth with a flattened and outward thickened rim, with a ridge below it and an oval horizontal handle just below the rim on the ridge or slightly lower. This particular type of basin is termed here a lekane to distinguish it from other types of basin (AE P44, B4 P37, C5 P8, D1 P6, D4 P4, E7 P11, EC P126, I3 P14, I4 P9, J1 P19, J1 P28, J2 P4, J3 P11, K4 P19, KI P26, KI P27, L2 P37, L3 P4, L3 P5, L-M P1, M1 P21, M1 P23, N1 P22, N1 P32, N2 P11, N2 P12, N4 P5, N5 P15, N5 P16, NW P3, O2 P19). The rims of vessels of this shape closely resemble the rims of pithoid jars (see below, pp. 99–101); the lekane, however, has two oval horizontal handles just below the rim, while the pithoid jar regularly has two round vertical handles. The rims of lekanai are also difficult to distinguish from those of fenestrated stands unless one of the fenestrations is preserved, although they tend to be smaller in diameter than the lekanai. The broad bases of lekanai are often beveled (D4 P4, E7 P11, EC P126, I3 P14, J1 P28, L3 P4) and, while usually flat, they can be concave underneath (B4 P37, E7 P11, N5 P15). Base diameters

vary from 10.3–33 cm. The walls of the basin can be either nearly vertical or outward flaring; rarely is there much curve. One example, however (L3 P4), has flaring concave walls, while others have more convex curving profiles (B4 P37, J2 P4, N1 P22). The ridge near the rim is a common feature, and only a few examples (I4 P9, L3 P4, N1 P32) lack it. Horizontal handles, either round or oval in section, are attached at the ridge; they may be decorated with a dint (C5 P8, D4 P4, M1 P21) or have slashes (J2 P4). The mouths can be irregular; two of the lekanai (I3 P14, L3 P4) have oval mouths rather than round ones, and one (B4 P37) is pulled out to form a crude spout in much the same way as an example from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 117, fig. 8.10:97-5). Rims can be rounded or squared and are always outward thickened; they vary in diameter from 18.2 to 55 cm, with an average of 33.2 cm. Aside from a small number of extremely large vessels (see below) and one small one (L3 P4), the diameters fall in two groups, those between 20 and 30 cm (11) and those between 34 and 45 cm (11). The ratio of height to rim diameter is approximately 1:2, although it varies from 1:1.93 to 1:2.20; N2 P11 is a bit larger at 1:2.83. Estimated capacities of these vessels range from 0.925 to 21.632 liters (see App. C). Several examples of a deeper shape are included here in the category of lekane, although they do not fit the proportions established by Seiradaki (D4 P4, J1 P28, J2 P4, possibly N1 P22). These are too shallow to fit into the category of pithoid jars, which they resemble, and their proportions are closer to the lekanai than to the pithoid jars at Vronda. The ratio of rim diameter to height on these three vessels varies from 1:1.2 to 1:1.4. Perhaps they would best be thought of as tubs, rather than basins, a distinction made also by Kanta (Kanta and Karetsou 2003, 149). The estimated capacities of these vessels are very close at 34.361– 35.906 liters (see App. C). Lekanai appear in both coarse and mediumcoarse fabrics, and most of them (21) are of Type X/XI, suggesting local manufacture. The rest are made of Type XIII (four) or Type XXVI (one), both phyllite fabrics from the Kavousi area or farther east. Occasionally lekanai are found in Types IV (D4 P4), XV (AE P44), XXV (KI P27), or XXVII (M1 P23).

THE POTTERY

Most of the medium-coarse vessels have painted decoration (B4 P37, I3 P14, N5 P15, NW P3), generally bands. Some coarse lekanai also have painted decoration (AE P44, J1 P19, J3 P11, L-M P1, N1 P32, O2 P19); these vessels have bands on the exterior and at least one band on the interior, and one (N1 P32) has a wavy line. Strokes occur on the rim of one example (NW P3), but this feature is unusual at Vronda, although it does occur at Karphi (Day 2011c, 133, 245, figs. 4.29:K54.3, 8.2:K.22). The larger examples can have dints or slashes on the handles, features that perhaps were more functional than decorative in helping keep an even temperature during firing. One lekane (D4 P4) has a raised ridge around the base decorated with finger impressions, similar to examples from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 8, fig. 5:4; Day 2011c, 10–11, fig. 2.2:K147.18) and Knossos (Warren 2007, 341, fig. 6:P2468). The lekane appears on nearly all LM IIIC sites. It is common at Karphi (Day 2011c, 282) and Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 340, 341, 344, figs. 29.6, 29.7, 29.11), but not at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 156, esp. n. 204). It occurs rarely in fine wares and seems to have been a utilitarian vessel. It may have been used in food preparation (mixing, making of bread dough, washing greens) or in daily food serving. Basins, especially the deeper variety, could also have been used for washing objects or clothing in much the same way that plastic basins function in Greek life today.

Basin Several open shapes lack the ridge and/or horizontal handles of the lekane, and these are categorized as basins (Fig. 54). One vessel (CDW P4) has a more flaring shape, although it has the usual ridge; it may be either a lekane or a kalathos, but the fabric (Type XIII) suggests that it should be considered with basins rather than kalathoi, which almost always occur in cooking fabrics (Types IV, XIV, XXV). Vessel CS P3, with its large diameter (33 cm) and lug handle, looks more like a basin than a bowl. Its profile is reminiscent of Early Bronze Age vessels, but the Type X/XI fabric suggests a date in LM IIIC. Another example E1 P116 lacks the ridge of the lekane, and although it has a horizontal handle, this is attached at the rim rather than below it.

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Fenestrated Stand The fenestrated stand is a tall, roughly cylindrical vessel that is open on both ends and is pierced with two registers of rectangular or oval “windows” or fenestrations (Fig. 55). While the shape does not appear in quantity in any of the buildings, a fenestrated stand was found in nearly every house with the exception of Buildings A, K, and E West. The examples are generally well preserved or nearly complete, a fact that suggests that they were in use but left behind at the time the site was abandoned. The majority of preserved examples (7 out of 11) were of Type X/XI fabric, while another was of Type XXIV; these were probably of local manufacture. Another three were of Type XXII, and these were possibly imported from the western side of the isthmus (Day et al. 2006, 157). The overall shape is cylindrical, although the sides are concave, flaring out at base and rim and with the smallest diameter in the middle. One example (N5 P6) is almost biconical, perhaps thrown in two separate sections and joined together in the middle. Bases and rims for the most part are of similar diameters, with the rims slightly larger (base to rim ratios range from 1:1.03 to 1:1.28). All fenestrated stands have articulated bases. Three are beveled (C2 P4, D4 P15, E2 P17), three have ridges (B8 P7, J3 P10, O1 P10), and another two, both of Type XXII fabric, are outward thickened (IC1 P23, N5 P6). All the bases have a rough lip on the interior, suggesting that they were made with solid bases, then the bottom was cut out. Rims are quite different from the bases and resemble the rims of the lekane and pithoid jar: flaring and rounded, with a ridge below. In two cases, the lip is rounded with substantial outward thickening (B8 P7, N5 P6). Fenestrations appear in two registers, and in all but one example these alternate: a fenestration above and a blank wall below, a blank wall above and an opening below. Stand C2 P4 is unusual in having fenestrations that are arranged almost one on top of the other. The walls of the vessel between the openings are decorated with painted designs. The fenestrations are irregular but generally rectangular, with rounded corners; on N5 P6, however, they are ovoid. The fenestrations were cut out after the pot was thrown, and the smoothed edges are quite distinctive.

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Most of the stands are decorated with a limited number of motifs, and it is probable that those whose decoration is not preserved were similarly adorned. In most examples, horizontal bands decorate the bases and the rims, and one stand (C2 P4) has strokes on top of the rim like a krater. Stand N5 P6 has a zigzag motif below the rim band. The center section was also often decorated with bands (J3 P10), oblique strokes (C2 P4), or curvilinear or spiraliform designs (B8 P7). The spaces between the openings carry a variety of motifs: most common (four examples) is a panel of cross-hatching. Stand C2 P4 also has panels with a vertical spiral design, vertical lines, and vertical wavy lines. Example B8 P7 has a tree, multiple pendant loops between vertical bands, and a multiple hatched triangle; a similar tree motif can be found on an earlier stand from Vlachopoulou on the mainland (Kountouri 2005, 284, fig. 2). Stand J3 P10 may also have a tree, along with vertical wavy lines and vertical rectilinear patterns, in addition to the panel of crosshatching. Example L-M P5 is decorated with a vertical wave pattern and vertical bands, with horizontal strokes between some of the bands. On all stands, the fenestrations are outlined with bands. Although the fenestrated stand is a common shape at Vronda, it occurs rarely at other LM IIIC sites. Even in the LM IIIC deposits on the Kastro the shape is not found (M. Mook, pers. comm.). Since the rims of the stands are similar to those found on the ubiquitous basin or pithoid jar, however, the shape may not always be recognized unless the smoothed edge of one of the fenestrations is preserved. Two types of stands with openings are known in the Late Bronze Age Aegean: one type with three panels separated by wide arches, and the other more cylindrical with fenestrations, like the Vronda examples (Kountouri 2005, 286–287, figs. 4, 5). The fenestrated stand first appeared on Crete in LM III, the earliest being the one from Gournia (Evans 1921–1935, II, 139, fig. 70bis; Kanta 1980, 280). These stands are often made in a short version that commonly has plastic decoration such as knobs or horns of consecration (Kanta 1980, 280– 281 for references), like an example from Gra Lygia of LM IIIA:2 date (Stampolides and Karetsou 1998, 71–72, no. 34). This and other similar fenestrated stands from Crete may have been used to support amphoroid kraters (Kountouri 2005, 290).

The shape continued to be used in LM IIIC. A single fragment was found at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 170), and a similar vessel appeared at Kritsa in LM IIIC (Stampolides and Karetsou 1998, 72–73, no. 35). The shape occurred at Karphi only in tomb M8, which contained material of LM IIIC and PG dates but was also disturbed in the Archaic period (Day 2011c, 228–230). The square “altar” from K 57 at Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, pl. 34) is perhaps a more elaborate variation on the same shape. Two examples of similar stands without the perforations have been found on LM IIIC sites, one a simple example at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 112, fig. 8.6:95-135), the other more elaborately decorated at the Casa a ovest del Piazzale I at Phaistos (Borgna 2004a, 254, fig. 12). Fenestrated stands continue into the later periods, often in ritual contexts. A fenestrated stand found at the sanctuary at Kato Symi appears to be LM IIIC–SM in date (Kanta 1991, 498–499, fig. 34; Kanta and Karetsou 1998, 162). A fragment of another appeared at Patsos (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 116, no. 74, 141–142), where it is dated to the PG period, as is an example from Arkades (Kanta and Karetsou 1998, 162, fig. 4; Stampolides and Karetsou 1998, 207–208, no. 232; Stampolides, Karetsou, and Kanta 1998, 61, fig. 232c). It has been suggested that such cylindrical or square fenestrated stands imitate metal prototypes (Catling 1964, 213–216; Stampolides, Karetsou, and Kanta 1998, 61). While other types of stands may have been made in imitation of bronze rod stands, the cylindrical fenestrated stands seem to derive from other traditions. They resemble the cylindrical snake tubes in shape but without the handles and with cutouts. It is not certain how these vessels functioned. The cylindrical shape open at both ends can also be seen in the snake tubes, like the many examples found in Building G (Gesell 2004, 140–141). A cult usage has been inferred from the elaborate decoration on many of the fenestrated stands, as with the example from Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, pl. 34), which was identified as an altar. Some stands may have been used to support large open vessels like kraters; two examples from Rhodes, for example, actually have the kraters built into the stand (Kountouri 2005, 287, fig. 5). Similar cylindrical stands with

THE POTTERY

fenestrations appear in the eastern Mediterranean beginning in the 3rd millennium, often in religious contexts, and they were common in contemporary Palestine (Rowe 1940, 52–54; Mazar 1980, 87– 96), where they have been interpreted as stands for holding sacred plants in agricultural fertility rituals (Rowe 1940, 52–53) or as incense stands (Mazar 1980, 95). The lack of evidence for burning argues against the latter interpretation, and they may instead have been libation stands or supports for offering bowls (Mazar 1980, 95). At Vronda the snake tube, a type of cylindrical stand with multiple handles, seems to have been used for holding offering bowls in the Shrine, as in other LM IIIC religious contexts. Nevertheless, at Vronda fenestrated stands seem to have been used in purely domestic contexts, a fact that argues against their having a ritual function like the snake tubes. Although at least two were found in association with hearths or ovens (N5 P6 and C2 P4), only one of the preserved stands showed any sign of having come into contact with fire or smoke. The fenestrations, which might suggest that these stands were used for burning incense or keeping food warm near an oven, must have served another function, whether decorative or symbolic. Given the similarity between the stands and the snake tubes in shape, roughly cylindrical and open at both ends, it is possible that the fenestrated stand served a similar function of holding an open vessel, elevating the food or drink off the floor, or perhaps placing it at an appropriate height for the diners (Kountouri 2005, 290). The fact that the fenestrated stands were elaborately decorated indicates that the vessels were not simply utilitarian, like cooking pots or storage jars, but had some symbolic meaning (Kountouri 2005, 291). Perhaps they were employed as objects of status display in dining much like the elaborately decorated kraters (Borgna 2004a, 255). Elaborate fenestrated stands and others from the Orientalizing to Archaic period found at Azoria may have served a similar function later, although these differed greatly in appearance (Haggis et al. 2004, 377, 381, figs. 33, 38). At Azoria, they are interpreted as krater stands used in public or communal dining in a communal dining building or andreion (Haggis et al. 2004, 380–382). It is possible that as early as LM IIIC this type of stand was part of feasting equipment in the Kavousi area.

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Other Stands Two fragments from other kinds of stands were originally identified as snake tubes (Fig. 55). One fragment (AE P32) was found in the fill behind the East Terrace wall, while the other (KI P28) was a misfired rim fragment from the kiln. Both of these examples have rim profiles similar to a lekane, but the rim diameters (16 and 12 cm, respectively) are much too small to have come from lekanai, unless they come from oval-mouthed lekanai and all that is preserved are fragments from the narrowest part of the mouth. Example AE P32 has a rim diameter that is within the range of snake tubes from the Shrine (G. Gesell, pers. comm.), but it is painted with strokes on the rim and bands on the exterior, which would be unusual for a snake tube. The other (KI P28) is larger than the snake tubes, although it is of the Type X/XI fabric that is frequent in the Shrine material.

Vat or Basin There is a single example of an open shape with a rim diameter larger than that of a lekane and without a ridge below a flat rim; this has been termed a vat or basin (N2 P15; Fig. 55). It is somewhat less than 50 cm in diameter and has thick walls. It is made of Type IV fabric. The rim is slightly flaring, and the lip is tilted down toward the exterior. Its interior is deeply scored with incised lines, possibly cross-hatching. The shape is not known from other LM IIIC deposits. This fragment was initially identified as a beehive because of the scoring found on the inside, but it may also have been used as a basin or vat. Scoring would be useful for basins used in washing clothes, where the rough surface could be used like a washboard.

Strainer A single nearly complete strainer was uncovered in a deposit south of Building C, Room 1 (CS P4; Fig. 55). This is a large and heavy vessel, probably handmade of coils, of Type IV fabric. It bears no trace of burning inside or out. The base of the vessel is heavy and solid, and only the walls of the top half are pierced with holes. The rim is simple and

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rounded, and there are two large round basket handles rising above the rim. An incised triangle was placed on the exterior below the holes. Although strainer vessels are not common in LM IIIC deposits, at least one strainer lid appears at Karphi, although in fine ware (Day 2011c, 123– 124, fig. 4.24:K44.5). The Vronda vessel, however, is unique, and its function is puzzling. Strainers are generally pierced at the bottom, allowing liquids to pour through, but this vessel has a very heavy solid bottom, with the holes on the top half. A similar type of vessel was found in Megiddo (Finkelstein, Ussishkin, and Halpern, eds., 2000, fig. 11.41:5), but no interpretation was put forward as to its function. The placement of the holes suggests that the vessel was meant to contain something solid that sank to the bottom, while liquid rose to the top. This strainer could have been used in an industrial process, allowing a solid to sink to the bottom, or it may have been used in cheese making, with the curds going to the bottom and the whey draining off through the holes. Some process of fermentation or rotting of a substance that would give off liquid may also be represented by this form.

Lid Most lids are either made of fine fabrics or cooking fabric. Only one possible lid in coarse Type XI fabric was recovered (E3 P6; Fig. 55). Resembling a conical cup, this simple small lid may have had a domed top with a handle, like examples at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 27, fig. 19:3; Day 2011c, 283–284); it may also have had a flat base, like the fine example from Room B7 (B7 P13).

Stopper Similar in function to lids are stoppers. A stopper consists of a broken piece of pottery that was chipped around the edges to form a rough disk that could be used to seal a vessel. One stopper (IC2 P6; Fig. 55), made from a fragment of a fine decorated krater with a pattern like N3 P2, was chipped into a crude disk of 6.8 cm in diameter, probably to cover the narrow mouth of a vessel. Two coarse examples were also found (N2 P17; Fig. 55; also O2 P16). These had been cut down from coarse body

fragments of Type X/XI fabric. Stopper O2 P16 is larger, with a diameter of 12 cm, while the other was a bit thicker but had a diameter of only 5 cm. Stoppers created from broken pieces of pottery have also been found at Karphi (Day 2011c, 285). While cut-down pottery disks are interpreted here as stoppers, recent work has suggested that some may have served as game pieces, counters, or tokens (Hillbom 2005a, 68–72; D’Onofrio 2007). The finds from Vronda are generally larger (5–12 cm) than those from the Bronze Age on Crete, although examples from LM III Hagia Triada, Kommos, and Chania are also large (4.5–7.3 cm; Hillbom 2005a, 69–70), as are the later Geometric disks from Phaistos (2.6–7 cm; D’Onofrio 2007, 87). Stopper O2 P16 is so much larger that it seems most likely to have served as a lid or stopper, while the other two examples could have been used as large counters or tokens.

Stirrup Jar Vronda has yielded only two examples of the coarse stirrup jars that appear at other LM IIIC sites (Fig. 56). Both examples are of unusual fabrics, and both bear wavy line decoration that probably represents a debased octopus. Jar O1 P16 has a globular or ovoid body; the base is missing. The false spout is hollow, pierced in the center, and slightly concave; the spout, of which only the lower part is preserved, seems to be tilted back so that it would touch the rim of the false spout. A tall wavy line decorates the shoulder above a pair of bands, and there is a band at the neck and a pair of vertical bands on the handles; the base is missing. Jar K3 P19 is probably ovoid in shape, also with a hollow false spout that is pierced; the spout and handles are missing. A tall wavy line decorates the shoulder below three bands. Fragments E1 P118 and E7 P13 may also come from stirrup jars, but they are not well enough preserved to be certain. Few of the coarse storage stirrup jars common at Karphi (Day 2005, 435, fig. 1) appear at Vronda; in this, Vronda parallels Chania, where only a single example of the coarse stirrup jar appears in LM IIIC levels, and that one was imported (B.P. Hallager 2000, 144, 163). The Vronda examples, with their hollow false spouts and octopus decoration find parallels at Karphi. The pierced hollow

THE POTTERY

spout is seen on most medium-coarse or coarse stirrup jars (Day 2011c, 294), while the debased octopus decoration can best be seen on a large stirrup jar from K 110, as well as on numerous fragments (Day 2005, 435, fig. 1). The fact that neither of the coarse stirrup jars is made of a standard Kavousi fabric suggests an outside origin for these vessels, which perhaps were acquired from elsewhere for their contents. They may have continued in use as storage containers even after their original contents had been consumed, and it is probable that they contained liquids such as wine or oil, like the amphorae. Transport or storage stirrup jars seem to have been frequent in the Final Palatial period, when they may have been the dominant bulk liquid containers in the Aegean (Pratt 2016, 44), but although they survived into the LM IIIC period, they disappeared before the end of that period, their function having been replaced by the amphora (Pratt 2016, 46–52).

Jug Coarse jugs were common at Vronda (Fig. 56). Jugs are difficult to distinguish from amphorae, as they are similar in shape, and the only major difference is that amphorae have two handles and tend to be larger than the one-handled jugs. Many bases or lower parts of closed vessels probably come from jugs or amphorae, but without the neck and handles preserved, it is impossible to be certain. Jug E1 P117, for example, looks like an amphora, especially in its decoration, but no second handle was preserved, and there was no sign of a handle attachment on the body opposite the preserved handle. The majority of jugs are globular or ovoid in shape, with large bases that are either flat or slightly concave. Bases range in diameter from 10.5 to 16 cm, and the base diameters are always approximately half the height of the vessel. Bodies are often depressed or baggy, with the widest diameter toward the bottom (e.g., B4 P38, D1 P14, N1 P31), as can also be seen at Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 15, fig. 9:2; Day 2011c, 14–15, fig. 2.4:K148.6). Nearly all of the preserved examples have cylindrical necks, with the exception of N3 P6, which has been pinched out to form a spout. Occasionally the juncture between the neck and body is defined by a ridge (E1 P130, N3 P6, KI P22), as is common on jugs from

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Karphi (Day 2011c, 298) and Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 150) but rare at Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 296, fig. 16:P16) and not found on other LM IIIC sites. Jugs usually have simple rims, either flaring or slightly offset, and often with a slight outward thickening (EC P127, O1 P11), but there are a few examples of triangular (O2 P11) or incurved (O2 P7) rims. The vertical handles are either round (AE P47, B4 P38, O1 P5) or more commonly elliptical (D1 P14, D5 P9, E1 P117, EC P127, I4 P15, KI P22, KI P24, N1 P24, N1 P31, N3 P6, O2 P10); the one example of a flattened handle (E2 P12) may be earlier. The handles rise above the rim slightly, and they attach at the shoulder. Estimated capacities show a good deal of variation, from 2.174 to 12.868 liters (see App. C). Jugs may be plain or decorated. Decoration consists primarily of bands at the rim (AE P47, B4 P38, D1 P14, EC P127, IC2 P10, N1 P13, N1 P14, N5 P5, O1 P5, O2 P7), at the base of the neck (B4 P38, D1 P14, E1 P117), in groups or singly on the body (B4 P38, D1 P14, E1 P117), and at the base (B4 P38, D1 P14). Two jugs have more elaborate decoration of spirals on the shoulder (E1 P117, KI P23). Several jugs are either entirely monochrome (KI P22) or at least have a solidly coated neck (N1 P12). The interiors of the necks often have bands (AE P47, B4 P38, EC P127, IC2 P10, J4 P20, KI P22, N5 P5, O1 P5) or are solidly painted (D1 P14, E2 P16, I4 P15, N1 P13). Handles are not usually decorated, but E2 P12 bears oblique stripes. The majority of coarse jugs are of Type X/XI fabric (15 examples). At least six are mediumcoarse. The next most common fabric for jugs is Type IV, a type that is most common for cooking wares, but except for N3 P6, these jugs show no sign of burning (N1 P24, N1 P31, E1 P130). Coarse jugs are common on LM IIIC sites, but they are often fragmentary. The cylindrical-necked jug is most frequent, occasionally pinched out to form a spout, as on N3 P6. Coarse jugs were probably used for storing and pouring water in ordinary domestic contexts and perhaps on social occasions.

Amphora Many of the houses at Vronda produced amphorae, but they were not as plentiful as jugs, and the majority came from the area of Building E. The

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one preserved base (L2/3 P12) is flat, and most of the bodies are ovoid (Fig. 56). As on the jugs, the shoulders slope gradually up to the neck, without a sharp angle to mark the transition from body to neck, except for N2 P9, which has a ridge at the base of the neck. Necks are cylindrical. Rims are triangular (B8 P8, E7 P5), flaring (E1 P119, J1 P32), or flattened and thickened outward (E1 P120, N2 P9). Rim diameters range from 12 to 17.4 cm, with the majority around 12 cm. Elliptical handles rise slightly above the rim; one amphora (E1 P119) has rope-twisted handles, similar to amphorae from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, 13, fig. 8:4; Day 2011c, 301–302; Wallace 2012, 26, fig. 16:01513.1). Capacities are generally larger than jugs, 14.309–14.381 liters based on two samples (see App. C). Amphorae are often decorated with bands and pendant (J1 P32) or upright (N2 P9) loops. One (N2 P9) has a S-loop on the handle and strokes on the rim. Nearly all of the amphorae are of Type X/XI fabric. Example E1 P119 was made of a distinctive crumbly green fabric with phyllites that may be an import. Although amphorae may have first appeared on Crete in MM I (Kanta 1980, 271), they became popular in the Protopalatial era (Pratt 2016, 29–30) and continued to be manufactured and used in the Neopalatial and Final Palatial periods (Pratt 2016, 31–45). In LM IIIC they enjoyed a renewed popularity, eventually replacing the coarse stirrup jar as the major vessel for transport and storage of liquids (Day 2005, 436). Amphorae appear in early LM IIIC levels at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 150–152), Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 296, fig. 16:P25, P31), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2007, 46, fig. 3:25), Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2003, 27, fig. 2:1), and Kastrokephala (Kanta and Karetsou 2003, 160, fig. 11:A, D). They continue throughout the period, perhaps growing in popularity later in IIIC (Day 2005, 436), and they are found also at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 110, fig. 8.4:96-358; 2011a, 341, fig. 29.7). They have not been found in any of the LM IIIC levels on the Kastro (M. Mook, pers. comm.).

Jar Several varieties of jars were found at Vronda. The open-mouthed cylindrical jar, regularly called

a pithoid jar (Seiradaki 1960, 5; Hallager 1997a, 414), will be discussed separately. The collared jar that resembles a small version of the pithos is also in its own category; it is here called a pitharaki, the modern word for a small pithos. Other types of storage vessels will simply be referred to as jars. At Vronda jars that are not used for cooking or are not specialized shapes like the pitharaki and the pithoid jar are not common, as was the case in other LM IIIC sites (B.P. Hallager 2000, 161). There are three types of jars that do not fit into the categories of pithoid jars or pitharakia (Fig. 57). The first is a small collared jar (IC2 P36, L2/3 P14, N5 P7); E1 P131 may also come from a similar jar. Where the rim diameter is known, it is between 8 and 8.5 cm. Two have rims that flare out, while one (IC2 P36) has an incurved rim; the incurved rim is unusual but finds a parallel on a much larger jar from Karphi (Day 2011c, 303, fig. 9.23:K43.16) that may have been used in cooking. Two are decorated with small knobs (N5 P7, E1 P131), a form of decoration reminiscent of examples from Karphi (Day 2011c, 60–61, fig. 3.8:K11.8; Wallace 2012, 26, fig. 16:01511.19), at least one of which is a cooking jar (Day 2011c, 117–118, fig. 4.20:K27.8). Three of the Vronda examples are made of Type X/XI fabric, while the fourth is Type XXVII (E1 P131); these fabrics are used for storage vessels rather than cooking pots. An unusual fragment from the summit (AN P1) comes from a large jar with a short collar and a rim diameter of 36 cm. The rim has been thickened outward and squared off, and there are knobs on the body below. The whole vessel has been painted black. It is made of a phyllite fabric that does not fit into one of the Vronda categories, so it may be an import. It may also belong to a different period, either an earlier piece that was kicked up or a later intrusion from one of the graves. Fragment M1 P19, although smaller, has a similar profile with a flattened rim, ridge below the rim, and handle between ridge and rim, but it is of Type XXV, an imported fabric generally used for cooking vessels. It perhaps should be categorized as a jar, but its fabric and extensive burning suggest a use in cooking or near cooking facilities. These vessels have no exact parallels, although they are similar to a painted jar from Kastrokephala (Kanta and Karetsou 2003, 155, fig. 5:A).

THE POTTERY

Pitharaki or Collared Jar The pitharaki is a collared jar that is similar to a pithos, but much smaller, less than 50 cm in height (Christakis 2005, 2). Body fragments can be distinguished from pithoi by their thickness, and the vessels are rarely decorated with horizontal or serpentine bands. The bands on pithoi generally serve a structural as well as a decorative function that was not necessary with the smaller jars. Rims and bases are smaller than those on pithoi. Similar in size to pithoid jars, the pitharaki is distinguishable from them by the presence of a collar and a narrower mouth, and it most commonly has horizontal handles rather than the vertical ones of the pithoid jar (Fig. 57). Few examples of the pitharaki preserve a full profile, but many of the coarse bases found at the site may come from pitharakia. The three nearly complete profiles (E1 P133, N3 P8, WS P9) have rim diameters ranging from 21 to 29 cm and base diameters from 20.5 to 26 cm. The two preserved heights are 46 and 28.5 cm, while E1 P133 has an estimated height of 50 cm. Bases and rims are generally about the same in diameter, with the base slightly smaller than the rim. Other rims range in diameters from 20 to 38 cm, with an average of 28.4 cm. Bases measure 14–27 cm. Estimated capacities range from 12.194 to 35.426 liters (see App. C). The bases of the pitharaki can be flat (WS P9) or beveled (E1 P133, E1 P148, N3 P8). Bodies are ovoid or globular. The pitharaki generally has two handles on the shoulder, either round horizontal handles (E1 P133, E7 P14, J4 P35, L2/3 P13, N3 P8, WS P9) or elliptical vertical handles (E1 P138, E2 P21, E2 P27); on two examples, one or both of the handles are decorated with oblique slashes (E1 P133, J4 P35). All examples of the pitharaki have collars, which are often tall (B8 P10, E2 P21, J4 P32, J4 P35, L2/3 P13, O2 P21), but may be medium (E1 P133, E1 P134, N3 P8) or short (E7 P14, J1 P40, WS P9). Occasionally, there may be a raised ridge at the base of the collar (E1 P134, E1 P138, E2 P21, E2 P27, J4 P35, O2 P21). Rims are either nearly vertical (B8 P10, E1 P133, E7 P14, J1 P40), flaring (E1 P134, L2/3 P13, J4 P35, WS P9), or flaring and outward thickened (E2 P21, J4 P32, N3 P8). The fabrics used for these jars are those found in pithoid jars and pithoi. The most common fabric

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is Type X/XI (eight examples), but Types XXII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII, and an untyped phyllite fabric also occur. Most of these would thus appear to be of local manufacture. Jar E2 P27 has an unusual vertical handle and with its Type XXII fabric may be either earlier or imported. Similarly, J1 P40, which has an unusual rim profile and decoration consisting of an incised chevron band, is made of a Type XV fabric; it, too, is a possible import. The pitharaki occurs on other LM IIIC sites but is not commonly distinguished from the pithos. At Karphi the shape was simply labeled a jar (Seiradaki 1960, 6, fig. 3), a category defined as “all vessels with more or less incurving rims which are too small to be termed pithoi, but which seem to have been used for storage rather than pouring” (Seiradaki 1960, 5). Both of the two Vronda types of pitharaki occur at Karphi, the one with horizontal round handles (Day 2011c, 303, fig. 9.23:K23.31) and that with vertical oval handles (Day 2011c, 303, fig. 9.23:MK.5). The shape can be indistinguishable from a cooking jar, as at Chania (B.P. Hallager 2000, 160), but it is almost never of cooking fabric. Chalasmenos does not have published examples. Like other forms of jar, the pitharaki was doubtless used for storage, probably of agricultural or manufactured goods or liquids, but in smaller quantities than the larger pithos; estimates of the capacity of two well-preserved examples (N3 P8, E1 P133) are ca. 35 and 37 liters, respectively (Glowacki et al. 2011; see App. C; Table 93, below). The shape may have been used for temporary rather than longterm storage, with the contents being more accessible than in a pithos. It could have been used to store less abundant goods and/or it could indicate different types of stored goods. The pitharaki and the pithoid jar are both small jars, but the contents of the pithoid jar, with its wider mouth, would have been even more accessible than in the pitharaki.

Pithoid Jar The pithoid jar (Fig. 58) is a cylindrical widemouthed deep jar that is often difficult to distinguish from a lekane, particularly if only the rim is preserved (B4 P56, C5 P9, D1 P15, D3 P4, D4 P5, E1 P137, E7 P15–E7 P21, J1 P41, KI P25, M1 P25, N2 P14, N5 P17). Both shapes feature an outward-thickened rim that is rounded or squared,

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with a raised ridge below. The handles, however, differ markedly. The pithoid jar regularly has a pair of round or oval vertical handles below the ridge rather than the horizontal oval handles on the ridge found on the lekane. The pithoid jar is also deeper; the height of the vessel is always the same as or greater than the diameter of the rim. When only a small rim fragment is preserved without a handle, it is impossible to distinguish the lekane from the pithoid jar. Bases of pithoid jars have diameters between 26 and 31 cm. They are most often beveled (C5 P9, E1 P139, E7 P15, E7 P20, E7 P21, J1 P41) and either flat or slightly concave underneath. On the single full profile, the base is about three quarters of the diameter of the rim, and the height is 57.6 cm. Estimated capacities for the pithoid jars range from 13.591–59.009 liters (see App. C). The body of the pithoid jar is tall and cylindrical. Usually the profile is cylindrical up to the ridge, as also seen at Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997, 308, fig. 9), Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 347, fig. 29.15), and on a pithoid jar found at an unnamed site at Kavousi (Kanta 1980, 145, fig. 57:6). Sometimes the walls flare out (D1 P15, E7 P16, N5 P17), as on examples from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 109, fig. 8.3:92-43; 2011a, 342, fig. 29.9), and on other vessels the profile is more rounded (E7 P17, E7 P19). The pithoid jars from Building E, Room E7 all have uneven interior profiles that suggest the vessels were constructed in sections (E7 P15–E7 P18, E7 P20, E7 P21), like pithoi (see below, pp. 101–103), and others (D1 P15, E1 P137, N5 P17) show the same feature. The bodies rise to a ridge, and two vertical round or oval handles extend from the ridge down to the body. Between the ridge and the rim, the profile is concave. Rims, like those on lekanai, are outward thickened and are most often flattened and squared (B4 P56, D4 P5, E1 P137, E7 P17, E7 P18, KI P25, M1 P25), sometimes beveled (D1 P15, E7 P15, E7 P16, N2 P14), or occasionally rounded (D3 P4, E7 P19, N5 P17). Pithoid jars are usually found in Type X/XI fabric, but they also occur in Types XIII (M1 P25), XXIV (D1 P15), XXV (B4 P56), XXVI (KI P25), and XXVII (E1 P137). Thus most seem to be of local manufacture. Generally speaking, pithoid jars are not decorated. Several, however, show painted decoration. Example NW P4 may be the rim of a decorated pithoid jar; it has strokes on top of the rim, bands

on the rim and ridge, and strokes or fringing below. A large body fragment from Room N4 (N4 P3) bears painted decoration in pleonastic style covering the exterior surface and splatter pattern or monochrome paint on the interior. Another fragment from the body of a pithoid jar or pithos from the Courtyard in Building I also has pleonastic decoration (IC2 P11). It may be that more of these jars were painted than is apparent, given the poor surface preservation. Elaborately painted pithoid jars also occurred at Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 291–292, fig. 12), and it is suggested by the excavators that they may have been more common than is apparent because of the poor preservation of the surfaces. The pithoid jar is common in LM IIIC sites (Seiradaki 1960, 5; B.P. Hallager 2000, 161; Day 2011c, 305–306). While the shape is generally thought to represent a storage vessel, the wide mouth and lack of a collar would make closing the vessel difficult. It is possible that large flat stones or terracotta flat lids were used, but if pithoid jars were intended primarily for storage, it is likely that their contents were different from those of the pithoi or pitharakia, which have more restricted openings. The wide opening may have facilitated removal of the stored material, whether liquid or solid. It is also possible that the vessels were used as deep vats for some sort of industrial processing, such as washing of wool or tanning or dying of cloth, as has been suggested for larger open-mouthed pithoi (Christakis 2005, 66–68); the shallower lekanai might not have been deep enough to use for such processes. It is interesting to note that nearly every building produced pithoid jars, but the largest concentration of the vessel type occurred in Room E7 of Building E East, where seven of them were found. Some industrial activity may have gone on in this area, which may have been unroofed. Many rim fragments that may have come either from pithoid jars or from lekanai were uncovered (C5 P6, D3 P5, D3 P8, E1 P135, E1 P136, I4 P13, IC2 P26, IC2 P37, J4 P19, J4 P31, K1P4, M1 P24, N1 P23, N1 P30, N2 P13, N5 P21, O2 P12, O2 P13, O4 P4, Q2 P18, Q2 P19). The rims of these vessels range from 18 to 46 cm, but most of them fall into the 30–40 cm range. Nearly all have outward-thickened rims, either rounded or squared, and a ridge below the rim. Two have a single row of finger impressions on the ridge (N5

THE POTTERY

P21, O2 P13), and one has a ridge with rope slashing (Q2 P18). Finally, the base of a jar, possibly a pithoid jar (K1 P4), is decorated both with a ropeslashed ridge near the beveled base and a band of paint on the body. Most (19) of these vessels are made of Type X/XI fabric, and two are made of Type XV (J4 P31, K1 P4), so it would appear that most of these vessels are made locally.

Pithos The pithos is one of the most common vessels at Vronda, but complete or nearly complete vessels can seldom be restored. The pithos at Vronda is distinguished from other jars by its large size and collared neck, and it comes in two distinct types (Figs. 59, 60). The first type is an extremely large piriform storage jar usually decorated with both horizontal chevron bands and serpentine rope patterns (Christakis 2005, 16, fig. 19, form 85). Pithoi of this type are, with one exception (J1 P29), confined to the storerooms of Building B (B3 P20, B3 P21, B7 P26) and range in height from 126 to 165 cm, with rim diameters from 46 to 71 cm and capacities of 354.06 to 888.137 liters (J1 P29 has a volume of 272.663 L; see App. C). The second type, also piriform in shape, is more common and is found everywhere on the site. Vessels of this type are smaller, ranging in height from 75–80 cm, with rim diameters of 20–51 cm and estimated capacities of 55.190–122.967 liters (see App. C); they are decorated with horizontal raised incised bands and only rarely with the serpentine rope pattern. Aside from the considerable differences in size, pithoi of both types share common features in shape and decoration. Bases are always flat and may have a torus molding (B3 P20, B3 P21, B7 P26, E4 P6, I3 P22, N2 P18, Q2 P21) or even a raised band at the bottom (E1 P148). One example (B7 P26) has a hole pierced through the bottom of the vessel (Pl. 16:a), suggesting that it was used for storing liquids that required occasional drainage. The bases are most often smaller than the mouths. There are often two round or elliptical vertical handles near the base, occasionally decorated with dints (N2 P18). The bodies are generally ovoid or piriform in shape, but one example is biconical (I3 P22). Most profiles are similar to examples from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 109, fig. 8.3:92-70) and are less

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baggy than those from LM IIIC Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, pls. 80–82). Handles are set on the shoulder near the top. These are generally vertical and either round or elliptical in section; occasionally the handles are horizontal (I5 P9) or a combination of horizontal and vertical (N3 P9). There can be two (E1 P142, E4 P5, E5 P3, I5 P10, N2 P18), three (B3 P21, B3 P22, B7 P26, I3 P22), or four (B3 P20, E1 P143, N3 P9) handles. Handles can be decorated with a dint at the base (B3 P20, I5 P9, J1 P29, N2 P18), with slashes (I3 P22), or with a rope-slashed ridge (B3 P22). One handle has a highly unusual incised motif that appears to represent horns of consecration (A1 P7). Rims show a great deal of variety, but they are generally either rolled, rolled with an overhang or hawk’s beak, or squared. The heavy rolled or squared rim is often added onto a simple thrown rounded lip, as can be seen from some of the profiles (e.g., E1 P142; Fig. 60) or from the way in which the pieces break. Just below the rim at the upper attachment of the handle is a raised ridge that is triangular in section. Ridges are often decorated with incised or applied motifs; the two most common decorations are rope slashing and finger impressions. The rope slashing consists of oblique incised slashes that make the ridge resemble a rope around the neck (Christakis 2005, 26, fig. 30, rope 24); this motif accounts for 40% of the cataloged examples. Occasionally the slashing is vertical rather than oblique (B3 P21, E4 P5, I5 P10; Christakis 2005, 26, fig. 32, rope 30). Equally popular is the use of small impressions apparently made with the finger, sometimes crimped like a piecrust; these finger impressions account for another 40% of the preserved examples (Christakis 2005, 26, figs. 28, 29, ropes 11–13, 15, 18). Occasionally the ridge is left undecorated (four examples). The bodies of the pithoi are generally provided with raised horizontal bands that bear incised motifs. The range of motifs on the bands is limited, and the most common motif is the incised chevron or herringbone pattern (76%; Christakis 2005, 28, figs. 40, 41, bands 39, 40, 47). This motif can be incised with skill or carelessly and with apparent haste (e.g., E2 P25). The chevrons can point either left or right, but those pointing to the right are slightly more popular (seven examples left, eight examples right); some pithoi have bands with

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chevrons that point in both directions, sometimes arranged in alternating registers (B7 P26, E5 P3), at other times in an apparently more random fashion. A different type of chevron is found almost exclusively on vessels of Type XV, where the lines of the chevrons are more curving, resembling a foliate band (e.g., E3 P4); this type is frequent in LM III primarily in North-Central Crete (Christakis 2005, 28–29, pl. 13, band 56). Because Type XV may not be a local product, the use of this type of design may reflect a local variation from elsewhere, or the pithoi so decorated may have been manufactured in an earlier period; there is ample archaeological evidence at other sites for continued use of pithoi long after their time of manufacture (Haggis et al. 2004, 354; Whitley 2011, 27–31). The horizontal bands can also bear multiple rows of finger impressions (14%), vertical (7%) or oblique (3%) strokes (Christakis 2005, 27–28, figs. 36, 38, bands 9, 25–28), or rows of impressed circles (7%). Occasionally (10%) the bands are left plain, but this type of decoration is limited to vessels of fabric Type IV or XXII; it is possible that the potters who produced their pithoi in granodiorite fabric Type XXII did not regularly decorate the bands. There was often a mixing of motifs on a single pithos, including the following: finger impressions and chevrons (E1 P143, I5 P9), rope pattern and chevrons (B3 P22) alternating as on a pithos from Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 342, fig. 29.9), chevrons and oblique strokes (J1 P29), finger impressions with circles and chevrons (N2 P18), or finger impressions and circles or crosses (E1 P145, E1 P146). The bands on pithoi may have been functional as well as decorative. The varying thickness of the bodies shows how they were constructed. The thicker areas indicate where the coil-made segments were pieced together to form the whole vessel, and the bands were placed on the exterior just below these joins, perhaps for additional strength (Pl. 16:c). That there was structural weakness where the pieces fit together can be demonstrated by the fact that the pithoi often break apart where the pieces were joined. The large pithoi regularly have additional serpentine rope patterns between the chevron bands. Few smaller pithoi show this pattern, but they do occur particularly on pithoi of fabric Type XV (e.g., E1 P147, E3 P4). The largest of the pithoi, the one from B7 (B7 P26), also has additional decoration

in the form of small vertical elements that resemble columns. These “columns” are rope slashed and have a pillow-like element at the top that makes the motif look like a Minoan or Doric column (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, pl. 11C). They seem to lie in the second and third upper large registers only (the first register is narrower and has smaller serpentine bands) and to be placed somewhat irregularly in the pendant loops (every two to three loops) of the wavy bands; the “column” in the upper register is placed above an empty space below, while a “column” in the lower register is below an empty space above. This motif is unusual but can also be found on a contemporary pithos from Chalasmenos that is in a similar fabric (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 340, fig. 29.6). Finally, there is a single example of a pithos from Building E East (E1 P141) that does not have bands or registers of decoration; rather, it has a pair of curved bands decorated with small finger impressions on the shoulder. A similar type of decoration (but not curving) is common enough in Middle Minoan deposits from Central Crete (Christakis 2005, 10, fig. 7, forms 24, 25) but unparalleled in LM IIIC. Few pithoi have been decorated with paint. Only two body fragments (LW P12, L2 P38) are painted, and the decoration is difficult to determine. Fragment LW P12 seems to have a hatched oval or hatched filler, while L2 P39 has an added ridge in fine fabric with traces of paint. Both of these examples are in good LM IIIC fabrics: Type X/XI and Type IV. The pithos is the main storage vessel at Vronda, and every household was equipped with several such vessels. The very large storage jars are confined to Building B: Boyd found three in Room 1/2, three were recovered from B3, and the largest pithos came from B7. Only one of the large pithoi with serpentine rope patterns came from elsewhere; it was found in Building J, Room J1. Others may have existed, as fragments were found scattered all over the site. Estimates of the capacity of these large storage jars show that they range from 612.813 to over 888.137 liters (App. C; Glowacki et al. 2011). The presence of so many storage jars of such large capacity in Building A-B reinforces the observation that the structure is different from the other domestic complexes on the site. Smaller pithoi were found in nearly every room of every building on the site, and pithos fragments abound everywhere.

THE POTTERY

These pithoi were considerably smaller than those in Building B, and they come in three sizes: small (ca. 55 L), normal (ca. 96–122 L), and large (ca. 281–354 L; App. C; Glowacki et al. 2011). Unless there are substantial numbers of fragments from a pithos, however, we do not suggest that it was actually in use for storage at the time of the abandonment of the settlement. Pithos fragments can be used for other purposes: the rims and/or necks may have served as chimney pots, as was the case with C1 P8 and C2 P7 and a pithos that was reused in Venetian Building R (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 82–85, 156). Broken bases may have functioned as basins or animal troughs, as at Karphi (Day 2011c, 309–310). Even individual sherds may have been reused in wall construction, as today the fragments are often found in modern terrace walls. The reconstruction of the pithos from Room B7 (B7 P26) has provided much information about the way in which the pithoi were manufactured, and observations of other pithoi throughout the site confirm these details. Beginning from the bottom of the vessel, the base and lower section were thrown together, up to the top of the lower handle zone. The fabric at the bottom was somewhat coarser than the rest of the pithos and had more inclusions than the upper sections, perhaps for added strength and weight to lend stability to the vessel. Above the base section, the remainder of the pithos was made separately and pieced together in five sections before the handle zone and finally the rim were added. These five sections of the body were apparently coil-made, and where they were added on, extra clay was applied to the interior, as can be clearly seen in the profile drawing (Fig. 59). A decorated band was placed on the exterior above and below the joint, apparently for additional

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strength. The lowest joint of the base fragment with the lowest zone of serpentine rope pattern is unusual perhaps because it would be subjected to the greatest amount of pressure by the weight of the pithos above. It is beveled so that the upper piece slots into the lower (Pl. 16:b), and a large amount of clay was added on the interior for strength, with an applied band just below. Above this part of the pithos, the other sections were added on. They did not break apart where joined as did the lowest section and the upper sections near the rim. Nevertheless, the profile shows clearly how an exterior band was placed just below where the new section was added (Fig. 59; Pl. 16:c). Extra clay was applied to the interior for strength where there were no bands. The methods used to ensure that the joint was secure are particularly clear in the upper sections, where the rim joins to the handle zone and the handle zone to the top of the uppermost zone with serpentine rope pattern. As the potters built up the vessel and prepared to put on a new section, they left a rounded lip, which they then scored with deep cuttings (Pl. 16:c, d). The next section was then placed on top while the clay was still wet, and pressed into the lower section so that the wet clay shaped to fit into the lower section (Pl. 17:a). The B7 pithos broke at the uppermost three joins, providing a glimpse into the construction technique. The handle was applied after the band was in place and incised with its chevron decoration, as can be seen from the fact that the broken off handle still has the impressions of the chevron on its underside where it was applied (Pl. 17:b). Finally, the rim section was thrown and extra clay was applied to form the very thick lip, and the rim was set onto the vessel in the same way as the lower joins—pressed onto the scored joint while the clay was still wet (Pl. 17:a).

Post–Late Minoan IIIC Pottery Subminoan to Protogeometric A few vessels of Subminoan style have been identified in the settlement at Vronda, and although they have been discussed with the LM IIIC pottery

above, it is useful also to treat them separately, in light of the difficulties modern scholars have had in defining the ceramic transition between the Late

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Bronze and Early Iron Ages. Subminoan pottery was defined as transitional between LM IIIC and EPG (Catling 1996, 295), but controversy has arisen about whether the term SM represents a style or a chronological phase (Mook 2004, 169; Tsipopoulou 2005a, 346; Kotsonas 2008, 36; Hallager 2010; D’Agata 2011). Few sites have produced ceramic sequences in which SM is stratified between LM IIIC and EPG, and SM pottery is known chiefly from graves used over periods of time, as at Karphi (Day 2011c), or from discrete deposits, like those at Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 1997– 2000, 1999a, 2003, 2011). At Knossos, four phases of SM have been found stratified above early LM IIIC with no deposits between (Warren 1983, 79; Hatzaki 2007b, 248–251); SM pottery also marks a major change in the use of the cemeteries at Knossos that continued into the Orientalizing period (Catling 1996, 295). On the Kastro at Kavousi, the phase after LM IIIC and before PG (Phase IV) does not contain pottery that can be identified as SM in style; this phase seems to be transitional, incorporating new bell skyphoi with some LM IIIC sherds. Since the Kastro seems to have been in continuous use from the 12th to the seventh centuries, the excavators have suggested that SM was not a chronological phase in the area (Mook 2004, 169). There is, however, some evidence at Vronda to support the idea that SM represents a chronological period: one of the earliest of the SM tholos tombs (Tomb VIII) cut into a LM IIIC building, which must already have been out of use when the tomb was constructed (Day and Glowacki 2012, 161; see also this vol., Ch. 8). Hence, SM pottery seems to have belonged to a period that postdated the abandonment of the Vronda settlement. While most of the vessels in use at the time of the abandonment are of LM IIIC date, a few vessels seem to be of SM style, as is also the case at Karphi (Day 2011c, 326– 328). D’Agata has suggested that this combination of the two styles may be a sign of an early SM date (D’Agata 2011, 52). At Thronos/Sybrita the later

part of SM saw the introduction of a new shape, the skyphos (D’Agata 2011, 60), which by EPG completely replaced the deep bowl. At Vronda, several vessels from the roofing to floor deposits resemble those identified as the early phase of SM at Thronos/Sybrita. Similar to a deep cup type there (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:6) is cup I3 P6 (Fig. 39), although it is not as deep as the Thronos/Sybrita example. It might also be compared to a cup with a higher foot and common zigzag decoration from Tomb 40 at the North Cemetery at Knossos, which is dated to the middle phase of SM there (Catling 1996, 305; Coldstream and Catling, eds., 1996, 88, fig. 83:40.19). Vessel C4 P5 (Fig. 40) resembles a deep bowl from Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:2), although along with cup N2 P7 (Fig. 39), which is also later than LM IIIC, its profile has a much tighter S-curve than anything seen at Thronos/Sybrita. Interestingly enough, these two vessels (cup N2 P7 and deep bowl C4 P5) are considerably smaller in capacity than their LM IIIC counterparts. The amphoriskos/krateriskos L2 P1 (Fig. 42) may also be early SM in date because of its similarity to an amphoriskos from Thronos/ Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:12), yet its find spot below the floor of the room suggests that it is earlier and of LM IIIC date. The shape of kylix B3 P5 resembles that of a kylix from Thronos/ Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 58, fig. 2:7), but its tightly organized decoration is more in keeping with LM IIIC. There are few parallels between Vronda settlement pottery and that of the later phase of SM at Thronos/Sybrita, except for kylikes with deep conical bowls (B3 P4 and J2 P2; cf. D’Agata 2011, 59, fig. 3:11), which because of their decoration are more likely to be LM IIIC. A good deal of material from the Protogeometric through Orientalizing Periods was found on the site, all of it related to the use of the area as a burial ground, first in tholos tombs, then in cremation enclosure graves. The pottery is discussed in the volume on the cemeteries.

Classical and Later Finds Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman pottery is almost totally lacking over the site. A few body fragments of

soft ribbed wares could be Roman or Byzantine, but not enough was preserved to be certain.

THE POTTERY

A substantial amount of pottery from the period of Venetian occupation of Crete (a.d. 1204–1669; Fig. 61) has been found in and around Buildings F and R, as well as in the area outside the Shrine, where it is probably related to the occupation of Building F, as fragments of the same vessels are found in both locations. This material is called Venetian, even though much of it was probably manufactured locally on Crete. Later fragments of Ottoman to Modern date were also collected from the topsoil on the site. All recognized fine wares are glazed, including fragments of bowls in Sgraffito Ware from Building F (F P1) and the area of the Shrine, all decorated with white, yellow, and green glazes and incised. A fine pedestaled bowl (R1 P4) with olive green glaze from Building R is probably also Venetian in date. Pieces of a jug with blue and green glaze (F P2) were found in Building F. White glazed ware and some fragments from a dark tan (mustard yellow) glazed plate without slip were also found in and around Building F. Two jars of medium-coarse fabrics may have been of Venetian date. One (J1 P31) has traces of black paint. It has an outward-thickened rim with a vertical handle attachment just below the rim. The other jar (E1 P149) has an elaborate molded rim and is decorated with bands of punctuated squares on and below the rim. Cooking pottery was found in Building R. One bowl, made of cooking fabric and showing signs of use in fire, may have served as a cooking bowl

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(R1 P3). It is a shallow bowl with a flattened and outward-thickened rim and is decorated with a series of four incisions below the rim. Two vessels from Building R seem to be cooking pots (R1 P1, R1 P2). One (R1 P2) is small and has a small rounded rim, not too different from LM IIIC cooking pots. The other (R1 P1) is larger, with two vertical handles from rim to body. The rim has a pronounced outward thickening, and the handles are elliptical in section with a small ridge running down the center. It is similar to cooking pots from the Vrokastro survey of late Byzantine to Venetian date (Hahn 2005, figs. 108:145, 146, 109:152). Venetian or Ottoman coarse wares include jars with stamped designs (F P3; Fig. 61) and profiles similar to those from the Ottoman to Modern period from the Vrokastro survey (Hahn 2005, fig. 116:187). Jars with combed wavy lines (F P4; Fig. 61) are also similar to examples collected in the Vrokastro survey that date to the Ottoman to Modern period (Hahn 2005, figs. 85:231, 98:106). A few vessels belong to the Ottoman to Modern era (Fig. 61). These include two basins (D5 P7, LW P8; Fig. 61). Vessel D5 P7 is a large open basin with a ridge below its outward-thickened rim. It is apparently glazed with a clear glaze. It resembles an Ottoman–Modern basin from the Vrokastro survey (Hahn 2005, fig. 76:56). Example LW P8 is a medium-coarse basin with a flattened and outward-thickened rim. It is glazed with a reddishbrown glaze.

Household Assemblages An examination of preserved vessels from the roofing to floor deposits in each house can yield information about what constituted a typical ceramic household assemblage in the LM IIIC settlement, although the circumstances of the collapse of the buildings and postdepositional processes impose some limits on interpretation (Table 33). The inhabitants took some of their possessions with them, so that what remains does not constitute the complete assemblages or room inventories of the LM IIIC buildings. We are certain that the inhabitants

removed metal objects, because despite the lack of metal found in the excavations, the stone tools for sharpening them were left behind; the more portable pottery and objects may have been taken as well. The settlement was abandoned and lay open for a long time before the roofs and walls collapsed, allowing the objects left behind to be disturbed by visitors to the site. The clearest example of these disturbances comes from the material from the Shrine. A joining fragment of one of the goddess figures from the Shrine was found in Building Q

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on the east side of the hill, and other fragments of goddess figures appeared in Buildings E and J-K. Even after the roofs collapsed, sealing the abandoned material below, more disturbances occurred, first with the use of the area for cremation burials in the Geometric period, and then with the construction of houses in the Venetian era. Nevertheless, a comparison of what was found on the floors and embedded in the roofing material of the houses can still provide valuable information about what constituted a typical household assemblage as well as clues about room functions and uses. While no individual room or house is complete, the overall patterns seen while comparing rooms and houses are significant. In this analysis, we will look first at the cataloged vessels, which are treated as a sort of “minimum number of vessels.”

Only that material that came from secure contexts in rooms will be considered—that is, those vessels that were either on the floor or embedded in the roofing material. Then we will look at the ware types (fine wares for dining and feasting, cooking wares for food preparation, coarse and mediumcoarse wares for other domestic uses, and pithoi for storage) that also came from the roofing and floor deposits. These wares are presented as percentages of the whole ceramic assemblage based on count. The ware groups represent what was broken and no longer usable, and they help us to see the percentages of different types of pottery that were in use throughout the history of the rooms and buildings. Finally, we combine these two types of information to suggest how rooms and buildings were used.

Building Complex I-O-N The best preserved roofing-to-floor deposits come from Building Complex I-O-N. Here there are five separate houses: Building I (five rooms and a courtyard), Building O (four rooms), Building N1-N2, and Building N3-N5, and Room N4 (Table 34). Each building in this complex produced a large number of drinking vessels; Building N1N2 has the largest number (17), while N4 has the smallest (two). Kraters are common, although none were found in Building I; Buildings O and N3-N5 produced a larger number (two and three, respectively). The complex is unusual in the number of pouring vessels: four in Building N1-N2 and four in Building O; these were probably used in dining. Every building except Room N4 produced at least one kalathos, and in Building I there are two. Fenestrated stands occur in only one of the buildings (N3-N5), perhaps to hold the kalathoi or kraters. Although pyxides are rare at Vronda, they appear in two buildings of the I-O-N complex (two in Building I, one in Building N3-N5), as well as in Building C-D. A hut urn was also found in Building N3-N5. The kalathoi and the hut urn may have had ritual functions. Evidence suggests that food preparation was a major activity in this part of the site. All buildings of the I-O-N complex produced cooking vessels ranging in number from seven to 12 and comprising

a greater variety of shapes than found in the buildings of most other complexes; the one exception was Room N4, which produced very little material in general. These vessels include cooking dishes, cooking pots (many of them tripods), cooking lids, cooking trays, and occasionally a cooking jar or a cooking jug. Tripods appeared in all but Buildings O and N3-N5, and many of the cooking pots may have been tripod vessels as well. All but Building N1-N2 and Room N4 produced cooking dishes (one to five in number). All the buildings of the IO-N complex except Building I and Room N4 have cooking lids, which are not as common in the other buildings. Only one cooking jar appeared. An unusual cooking jug came from Building N3-N5. Vessels probably used for food preparation that did not involve cooking are much rarer (two to three lekanai or basins), and they are completely lacking in Building O and Room N4, although a number of rim fragments of lekanai/pithoid jars might have come from additional lekanai. Storage was another consistent phenomenon in the buildings of the I-O-N Complex. Every household except Building O and Room N4 has a pithos, and Building I, which had the largest number of rooms and therefore possibly the largest number of inhabitants, contained three. Smaller-scale storage is represented by jars, pitharakia, and pithoid

THE POTTERY

jars, with at least one such vessel per household. Only one building (N1-N2) produced an amphora that might have been used for storing wine or oil.

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Other vessels include a variety of lids and stoppers, as well as scuttles in at least two of the buildings.

Building Complex C-D Building Complex C-D had suffered from later disturbances and erosion. As a consequence, it produced fewer vessels than other structures, but those found show some similarities with the I-O-N complex (Table 35). There were far fewer drinking vessels in this complex (zero to four per building) than in I-O-N, and in general less pottery was used for the serving of food. There were also fewer jugs. Interestingly, at least two of the houses (C3-C5 and D1-D3) produced pyxides, a shape that was lacking in all other buildings except the I-O-N complex. As with I-O-N, nearly all of the buildings of the C-D complex had at least one lekane for food preparation; Buildings C1 and C2 did not, but the rooms lay close to the surface and much may have been lost. All buildings except C1 had cooking pottery

(two to five vessels), including cooking pots. All but one of the buildings with cooking vessels were equipped with cooking dishes, and three of the four buildings had tripod cooking pots. Only one building produced a cooking lid of the type so common in I-O-N (D4-D5). A single scuttle was found in Building D4-D5. Storage occurred in all of the buildings of the C-D complex, although with varying patterns. Buildings C1 and C2 each had a single pithos and no other smaller storage vessels. Another building (C3–C5) had a jar and a pithoid jar, but no pithoi. Building D1-D3 seems to have had the largest amount of storage with five pithoi, two pithoid jars, and a jar. Building D4-D5 produced a pithoid jar and two pithoi.

Building Complex J-K Building Complex J-K, although much disturbed by later grave activity, showed a very different pattern from that of either C-D or I-O-N (Table 36). First of all, like the buildings of I-O-N, the houses of the J-K complex are rich in drinking vessels (two to 15). Building J1 has the most, with 14, and five of these are stemmed vessels, either champagne cups or kylikes, which may have been used in social rituals. Building J4 also produced large quantities (10) of drinking vessels. Fewer drinking vessels were found in the two houses of Building K, two in K1-K2 and 11 in K3-K4, one of which is stemmed. To go along with these vessels, each building has at least one krater, except K3-K4, and Building J4 has three. Pouring vessels are less common, and they include jugs and, in Building J, stirrup jars, a vessel type not found in C-D or I-ON. Only one building produced a fenestrated stand, but it was not from a closed deposit.

Food preparation occurred in some of the buildings, to judge from the one or two lekanai found in J1 and K3-K4. Building Complex J-K is also notable for the quantity of cooking pottery: one to 13 cooking vessels in each house for a total of 25, including 12 dishes, seven tripods, and 16 cooking pots. Particularly notable is the presence of 12 cooking pots in Building J1, the largest number found in any of the buildings at Vronda. This number suggests that this building was being used for large-scale cooking, possibly for the feasts held in Building A-B next door. Storage occurred in all the buildings of this complex. Building J1 had the greatest amount of storage with a particularly large pithos and at least one jar, one pithoid jar, one pitharaki, and an amphora. Of the other three buildings, one (J4) produced a pitharaki but no pithos, while K1-K2 had

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a pithos but no smaller storage vessels, and K3-K4 had a pithos and a coarse stirrup jar. Building Complex J-K produced no kalathoi, no scuttles, no pyxides, or any of the other types of

vessels found in the other building complexes. It did, however, have a thelastron, a rare shape only known from Building E, Room E1.

Building Complex E The two buildings of Building Complex E show similarities with those in the I-O-N complex (Table 37). Of the seven rooms labeled in this complex, two comprised Building E West (E1 and E4), while another three made up Building E East (E2, E3, E7); although E7 was not certainly connected to E3, it is considered here with Building E East. Both Room E5 and E6 were disturbed, and their precise relationship to the rest of the complex is not certain, so their contents are not included in the analysis. Each building produced nine to 10 drinking vessels, of which two were of the stemmed variety suitable for drinking parties or rituals. In each building a krater and several (two to four) jugs were found; E West also has a fine stirrup jar, a fenestrated stand, and a kalathos. Both buildings have scuttles, and a coarse thelastron is part of the Building E West assemblage.

For food preparation, both buildings have one to two basins or lekanai. Cooking ware is present, but is not nearly as plentiful as in Complexes J-K and I-O-N. Each building has several (two to three) tripods and a cooking pot. The inhabitants of E East also used a cooking jar but had no cooking dishes, while those of E West used a cooking dish and a cooking tray. Both of the buildings were equipped with ample storage facilities. E West has 10 pithoi, three pithoid jars, two pitharakia, and two amphorae for liquid storage. Building E East produced seven pithoi, seven pithoid jars (most of them in a single room, E7), two pitharakia, an amphora, and a stirrup jar or jar, for a total of 35 storage vessels in the complex, half of them for large-scale storage. Building Complex E had more storage capacity than any of the other buildings except for Building B.

Building Complex L-M Building Complex L-M was poorly preserved, but it seems to fit into a general pattern established for the rest of the houses (Table 38). There are large numbers of drinking vessels (one to 14), one of the stemmed variety. Kraters are rare, occurring in only one house. Only a single jug was found in one of the houses, and no stirrup jars. Food preparation can be seen in the one to two lekanai found in every house. Cooking pottery is plentiful, and all households used a tripod and three to four other

cooking pots, but only one building (Building L South) produced cooking dishes. Storage was limited. Building L South and Building M each produced a pithos, and Building M also had provision for small-scale storage in two pithoid jars. Aside from a single kalathos found in the cobble floor or below it in Building L South, there are none of the other types of vessels found in the other complexes (scuttles, thelastra, or lids).

Building A-B Finally, Building A-B provides an interesting contrast to the patterns observed above (Table 39). Two features are striking. The first is the large

quantity of drinking vessels in both the lower deposit in B4 and B7 (27) and the later assemblage in B3 and B7 (14), which included the largest number

THE POTTERY

of stemmed vessels found together at the site (11). Although these two groups represent very different types of deposition—the earlier possibly the buried remains of a ritual, the later what was left behind at the time of the abandonment—the similarities between the two suggests a continuity of function throughout the building’s history. That this function was related to drinking and dining is clear, and the presence of the rhyton and kalathoi suggests that ritual may have played a role in what occurred in the building. The lower deposit in Building B, Rooms B4 and B7, is almost entirely related to the consumption of food and drink and to its cooking and serving. In addition to the large number of drinking vessels, at least four kraters

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appeared, along with the largest number (six) of fine decorated stirrup jars found on the site and a quantity of jugs. Also unusual is the number of trays (five), both with plain bottoms and on tripod feet; these probably were used for serving food, perhaps while keeping the contents warm over a fire. Interestingly, there is almost no evidence for storage in this earlier deposit. The later deposit, however, is noteworthy for its great storage capacity (four large pithoi, in addition to the three found by Boyd, which probably belong to the same period as those in B3) and small numbers of vessels for food preparation, including cooking. Clearly, the assemblages from this building mark it out as different from the other houses on the site.

Discussion Based on this analysis of the vessel types by household, we can estimate the typical household assemblage for the Vronda buildings. For food consumption and serving, each household had about 10 drinking vessels, a krater, and one to two jugs; many had a fenestrated stand, a kalathos, or a scuttle, but only four households had pyxides. For food preparation, each household had one to two lekanai, as well as a collection of cooking vessels that included a cooking dish and several (two to six) cooking pots, usually tripods; cooking utensils could also include lids, trays, and rarely jars or jugs. Storage generally included at least

one pithos and two to three vessels for small-scale storage, such as pithoid jars, jars, pitharakia, and amphorae. A few households seem to show slightly different patterns: Building J produced large quantities of both dining and serving vessels and of cooking vessels, possibly used to prepare food for dining in Building A-B. The two households in the Building E complex seem to have had greater provisions for storage than was common. Finally, Building A-B and the Shrine show different patterns, the former with more storage and elite drinking vessels, the latter with primarily ritual equipment (K. Glowacki, pers. comm.).

Pottery Statistics All of the pottery from the Vronda excavations has been saved, with the exception of that recovered in the 1984 cleaning. Because storage space was limited at that time, a large percentage of the coarse nondiagnostic sherds had to be discarded after weighing and counting. Since the coarse ware typology had not yet been established, nor had the ware groups been defined, the statistics for the buildings uncovered in that year are not complete. This situation affects Buildings A (Room A2), C (Rooms C1 and C2), and E (Rooms E1 and E2).

For the other rooms and buildings, all fragments were placed into ware groups based on fabric and function: fine wares (for eating and drinking), pithos wares (for large-scale storage), cooking wares (coarse red wares that showed signs of use in a fire), coarse wares (for small-scale storage and a variety of other functions), and medium-coarse wares. These groups were then weighed and counted for each deposit. The recognizable coarse fabric types represented in each deposit were also recorded, using the typology established for the Kavousi area by

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Haggis and Mook (Haggis and Mook 1993; Mook 2005; Mook and Day 2009) and tested petrographically by Peter Day and colleagues (2005, 2006). An analysis of the ware groups can be helpful in determining the functions of rooms, and the coarse fabric types yield information about diachronic change

and exchange patterns. The information discussed here is based on the charts published in Kavousi IIA (some of them emended) and Kavousi IIB. In all cases, it was decided to use sherd counts rather than weights, as the sherds representing the fabric types were counted but not weighed.

Ware Groups The frequencies of ware groups can provide additional information about the function of rooms of the LM IIIC settlement. They may also reveal changing patterns of room or site function diachronically (Tables 40–45), even when architectural remains are lacking, as is the case with the remains of the earlier use of the site. Such patterns cannot be seen by looking only at the vessels left behind at the time of the abandonment of the site, as these were subject to postdepositional processes. While many of the vessels in use at the time of abandonment may have been removed by the inhabitants or disturbed before the walls and roofs collapsed, the fragments embedded in the floors were not disturbed, and considered together with the abandoned vessels they may give a more accurate picture of the remains of the activities carried on in the rooms over time. For the Prepalatial period, where closed deposits associated with architectural features are lacking, one can only assess the relative amounts of different types of vessels that would indicate what went on at the site (Table 40). The mixed deposits under Building E provide some evidence for the Prepalatial period, as the lower deposits have more identifiable EM pottery than the upper ones. In general, the mixed deposits have 11%–20% fine wares, except for the lower deposit in Room E1, where that figure climbs to 33%. The large number of fine drinking vessels in Vasiliki Ware that make up a high percentage of the fine wares in the deposits with much EM pottery suggests that drinking, possibly in feasting activities, was frequent. The quantity of cooking vessels (average 35%) in the same deposits shows the importance of food preparation. There are few pithos sherds (1%– 5%), and storage must have been in smaller jars in the coarse wares that make up a high percentage of the whole assemblages (average 25%).

The Protopalatial situation seems similar (Table 41). Building P produced a high proportion of fine wares (28%), mostly from cups and spouted jugs, and a large number of medium-coarse wares (23%). As in the mixed EM–MM deposits, there are few pithoi and a high proportion of cooking wares (22%). The rest of the Building P deposit is composed of coarse wares (23%). It would seem that drinking was a major activity of the inhabitants of Building P, which may have served as an administrative center in this period, to judge from the presence of the nodulus. The material from below the floor in Room Q2 contained fewer fine wares (16%), and although there were no pithoi, there is a concomitant increase in the percentage of coarse wares (30%). The proportions of cooking and medium-coarse wares are the same. The MM II material from north of Building E shows some differences, but whether these reflect varying functions for this area or the effects of the mixing of deposits is uncertain. There is less fine ware (6%– 8%) and a far higher proportion of coarse wares (47%–51%), mostly from jars and basins. The cooking and pithos wares are about the same, and there is a slightly smaller percentage of mediumcoarse wares. The material from this area and from Building Q, Room Q2 may represent more ordinary domestic assemblages than those from the specialized Building P. The Neopalatial material looks quite different from that of the Protopalatial period (Table 42). The only closed deposit is that from the pit west of Building A. Here there were two levels that may represent different phases of filling or different deposits that supplied the material to fill in the pit. The lower deposit has fewer fine wares but more cooking and coarse wares than the upper, but they are not chronologically distinct. The upper is notable for the high percentage (54%) of fine wares

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and the paucity of cooking wares (8%). Neither deposit has many pithoi. The other deposits that are chiefly of MM IIIB–LM IA date include those from Rooms B6 and E1. The E1 intermediate deposit is notable for the quantity of cooking wares (66%) and scarcity of fine wares (7%). In general, the Neopalatial deposits are characterized by their large quantities of cooking pottery and coarse or medium-coarse conical cups. More information can be gained about room and building function in the LM IIIC settlement. Here it is useful to distinguish three groups of rooms based on architectural features. First are the rooms with cooking installations (Table 43), which are usually the largest rooms in their buildings; these have hearths and sometimes these also have ovens or other built features such as benches or platforms. The other rooms that had some deposition of roofing material comprise the second group (Table 44). The third group is made up of areas that had no trace of roofing material and may have been open courtyards (Table 45). In the case of rooms, it is best to consider the material that came from the floors or was recovered from the roofing material just above the floors; such deposits are more likely to represent material in use in the room than the deposits of wall tumble or wash. Because courtyards generally had only a thin deposit of topsoil over the surfaces, they are not as reliable indicators of function as the deposits from within the rooms, and little can be said about them. In general, one can make a few assumptions from these statistics. Eating and dining probably occurred in rooms with large amounts of fine ware. Rooms with larger quantities of cooking wares may have been used for cooking, and this is especially clear if the cooking pottery was accompanied by built features like ovens and hearths. Rooms with large numbers of pithos fragments probably served as large-scale storage facilities, although additional functions are possible. The coarse wares could have been used for a variety of domestic needs, such as small-scale storage of food (jars, pithoid jars, pitharakia) or liquids (coarse stirrup jars, amphorae), food preparation (lekanai), transportation, storage or pouring of water (jugs), as well as some specialized functions (kalathoi, scuttles, fenestrated stands). Medium-coarse wares, however, do not seem to give any indication of function, except that a greater percentage was found in rooms that also

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had a large quantity of fine wares. They may be an indication of wealth or status, with the inhabitants showing that even their coarse wares were of higher quality than those of other houses. The rooms with cooking installations seem to contain a wide variety of ceramic types, perhaps reflecting the varied use of such rooms. In general, rooms with cooking installations have a slightly higher percentage of fine wares (32%) than other types of rooms (27%). Particularly large quantities of fine wares (nearly 50%) were found in Rooms E2 and O3, as well as room I1, open areas B8, J5, K3, and the southern part of the I Courtyard, Area 1. Lower percentages (16% or less) were found in Rooms B3, the B7 pithos layer, D2, I5, K1, L1, L2/3, L3, N2, and N5. In at least three of these cases (B3, B7, D2), the majority of the pottery comes from pithoi, suggesting that they were primarily storage rooms with only small quantities of other types of wares; as the fragments in D2 could not be joined into whole vessels, this room may not have been for storage. Rooms K1 and N5 have a high percentage of cooking wares, suggesting that more food preparation went on in those rooms than food consumption. Pithoi occur in nearly all rooms. Rooms with cooking installations on average have 7.4% pithos wares, indicating some large-scale storage occurred in them. For other rooms, the average percentage of pithoi is 18%, but when the three rooms that were almost entirely for storage are taken out of the equation, that number drops to 9.7%, still larger than in rooms with cooking installations, but not larger by as much. Courtyards in general have small numbers of pithoi, and it is likely that there was little or no storage in these open areas, with the exception of Room K2. Cooking wares were found in all the rooms, and one would expect larger quantities of cooking wares in rooms with cooking installations. In fact, cooking wares comprise an average of 26% of the wares in rooms with cooking installations and 22% in the other rooms. These statistics suggest that cooking wares were in use in the hearth rooms, but that they were also kept in other rooms and brought to and from the hearths when needed. A good example is Room I3 in Building I, which has both a hearth and an oven but very small amounts of cooking pottery (8%). The antechamber I4, however, produced 31% cooking wares, suggesting that cooking pots were kept there, as well as in Room I5, which although

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used primarily for storage, also contains a large quantity (29%) of cooking wares. Other rooms with much cooking ware may also have served to store cooking pots when they were not in use: the area designated B8 for Building B or (more likely) Building E, Rooms J2 and J3 for Building J, Room L3 for Building L North, and Room O1 for Building O. In the last case the high percentage of cooking wares (44%) may also be related to the earlier use of the room for cooking, as indicated by the hearth over which a bench was constructed in its last phase. Surprisingly, a few of the rooms with cooking installations are deficient in cooking wares; Rooms C2, D1, and I3 produced 10% or less cooking ware, and the pottery used on their hearths must have been stored elsewhere or taken with the inhabitants when they left. Only a few other rooms are low in cooking wares: B3, D2, E7 floor, I1, and N2. Cooking pots were apparently not kept in the magazines of Building B and the possible storeroom of Building D. In Building I cooking pots were stored in rooms other than the room with cooking installations. Building N1-N2 in general produced very little cooking ware. Courtyards also have a smaller percentage of cooking wares (average of 21%); perhaps some cooking occurred outside, but there were no traces of hearths. Coarse wares include the small-scale storage jars, pottery for food preparation, and other utilitarian vessels. In general, the rooms with cooking installations have a larger percentage of coarse wares (24%) than the other rooms (22%). Interestingly, the courtyard areas have 27% coarse wares, perhaps reflecting their use for small-scale storage and food preparation, rather than for large-scale storage, cooking, or dining. Rooms with a particularly high concentration of coarse wares include C2, C4, E7, L1, L2/3, and I2. Room E7 has a large

number of pithoid jars and other small-scale storage vessels (stirrup jar, amphora, pitharaki), as well as lekanai for food preparation. This seems to represent an assemblage for a specialized function, like washing or dyeing. The deposit in L2/3 produced a jar, an amphora, and a pitharaki for smallscale storage, along with a good deal of cooking ware. All of the rooms of Building B have small quantities of coarse wares, including both the early and later LM IIIC deposits. The rooms of Building J also have smaller quantities of coarse wares, in part because of their higher concentration of fine and cooking wares. Medium-coarse wares are difficult to interpret. Rooms with cooking installations have fewer medium-coarse wares (7.1%) than other rooms (7.4%) and far fewer than open courtyards (11.2%), and perhaps these fabrics should be considered with the fine wares used for serving and consuming food, possibly having been used more on a daily basis than the more costly fine wares. It is clear from this analysis that while most of the buildings show similarities in ware groups, Building B represents an anomaly in the ceramic record at Vronda, as in other features. The early LM IIIC deposits in B4 and B7, for example, have almost twice as much fine ware (73%–79%) as is usual in other rooms (Table 44). These deposits do not, however, represent normal household debris, but rather refuse (Day and Snyder 2004, 67–71), probably the remains of a ritual, similar to the pits found at Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2001), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005), and possibly Smari (Tsoukala and HatziVallianou 2000, 399). Rooms B1/2 and B3, as well as the upper deposit in B7, are also unusual in their percentage of pithoi and their use almost exclusively for storage.

Fabric Types The fabric types are helpful in understanding exchange patterns in LM IIIC Vronda, for some are made locally, while others seem to be imported, although not apparently from far away. Fabric types can also be an indicator of date, because certain fabric types in the Kavousi area are limited to specific periods (Tables 46–48). Type II/

VI, for example, is found in EM and MM contexts but is rare in MM IIIB–LM IA deposits and does not appear at all in LM IIIC, except as sherds that were in the soil (referred to here as “background noise”). The following analysis looks at patterns across the site, both diachronically and for the LM IIIC settlement.

THE POTTERY

Fabric Types as Chronological Indicators Fabric types are good chronological indicators at Vronda, as certain distinctive coarse fabric types belong to specific periods. Early Minoan–MM II deposits contain large quantities of cooking and coarse wares in the granodiorite fabric identified as Type II/VI (Tables 46, 47). This fabric type was found in nearly every deposit at Vronda, including the floor deposits of the LM IIIC buildings (see Tables 49 and 50, below), where the amounts are small (generally 1%–5% of the recognizable fabrics), unless the building rested on a fill of earlier material (e.g., D4, E2, I3) or an earlier building (B7 lower), when the percentage rises to 10%–15%. In the MM II deposits in Building P and mixed EM and MM deposits in Building E (Rooms E1, E2, E3, and the courtyard) and north of Building E, Type II/VI makes up 33%–93% of the total of recognizable coarse fabrics, for an average of 56%. In MM IIIB–LM IA deposits in the pit west of Building A, in B6, and in the intermediate deposit recovered in Building E, Room E1, however, this type averages 14% (Table 48). The presence of this fabric type is therefore a good indicator of EM–MM deposits, although it is not possible to tell how this percentage changed from EM to MM because of the lack of pure EM deposits. For the MM II deposit in Building P, Type II/VI accounts for 43% of the total (Table 47). In the area north of Building E, the lower deposit of mixed EM–MM has 93% of this type, while in the upper deposit, which was mostly MM II, the percentage is 33%, a fact that suggests the EM levels have a greater quantity of II/VI than do those of MM II. Another early fabric is Type III, a granodiorite fabric from the western isthmus area that was used in a rich variety of basins, jars, jugs, and pithoi. Type III appears to belong to the MM period (Tables 46, 47). Vessels of this type account for 23% of the recognizable coarse fabrics from Building P, and in the lower deposits in general this type forms 12%–71%, with an average of nearly 28% of the total. In general, the lower deposits with larger quantities of EM wares have less pottery of Type III: the lower Building E courtyard deposit has only 12% (in comparison to the upper deposit, which has 24%), while the lower deposit north

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of Building E has in its lower deposit only 6% (in comparison to the 60% in the upper deposit). It would appear, then, that Type III was primarily a Protopalatial fabric. Most of the Neopalatial deposits have very little Type III (3%–6%; Table 48). As with Type II/VI, Type III appears in LM IIIC deposits, where the percentage ranges from 0.2% to 28% for an average of 4.83%. Two rooms in Building E East (E2 and E7), however, have much larger quantities of Type III fabric, perhaps because their floors rested directly on the earlier fill, and part of the fill may have been collected with the floor deposit; if one discounts those two deposits, the percentage drops to 3.66%. It would seem, then, that background noise for Type III in LM IIIC deposits at Vronda is generally 2%–3%, with slightly more in the Neopalatial deposits (3%–6%). For MM IIIB–LM IA, nearly all of the coarse and cooking vessels were made in phyllite fabrics (Types I, IV, and XXVI; Table 48). Type IV constitutes an average of 55% of the coarse fabrics in the Neopalatial deposits. Another 10% is made up of Type XXVI, which is similar to IV and petrographically identical, and 12% consists of Type I, a darker phyllite fabric that is limited almost exclusively to this period. A number of fabrics are typical of LM IIIC, including Types X/XI, XIII, XV, XVI, XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV, and XXVII. Comprising an average of 45% overall for the roofing to floor deposits at Vronda, the most common LM IIIC fabric is Type IV (Tables 49, 50). Because it was also found in earlier periods (Prepalatial, Protopalatial, and Neopalatial), Type IV is not a good chronological indicator, although the percentage of Type IV in individual assemblages may differ diachronically (e.g., 9% in mixed EM–MM deposits, 13% in MM II deposits, 54% in MM IIIB–LM IA deposits). It was chiefly used for cooking pottery, but vessels like kalathoi, scuttles, jars, and even pithoi often occur in Type IV. Next in popularity was Type X/ XI, another phyllite fabric that on average constitutes 29% of the roofing to floor deposits and was primarily used for storage vessels and other utilitarian shapes. Other fabrics are less common: XXV (3.5%), XIII (3%), XXII (1.5%), XV (1.5%), XVI (1%), XXVI (1.5%), and XXIV (0.5%). Even in closed LM IIIC roofing to floor deposits the rest consists of earlier Types II/VI (6%) and III (5%).

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Fabric Types as Indicators of Exchange Fabric types can also provide information on exchange patterns, both diachronically and for the LM IIIC settlement. For the Prepalatial period, Type II/VI was the most widely used coarse fabric at Vronda, and this granodiorite fabric was certainly not local, coming instead from the western isthmus area (Mook 2005, 169–170; Nodarou and Moody 2014). While there is evidence that the Kavousi area participated in the intensive network of exchange that characterized the EM period (Haggis 2005, 64), Vronda shows contact primarily with the area of the western isthmus, and there is little to suggest exchange with centers outside the area. For the Protopalatial period, the prevalence of both Types II/VI and III from the western isthmus indicates increased exchange with that area. In MM IIIB–LM IA a major change occurred in the coarse pottery fabrics. This period shows a marked decrease in granodiorite pottery, and the majority of cooking vessels are in fabrics of the phyllite-quartzite series from the area around Kavousi and to the east (Types I, IV, and XXVI; Table 48). It would appear that a more local production center or one to the east supplied pottery to Vronda in this period, rather than one in the western isthmus. A number of fabrics found in the LM IIIC settlement seem not to have been locally made and provide evidence for exchange (Tables 49, 50). While the most common fabrics (Types IV and X/XI) may have been produced locally, possibly by potters who used the Vronda kiln, others seem to have come from elsewhere. Two cooking fabrics were found in small numbers: Type XVI is a distinctive phyllite fabric with a great deal of silver mica and Type XXV is a granodiorite fabric. The micaceous cooking fabric has been identified petrographically as coming from east of Kavousi (Day et al. 2006, 156–157), while Type XXV was from the western isthmus (Day et al. 2006, 157). Type XXII is another granodiorite fabric from the same area, and it was used for storage vessels and other domestic equipment. Other fabrics are in the phyllitequartzite series and may have come from one of

the other LM IIIC settlements at Kavousi (Kastro and Azoria) or on the isthmus, like Chalasmenos or Vasiliki Kephala or even from farther east. The variety of fabrics suggests a complex pattern of interaction with the other sites in eastern Crete, but little contact outside this area. Two fabrics may be from outside the immediate area: a light green phyllite fabric used for at least one amphora and Type XXVII, another phyllite fabric that occurred in stirrup jars. This pattern suggests possible trade of liquids (wine or oil) beyond the immediate area. The percentage of imported fabrics is not spread evenly around the settlement, and this is particularly clear in the cooking fabrics. A look at Tables 49 and 50 shows that Building Complex I-O-N has a greater percentage of imported cooking fabrics than any other building. Micaceous Type XVI comprises 19% of the fabrics in Building I, Room I3 and 7% of the fabrics in O2, a far higher proportion than is seen in any of the other rooms of the settlement. Type XXV is particularly frequent in Building O: 52% in O1, 12% in O2, and 10% in O3. The other granodiorite fabric, Type XXII, was also found in greater numbers in Building Complex I-O-N, with 7% in O2, 12% in N2, 22% in N3, and 9% in N5. It is difficult to know how to interpret these figures. The apparent pattern may be random, or it may be due to the fact that Building Complex I-O-N is the best preserved on the site and has apparently the most complete assemblages. It is difficult to believe that the imported fabrics would have been selectively removed from the other buildings, however. It is possible that the corporate group inhabiting I-O-N, perhaps a class or kinship group slightly different from those who held Building A-B or the other houses on the summit, had more extensive trade with the outside. It is also possible that these items were not traded in a purely economic fashion but came to the settlement through other forms of exchange, such as gift exchange or marriage. It is possible, though not provable, that the families of I-O-N married women from outside the community, women who may have brought with them their own cooking and serving pottery from their own villages or who may have kept up contact and exchange with their former homes.

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Pottery Distribution Patterns and Daily Activities What does a look at the wares and fabric types from the LM IIIC Vronda settlement add to our understanding of the patterns of daily activities when taken together with the information about room assemblages? First of all, as already noted, there is a similarity among all of the buildings at Vronda throughout LM IIIC in terms of their ceramic assemblages, with two exceptions: Building A-B and the Shrine. These differences indicate a variance in functions for these two buildings that can also be seen in their architecture and in the other finds. The rooms of Building B are also unusual because in their last phase they seem to have been used exclusively for storage, with little evidence for cooking. The fine kylikes, the rhyton, and the coarse kalathoi found in Room B3 may have been stored there for use in drinking rituals held in other rooms of the building. The Shrine contained mostly ritual equipment (K. Glowacki, pers. comm.). The other buildings, however, are remarkably uniform. The rooms with cooking installations show the greatest variety of pottery types, both in ware groups and in actual vessels. The hearth could be used not only for cooking, but also for light at night and warmth in the cold months, and it served as a focus for daily activities that included also dining and storage. For consumption, stemmed cups were more common in Buildings E East, E West, and J, and their absence in Building Complex I-O-N may reflect social or political differences for the inhabitants of I-O-N. Other serving vessels were regularly found, and each household seems to have had at least one krater. The fenestrated stands that appeared in a number of rooms possibly were used to support bowls, kalathoi, or kraters and keep them up off the floor. Pouring vessels were also common and included numerous jugs and occasional stirrup jars. A few specialized shapes like tankards, pyxides, scuttles, thelastra, and lids appeared less regularly. Basic household cooking equipment consisted of two to six cooking pots, one or more dishes, and, less commonly, cooking lids, jugs, and trays; each household also had at least one or two lekanai for food preparation and/or other tasks. The greatest

variety of cooking ware, both in terms of shapes and fabrics, occurred in Building Complex I-ON, but whether this reflects a social difference or circumstances of preservation is not clear. Cooking equipment was usually found in rooms with cooking installations but also occurred in other rooms where the vessels may have been kept when not in use. This pattern was particularly clear in the rooms of Building J. The area labeled Room B8 also produced an unusually high percentage of cooking fabrics, suggesting that the area may have functioned for food preparation, even though no hearth was found. Although the room was initially thought to be part of Building B, its location and elevation indicate that this area should be taken as part of Building E to its south or Building Q to the north. Given the apparent paucity of cooking wares from Building E West, it is possible that the exterior area to its north in B8 was used as a service area to store or cook food for that building. Storage occurred in nearly every room, whether in small storage jars or pithoi, often both. Occasionally a building produced a larger quantity of storage vessels, as was the case with the Building E Complex. Both Rooms E1 and E2 produced large numbers of pithoi, but these actually made up a small percentage of the total assemblages (17% for E1, 4% for E2). The amount of storage estimated for a household from the preserved pithoi and storage jars, however, may not have been sufficient for a single household for a year. Christakis (1999, 12) has estimated the amount of storage necessary for a family of 5–6 individuals at 800–1,200 liters, based on a hypothetical diet of cereals, vegetables, pulses, oil, wine, and meat. Estimates of the storage capacity of the three pithoi found in Building I, however, total only a little more than 300 liters (Glowacki et al. 2011; see App. C). While the inhabitants of Building I could have taken some of their storage vessels with them when they abandoned the structure, it is also possible that their domestic storage strategy did not include a surplus that would last an entire year. On the other hand, Building A-B had far more storage capacity than an ordinary household would need. The three large pithoi from Room B3 and the very large one from

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B7 held more than 2,000 liters, and we can estimate perhaps 1,000–2,000 liters more, depending on the size of the pithoi recovered but discarded by Boyd. This situation may indicate that Building

A-B supplied some of the needs of the inhabitants, a fact that may reflect the social and political structure of the settlement (see below, Ch. 8).

3

The Terracotta Figurines Geraldine C. Gesell

Ten animal figurines came from the excavation in and around the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda. Seven (C4 F1, C5 F1, C5 F2, D1 F1–D1 F3, K1 F1) were found in areas on the summit (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 87–90, 91–94, 94–101, 146–148). The eighth and ninth (F F1, VN F1) are from contexts on the slopes or periphery (Day and Glowacki 2012, 49, 50, 175–176). The tenth figurine (GS F1) comes from the area of the Shrine, which will be published in a separate volume; because GS F1 is a small bovine of the same type found elsewhere in the settlement, however, it seemed best to include it in the general discussion here. For quick comparison, tables are provided for all of the Vronda figurines and major comparanda (Tables 51–57). These show the measurements and features separately for bovines and horses and jointly for their painted decoration and dates.

In the tables, the catalog number for the Vronda figurines is that used in this publication; for figurines from Patsos, Hagia Triada, and Vrokastro, the Herakleion Museum number is used, if one exists. For the two Vrokastro figurines that have no Herakleion Museum numbers, the one in the University Museum is given that museum number, while the other is referred to by its catalog number in the publication by Hayden (1991). The number for the Chania figurine is that given in Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000. The table of dates (Table 57) gives both the Museum catalog numbers and the catalog numbers in the Patsos (Kourou and Karetsou 1994), Hagia Triada (D’Agata 1999b), and Vrokastro (Hayden 1991) publications. In the features columns of Tables 51–56, dashes indicate that the area concerned is missing or not described in the publication or visible in the illustrations. I

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have personally examined the figurines for which there are drawings or photographs. For the others I have had to rely on published descriptions and illustrations. An earlier preliminary study of some of this material has been published (Gesell 2011). Three of the animals from the Vronda settlement could be identified as horses and three as bovines, but not specifically as bulls. The rest, which are too fragmentary for specific identification, are

probably bovines also. All the figurines are single, freestanding animals, except one horse, which must have been part of a pair, probably a chariot group. Three figurines, one bovine and two horses, were found close to each other in Room D1, two on the platform and the third next to it (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 94–98, 101; see also Ch. 1, pp. 18–19); these were almost certainly used together. They are the most complete figurines from the site.

Bovine Figurines Measurements and features of the heads and bodies of the bovine figurines are summarized in Tables 51–53. The heads are preserved on three bovine figurines (D1 F1, GS F1, and C4 F1). Although these all show standard bovine features, some of their details differ. The position of the head varies. Example D1 F1 (Fig. 62; Pl. 18) tips its muzzle down and cocks its head toward the left; GS F1 (Fig. 62; Pl. 18) holds its head high and cocks it toward the right; C4 F1 (Fig. 63; Pl. 18) stretches its neck and head forward. Bovine GS F1 has a clearly pinched dewlap, but the surface of C4 F1 is so damaged that its dewlap can barely be seen. Bovine D1 F1 has no visible dewlap, but there is a painted line, apparently depicting a strap, pulling its neck taut. All three bovines once had horns. The shape of the horns is completely preserved on D1 F1. They curve out at the level of the top of the head, forward and upward, but they are not symmetrical, for the left horn extends farther outward than the right. The top of the head of the second (GS F1) rises higher than the base of the horns; the surviving horn stub indicates that the horns curved forward and up as on D1 F1. The horns of bovine C4 F1 are missing, but there is a scar in the appropriate place on the left side of its head, and the badly damaged surface on the right side could explain the lack of a scar there. The partially preserved ears on D1 F1 and GS F1 were added on either side slightly behind and under the horns; how the ear fits in relation to the horn of C4 F1 is not clear, but its position under the horn is certain. The facial features differ as well. The eyes on D1 F1 are tiny bits of clay, while those on GS F1 are indicated by circular holes. The nostrils of D1 F1

and GS F1 were pierced and the mouths incised. The muzzles of these two as well as that of C4 F1 are round in section, but the fragmentary muzzle F F1 (Fig. 63; Pl. 19) is triangular. This figurine also has pierced nostrils and an incised mouth. The surface of C4 F1 is so poorly preserved that its facial features, if there were any, have not survived. The mouths and nostrils of the other three are on a slant. The bovine bodies are slightly oval in section, with the longer diameter from spine to belly, except that of GS F1, which is circular in section. The legs are preserved on only one bovine figurine (D1 F1). These are slightly oval in section and modeled at the feet to indicate hooves. A painted line covers the hooves. One separate leg (K1 F1; Fig. 63; Pl. 19), also oval in section, has no modeling to indicate the hoof, but a small area of paint was probably part of a line depicting it. The bottom of the foot is flattened, providing the stance of the leg. The preserved tail on D1 F1 stands away from the body and curls downward and inward, with its tip resting on the back right leg. The fragmentary C5 F1 (Fig. 63; Pl. 19) has a partly preserved tail curling on its back. The bodies of D1 F1 and GS F1 were pierced from the back. It is clear from its position on D1 F1 that the hole indicates the anus. There is a second pierced hole at the top of the dewlap of GS F1. The hole in C5 F1 must also have been pierced from the front, as it does not continue through the body to the break in back. There is no evidence of piercing in the fragmentary body of C5 F2 (Fig. 63; Pl. 19), but all that remains is the front part of the body narrowing to the neck and the stub of the left front leg. No genitals are indicated on any of the Vronda bovine figurines.

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Horse Figurines Measurements and features of the heads and bodies of the horse figurines are summarized in Tables 54 and 55. At first glance, the two horse figurines, D1 F2 (Fig. 63; Pl. 19) and D1 F3 (Fig. 64; Pl. 20), are quite similar. They are close in size and pose but differ in their details. The angle of their necks and the cocking of the head to the left are similar, but the neck of D1 F3 is much thicker and its muzzle is thinner. Both have manes. The location of the ears behind the eyes on D1 F3 and below the beginning of the mane on both is clear. The one remaining ear on D1 F3 rises higher than the mane. There are tiny pierced eyes on D1 F3, but there are no indications of eyes on the head of D1 F2. Each of the horses has pierced nostrils and an incised mouth. The bodies of these horses vary in section. The body of D1 F2 is slightly oval in section, while the body of D1 F3, flatter on its sides, is more like a rounded rectangle. The legs are cylindrical and the feet are flat on both. The hooves of D1 F2 were modeled on the right feet only; the back hoof can be clearly seen in the drawing, but the front hoof is visible only in the photo taken from the front. There is no modeled indication of hooves on D1 F3, but it is possible that they were painted. The legs of D1 F2 are thicker and parallel, while the left legs of D1 F3 are slightly forward of the right. Neither tail is preserved beyond the stub, which stands out from the body and turns down. Neither

horse has a pierced hole under its tail, but D1 F2 has a tiny tool mark there. As with the bovines, no genitals are indicated. The third horse figurine (VN F1; Fig. 64; Pl. 20) is very different from horses D1 F2 and D1 F3. Since only one large fragment and two nonjoining leg fragments have survived, there is not much evidence for its appearance, but crucial details remain. The estimated diameter of its body is close to those of the other two horses, but its chest and neck are upright, and, like bovines D1 F1 and GS F1, its body was pierced, from the back. The stub of a crossbar that would have joined it to another horse remains above the right leg, indicating that it was the left of a pair, probably belonging to a chariot group. There is no similar scar on the left side, which would have suggested a rider instead of a chariot group. Traces of paint on the front of the chest fit with the crossbar interpretation, for, if continued, they would go across the crossbar as on a chariot figurine from the Phylakopi shrine (SF 1558; French 1985, 253, fig. 6:25, pl. 44:a). Although the horses pulling the Vronda chariot would have had a more naturalistic Minoan appearance than the flattened Mycenaean type horses from Phylakopi, the upright position of the horse’s head and the evidence for the crossbar suggest that the pose of the group may have looked somewhat like the imported Mycenaean chariot figurine found at Phylakopi.

Technology All the animal figurines are handmade from standard clays used in the pottery found on the site. Three are fine ware (C5 F2, F F1, VN F1). The remaining seven are coarse ware; two of these (C4 F1, C5 F1) were made from standard Type IV cooking ware, and five (D1 F1, D1 F2, D1 F3, GS F1, K1 F1) from the same Type X/XI fabric used in a variety of vessels (Mook and Day 2009). Part of the surface slip survives on eight of the figurines, and five show at least traces of paint.

The construction technique for the figurines is similar but differs in details, and no two are exactly alike. All the preserved bodies were shaped from coils of clay. The necks, heads, legs, and tails were rolled separately, modeled to their basic shape, and added to the body. Then the details were added and shaped: horns and ears by modeling, manes and dewlaps by pinching. Tiny bits of clay were added for the eyes on bovine D1 F1, while those on bovine GS F1 and horse D1 F3 were pierced with a

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thin, round tool. Nostrils also were pierced with a thin, round tool, but the mouth was incised with a blunt, flat tool. It is interesting that many of these details were carelessly done or even left undone, as in the case of the missing eyes of horse D1 F2. The nostrils and mouths often do not fit the muzzle shape, nor are they necessarily parallel, for example on GS F1 and F F1. Four bodies were pierced with a larger round tool, probably to aid in the drying and firing process. The body of bovine D1 F1 was pierced from the back under the tail, producing a hole that gives the natural appearance of an anus. It is very likely that the body of the bovine GS F1

was also pierced from the back under the tail; it has a second smaller pierced hole on the dewlap just at the top of the neck, but the two holes do not connect. Figurine C5 F1, however, must have been pierced from the front, as the hole does not continue through to the back. Although neither of the freestanding horses was pierced, the chariot horse, VN F1, was pierced almost the entire length of its body from the back. There is a tiny hole under the tail of D1 F2, but it is so small that it was probably just an indentation formed by the tool used in attaching the tail.

Painted Decoration The surfaces are so worn that it is difficult to make out the full pattern of the painted decoration, if any, on these figurines, but part of the pattern can be traced on several (Table 56). The best-preserved pattern is on the bovine D1 F1. Black paint outlines the horns and covers the face like a mask, leaving the eyes visible and functioning. It continues around the muzzle forming the nosepiece of a halter. There are two cheek straps, one on each side of the nosepiece, joining the halter to the lines on the horns. An earlier plastic example of this on which a double cheek strap goes from the nosepiece of the halter to the ear may be seen in the case of Pseira clay bull rhyton HM 5412, dated to LM IB (the lighting on the face of the bull in Guggisberg 1996, pl. 36:6, shows this detail clearly; it is less clear in Marinatos and Hirmer 1960, pl. 90 above, and not visible in Koehl 2006, pl. 3:24; there is a drawing in Betancourt and Banou 1999, fig. 15:BQ 6, where the lines are interpreted as jaw lines). On the right side of the head of the Vronda bovine, where the preservation is better, one can see a junction point of three lines where two other lines meet the line depicting the halter strap. This is just below the horn and ear. The top line is the continuation of the above described halter strap. The middle line represents a strap leading to the line running back from the horn along the side of the spine. The third line is a strap connecting the halter to the neck strap and blanket. On the left side of the head the straps are arranged differently. There is a junction

point for only two straps. The higher one is the cheek piece of the halter joining the nosepiece to the horns; the lower one is the strap joining the halter to the neck strap and the blanket. Lower down and visible on both sides of the animal’s neck is the neck strap, which is tight enough across the front of the neck to pull in the dewlap. It may have served to hold the blanket snug around the animal’s neck. Below this on both sides of the animal are lines of paint running down each leg, two on the front and one on the back, joining a line that covers the front of the hoof. The lines covering the hooves may have been painted to define them, but what the leg lines represent is unclear, possibly straps to hold down the blanket or a covering for the leg. However, it is difficult to see how these would work. The decoration along the sides of the animal is badly preserved. What can be seen is a curvilinear line on each side attached to two straps in front, on the right side the neck strap and the strap connecting with the halter, and on the left side the neck strap and the halter. This may be the bottom line of a blanket over the animal’s back. There are also traces of several lines on the left haunch, as well as other spots that, because they have no edges, have been left off the drawing. These must have been part of a design on the blanket, the rest of which is no longer visible. One line is visible along the left edge of the underbelly. No similar line is visible on the right side now, but it is likely that one once existed. At the back there is a line of paint outlining the

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back of the legs and rump as well as a second line on the right leg and a line running down the top of the tail. It is hard to find a practical use for these, but the rump lines may mark the end of the blanket and the others may be decorations defining parts of the animal. Not all lines are visible in the illustrations due to the curvature of the body of the animal. The single bovine leg (K1 F1) has a line of red paint running down the leg toward a spot of paint at the foot. The latter may be part of a line defining the hoof like that on D1 F1. In contrast to the previous examples, horse D1 F2 is almost totally covered with red paint. Only the mane, one area on the right side of the neck, and the area under the body from the muzzle to the beginning of the tail, including the inside of the legs, were left unpainted. It is likely that the unpainted area continued to the inside of the tip of the no longer extant tail like that on bovine D1

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F1. Although the drawing does not show paint on the left side of the muzzle, this may have worn off. Paint is also likely to have covered the upper body and head of the second horse, D1 F3, for there are traces of red paint on the ear and top of the head. Since the borders are not visible now and no pattern could be suggested, it was decided not to indicate the traces on the drawing. No traces of paint, however, are found in the area under the body and on the interior of the legs, so it is likely that this area was left unpainted as on horse D1 F2. The paint may represent a blanket over each horse. Horse VN F1, which had once been the left horse of a pair, has traces of paint across its chest, most likely representing a harness, and lines of paint going down its legs. The paint on the chest is at the right level to have continued across the cross bar. Some other traces survive, as indicated on the drawing.

Comparanda There is a lack of secure comparanda for the Vronda figurines. Most clay animal figurines have been found in or attributed to peak sanctuaries, sacred caves, or other outdoor public sanctuaries, but few dated to LM IIIC have been published, partly due to the initial lack of interest throughout most of the 20th century in the plain, superficially undistinguished, mostly bovine figurines (see Muhly 2008b, 3 n. 16), and partly because few sites of the period had been explored. In more recent years there have been several new studies made of material from these outdoor public sanctuaries, but most of these studies have concentrated on the larger, decorated finds, especially in respect to the figurines. This situation was caused by the need to date by style of decoration, as either no record of stratigraphy exists or their contexts are so mixed that there was in fact no stratigraphy (Muhly 2008b, 4, 6). Most of these figurines are of hollow construction, the majority wheelmade (Guggisberg 1996, 135–188, pls. 35–49), and they are thought to be a new category of offering influenced by the Mycenaeans beginning in this period (Prent 2005, 184), or, as Muhly has recently argued, they are a reappearance of the earlier Minoan hollow bulls,

examples of which are the Pseira bull rhyta of LM I date (Muhly 2008a, 171). All of the figurines from the Vronda settlement, however, are solid. The few solid figurines dated to LM IIIC from the Dictaean Cave (Boardman 1961, 61–63, pl. 21; Watrous 1996, 42, 53, pl. 26:a) and the Juktas Peak Sanctuary (Karetsou 1975, 339–340, pls. 267:4, 268:2; dated by Guggisberg [1996, 152] to LM IIIC–SM) do not resemble the Vronda figurines and so will not be discussed here. The solid figurines from Kato Symi do not come from securely dated contexts (Muhly 2008b, 1), but nearly all can be reasonably connected with the Geometric–Archaic altar, and there is “very little that can be dated earlier than eighth century or later than the middle of the seventh” (Muhly 2008b, 8). None is dated to LM IIIC or resembles the Vronda figurines. The figurines from the Kommos sanctuary are not contemporary either. The closest in date, those from Temples A and B, are too late, although they may have one or two similar features (Shaw 2000, 135– 142, pls. 3.7–3.11, 3.20–3.26); those from the Minoan settlement are too early, although again, some of their features are similar (Shaw 1996, 282, 286, 290, 299–301, pls. 4.38–4.40).

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The figurines closest in shape and decoration to the Vronda figurines come from Hagia Triada and the open-air sanctuary connected to the Patsos Cave. The figurines from Hagia Triada, although found early in the 20th century, were not entered into the Herakleion Museum catalog until 1980, and information that might have been known at the time of excavation was lost in the intervening years. The result is that the figurines have no secure provenience on the site, but they may be from the Piazzale dei Sacelli area (D’Agata 1999b, 11– 14). All the animals, both wheelmade and handmade, identified as coming from the sanctuary at the Patsos Cave, were given to the Herakleion Museum by Theodore Triphyllis. These have no stratified context (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 81), but they have been dated by decoration and fabric category. Although Muhly has pointed out that some figurines dated to LM IIIC–SM from both sanctuaries are probably later than the published dates, the figurines discussed here have features similar to those from LM IIIC Vronda. The comparanda from LM IIIC settlement sites are also problematic. Few animal figurines from these sites have been published, and detailed information is lacking. Karphi is the largest excavated LM IIIC settlement, but the situation there is complicated. Animal figurines were found in the MM Peak Sanctuary just above the settlement, in the houses of the settlement itself, in the Temple, in the Vitzelovrysis Spring and Sanctuary above the Ta Mnemata tombs, and in the tombs themselves (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937– 1938). Many of the animal figurines, for example, which were found in the Northern and Southern Shelters and possibly Road K 101, may have been washed down from the Peak Sanctuary (Day 2009, 146). Most of the animal figurines found in the settlement were in poor shape and not illustrated in the excavation report. The few published animal figurines are not well documented by today’s standards; no measured drawings were made and only three, a horse (HM 11058) and two bovine heads,

all hollow, come from the settlement itself and appear in the plates (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, pl. 32:1, 2.516, 4.187). Recent reexamination of the pottery from Karphi has provided clearer evidence for the dating of the settlement and the tombs (Day 2009, 137, 151; 2011c, 332–335). Although the figurines still remain unstudied, two from the Temple have been illustrated (Day 2009, 145, fig. 12.5). There are a few figurines illustrated from other settlements with LM IIIC material: Chalasmenos, Chania, Tylissos, and Vrokastro. Two bovine figurines have been pictured in the preliminary reports of Chalasmenos, a LM IIIC site in the process of publication (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 70–71, pl. 7.2; Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003, 563, 574, fig. 14; Tsipopoulou 2011b, 464–465, 473, fig. 7). At Chania, a multiperiod site, so many of the levels had been disturbed by the large buildings of the later periods that the exact dates and original location of the objects is not always known. This is true of the interesting bovine figurine 70-TC 005 (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 1997a, 156–157; 2000, 124, pls. 93, 109a:8). Tylissos and Vrokastro, excavated in the early 20th century, are also multiperiod sites. Although the figurines from Tylissos and most of the figurines from Vrokastro have no contexts, there is one animal figurine from Tylissos that could be from the LM IIIC town (Kanta 1980, 12–13, fig. 4:2). Those from Vrokastro have been dated stylistically to the PG or G periods (Hayden 1991, 142). Despite the lack of context for many of the figurines, there are some interesting comparisons to be made. The context of the Vronda figurines also provides a new possibility for more secure dating of unstratified figurines elsewhere. A description of first the bovine and then the horse figurines that are comparable in style and date from the sanctuaries and settlements will be followed in the comparison section by a discussion of their similarities to the Vronda examples. Specific features of the figurines can be found on Tables 51–56.

Bovine Figurines Bovine figurines are more common than horse figurines both in sanctuaries and settlements of

the period (Tables 51–53). There are two bovine figurines from the open-air sanctuary in front of

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the Patsos Cave that have features of interest to this discussion (HM 1119, HM 1150; Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 102, nos. 26, 27, pls. 48, 49). These examples have male genitals indicating that they are specifically bulls. Bull HM 1119 (Fig. 65; Pl. 20) lacks its head, the top of its spine, and three legs. The remaining back left leg is short, ending in an incised schematic hoof; the tail curves to the end of the stub of the right back leg. The lower part of a modeled and painted dewlap survives in front. The paint does not appear to represent a harness or a neck strap, both of which would have gone straight across the neck, but it may represent something hanging around the neck. The break cuts off the picture at this point. The painted design on the sides of HM 1119, better preserved on the left side than on the right, depicts a blanket covered with a scale motif covering the animal’s back and sides. The haunches and back legs of the bull are outlined and filled with loops; the front legs are also outlined but filled with a serpentine line. As on Vronda figurine D1 F1, what remains of the paint on the foot is consistent with an outlined hoof. The tail is outlined with three lines, a thick one down the back and a thin one on each side. There is no pierced hole in this bull. Kourou and Karetsou found it difficult to date bull HM 1119 (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 139, 157, 161). Although it was made of the clay they identified as category III, used generally for SM figurines, they felt that this figurine had the spirit of LM IIIC in modeling and decoration. The rare curvilinear decoration and the fabric type led them to place it in the SM period, but they put it in a separate list inserted between LM IIIC and SM on their chronological table (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 157). The other Patsos bull (HM 1150) is slightly larger and proportionately longer (Fig. 65; Pl. 21). Lacking only the tops of its horns, one leg, and the lower half of its tail, its body is better preserved. It has short legs without any indication of hooves and a tail hanging down away from its body. There is a small toolmark under the tail but no piercing. The right foot is slightly ahead of the left. The animal’s neck is taut, showing no dewlap, and on its chest is a vertical incision. Its head is straight and axially aligned. The eyes are indicated with pellets of clay that are rounded and smoothed, and the surviving ear extends up to the base of the horn. Both pierced ear holes, located on the body under the ears, also

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survive. Its muzzle is cylindrical with pierced nostrils and an incised mouth. The paint on HM 1150 has mostly disappeared, but what can be seen has a schematic and linear design. Bull HM 1150, made of category IV clay, is dated to the PG period (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 139, 157, 161), but with the reservation that, although it has the long cylindrical body of PG examples, the short legs and widening at the chest are SM characteristics. On the chronological table it is placed between SM and PG (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 157). Hagia Triada produced, in addition to wheelmade bovines and fantastic creatures, a number of handmade figurines, including five that can be identified as bovines (HM 3142, HM 22389, HM 22392, HM 22394, HM 22465) and three as horses (HM 3122, HM 3123, HM 22506) with features pertinent to the discussion (D’Agata 1997, 1999b). Four of the bovines have male genitalia that identify them specifically as bulls. One of these bulls (HM 3142) is well preserved, lacking only the top part of its horns, the bottom part of its tail, and its front leg (all restored in plaster). The rest are missing all of their legs and most of their tails. Three of these bulls, HM 22392 (Pl. 22; D’Agata 1999b, 58, pl. 26:C1.40), HM 3142 (D’Agata 1999b, 60, pl. 27:C1.53), and HM 22465 (Pl. 23; D’Agata 1999b, 46, 59, pl. 26:C1.43) have complete faces including all of their muzzles. They all have rounded pellet eyes; the eyes of HM 3142 are also pierced. Two (HM 22392 and HM 3142) have pierced nostrils and incised mouths with projecting tongues, the last a feature also found on wheelmade bull’s head HM 3106 (D’Agata 1999b, 42, 51, pl. 17:C1.10), dated to LM IIIC advanced. The third (HM 22465) has no sculpted details on its muzzle. All four of the bulls have some indication of their ears. The complete ears remain on HM 3142. They curve back flat under the horn. Those on HM 22392 are rounded, begin under the horn, and curve up along it. The ears on HM 22465 are added under the horn and pinched out to the side. Those on the fourth bull (HM 22389; Pl. 22; D’Agata 1999b, 59, pl. 26:C1.44) are added behind the horn and lean up against it. The position of the head differs on the bulls. The heads of HM 22392 and HM 3142 are raised, whereas the other two have the head in a forward position. All have pinched dewlaps, and in addition, HM 22392 has an incision at the bottom of its dewlap.

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The spine is indicated in the modeling of the bodies of two bulls, HM 22465 and HM 22392. The added tail begins at the back of the spine and hangs down the body of HM 22465 off center, leaving space for the hole representing the anus. The tails begin at the ends of the bodies of HM 22392, HM 22389, and HM 3142, and there are no holes representing the anus on these. The fifth bovine (HM 22394; Pl. 22; D’Agata 1999b, 59, pl. 26:C1.45) does not have male genitalia and so is not demonstrably a bull. It could be an ox, but the rear of the animal has two pierced holes that could indicate that it is a cow. Unfortunately, its head is mostly missing as well as its legs and tail. The position of the animal’s neck indicates that its head was in the forward position. Its eyes are formed of flattened pellets and its ears are rounded. Its most unusual features are the four marks of attachment, two starting from halfway down on each side. Small crescents of clay remain at the top of three and bottom of the fourth mark as well as some scarred surface. These marks are not exactly opposite each other nor do they appear to join under the body. Perhaps they represent supports for the poles of a wagon, indicating that the animal is a draft animal. The preservation of paint on the Hagia Triada figurines differs greatly. Bovine HM 22392 appears to have been completely covered with paint including its underside. Figure HM 3142 has painted lines along the edges of its body, along the join of the tail, and on the legs, hooves, and the tail, as well as a circle of paint on its forehead. It is possible that the lines on the body are the edges of a blanket. It is not possible to tell from the published picture whether the bull wears a halter. There are traces of paint on HM 22389 and HM 22394, but only HM 22465 has reasonably well-preserved trappings. There is a circular line around the bull’s muzzle indicating a halter with two straps running up the face along the inner sides of the eyes and joining a strap crossing between the horns. This strap may continue around the horns or even cover the non-extant horns. There is also a second strap of the halter running under the muzzle joining the face straps just under the eyes. Thinner lines continue the outline of the eyes. Around the bull’s neck is a broad neck strap crossing the dewlap, which is connected to the second strap of the halter by two straps running under the neck on either side of the dewlap. The alternating groups

of concentric arcs on the sides and the chevrons on the spine may represent decorations on a blanket edged by the neck strap and the lines along the lower edges of the sides; the painted lines on the rear of the bull may represent straps to keep the blanket tight on the animal. The well-preserved painted decoration on the sides of HM 22465 as well as that on several of the wheelmade bulls—that is, HM 3144 and HM 1766 (D’Agata 1999b, 42, 50–51, pls. 15, 31)—displays motifs common on pottery, which can be used to date these figurines. On the basis of its decoration, alternating groups of concentric arcs along its body and a line of chevrons along its spine, HM 22465 has been dated to LM IIIC and the remaining handmade bull figurines, less well-decorated, to LM IIIC–SM (D’Agata 1999b, 46). The wheelmade animals display a variety of datable patterns (D’Agata 1999b, pls. 31–37). There are even fewer bovine figurines from LM IIIC settlements. At Karphi two examples from the Temple have recently been illustrated; one is likely to be a horse, the other probably a bovine (Day 2009, 142, fig. 12.5). The bovine head (no. 516) illustrated in the excavation publication (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 91, pl. 32.2) surely belonged to a wheelmade bovine figure. Guggisberg lists it with his hollow figurines, gives the height of the head as 15 cm, and dates it LM IIIC late–SM (Guggisberg 1996, 154, pl. 39.5). It is much larger than the Vronda bovines and has no similar features. There are a few figurines from the other LM IIIC settlements. Two solid terracotta bull figurines have been illustrated from Chalasmenos. One is particularly well made with attention to anatomical detail (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, pl. 7.2; Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003, 563, figs. 9–11; Tsipopoulou 2011b, 464–465, 473, fig. 7). It is much finer and better modeled than the Vronda figurines, with no comparable features visible in the photo, and it has been connected to a later deposit (PG or SM) in House A.4, which is thought to have been made in connection with the tholos tomb constructed on top of House B.2 (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 337; 2011b, 466). The second, from House B, less well preserved than the first, also appears to have no comparable features to the Vronda figurines (Tsipopoulou and Coulson 2000, 110, fig. 146; Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003, 563, fig. 14).

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A single bovine figurine (70-TC 005) with only its head and forequarters preserved was found at Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, pls. 93, 109a:8). Even these parts lacked horns and legs. The bovine is small, not sturdy, and carelessly made. It is particularly interesting for its painted trappings. Those on the right side of the face are better preserved, but some details are represented only on the left side. On both sides of the face one can see the nosepiece of a halter around the muzzle with a mask-like strap coming up over the face, on the right side leaving the eye (the unpainted circle) uncovered and functional. Continuing on the right side, a strap comes back from the nosepiece to a three-way junction. The second strap runs from the junction up to the break where the missing horn would begin. Presumably it continued up the horn as on Vronda D1 F1. The third strap leaves the junction to link the halter with the neck strap. It is possible that the painted circle represents the ear, but it could also be an attachment to the halter. The neck strap rises to meet a second strap running to the horn and the wider line representing the right edge of the blanket. Farther back along the body, two lines, or perhaps one wide line like on the left side of the body, run from the edge of the blanket down the front leg. The line on the back of the head coming from the left horn disappears at the top of the spine, but it appears on the left side of the body where it becomes the wider line forming the left edge of the blanket. The paint on the left side of the animal’s head is less well preserved, but the nosepiece of the halter and the section covering the face are there. The feature with a painted dot, published as a possible eye, might be an ear since its place on the head is more suitable for an ear. In this case the painted dot would represent the ear hole in the same way that the ear hole is depicted by a pierced hole on Patsos HM 1150. The strap from the halter would then circle the ear. Behind the ear, coming down the back of the head from where the horn was broken off, is the wide line indicating the left edge of the blanket. A second wide line, instead of the two narrower ones on the right side, runs from the left edge of the blanket down the front leg. The painted decoration does not appear to be the same on both

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sides of the animal, but this may be due to the state of preservation. The Chania figurine comes from a mixed deposit with Venetian material as well as other LM III material. The excavators suggest a date of LM IIIB/IIIC or even later. The basic trappings, however, resemble those on Vronda D1 F1, and the similarity of these two bovine figurines from widely separated settlements makes it very likely that the paint depicts trappings customarily used on bovines in the LM IIIC period. The LM IIIC settlement at Vrokastro was built over by the PG and G settlements, and either no stratigraphy or, in one case, inverted stratigraphy, was recorded for the animal figurines (Hall 1914, 102, 108, fig. 56). Of the seven small, solid bovine figurines found there, six (nos. 5–10) have no context at all, and the context of the seventh (no. 11) is given as the settlement on the summit; none is certainly of LM IIIC date (Hayden 1991, 114–116, 123, figs. 4:5, 6, 5:7–11, pl. 49:5–8, 10, 11). Two of the figurines (nos. 7, 10), however, have painted decoration. That on Vrokastro no. 7 appears to depict the animal’s trappings, best preserved on the right side. Across its face is a headband connected to a halter strap, which in turn leads toward a nonexistent nose strap. At the upper end the halter appears to run alongside or join a harness covering the area between the shoulders and the dewlap. The next broad line might indicate the beginning of a blanket, of which the badly preserved horizontal line on the animal’s side may mark the bottom edge. Part of the halter, harness, and edges of the blanket can be seen on the left side. The line around the neck of no. 10 may also have been part of a harness attached to one of three broad stripes, which may have been merely decorative or part of a blanket. The nostrils and mouth are incised on University Museum MS 4886, but otherwise, with its large size, thick dewlap, flattened pellet eyes, and short, raised muzzle, it does not match the Vronda bovines and is almost certainly later. Still less can be said about LM IIIC Tylissos. One possibly LM IIIC bovine from the settlement has been published, but it does not resemble the Vronda bovine figurines (Kanta 1980, 12, fig. 4:2, identified as from the houses of Tylissos 1910).

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Horse Figurines There is a similar lack of comparable horse figurines from LM IIIC sites. Patsos horse HM 1129 (Fig. 66; Pl. 24; Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 105, fig. 60:40) is large, with a short neck and a cylindrical muzzle. It has a painted bridle with a triple nose band, a cheek strap, two straps from the nose band running up the face between the eyes, and on the left side of the face evidence for a strap between the cheek strap and the strap running up the face. The eyes are round pellets outlined with paint but with no incision. The nostrils were pierced with a larger tool than those used on the bovines, forming more natural nostrils for a horse, the right crescent shaped and the left teardrop shaped. The mouth was incised with the usual flat blunt tool. The body and the neck, however, are pierced with an unusual number of holes, two back to front and two side to side, two on the neck and two on top of the head, some of which pass all the way through, and one that goes up the leg. There are so many and their placements so unusual that they may not all have been made to assist in the drying and firing process; some may have been for attached trappings. The possibility that this figurine is not a horse should be mentioned. There is no evidence for a mane, but almost all of the back of the neck is damaged. The unevenness under the chin could be part of an attachment to the equipment of the horse or traces of a goat’s beard; the two marks on the hoof, however, are probably chips and not an incision of a cloven hoof, and the top of the head is so badly damaged that there is no possibility of knowing whether there were once horns or not. The clay is category II, which is dated to LM IIIC. One unspecified animal figurine from Patsos (HM 1166; Pl. 24) can be compared to both bovine and horse figurines. As its appearance is closer to the horse, it is placed here. Its neck is long for a bovine, but it is shorter and held at a higher angle than the necks of horses. The published description (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 108) mentions that the horns, tail, and two legs are missing; the latter have been reconstructed on the figurine. Enough of the body remains to show that its legs meet at the chest in an upside-down V, and the angle of the stub of the tail indicates that the tail would have hung down away from the body, both characteristics of horses. There is, however, no mane, and the surface

of the area where the horns should be is missing. The added pieces on the head may be for ears, which are not mentioned in the description. That on the left side looks more like an ear with an ear hole; the one on the right side is better placed for an eye. The nostrils and eyes or perhaps holes for the ears were pierced with a small round tool, and its mouth was incised with a flat tool. The body was pierced through the chest and under the tail, perhaps all the way though, with a larger round tool. The Patsos figurine appears to have been painted in an unusual way with multiple lines. This can be seen most clearly on the reconstructed right foreleg and the body just above it (Pl. 24, middle row, left). There are also lines outlining the back left leg. Patsos HM 1166 is dated to the Geometric period, but considered in the PG tradition on account of its shape and decoration (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 140, 157, 161). Two of the Hagia Triada horses (HM 3122, HM 3123; D’Agata 1999b, 58, pl. 24:C1.38, C1.39) are hollow, but they are of interest here because, in addition to round pellet eyes, they both have bridles made of added clay on their heads comparable to the painted one on Patsos HM 1129. The Hagia Triada bridles have nosepieces and cheek pieces along the face outside the eyes similar to Patsos HM 1129, but they do not have the center straps on the face or the triple straps on the nosepiece. Horse HM 3122 has attachments on its bridle that appear to be blinders, but the area behind the bridle on horse HM 3123 where the blinders on HM 3122 are attached is missing, so it is not known whether or not the bridle of HM 3123 originally had blinders. Ten solid figurines from Hagia Triada have been identified as horses, but they are poorly preserved and most are without heads (HM 22390, HM 22422, HM 22498, HM 22502, HM 22505–HM 22507, HM 22510, HM 22512, HM 22513; see D’Agata 1999b, 61–62, pls. 26:C1.57, C1.58, 28:C1.56, C1.59–C1.65, 32:C1.56). Although some appear to have traces of trappings, little can be said about most of them. Horses HM 22506 and HM 22507 have trappings around what remains of their necks, and some suggestions can be made. The wide line at the break of the neck of HM 22506 may represent part of a harness, and the second wide line that appears to come to a junction over the leg with one line in front of the leg and the

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other behind it may be the edge of a blanket or a girth on which to fasten a pack. There may be more lines like the parallel lines on HM 22507, but the preservation of the paint is poor in this area. What the parallel lines on the neck of HM 22507 depict is not clear because the front part of the neck is missing. Perhaps they could be part of a bridle or reins. The narrow parallel lines running around the body of HM 22507 may be multiple girths or the design on a blanket. The broad line behind them may be the end of the blanket. It appears to run down the missing leg. Two other partially preserved horses have interesting details. Figurines HM 22498 and HM 22502 both have painted strokes on their necks that could represent the individual hairs of their manes. Horse HM 22498 also has the painted nosepiece of its bridle, eyelashes painted in a circle around its eye, and a modeled ear covered with paint. Example HM 22502 has a line just behind its leg representing a girth or possibly the edge of a blanket. It continues over the mane and spine. There is also a line under its ear, probably representing a head piece and throat latch of a bridle, although the break at this point makes it impossible to be certain. It appears to be longer and at a different angle than the other lines, which represent the mane. The restored horse (HM 11058) from Room K 87 in the LM IIIC Karphi settlement (Fig. 66; Pl. 25; Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 92, pl. 32:1; Guggisberg 1996, 154, pl. 39:6) is of particular interest because it is from a room in a residential area of a settlement. Although it is not solid and is significantly larger than the solid horse figurines, it does not resemble the wheelmade horse figurines from the sanctuaries either. Since the horse has been mended and restored with plaster, it is not possible to see its interior in order to be certain about its construction. The Karphi horse has unusual eyes indicated by a

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crescent-shaped eyelid. The ears are small, round clay pellets, and its mane is identified by a pinched line on the neck. The hooves are made by fitting crescent-shaped clay pieces, round on top and flat on the bottom, around the front and sides of the legs. The front of its muzzle is broken off so the details of the mouth and nostrils are not preserved. There is no evidence for decoration painted on the figurine or a hole pierced on its body. The figurine can be dated to LM IIIC late–SM. Most of the horses found at Vrokastro can be dated to the PG or G period, but three animal figurines have some features that appear in LM IIIC (HM 6660, HM 6661, UM MS 4887; Hayden 1991, 116, 128, figs. 5:7, 8; 10:27). Figure UM MS 4887 (Hayden 1991, 128, fig. 10:27, pl. 53:27), identified as a horse, has pierced nostrils and an incised mouth, added ears, and a pinched mane; the eyes are not indicated. Red paint covers the figurine. It is small, with a very upright head and a face sharply slanted downward, and it has flat feet instead of hooves. Two nearly identical animal figurines identified as possible bovines (HM 6660, HM 6661; Hayden 1991, 116, fig. 5:8, 9, pl. 49:8) could be horses. The ridge of the mane on HM 6660 is mentioned in the catalog, and the backs of their necks in the drawings show the pinching for the mane. Their bodies are covered with red paint, their tails hang straight down, and their front legs are attached to the body close to each other forming an upside down V shape, which are all features similar to the Vronda horses from Room D1. Vrokastro horse HM 6660 is balanced with front legs vertical and back legs curving backward. Vrokastro horse HM 6661 has both front legs vertical with one ahead of the other and both back legs curving back. They have no context, but their similarity to other LM IIIC horse figurines suggests they may be of that date.

Comparisons The majority of handmade animal figurines currently known from the LM IIIC period come from cult sites at Patsos and Hagia Triada. Not only are the figurines from these sites both greater in number than those from settlements, but they are also better preserved and provide more details

for comparison. In fact, many of the figurines have intact bodies with only some appendages missing. The figurines from the published settlements of the period are fewer in number and less well preserved. Rarely is the body complete; it is often broken with missing appendages. Among the

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animal figurines from settlements, the Vronda animals are remarkable because three are nearly complete with the full body, legs, and heads preserved. It is interesting to compare the Vronda figurines with those found in contemporary settlements and cult sites to see if there are general differences to be observed between figurines found in settlements and those in cult sites. Although the small number of figurines in the settlement category makes conclusions less reliable, trends can be seen and checked as more sites become published. The comparisons of both the modeled and the painted features, where feasible, will begin with the bovines, as these are the most common figurines. Certain features on the muzzle of the animal are the same on bovines from both settlements and cult sites. If these features are present (the muzzles of two bovines, one from Vronda and one from Hagia Triada, have been left unmarked), they are made the same way: the nostrils are pierced and mouths are incised. The only variation in the rendering of the muzzle, the projection of the tongue from the incised mouth, occurs on two figurines from Hagia Triada. This feature is also seen on the wheelmade figurines from the cult sites. The presence of the tongue, then, is the first difference between bovine figurines from the settlements and those from cult sites. The other two features on the face of the animal, the eye and the ear, vary. The most popular version of the eye, the round pellet, is found on figurines from both cult sites but does not appear on those from Vronda or the other settlement sites. The pellet eyes can also be pierced or flattened. The eyes are different on each of the bovines from Vronda: one has clay bits, another is pierced, and one has no eye at all. Most of the ears are only partially preserved, but generally they were applied and placed at least partly under the horns. They varied in position: flat against the horn, straight up, flat forward, flat back, and pinched out; there is even one with an ear hole depicted and possibly two more. The first three types appear on the three Vronda bovines that have part of their ears preserved. There is no consistency in this feature. The position of the head can vary from straight forward to raised, and the raised head from straight to cocked. Both cult and settlement sites produced bovine figurines with heads either straight forward or raised, and there seems to be no consistency in

the position of these heads. In terms of the lateral position, while the heads on figurines from other cult and settlement sites are straight, the two bestpreserved heads at Vronda are unusual in that they are cocked. This may be a local or regional style or peculiar to the Vronda artisans. As for modeled body features, Vronda D1 F1 and Patsos HM 1119 are much alike in pose with tails curved in back reaching the right leg; they both have modeled and painted hooves, but the Vronda bovine does not have a modeled dewlap and it is likely that the Patsos bull did. The dewlap is a feature common to the other Vronda bovines, all Hagia Triada bovines, and the Vrokastro bovine. There are two other examples of painted hooves, one on a leg from Vronda and those on a bull from Hagia Triada. Patsos 1150 has no indication of hooves, but the legs of the rest of the animals are missing. One feature, which may have more to do with technology of firing than appearance, is the pierced hole in the body. The body was sometimes pierced from the front and sometimes from the back and sometimes from both ends. In cases where the body is completely preserved, the back piercing appears to represent the anus. These include Vronda D1 F1 and Hagia Triada HM 22465 and HM 22394. The most significant difference between the animals found on the cult sites and those from the settlements is the indication of sex. The bovines from the cult sites all have male genitals except one, which does have two pierced holes at the anus area suggesting that it is female. The only bovine from Vronda whose body is completely preserved (D1 F1) does not have male genitals, and it may be an ox. Also interesting is the comparison of the painted details, which in many cases seem to represent the trappings on the bovine. The best preserved examples come from the settlements: Vronda, Chania, and Vrokastro. The Vronda and Chania bovines are wearing halters, and that from Vrokastro appears to wear a harness. The halter surrounds the muzzle and has wide straps or a solid mask-like feature, which covers the face leaving the eyes exposed. Both the Vronda and the Chania bovines have a number of straps connecting the halter with the neck strap below it and with the horns. The poor preservation of the paint prevents the restoration of all the details. In both cases the halter straps connect with the blanket on the back of the bovine.

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The Vrokastro bovine has two thin straps on its face, which might be part of a halter, although the preservation does not allow certainty. The wide strap that crosses the back of the neck to the dewlap is more likely to be part of a harness. The second wide strap that comes from the back to the top of the leg is probably the front edge of a blanket whose lower edge is barely preserved along the side of the animal. These three bovines from the settlements probably represent working animals, used either for transportation (i.e., pulling a wagon) or agriculture (i.e., plowing, threshing). There is only one bull from Hagia Triada (HM 22465) that clearly has a halter and face straps, and some details are different from those on the bovines from the settlements. These differences include the V-shaped straps up the face, which connect to a strap between the horns, and the straps running under the chin and along the dewlap, both features that are seen only on this animal. Its neck strap is different as well. It surrounds the neck at the bottom of the dewlap instead of across the middle of it. On the back of the neck it connects to the line of chevrons decorating the midline of the blanket and defining the spine of the animal. No other Hagia Triada or Patsos bulls seem to be wearing a halter or a harness. None of the head trappings on the bulls from the cult sites is similar to the working halters and harnesses on the bovines from the settlements. The unique cow from Hagia Triada is the only animal with possible pole attachments for drawing a wagon. The bodies of many of the bovines are covered with what is likely to be a blanket or some sort of protective covering. Such coverings today are used for protection from the weather or to keep the grooming of show animals perfect for competing. In Minoan times, protection from the weather would be particularly important for working animals like those around settlements, and protection for a well-groomed animal would be important in a case where the animal must be perfect for a sacrifice to deities, as on cult sites. The edges of a blanket and straps for holding the blanket in place on the body are seen on animals from both types of sites. The bovines from Chania and Vrokastro have undecorated blankets with straight edges, but the blanket on D1 F1 from Vronda has curvilinear lines, somewhat similar to HM 1119 from Patsos, as well as traces of paint that could not be fitted into a

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design. The design, however, may have been a scale pattern, which was perhaps less elaborate than on the blanket of the Patsos bull. Certainly the leg portion, much of which survives, is simpler. Such a blanket with a similar design survives on bull rhyton HM 5413 of the LM IA period from Pseira, a site within view of Vronda (Marinatos and Hirmer 1960, pl. 90 below; Guggisberg 1996, 140–141, pl. 37.1, 2; Koehl 2006, 74–75). The best preserved and most elaborate blanket is seen on Hagia Triada HM 22465. With its clear concentric arc and chevron patterns, this bull figurine provides the most complete example of designs, edge lines, spine line, and straps, which, on this bull, include lines across the rear to grip the blanket firmly on the body. Most of the other bovines from Patsos and Hagia Triada had traces of paint on them, but no design could be made out, except a few stripes on Patsos HM 1150. The question of the lines on the legs and tails is a more difficult matter because the legs of most bovines are not preserved. The lines defining the hooves may be just that, markings to indicate the hooves. These occur on two Vronda bovines and one Patsos and one Hagia Triada bull. The lines running from the blanket to the hooves are harder to explain, but on two bulls from cult sites (Patsos HM 1119 and Hagia Triada HM 22465) the area between the lines is patterned, and it is possible, therefore, that leg coverings were used as well and affixed around the hooves. The lines on the legs of the bovines from the settlements were not filled and in some cases were single lines, but these, too, might have represented something affixed around the hooves to keep the blanket straight. The lines on the tails also present a problem. They do not look like coverings, but rather as if they are there to define the tail. In general the most decorated bovines are the bulls from the cult sites, but animals from both kinds of sites have painted trappings. Although fewer in number than the bovines, the horse figurines have some interesting features. Among those found in settlement sites, it is interesting to note that the horses seem to come in pairs. The two best-preserved horses come from Vronda. They are very similar to one another in size and probably also in decoration, as are the pair from Vrokastro. The third horse from Vronda, the fragmentary chariot horse, is also one of a pair. There is a third horse from Vrokastro, for which no match was found. The Vrokastro pair is slightly more than

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half the size of the Vronda pair. Although missing their heads, they can be compared to the Vronda figurines in stance. The stances of the Vronda horses differ from each other; D1 F2 leans back and the D1 F3 is balanced but with left feet ahead of the right. The Vrokastro horses show a comparable difference. Horse HM 6660 stands straight and HM 6661 has the left front foot ahead of the right; the corresponding back leg and foot is missing. The third horse from Vrokastro, somewhat larger than the other two but smaller than the Vronda horses, is oddly proportioned with short legs and a very long neck. It has feet instead of hooves, a feature not seen elsewhere. Details of its head, however, can be compared with the Vronda horses. Its head is cocked to the right and, like D1 F2, it has no eyes, but it does have pierced nostrils, an incised mouth, and straight up ears that are similar to both Vronda horses. The position of the horses’ tails differs. Those of all three Vrokastro horses lie down along the body or a leg, but the stubs of the Vronda pair indicate that their tails extended out and down. All these horses appear to be covered with paint. The lack of paint on the underside of the Vrokastro horses, seen on the drawings, may be deliberate, as on the Vronda horses. The painted area may represent a protective blanket covering the head and legs as well as the body. The alternative, that it represents the actual color of the animal, does not explain why these animals were left unpainted on the underside, parts of which are visible when the horse is standing. One last point of similarity between the Vronda and Vrokastro pairs is that they have no pierced holes. The third Vronda horse, the chariot horse (VN F1), however, does have a large hole pierced from the back. Its head and neck would have been upright, as if pulled back by the harness painted on it. How many of the lines and traces of paint belonged to the harness is unclear, but it seems certain that the horse was not covered with paint. Vronda VN F1 is very different from the other horses from the site, and there are no similar figurines among those published from the shrines and sanctuaries or other settlements of Crete. Since it appears to be part of a chariot group, its closest parallels are found on the mainland and at the Phylakopi shrine (French 1985, 253, fig. 6:25). Finally, there is a unique hollow horse figurine from the settlement at Karphi. Bigger than all the others, its head features are all modeled, including

the shape of the head together with the ears, eyes, muzzle, and mane. Its pose is similar to the Vronda horses, and as its entire tail has been preserved, it is possible to see what the tails on the Vronda horses with stubs out and down would have looked like. There are no traces of paint on it. The horses from the cult sites are quite different from those found in settlements, and their most interesting features are painted. None of the horses from the settlements except the chariot horse from Vronda has painted trappings, but several horses from Patsos and Hagia Triada do. The shapes of the animals differ. In fact, both of those from Patsos could be arguably classed as another animal or just animal, which is how HM 1166 is published. The same is true of several from Hagia Triada. They are identified as horses here and in the tables because of their horse-like features. Although only the right front part of the body and the head of the Patsos horse HM 1129 are preserved, this fragment provides many comparisons with the other horse figurines. Its shape is somewhat strange for a horse as its muzzle is circular and its neck is very short, but its leg is narrow. Its muzzle has pierced nostrils and an incised mouth like many bovines and horses from settlements, but the nostrils are larger and shaped like those on a horse, unlike the tiny circular holes on the Vronda horses. Unlike the Vronda and Vrokastro horses, it has painted trappings and a defining outline on the one preserved leg. Because its muzzle is circular like a bovine’s, its bridle looks somewhat like a halter, but the presence of three straps around the muzzle make it appear different from the bovine’s wide halter. It has the cheek piece of the modern bridle, but it also has two straps up the face between the eyes. It is very different from the halters on the Vronda figurines, especially because there are no straps to a blanket, neck band, or harness. The Patsos horse is also different in the number of piercings in its body. No other animal has this number of piercings, which are not necessary for technological reasons. It is possible that they might be attachment holes for other trappings, but no particular modern horse trappings seem to fit. The broken area at the top of the head and back of the neck is particularly unfortunate as there is no evidence for ears, mane, or the horns that would prove it was a goat. There is a slight unevenness to the bottom of the muzzle, which might be a

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broken-off beard, a fact that suggests that it could be a goat. The second possible horse from Patsos (HM 1166) looks a bit more like the Vronda horses in the shape and cocking of its head, pierced eyes or ears, incised mouth, the placement of its forelegs forward at an angle, and the angle of its tail, but its body is pierced with a large hole back and front and its only surviving painted decoration is a parallel striped pattern running up its right front leg and along its body. There are some animals from Hagia Triada that can be more securely identified as horses. Two of the Hagia Triada horses (HM 3122, HM 3123; D’Agata 1999b, 58, pl. 24:C1.38, C1.39) are hollow, but they are interesting because they have bridles made of added clay similar to the painted one on Patsos HM 1129. In particular they have the nose band in the same place close to the end of the muzzle, cheek straps, and a head band, but they do not have the face straps. Four horses belonging to the class of handmade solid figurines have painted details worth comparing. Horses HM 22506 and HM 22507 have preserved bodies without any appendages. The missing heads cause problems in interpreting the painted lines on the necks and bodies, but the lines on the necks may represent a harness on HM 22506 and perhaps part of a bridle on HM 22507. The lines around the bodies could represent girths, a feature not seen elsewhere. Two other horses (HM 22498, HM 22502) have unusual manes depicted by painted lines representing the individual hairs. Horse HM 22498 also has a painted nose band for a bridle, a relief eye emphasized by individual lashes painted in a circle, and a modeled ear covered with paint. Horse HM 22502, lacking its face, has no certainly identifiable equipment, but a line under the ear might be part of the head piece and throat latch of a bridle and another line around the body behind the leg could be a girth or possibly the edge of a blanket.

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From these examples it is clear that the bovine and horse figurines from the settlements differ from those from the cult sites. No bovines from the settlements have male genitalia, but all the bovines from the cult sites have male genitalia except one from Hagia Triada that may be female. It is clear that the intact bull is important as a votive at cult sites. The fact that the bovines from the settlements are not bulls may have significance too. The figurines may depict oxen, which would have been important for agricultural and transportation purposes, as they are more tractable and easier to handle. The female bovine may also be used for these purposes. The intact bull, necessary only for breeding purposes in the settlements, may not be common. Such a bull, however, may also be required for sacrifice to the deity at the cult sites. Interestingly, none of the horses had genitalia of either sex, whether from the settlements or the cult sites. Whether they were all geldings or whether the sex was unimportant is unknown. It may be that both horses and bovines were generally castrated to keep only the more tractable animals in the settlements. Perhaps one bull and one stallion serviced a relatively large area. In general the features of the animals from settlement sites were less varied and impressive than those on the animals from the cult sites. The most decorated blankets are found on the cult sites and possibly also indicate sacrificial animals. Of those bovine figurines from the settlements, only Vronda D1 F1 has such a blanket, but horses from both types of sites do have plain coverings. The trappings on the bovines from the settlement are practical halters and harnesses needed for leading the animals around or using them for pulling wagons or plows. Interestingly, the animals from the settlements look livelier with their cocked heads and uneven stances.

Function In daily life figurines can serve various functions from practical to decorative and secular to religious. Because most Minoan animal figurines from known proveniences have come from cult

sites, however, they are usually considered to be connected with cult ritual, but this might not be true of those found on settlement sites. Two of the Vronda animal figurines are from contexts that

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may have had a ritual significance. The bovine figurine GS F1 came from near the Shrine, where it may have been thrown out with other ritual objects during later disturbances. The chariot horse figurine (VN F1) was found on an exterior surface in association with a triton shell. Although the triton shell is known to have served as ritual equipment in some cases, these two objects do not provide sufficient evidence to be certain that this was a ritual area (Day and Glowacki 2012, 175–176). The other animal figurines seem to have come from domestic contexts. In determining the function of these figurines, it is useful to look at similar objects from contemporary sanctuaries and settlements. The functions of some are easily determined, while others require further discussion. Animal figurines found on cult sites have generally been considered as votives left by petitioners asking a favor, and this is the case for the figurines from Patsos and Hagia Triada (Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 151, 163; D’Agata 1997, 88; 1999b, 233–239; Prent 2005, 156–158, 162–164). There are numerous figurines and parts of figurines from these sites. The number supports the theory that they were votives left either in a group ceremony or singly as a personal petition for the health or fertility of the animals; in the case of a bull, if a real animal was sacrificed, the figurine may have been left as a permanent reminder of the actual bull destroyed in the sacrifice as an offering for any type of petition or as a thank-offering for a benefit already received. The appearance of these animals was important. In the case of the bovines, those left as votives on cult sites may have represented the actual sacrificial animal. The animals have their male sexual characteristics represented and each is covered with a blanket, perhaps representing the blankets on real sacrificial animals that were meant to protect the grooming of the hide of the animal. The blankets on animals with well-preserved paint are elaborately decorated and may represent a costly addition to the sacrifice, rendering it more valuable. Although the details of the ritual in which the votives were left are unknown, they played a part in a public cult at an open-air sanctuary. The chariot figurines from Phylakopi, not only the nearly complete imported Mycenaean example cited above (SF 1558) but also the three locally made groups (SF 846, SF 851, SF 1563), as well as fragments of others, were found in the Sanctuary;

SF 1558 and SF 1563 in the West Shrine and SF 846 and SF 851 in the East Shrine (French 1985, 252, 276–280, figs. 6.25–6.28, pls. 43:d, 44:a). They were found with male human figures (West Shrine only), driven oxen, and small animals of the Mycenaean type with wavy and late linear decoration, but not with the wheelmade bovine figures (French 1985, 280, table 6.2). The chariot groups are connected only with male figures, and they are surely votives (Renfrew, ed., 1985, 370–373). They belonged to the phase 2b collapse, which places them in the same time period as Karphi (Renfrew, ed., 1985, 398). No chariot groups were found elsewhere in the settlement of Phylakopi. The function of the figurines from settlements, however, is not always so clear as at Phylakopi where they were found in the Sanctuary. They could have come not only from public shrines but also from ritual areas in houses, or they may have been destined to be taken to open-air sanctuaries for the next ritual. Alternatively, they might have had a secular use such as decorative objects or toys. Some were found in groups, but others were scattered. On the basis of the scattered contexts in settlements Hallager has recently suggested that they could be “prophylactic, protective objects” for an individual and were not associated with either a domestic or a public cult (Hallager 2009, 116–120), but this interpretation does not account for the groups of figurines found together. It is still important to see if there are any features, either in the architecture of the room in which they were found or other objects found with the figurines, that could help clarify the function of the figurines. Then one needs to see if there are any similar situations in other settlements that could help to explain the situation at Vronda. Although there is no such information about the animals from Vrokastro, some pertinent information from Chalasmenos has been published. The fine bovine figurine that was found together with a male figurine of lead, a bronze coiled ring, some beads, and a group of burned pots in Area A, Room 4, is thought to be part of a ritual connected with the building of the tholos tomb in Sector B during the PG or perhaps the SM period. It is no longer associated with the LM IIIC settlement (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 70–71, pl. 7.2; Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003, 563, figs. 9–11; Tsipopoulou 2011b, 464–465, 473, fig. 7); however, it shows the

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connection of the animal figurine with a different type of cult. Area B in the settlement produced two deposits with figurines, one with the upper part of a human female and the other with the front part of a solid clay bovine and some very schematic human figurines (Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003, 563, figs. 12–14), but further details are lacking at this time. All this information tells us is that a group of mixed human and animal figurines suggesting ritual use was found in a building in this settlement, but there are no such mixed groups at Vronda. The only published LM IIIC settlement that can give us an insight into the use of the Vronda figurines is Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938; Seiradaki 1960; Day 2009, 2011b, 2011c). At this site it is possible to identify some rooms as part of separate shrines and some as household rooms containing an area dedicated to a domestic shrine on the basis of artifacts and architecture. Among the rooms that have been identified as independent shrines by their architecture and artifacts are the Temple (Room K 1) and its unnumbered annexes, which form the main shrine of the Goddess with Upraised Hands, Rooms K 15–17 of the Great House, and Room K 116 of the Commercial Quarter (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 75–79, 88–89; Day 2009, 139–144; for the terminology of the Goddess with Upraised Hands, see Gesell 2012, 43). Of these, only the Temple and Rooms K 16– 17 contained figurines. Although no figurines were listed as found in the Temple by the excavators, Day found two animal heads in the boxes labeled as holding artifacts from Room K 1. One is likely to be from a horse, and the other seems certain to be a bovine (Day 2009, 141–142, fig. 12.5). Their findspot in the Temple is not known, but their size suggests that they were votives. Fragments of two other figurines, a large part of a female human figurine (no. 228) and a horn from an animal figurine (no. 233), were found in Rooms K 16–17 (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 77–79, pl. 32:4.228). The human figurine appears to belong to a piece of ritual equipment because the lower part was finished off for attachment probably to a vessel like the ring of the kernos from Kourtes (Xanthoudides 1905–1906, 15–18, fig. 3) or perhaps a kalathos. There is no exact parallel. The animal horn, a little larger than the horns on Vronda D1 F1, probably belonged to a votive bovine.

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The largest concentration of figurines in the town proper was uncovered in two connecting rooms (K 85 and K 87) in the Central West Quarter (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 90–92, pl. 32.2; Day 2009, 146; 2011c, 154–159). Room K 85 appears to be the major living and working room in its house, judging from the large amount of domestic pottery and a stone tool. Room K 87, a long narrow room that opens directly off Room K 85, is perhaps a storeroom on the basis of a pithos as well as the domestic pottery that it contained. Each room, however, has a significant architectural feature not always found in such rooms. Room K 85 has a small ledge in the west wall where the excavators thought that the figurines had once been and in sight of Room K 85 directly through the door into Room K 87 is a low rock table on which the figurines from that room were found. There were fragments of three human figurines and two animal figurines in Room K 85 (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, pl. 32:2.514–516). The human figurines are particularly interesting. The female head (no. 515) appears to be a small version of the head of a Goddess with Upraised Hands; it is not clear from the photograph whether the head is complete on top or whether there might have been a tiara with symbols on it at one time. The human torso (no. 514) is almost certainly broken out of the center of a kalathos like that holding the figurine in the pose of the Goddess with Upraised Hands from Room 148 (Seiradaki 1960, pl. 4:c; Gesell 2004, 142, fig. 7.10). Figurine 514 has its right arm bent upward like a goddess, but the position of the left is unclear in the photo. Although it extends outward, it may have been bent upward at the elbow. Figurine 514 may be male because it does not have pellet breasts like the figurine in the kalathos from Room K 148. The third human torso (no. 504) is not pictured, but the drawing in the inventory book shows a torso with arms projecting outward; the head, lower part of the figurine, and the ends of the arms are missing. The two animals are listed as bulls, but only their heads survive. The larger head (no. 516) appears to have belonged to a wheelmade bovine figure; the other head (no. 517) is listed as a “fragment of similar but smaller head,” and the drawing in the inventory book shows the forehead and edge of one eye or the ridge over the eye, while the remainder

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is broken off. Other special objects in the room include two sherds from an altar similar to one found in the Shrine at Chalasmenos (Day 2011c, 155, pl. 9:h) and a scuttle (for examples from other rooms, see Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, pl. 34; Seiradaki 1960, 12, 13, figs. 7, 8; Day 2011c, 275–276, fig. 9.9). In Room 87 there were fragments of two animal figurines on the rock table, an unpictured and unspecified animal missing head, tail, and legs (no. 556), and the horse (HM 11058, discussed above), along with an elaborate jug and a kalathos. The possibility of small domestic ritual areas in Rooms K 85 and K 87 is very strong. It is supported artifactually by the resemblance of the human figurines to the LM IIIC Goddess with Upraised Hands, by the altar, by the low rock table in Room K 87 on which it is recorded that the figurines were found, and to a lesser extent by the scuttle and the kalathos, two types of domestic pottery that were used in the Vronda shrine. The situation is quite different in Room K 106 and its complex in the Cliff Houses West (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 95–96, pls. 29:1.555, 32:2.559; Day 2009, 147; 2011c, 200– 204) where a small, votive-sized, bronze double axe (no. 555), two altar sherds, and two fragmentary figurines—a human head (no. 559) and an animal body (no. 609)—were found. Although there is evidence of ritual activity here, the figurines may not have been a part of it. They are small and may have washed down from the Peak Sanctuary. They do not add any secure evidence for the function of figurines in domestic ritual. Most of the other animal figurines from the settlement at Karphi came from spaces in the Northern and Southern Shelters where they might have washed down from the peak sanctuary as the excavators suggested (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 98). These would have been votives from an earlier period. What do the Karphi figurines suggest for the function of the Vronda figurines? In particular, the Rooms K 85 and K 87 in the Central West Quarter at Karphi can be compared to Room D1 at Vronda. Room D1 has a stone-built platform in its southeast corner. Bovine D1 F1 and the horse D1 F2 were found lying on this platform; horse D1 F3 was found close by. The deposit also contained a jug and a small krater. This arrangement is similar

to that in Rooms 85 and 87 at Karphi where a horse, a bovine, and another animal figurine were found in connection with architectural features, but Rooms K 85 and K 87 at Karphi contained other ritual objects and equipment in addition to support the theory that they were special areas used for domestic ritual. On the basis of this similarity, however, it is possible to suggest that the platform in Room D1 may have been a small family shrine. The contexts for the remaining figurines are less clear. Bovine GS F1 came from a mixed deposit in the area south of the Shrine. Sherds from Goddess 7 and Snake Tube 10 were found in the same level, as well as pottery dating from MM to the modern era. Animal figurines are not usually found in the shrines of the Goddess with Upraised Hands, but now that fragments of two animal figurines have been found in the Karphi Temple boxes in the Herakleion Museum, the possibility of its being a votive in the Vronda Shrine must be considered. The bovine C4 F1 and possible bovines C5 F1 and C5 F2 came from connecting Rooms C4 and C5, so they should be considered together. These rooms contained domestic features like ovens and bins, but no special features that would locate an area as a domestic shrine. The figurines themselves are fragmentary and unpainted; they do not give any indications of domestic cult. Small animal F F1 came from a mixed deposit in Building F, a Venetian structure southeast of the Shrine (Day and Glowacki 2012, 49–50), and its possible connection with the Shrine is discussed in the volume on that building. The bovine leg K1 F1 came from LM IIIC wall tumble in Building K, Room K1, which also included a goddess tiara fragment (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 147–148). They are both likely to have been moved from their original areas, perhaps together, but they were found at some distance from the Shrine and no closer spot can be suggested. The horse from a chariot group VN F1 came from just above an exterior surface dated to LM IIIC. It was found with a triton shell and so could have been from a ritual deposit. The only comparative figurine comes from the sanctuary at Phylakopi in the northwest corner of the West Shrine thought to belong to a male god, and so it is possible that the figurine and the triton shell are remains from a ritual for a male divinity. In fact, two conch shells, SF 170 and SF

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1522, were found in the Phylakopi sanctuary. Although they belonged to Phases 3b and 3c after the collapse in Phase 2b, Renfrew points out that many artifacts from the earlier phases were reused in the later ones (Renfrew and Cherry 1985, 327–328; Renfrew, ed., 1985, 362). So little is known about the Vronda context, however, that one cannot make

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any further suggestions about the meaning of VN F1. There are no indications for a male divinity on the site of Vronda or the other similar nearby sites in LM IIIC. Therefore it is only the three figurines from Room D1 that have a significant context from which it is possible to suggest a sacred function.

Conclusions In concluding, there are several general things that can be said about the Vronda figurines. The animals represent only bovines and horses. Each is a unique figurine; the position of their heads and legs as well as the features of their faces are different, even on the horses D1 F2 and D1 F3 that look very much alike. None of the figurines has genitals, neither the bovines nor the horses, although the bovine figurines from sanctuary sites at this time are bulls with distinctive male genitals. This suggests that the gender of the animal was not significant in the function of the Vronda figurines, but it was at the sanctuary sites; therefore, the figurines were probably not prepared as offerings to be made at such a site. Some of the figurines, perhaps all of them, were at one time painted. The decoration consists either of lines of paint outlining physical features (i.e., legs, tail, spine) or indicating equipment (i.e., halters or harnesses, as on D1 F1, K1 F1, and VN F1, and the blanket covering the back and sides of bovine D1 F1 or solid painted areas indicating blankets covering the bodies and heads of the freestanding horses D1 F2 and D1 F3). The horses and bovines have their closest comparisons with the animals from the LM IIIC Vrokastro and Chania settlements and the open air sanctuaries at Patsos and Hagia Triada. The animals from the nearest settlement, Chalasmenos, are not similar. The Vronda figurines are somewhat carelessly made;

their details suggest rather than depict the animal. There are no naturalistic muscles on the body or legs, the horns do not match in placement or in size, and the facial features are not axially symmetrical. There is no attempt at a naturalistic eye. There are no sex characteristics. The figurines are not decorative, but simple and functional. They are meant for everyday use in a local context. Those from Building D probably served as votives on a small domestic shrine in the corner of Room D1; those from Building C also may have been votives in small domestic shrines, but there is no confirming evidence for this. Two other figurines may have had religious functions: GS F1, which was found with goddess fragments in the deposit outside the Shrine, and the bovine leg found with a fragment of a goddess tiara, which could have been moved together from the Shrine after the abandonment of the settlement. The same is true of the small fragment F F1, which came from a mixed context in Building F just to the southeast of the shrine. The chariot figurine VN F1 might also have had a religious function based on its comparanda, even though there is no architecture to go with it. One of the most important features of the Vronda figurines is that they have well-documented archaeological contexts and are dated by the other finds to LM IIIC. I have suggested some revisions for the dates given to comparanda figurines that have lost their contexts in Table 57.

4

The Ground and Chipped Stone Implements from the Settlement Heidi M.C. Dierckx

The excavations of the LM IIIC settlement of Kavousi Vronda produced a total of 270 (including 11 possible) ground stone implements distributed over several of the buildings built on the summit and slopes of the Vronda ridge (Table 58; Figs. 67–75). Of the finds discussed here, only very few pieces (ca. 10) came from post–LM IIIC contexts. A handful of chipped stone blades and flakes were recovered as well, and these are discussed separately at the end of the chapter. The ground stone implements from the Vronda settlement have been grouped below according to different tool

categories developed after each of the stone tools was cataloged, photographed, drawn, and inked (the drawing and inking of the tools was done by the author). Not included in this study, however, are the tools found in Building G, the Shrine of the Goddess with Upraised Hands, which will be covered in a separate volume of the Kavousi series. Catalog descriptions of the Vronda ground stone implements have been included with the description of each of the buildings by context in Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009) and Kavousi IIB (Day and Glowacki 2012).

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Typology of the Ground Stone Implements The typology of the ground stone implements and many of the terms used in describing them have been adopted from Blitzer’s (1995) study of the ground stone tools from Kommos, which provides the best, most up-to-date, and complete account of Minoan ground stone implements. For ease of comparison, Blitzer’s categories are also used in defining the typology of the nearby and later settlement on the Kastro (in preparation by the author). Other useful studies with bibliographic references to ground stone include those by Evely (1984), Dierckx (1992), and Carter (2004). The two central attributes that underlie the typology of the ground stone implements from Vronda are, most importantly, the wear marks (e.g., pecking, abrading, flaking, grooves) and/or the shape and size of the tools, which allow for possible functional interpretations. Raw material is sometimes a secondary variable for creating subdivisions within the main types. Descriptions of each type include information about sample size, raw material, and the average size of the tools as calculated from the complete examples in the assemblages. The tools can be divided into 16 main groups or types, which are listed below, along with their functional interpretations and equivalences in Blitzer’s typology. Vronda Types 1–3, 5, 6, 8, and 12 are identified by the term “hand tool” in the Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB catalogs. Detailed descriptions of the types follow this list. Type 1: implements with pecked or battered ends/circumference, pounders or hammer stones (Blitzer type 1).

Type 2: implements with pecked-ground marks and polished faces, pounder-pestle/polishers (Blitzer type 9). Type 3: implements with abraded faces and pecked ends/circumference, pounder-abraders (Blitzer types 2 and 7). Type 4: implements with flaked end, choppers or hammers (Blitzer type 10). Type 5: implements with pecked and abraded facets, faceted (Blitzer type 6). Type 6: implements with abraded faces, grinders (Blitzer type 7). Type 7: implements with one or two abraded faces, whetstones (Blitzer type 5). Type 8: implements from pumice stone, abrader/ polishers (Blitzer 1995, 509–510). Type 9: implements with polished faces, polishers (Blitzer type 2). Type 10: pestles. Type 11: possible balance weights (Blitzer type 4). Type 12: composite implements (Blitzer types 2, 7, 9, 10). Type 13: celts/axes. Type 14: weights (Blitzer type 12). Type 15: querns (Blitzer type 17). Type 16: mortars (Blitzer type 18).

Type 1 Tools with pecked or battered ends and/or circumference (Tables 59, 60; Fig. 67) are interpreted as pounders or hammer stones. There are 39 in the Vronda assemblage, representing 14.4% of the total number of stone tools. One of the most common tool types on many Minoan and post-Minoan sites consists of waterworn cobbles and fewer pebbles with pecking or battering primarily at the ends or along the circumference. Most of these stones are of crystalline

limestone, although several quartzite, limestone, and calcareous schist cobbles occur, along with one example each of limestone breccia, calcite, and meta-andesite. A variety of shapes are represented, including oblong, ovoid, rounded, irregular, triangular-rounded, and rectangular-rounded pieces. These tools were used in some sort of percussive action, consisting either of heavy hammering, crushing, or lighter pounding action. The results, in the form of small indentations and/or flake scars, as

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well as the depth of the small depressions, depended on the intensity of contact. Battered ends or heavy pecking are limited to large cobbles made from the harder rocks, such as quartzite and crystalline limestone (larger than 8 cm in length, 7 cm in width, and 5 cm in thickness). These could be termed “hammer stones” (D1 ST6, LW ST1, N1 ST11, N5 ST9, O3 ST3, O2 ST11). Stone N5 ST3 is unusual in that it is a limestone breccia pebble-sized hammer stone. Peck marks are more common in this group. The term “pounder” is more appropriate for implements with only that kind of wear, produced by less intensive contact. Of the Vronda pounders, two implements (D1 ST13, N1 ST1) had additional pecking

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in the center of the faces or one margin, probably for use as a handgrip, to facilitate the holding of the rocks. Two other examples, rounded cobbles with pecked central depressions on both faces (EN ST1 and N1 ST7), were probably used as tools to pound in stakes (as demonstrated experimentally by D. Cassiano, pers. comm.). One subconical example (K3 ST1) and an oblong tool (E7 ST4) with a pecked-crushed end could be interpreted as pestles, in view of their shapes and pecking at the ends. Five oblong and flat cobbles with pecked ends, at least 6.5 cm long and made of calcareous schist, also belong to this group (C4 ST3, C4 ST5, C4 ST6, I ST2, IC2 ST1).

Type 2 Tools with pecked-ground ends and/or one or two abraded (to a sheen/almost polished) faces (Tables 61, 62; Fig. 68) are considered to be pounderpestles/polishers. There are 41 from Vronda, or 15.2% of the total stone tool assemblage. This group consists of pebble- and cobble-sized waterworn pieces, under 10 cm long, made of igneous rocks (one of crystalline limestone was also found) such as basalt, diabase, gabbro, and amphibolite. The tools occur in a range of shapes: irregular, oblong, ovoid, and rounded, as well as triangular- or square-rounded. The attribute that

distinguishes these tools from the others is the use wear of pecked-ground ends, edges, or corners— as if the pecking action was combined with an abrading motion. The use wear indicates an action of pounding and crushing on a stationary object such as a quern or mortar. Eleven of the pieces also show evidence of a polished sheen on one or both faces. It is hard to determine whether this polish came from an oily residue of hands on the stone or from the burnishing of clay artifacts such as pottery. They functioned as pounding and/or polishing tools.

Type 3 Tools with pecked ends/circumference and abraded faces (Tables 63, 64; Fig. 69) are classified as pounder-abraders. There are 20 from Vronda, or 7.4% of the total stone tool assemblage. The pounder-abraders are cobble-sized tools of waterworn crystalline limestone and quartzite pieces, similar to Type 1 above in shape, size, and raw materials. They have a variety of shapes— oblong, ovoid, rectangular-rounded, rounded, and triangular. The wear marks consist of a combination of pecked ends and/or pecking along the circumference and one or two abraded faces. These tools were used in a combined action of pounding and abrading. Two subtypes can be defined.

The first subtype, the more common of the two groups, with 13 examples, is represented by tools of oblong, ovoid, or rectangular-rounded shape. These cobbles are equivalent to Blitzer’s type 7 “handstones.” The second subtype, consisting of six examples, is equivalent to Blitzer’s type 2 implements, which are generally smaller in size (ca. 10 cm) and rounded in shape (including triangularand rectangular-rounded varieties) with a flattish section. The wear marks consist of a pecked circumference and one or two abraded faces. There are two pieces with additional pecked depressions, probably for use as handgrips, on one or two faces (C2 ST3, N3 ST3). Of interest is one

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quartzite tool (CE ST1), which, in addition to having pecking along the circumference, bears a polished face and has one central pecked depression

on both faces, similar to the example from Type 1 (EN ST1). Both came from earlier EM and/or MM II deposits.

Type 4 Oblong implements with flaked ends (Table 65; Fig. 68) are interpreted as choppers. Seven were found at Vronda, accounting for 2.6% of the stone tool assemblage. Of the seven choppers, four are complete or nearly complete. The largest complete piece, measuring 25.3 x 5.4 x 2.2 cm and weighing 570 g, came from Building I, Room I3 (I3 ST10). Two others (N1 ST4, O3 ST3) range between 13.4–13.9 cm in length, 4.1 cm in width, and 2.0–2.9 cm in thickness, weighing 180–195 g. The last example, an almost complete crystalline limestone cobble measuring 13.1 x 6.3 x 5.1 cm and weighing 660 g, comes from Building K, Room K3 (K3 ST7). All tools, with the exception of one piece of rectangular-rounded shape, are

oblong, waterworn cobbles that were flaked at one end, creating a chopping or chisel-like edge, worn on the same end from use as shown by pecking and chipping. Often the end opposite the flaked end is pecked as well. These implements can be called “choppers” for heavy duty hammering, perhaps for use in the process of butchering meat. Mainly calcareous schist cobbles, with one example of green schist, occurring naturally in oblong shape, were preferred, but two crystalline limestone cobbles were used as well. This tool type was found in good contexts on or near the floors of rooms in Buildings E, I, K, M, N, and O. It is safe to assume that a LM IIIC date can be assigned to this tool type.

Type 5 Faceted implements of subspherical and subcuboid shape (Tables 66, 67; Fig. 70) totaled 24 in number, constituting 8.9% of the stone tool assemblage. This tool group consists of pebbles and small-sized cobbles of mostly irregular-rounded shape, and some of (sub)spherical and subcuboid shape, with pecked, battered, and/or abraded/ polished areas or facets, hence their designation as “faceted” tools. In addition to their shape, these implements are characterized by their raw materials, usually hard metamorphic and igneous stones such as basalt, diabase, andesite, and gabbro. A few examples of limestone and crystalline

limestone also exist. Several tools have an additional drill or gouge mark or “drag” (Blitzer 1995, 448) across one surface, indicating a combined function of hand tool and wedging stone or drill holder (B6 ST4, C4 ST1, D1 ST9, J1 ST2, K2 ST1, I3 ST7, I3 ST12, I5 ST5, N1 ST16, N5 ST2). The main action of these implements appears to be percussive; they were also used for abrading/ polishing action. The distribution of the faceted tools varies across the site. Interestingly, the limestone cobbles used for these implements occur in EM/MM contexts, while the harder rocks were found in the LM IIIC contexts.

Type 6 Oblong cobbles with abraded faces (Tables 68, 69; Fig. 71) are categorized as grinders. Altogether 15 examples were identified at Vronda, representing 5.6% of the stone tool assemblage.

These abrading tools consist of medium-sized cobbles and one pebble (K3 ST4). The majority are made of quartzite, with two or three examples each of crystalline limestone, sandstone, and

THE GROUND AND CHIPPED STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE SETTLEMENT

conglomerate. Such implements would have been used in conjunction with a quern in grinding action. The top abraded portion of the hand tool did the grinding against the quern surface. The shapes vary; mainly oblong, triangular- and rectangularrounded stones were used. These tools are primarily characterized by one abraded surface, which in many cases is slightly convex.

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To this group are added three pieces of conglomerate that consist of fragments belonging to either querns or grinders (IC2 ST2, N5 ST11, I4 ST8). From the small size of the fragments preserved it is hard to determine the exact functional nature of these implements.

Type 7 There were 31 whetstones found at Vronda, making up 11.5% of the stone tool assemblage (Tables 70, 71; Fig. 72). This category consists primarily of quartzite cobbles of oblong and rectangular shape that are flat in section. There are few examples of ovoid and triangular-rounded shape. The attributes that characterize these tools as whetstones are their flat section and one or two abraded smooth faces. Approximately one-third of the tools from the assemblage were deliberately shaped by abrading (the majority) or flaking the edges (two examples) to the desired shape. One piece has pecking on the ends, probably to facilitate the holding of the stone (C5 ST1). Another one, a crystalline limestone cobble (KI ST1) found on the surface of the Vronda kiln, has

grooves at one end. Two more examples also have linear grooves. The first tool has a groove on an abraded edge, in addition to an abraded face (E1 ST6), while a second tool has tiny striations visible onto the abraded surface (B4 ST2). To this category also belong two oblong and flat calcareous schist cobbles (R1 ST2, N1 ST17) used as whetstones, with average measurements of 8.5 x 3.0 x 1.5 cm, as well as two other schist and slate flat pebbles with abraded faces (N4 ST2, N5 ST5). The slate tool also has distinctive linear striations from use on the abraded face. Although distributed over many of the buildings, most of the whetstones were recovered from Building N, some from Building D.

Type 8 Sixteen pumice tools were found at Vronda, accounting for 5.9% of the total tool assemblage (Tables 72, 73; Fig. 72). The worked pumice can be divided into three subcategories on the basis of shape and/or wear marks, but all of them can be considered abrading tools. Most of the worked pumice consists of irregularly shaped pebbles or cobbles with one or several grooves on the surface (subtype 8A). The grooves are the most obvious characteristics that can be seen easily with the naked eye, and they are of two kinds, V-shaped grooves and U-shaped grooves. The surface within the grooves is smoothed and regular. The grooves are predominantly parallel to the long axis of the pebbles and cobbles and cut into the flatter surface, creating a straight groove. Often the surface in

which the grooves are cut is flat or slightly concave. The pieces were never exhausted, as the grooves were shallow. Four pumice pebbles occur with one or two flattish, smooth, abraded faces (subtype 8B). The faces are formed at a somewhat abrupt angle to the rest of the piece, hence creating distinctive shapes. They are of small size (3–5 cm in length) and oblong shape with a triangular-rounded section and one flat abraded surface (L-M ST2, N2 ST3, VW ST1). At times, certain specific shapes were created, for example a triangular-shaped tool with two smoothed abraded faces adjacent to each other, as on N1 ST3. Close observation with a hand lens showed tiny regular scratch marks running in one direction on the abraded smooth surfaces,

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indicating the intensity of abrasion. The scratch marks are straight and regular, and they run parallel to each other, the majority of the time in the direction corresponding with the grain of the pumice. Two examples (N5 ST7, C4 ST2; subtype 8C) have wear marks consisting of an abraded face and, like subtype 8A, grooves on the surface. Often the grooves were cut into the abraded face. In addition to the worked pumice, 28 pumice pieces were excavated that bear no obvious signs of use. These unworked pieces came primarily from

tumble or roofing material contexts, suggesting the use of pumice primarily and secondarily as an insulator for the houses in roofs. Its use as an insulator has also been suggested at Kommos (Blitzer 1995, 531). In general, pumice abraders/polishers were used for the whetting, sharpening, and polishing of metal artifacts. The type of grooves seen on the Vronda examples and their smooth interiors suggests the whetting or sharpening of rigid objects. The flattish, smooth, abraded faces suggest a polishing action.

Type 9 Two small cobbles (L. 6.0–7.0, w. 5.9, th. 2.7–3.1 cm, 140–200 g) each had wear marks consisting of a polished face, suggesting their use as polishers (Table 74; Fig. 70). Both were disk shaped (rounded and flat), with one made of quartzite and the other of basalt. Both have additional peckedground circumferences. In the case of the basalt

tool, striations are visible on the polished face due to heavy polishing action. The hard metamorphic or igneous raw materials employed for these tools clearly indicate their use for heavy abrasion. This tool type can be compared to the smaller examples of Blitzer type 2.

Type 10 Five pestles, making up 1.9% of the stone tool assemblage, were found at Vronda (Table 75; Fig. 69). These tools, characterized primarily by the natural shape of the stone, consist of humped (B4 ST4, E7 ST5), conical (D3 ST4), oblong (N5 ST15), or triangular-rounded (D1 ST2) pieces. Of the five examples, four are complete and range widely between 4.1–13.7 cm in length, 3.7–13.0 cm in width, and 3.0–7.9 cm in thickness, with weights

between 80–1,500 g. All bear wear marks in the form of pecked and/or abraded ends. Two examples each of crystalline limestone and quartzite are represented, both of which are hard rocks that can resist heavy and long continuing pounding action. Of interest is the triangular-rounded emery pestle. Emery is not native to Crete, and the tool was an import to the site. It is hard to say whether the tool was manufactured at the site or imported as a tool.

Type 11 Subcuboid and subspherical pebbles/cobbles with entire pecked or pecked-ground surface (Tables 76, 77; Fig. 70) are interpreted as possible balance weights. They totaled eight in number, or 3% of the stone tool assemblage. The entire surface of these objects is pecked or pecked-ground. They have flattened faces, giving them a regular, faceted appearance and sometimes even a subcuboid form.

Their size varies little, between 5.3 and 7.5 cm in maximum dimension. It seems as if these tools were deliberately shaped to serve a specific purpose. Only one piece made from crystalline limestone (B3 ST2) cannot be definitively considered part of the group, yet based on its shape and wear it belongs to this tool type. It has a more irregular

THE GROUND AND CHIPPED STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE SETTLEMENT

spherical shape with a pecked-battered surface, suggesting its use as a possible hammer stone. The weights of each of the completely preserved possible balance weights is given in Table 77. Of the seven, five are closely divisible by the identified Minoan units of either 60/61 g or 65.5 g, as identified in analyses of lead weights (Michailidou 1990; Petruso 1992), and they fall within the range of variations suggested by Alberti (1995, 1999), who indicates that there may have been a strong and weak variant to the Minoan system between 58– 62 g and 67–70 g (Alberti 1995, 19–20; 1999, 342). However, three of the examples (B7 ST2, K3 ST8, and CS ST1) are better multiples of Near Eastern measures: the Syrian shekel (s = 9.4 g) and a possible Mesopotamian mina. In addition, one example (EN ST2) can be at the same time a Minoan unit (3x) or a Mycenaean unit (P = 20 g; E. Alberti, pers. comm.). The existence of stone weights in the shapes of disks, cubes, or sphendoids supports the idea that stones of regular shape, such as those belonging to this tool type, were used as balance weights. Michailidou suggested that some of the more regular stone implements were used

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as weights. She also states that in Crete stone was used as a raw material rather than lead because of its wider availability, while Hafford asserts that “stone weights occur in the Aegean but are not often recognized or reported” (Michailidou 1990, 412–413, 417; Hafford 2001, 138; see also Blitzer 1995, 440). In a more recent article, Michailidou identified specific stone shapes that can be considered weights based on shape and context, although she cautions against the identification of spherical stones, disks without marks, or cones as balance weights unless associated in context with securely identified weights (Michailidou 2006). Hafford, in an examination of stones from Chrysokamino, hypothesizes that dome-shaped, spherical, and subcubical stones, primarily of hematite and amphibolite, were utilized as balance weights, even though the manufacture is rather crude. Hafford’s results indicate a weight system based on 61.0– 65.5 g, with a medium value of 65 g (Hafford 2001, 432–472). For the present it seems plausible to regard the examples from Vronda as possible balance weights, although further study is needed to positively identify their function.

Type 12 One implement from the surface of Building D, Room D5, can be classified as a composite tool (D5 ST5; Fig. 74). It displays use wear of a combination of Types 7 and 10, described above. It is an

oblong quartzite cobble with pecked-ground wear on the preserved end and an abraded smooth face with a groove. It was used both as a whetstone and a pestle.

Type 13 Two celts or axes were uncovered within the settlement of Vronda (Table 78; Fig. 70). Only one of these (D1 ST1) came from a dated context. The celt came from the packing under a LM IIIC floor in Building D, Room D1, which had FN/EM as well as MM and LM IIIC pottery, making this tool a probable survival from the earlier FN/EM period, as seen at other Minoan sites (Warren 1972, 232; Evely 1984, 237). Its measurements are 4.6 x 4.0 x 1.9 cm, and the large end is beveled with evidence of pecking and/or chipping from use. Similar in size and shape is a second celt built into a

wall in Building I (I2 ST1). Celts of this type have been found at Knossos and Myrtos and were common during the Neolithic, continuing into the EM period (Warren 1972, 232; Strasser and Fassoulas 2003–2004; Strasser 2004; 2008). Neolithic celts or axes occur in a variety of rocks, generally of metamorphic or igneous origin. The axes from Knossos were made from peridotite, dark diorite, granodiorite, and a greenish-gray metamorphosed igneous rock (Strasser and Fassoulas 2003–2004; Strasser 2004, 2008), while both examples from Vronda were made from gabbro and basalt, respectively.

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The stone sources for these axes can be found in outcrops in South-Central Crete (peridotite and dark diorite) and northeast Crete along the Gulf of Mirabello (granodiorite, basalt, gabbro), while the greenish-gray metamorphosed igneous rock (analyzed and identified as andesite by Tsikouras) can be found east of the Ierapetra Isthmus near Siteia (Strasser 2004, 2008; Dierckx and Tsikouras 2007). There are other examples from later contexts at Knossos and Karphi, but it seems likely that these stone artifacts were rediscovered and perhaps reused (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 125; Evely 1984, 237). The contexts of

the celts from Vronda also suggest that both were left behind from the previous FN/EM period. Although no Neolithic habitation has yet to be discovered in the immediate area of Vronda (Haggis 2005, 59–62), a settlement did exist at nearby Azoria (Haggis et al. 2007a, 668–695, 706–707). The celts from Vronda can be seen as additional evidence for the existence of local manufacturing and an exchange network in polished stone axes rather than the practice of direct procurement from Knossos in the Neolithic period (Strasser 2008, 161).

Type 14 Five weights used for activities other than measurement, amounting to 1.9% of the stone tool assemblage, were found at Vronda (Table 79; Fig. 70). One chert example belongs to the naturally perforated type (E6 ST3, subtype 14A). The rest were made from limestone or crystalline limestone and included one cobble-sized weight with a

drilled hole near the edge (C5 ST4, subtype 14B), one pebble-sized ring weight (OS ST2), and one unfinished pebble-sized ring weight (E1 ST1). A fragment of a spherical cobble with a deep pecked depression on each face (J1 ST3) could also perhaps have been a weight that was broken in the manufacturing process.

Type 15 The total number of querns from Vronda was 29, amounting to 10.7% of the stone tool assemblage (Table 80; Fig. 73). All 29 were of oblong and narrow shape. Measurements of the five complete examples of these stationary tools ranged between 25.0–33.0 cm in length, 14.5–22.5 cm in width, and 5.0–12.0 cm in thickness; their weights were 3 kg or more. The querns are divided into two subgroups, the first of which includes 12 saddle querns. The saddle querns are oblong, ovoid, narrow slabs displaying a deep concave working surface with two prominent ridges at the short ends. Two are complete (J1 ST5, K4 ST1) with lengths of 33 and 28 cm, widths of 21 and 15.5 cm, and thicknesses of 8 and 5 cm, respectively. The other 17 querns, mostly fragmented, belong to a second subgroup characterized by either a flat or shallow concave working surface. Seven of the querns displayed a flat surface, either as a result of less intensive action on the quern or from little use.

The querns were created from large bouldersized slabs, most of which were pecked and flaked along the edge and in the preparation of the working surface. The raw material from which the querns were made consists primarily of sedimentary rocks with high abrasive quality. These include conglomerate, breccia, calcareous sandstone, shelly limestone, and quartzite. Two querns of green schist were also found. As only five small mortars were found, along with one stationary example still in situ in Building N, Room N4 (see below), the people of Vronda must have used querns for a variety of actions, including both grinding and pounding. The Vronda querns probably served a double function as querns and mortars. The fairly large quantity of querns and their distribution within all the main buildings suggest a household use for these implements within an agrarian economy based on subsistence crops, animal husbandry, and collection of wild plants.

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Type 16 Six mortars, representing 2.2% of the total stone tool assemblage, were found at Vronda (Table 81; Fig. 74). Five small quartzite mortars came from Buildings B, J, N, and O. Three are fist sized (one rectangular and two of irregular shape). The smallest measures 4.4 x 4.0 x 1.8 cm and weighs 35 g, while the largest measures 7.5 x 7.1 x 4.4 cm and weighs 250 g. The pecked-abraded depressions on the upper surface are 1.0–1.5 cm deep. Two examples are different in size, shape, and wear, in that they are cobble sized (16.0/11.9 x 7.9/10.7 x 2.5/2.5 cm), triangular shaped, and flat with a very shallow

pecked depression (N3 ST5, O3 ST2). The size of these mortars suggests that they were probably used for either crushing spices or for cosmetic purposes, and they can be considered portable mortars. A large stationary mortar, still in situ, was uncovered on the floor of Building N, Room N4 (N4 ST3). It consisted of an irregular crystalline limestone slab (48 x 42 x 11 cm) with a shallow ground depression in the center, having a diameter of 8 cm and a depth of 1 cm (Day and Glowacki 2012, 125, fig. 104).

Possible Tools In addition to the 16 main tool types described above, there are 11 cobbles (4.0% of the stone tool assemblage), mainly of crystalline limestone, and some examples of quartzite, sandstone, and calcareous schist, which show possible but no clear signs of use or were broken from use at the ends or edges (Table 82; Fig. 74). Half of these came from

fairly good contexts. They are mostly of ovoid, oblong, and rounded shape, with some examples of naturally weathered pebbles of knucklebone shape. The shapes suggest that they may have been used as pestles. Members of this group have been classified as possible tools.

Miscellaneous Ground Stone Tools Eight finds, or 3% of the stone tool assemblage, are classified as miscellaneous ground stone tools (Table 83; Figs. 71, 74). Two of the tools consist of quartzite cobbles of triangular-rounded shape with a pecked-abraded depression in the center of two or more faces (D3 ST3, I3 ST4). Their function is unknown but could be related to the pounding of stakes. One limestone slab (B8 ST1), which was triangular-rounded in shape (23 x 18 x 6 cm) and had one pecked depression on the surface with the remaining surface pecked, was possibly utilized as an anvil. From Building N, Room N3 came an ovoid limestone tool with pecked and peckedbattered ends (like Type 1), but it also had a flaked

edge for scraping (N3 ST4). A serpentinite disk (5.0 x 5.0 x 2.1 cm) with a small (d. 1.0 cm) abraded hole in the center of a polished surface was picked up on the surface of Building Complex L-M (L-M ST4). It may have functioned as a polisher, and it was probably a survival of unknown use from an earlier Minoan period. Two small quartzite slabs shaped into a rectangular form, one with an abraded concave surface and the other with a slightly raised rim, could be interpreted as possible palettes (L-M ST1 and EN ST5). Lastly, a fragment of a round quartzite(?) slab with a slightly raised rim, originally with a diameter of ca. 41 cm, may be part of a shallow basin or turning wheel (O1 ST4).

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Chipped Stone Only a handful of chipped stone was recovered from the Vronda settlement and overlying tombs (Table 84; Fig. 74). The assemblage consists of nine obsidian and two chert pieces. Two obsidian prismatic blade fragments were found in Building B, Room B4, and Building E, Room E4. The rest of the obsidian pieces consist of debitage products: two cores and three tertiary flakes. One flake was retouched on one edge to form a scraper (O2 ST8). Both cores were flake cores; one was a relatively large conical flake core (I3 ST14), while the other was smaller (N5 ST8). In view of their short and triangular shape and overlapping irregular blade scars, they could be Neolithic in date (Torrence 1979, 68–71). Of interest is the occurrence of an obsidian flake from Gyali (I4 ST2). There were also two dark gray chert flakes found within Buildings D and G. The surprisingly few pieces found and their poor contexts make it seem likely that the obsidian pieces belonged to an earlier time period and got mixed up with later deposits or were perhaps even reused in the LM IIIC period, though the latter is more unlikely.

The lack of obsidian blades could be attributed to the disuse of obsidian and the preference for bronze or iron tools during the LM III period, or to the fact that the connection with Melos was no longer in existence (M. Tsipopoulou, pers. comm.). The LM IIIC settlement at Chalasmenos has also yielded only a few pieces so far, including some blades but no cores (C. D’Annibale and M. Tsipopoulou, pers. comm.). Vronda, like Chalasmenos, was a small site situated inland and protected from the dangers that were plaguing the Cretan coastline at this time. However, the Greek-Swedish excavations at the early LM IIIC settlement of Chania in western Crete uncovered over 200 obsidian pieces (Karantzali 2000, pls. 115, 116). Unlike the small hilltop villages, Chania appears to have retained a connection with Melos to some extent during the early LM IIIC period (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 194). It is also possible that the obsidian at Chania is associated with activity not evident at Vronda or Chalasmenos, accounting for the difference in frequency of obsidian use. Unfortunately, as stated by Karantzali (2000, 185), the lack of published data from LM III sites in general makes it difficult to resolve these questions.

Geology of Eastern Crete Crete has a rather complicated geology, with five tectonic nappes (i.e., the Tripali Unit, PhylliteQuartzite Series, Tripolitza Zone, Pindos Zone, and Arvi Ophiolite Unit) superimposed on the basement consisting of the Talea Ori-Plattenkalk Unit (Seidel et al. 1981; Seidel, Kreuzer, and Hare 1982; Fassoulas, Kilias, and Mountrakis 1994). Several of the nappes, most notably the Plattenkalk and Phyllite-Quartzite nappes, and to a smaller extent the Tripolitza nappe, exist east of the Ierapetra alluvial valley, from the eastern end of the Gulf of Mirabello toward the Bay of Siteia, The Phyllite-Quartzite nappe is located stratigraphically between the metamorphosed Plattenkalk and unmetamorphosed Tripolitza nappes. It lies in the uppermost position of the lower nappes,

and it is fragmentary in character, unlike the underlying and overlying complete stratigraphical nappes. About 23 million years ago, during the Late Oligocene–Early Miocene epoch, this nappe, along with the Plattenkalk nappe, experienced a high pressure/low temperature metamorphism. The Phyllite-Quartzite nappe consists of various phyllites, mainly of purple hue, alternating with intercalations of quartzite, marble or crystallized limestones, green schist, calcareous schist, amphibolites, and meta-volcanic rocks such as meta-andesite and meta-basalt, as well as minor limestone, gypsum, and volcanic rocks (e.g., andesite; Papastamatiou 1959; Seidel, Kreuzer, and Harre 1982; Theye, Seidel, and Vidal 1992; Zulauf et al. 2002; C. Fassoulas, pers. comm.). Andesite

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can be found in a large outcrop within the phyllitequartzite series near Siteia by the newly excavated Minoan site of Papadiakampos, and smaller outcrops are recorded near Petras (Seidel, Kreuzer, and Harre 1982; pers. obs.). This group of rocks can be found east of the Ierapetra valley around the Mirabello Bay all the way to the Siteia area in eastern Crete. The autochthonous or basement nappe of Crete, the Plattenkalk nappe, which lies beneath the Phyllite-Quartzite nappe, consists primarily of platy limestone and nodules of chert, while the overlying Tripolitza nappe consists of shallow water limestone. Basalt, diabase, and gabbro, which comprise one third of the implements at Vronda, are typical members of an ophiolite suite. The Arvi Unit comprises the uppermost nappe, which contains dismembered ophiolitic rocks along with an ophiolitic mélange and relics of subophiolitic metamorphic sole. The ophiolite comprises oceanic pillow basalts, gabbros, peridotites, deepwater limestones, and cherts that were thrust upon the Miamou formation. The

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Miamou formation comprises a multicolored, tectonized, chaotic sequence, including fragments of variable size and shape of basalts (frequently pillow lavas), diabases, serpentinites, amphibolites, limestones, and cherts (mostly radiolarites) surrounded by an intensively tectonized, clayey to pelitic material (Seidel and Okrusch 1976; Bonneau 1984; Thomson, Stoeckhert, and Brix 1998). The most extensive ophiolite outcrops are present in Central Crete ca. 45–50 km to the west of the region of the Mirabello Bay and the area west of Ierapetra and Chrissi Island (Seidel et al. 1981; Koepke, Kreuzer, and Seidel 1985; F. McCoy, pers. comm.). However, another ophiolite outcrop may have been, but is no longer, present in close proximity to the Mirabello Bay area, resulting in the abundance of these rocks, along with various schists, quartzite, and limestones in the Miocene conglomerate and on beaches or in dry riverbeds located in the Kalo Chorio-Istron Bay region (Dierckx and Tsikouras 2007).

Raw Materials and Sources The people of Vronda used a variety of raw materials for their stone implements. The ancients sought after slabs, boulders, cobbles, and pebbles produced by sedimentary, metamorphic, and igneous rocks. Except for emery, which had to be imported onto the island of Crete, all the rocks from which the tools were made or chosen were available locally within the near vicinity of the site. Table 85 shows the percentage of each stone type used at Vronda.

The raw materials for the ground stone tools could be found either in the exposed bedded deposits of sedimentary and metamorphic rocks belonging to the Plattenkalk, Phyllite-Quartzite, Tripolitza nappes, the Miocene conglomerate in the Kalo Chorio–Istron Bay region, or in the form of pebbles, cobbles, boulders, and slabs from alluvial Neogene deposits or dry riverbeds and beaches in the proximity of the site along the northeast coast of Crete.

Sedimentary Rocks The following sedimentary rocks were employed at Vronda: granular-pebble conglomerate, breccia, calcareous sandstone, shelly limestone or sandstone, and limestone. Granular to pebble conglomerate, or beach rock, is characterized by rounded granules and pebbles,

often poorly sorted and cemented together by a white calcareous matrix. Occasionally a calcareous coarse-grained sandstone stratum joins the conglomerate slabs. The color of the grain inclusions and pebble inclusions determines the color of

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the conglomerate. It has a speckled black, gray, and white appearance. Breccia can be found in the alluvial deposits of the Quaternary period or is produced as a result of fault activity. Angular rock fragments within a finegrained, calcareous, sandy matrix characterize its texture. The rock fragments in the breccia consist primarily of crystalline limestone with occasional phyllite pieces. Other sedimentary raw materials used for tools include limestone and fossiliferous (or shelly) limestone or sandstone. Limestone is a rock composed of calcium carbonate, primarily in the form of calcite. This rock is used in the form of beach cobbles and pebbles. It is light gray in color, and is not as hard (H = 3 according to the Mohs hardness scale) as the recrystallized limestone described below, and hence it is not as useful. A variant of this rock is fossiliferous limestone or sandstone, which is also calcareous with a compact texture of medium

grains with shell inclusions. It is usually white to yellowish white in color. Dolomite, which is similar to limestone, is a rock composed of calcium carbonate, light to gray in color. Its hardness is 3.5–4.0 on the Mohs scale. Two types of sandstone are represented at Vronda. The first is a calcareous coarse-grained sandstone that is gray in color. The second is a fine- to medium-grained brown sandstone. Only one tool from the assemblage was made from calcitite, composed of the mineral calcite and with a hardness of 3 on the Mohs scale. Also to be included in this section is chert, a dull to semivitreous opaque quartz rock composed predominantly of fine-grained chalcedony, micro-granular quartz, or a combination of the two. It is tough and hard (H = 7) and often white or light gray in color. It occurs as nodules in limestone outcrops. One chert piece with a natural hole was used as a possible weight. Chert was more often knapped to produce flakes.

Metamorphic Rocks Metamorphic rocks used as tools at Vronda mainly included crystalline limestone, quartzite, and various types of schist. Crystalline limestone is another term for recrystallized limestone or marble, but in order not to confuse the rock with the marble used for stone vases and sculpture, archaeologists have used the term crystalline limestone in reference to stone tools. Due to its low metamorphism, the rock is fairly hard (H = 5 according to the Mohs scale), and it is primarily gray in color. Occurring in the form of beach pebbles and cobbles, it is the second most common rock type used at Vronda. Quartzite is a Permo-Triassic metamorphic rock that occurs in various gray, brownish-gray, greenish-gray, and reddish-gray colors. It has a massive structure and a crystalline texture, fine to medium grained. Its main minerals are quartz and sometimes mica. It is a hard rock (H = 7 on the Mohs scale). It is the most commonly used raw material at Vronda. Although Carter asserts that quartzite was imported from as far as the Siteia area (Carter 2004, 87), quartzite was readily available in the Mirabello area.

Calcareous schist is a Hercynian metamorphic rock. It is gray with greenish-bluish hue, slightly schistose, and fine grained. Its main minerals are calcite, mica, and quartz. The rock is characterized by its calcareous composition, and it is fairly hard (H = 5.5 on the Mohs scale). It occurs in an oblong cobble or pebble-sized form. One of the main outcrops lies near Myrsini in eastern Crete, which lies within a reasonable distance from Mochlos (Carter 2004, 87) and Kavousi. Green schist is another Permo-Triassic metamorphic rock. Originally formed from meta-andesite, it is an intermediate/ mafic igneous rock that is fairly hard (H = 5.5 on the Mohs scale). It is light leaf-green, schistose, and medium grained. Its minerals consist of chlorite, mica, feldspar, and epidote. Other metamorphic raw materials to be considered are meta-andesite and serpentinite. Metaandesite occurs in eastern Crete, having formed as a result of regional pressure metamorphism of volcanic rocks, in this case andesite. One pounder of this material was found at Vronda. With a hardness of 3–4 on the Mohs scale, serpentinite is a weathered, soaplike, igneous rock of the ophiolithic suite,

THE GROUND AND CHIPPED STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE SETTLEMENT

often green to black-green in color, composed of serpentine minerals. It is formed by the serpentinization (or weathering) of volcanic rocks such as

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peridotite and basalt. It can be found in several locations in Central and East Crete (Warren 1969, 138–140; Becker 1976).

Igneous and Metamorphic Rocks A group of stone implements was made of pebbles and cobbles belonging to igneous and metamorphic varieties that can be found along the northeastern coast of Crete. Based on macroscopic examination and their visual similarities, many probably came from the Miocene onlap conglomerate found in the Kalo Chorio–Istron region as well as in the vicinity of the Minoan sites of Mochlos and Papadiokampos. One of the igneous rocks is basalt, which is a fine-grained extrusive volcanic rock, usually homogeneous and very dark gray or black in color, but it can be greenish or reddish due to alteration from Fe-oxides. It is composed mainly of plagioclase and pyroxene, as well as olivine and amphibole. It has a hardness of 6–7 on the Mohs scale. Another igneous raw material is diabase, which is equivalent to dolerite. This rock is a fine- to medium-coarse grained dark rock. Macroscopically it can be seen to contain fine greenish pyroxenes (altered) and whitish plagioclase, and it exhibits a subophitic texture. The rock is closely allied chemically and mineralogically with basalt and gabbro. As grain size increases, the rock passes into gabbro; as it decreases, dolerite passes into basalt. The color varies from very dark bluish gray to greenish gray to black. Like basalt, diabase is a hard rock, 6–7 on the Mohs scale. Gabbro is a

medium- to coarse-grained intrusive equivalent of basalt. Very dark bluish or greenish gray in color, it is composed mainly of plagioclase and greenish to dark pyroxenes (altered). Some are penetrated by whitish veins filled with calcite. The hardness is 6–7 on the Mohs scale. Amphibolite is characterized by fine- to medium-grained dark green hornblende and feldspar. Although the rock usually refers to a type of metamorphic rock, an igneous rock composed dominantly of amphibole (hornblende) can also be called an amphibolite. Usually dark green to black, sometimes with a bluish appearance, these rocks are medium to coarse grained. Two varieties of amphibolite are distinguished: one rich in hornblende (dark greenish gray in color) and the epidoteamphibolite variety (medium bluish gray). The hardness is 6–7 on the Mohs scale. Also to be mentioned is andesite, an extrusive igneous rock, light to dark gray, sometimes with reddish to greenish hues. It is composed primarily of plagioclase feldspar and amphibole. It is fine grained and typically porphyritic (containing larger crystals set in a fine groundmass). Phenocrysts comprise plagioclase, olivine, amphibole, quartz, and/or biotite set in a fine-grained, frequently glassy, groundmass. Its hardness is 6–7 on the Mohs scale.

Nonlocal Stone Sources Among the nonlocal stone materials used at Vronda are emery, pumice, and obsidian. Emery is a very hard (9 on the Mohs scale) and dense rock. Its appearance is dark gray with a luster. Its main minerals are corundrum and hematite. The exact source of emery is unknown, but it was probably imported either from the Cycladic islands, especially Naxos, or from western Turkey, where it is widely available (Myer and Betancourt 1999).

Only one tool from the assemblage was made from emery. Pumice is a light porous rock and looks like a sea sponge with many hollows. Its low density allows it to float on water. Usually white to very light gray in color, it was used as an abrasive, either as a powder or as a tool. Chunks of pumice from the Theran eruption floated onto the beaches and were picked up by the locals, as is still the case today. Obsidian is a volcanic glass. It is gray to black

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in color and lustrous, with a hardness of 5–6 on the Mohs scale. The obsidian from Vronda probably came from the island of Melos. One variety of

obsidian from Gyali in the Dode-canese, characterized by its white spotted appearance, also occurred in the form of a flake.

R aw Materials and Tool Types Some general patterns can be discerned with regard to the correlation between the different tool types and the raw materials used (see Table 85). The most common of the raw materials used were quartzite and crystalline limestone (almost 50% of the assemblage). Even though quartzite was employed for most tool types, it seems to have been used primarily for abrading action, because a little over half of the tools belonged to either Types 3 or 7. In addition, six quartzite slabs were made into querns and five into small mortars. Crystalline limestone, however, was used primarily for tools utilized in pounding and hammering actions. Over half of these tools belong to Types 1 and 3. Both limestone and crystalline limestone were also preferred for weights (Type 14). Schist of the different varieties was mostly preferred for whetstones, choppers, querns, and Type 1 oblong tools that were probably used as pestles. Basalt pebbles and cobbles, because of their size, which allowed them to fit in one hand, and their hardness (variable between 6 and 7 on the Mohs scale), were mainly used for Type 2

pounder-pestles, which are characterized by their distinct pecked-ground wear marks. Only two examples of basalt were used for the faceted tools (Type 5). The latter type was more common in diabase, gabbro, andesite, and limestone. All the above-mentioned stone types were also used for Type 11 tools as well as for two celts and a polisher. Pumice was used in the form of pebbles and cobbles of Type 8. Lastly, querns were commonly manufactured from a limited array of sources: breccia, shelly limestone, sandstone and conglomerate, quartzite, and green schist. Sandstone and conglomerate could be used for grinders as well. The physical qualities of the rock types account for the preference of certain rocks in making certain tools. In general, the grainy-textured rocks were used for grinding, abrading, and polishing, allowing for the pulverizing and removal of excess material. Carbonate rocks were used for pounding and hammering. Igneous cobbles, hard and dense, were preferred for Type 5 faceted tools, Type 11 (possible) balance weights, and special shapes such as polishers and celts.

Distribution on the Site The uneven and sporadic distribution of the stone implements from the settlement at Vronda (see Table 86) can be explained in various ways depending on the contexts from which the tools were recovered. The largest assemblage comes from Building Complex I-O-N, with a total of 114 tools. Building Complexes C-D and E produced the next largest number, with 54 and 28 pieces, respectively. Fewer tools came from Building A-B (20), Building Complex J-K (18), Building Complex L-M (17), and the Shrine (15). A variety of factors influenced this distribution of stone implements. First of all, some areas were previously

excavated by Boyd, who did not record or keep stone tools (Building A-B). The poor preservation and later disturbance of Building Complexes J-K and L-M may have resulted in the removal of many of the tools. Certain complexes had specialized functions that may not have included tool use (e.g., Building A-B, the Shrine). Finally, many of the tools may have been lost due to various abandonment and postabandonment processes (Building Complexes C-D, E, I-O-N). Nevertheless, taking into account these factors, distinctive stone tool assemblages are apparent within certain contexts, most notably in Building

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Complexes C-D, E, J-K, and I-O-N (Table 86; Fig. 75). From this data, it is clear that significant stone tool assemblages at Vronda came from floor or roofing to floor deposits in domestic contexts within specific kinds of rooms. These rooms were generally the largest in their buildings and had special internal architectural features such as hearths, ovens, enclosures, and benches (see Ch. 1). Domestic activities attested by the ceramic assemblages in these rooms include small-scale storage, food preparation, and consumption (see Ch. 2). In terms of ground stone implements, whetstones were especially common in the main activity areas of each house (those rooms with hearths and/or ovens), followed by querns, pounder-pestles, faceted tools, and pounders. Choppers, pumice, grinders, abraderpounders, and mortars were less common. Only one hearth room (J1), however, contained a possible weight. The occurrence of additional stone tools found in the rooms adjacent to the hearth rooms, which had few built features except perhaps for a bench or storage enclosure, can be explained by the use of those rooms as additional working areas or storage spaces. Each household appears to have had its own set of stone tools for daily use. The most common tools within these assemblages were querns, pounders, pounder-pestles, abrader-pounders, grinders, choppers, faceted tools, and whetstones. All of these tool types were used in domestic activities such as the pounding and grinding of grains and legumes and the breaking of animal bones with choppers or faceted tools, as well as other domestic tasks. Whetstones, including the pumice variety, were

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clearly used to sharpen and polish metal tools even if the metal implements themselves were not found (see Ch. 5). Any variation within the tool assemblages from these buildings, most noticeably regarding the number of tools recovered, is probably the result both of the poor preservation at the site and the various depletion processes (e.g., curation, removal of still usable artifacts, scavenging, disturbance by the construction of Geometric graves) during the abandonment and postabandonment stages of the settlement (see La Motta and Schiffer 1999 for a discussion of site formation processes in general, and Glowacki 2002, 42–45, for the types of processes observed at Vronda). Other than the floor or roofing to floor deposits, one interesting stone assemblage came from a pit in Building K, Room K3, interpreted as a trash pit or leveling material for the floor (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 149–150). The tools included two pounders, two quern fragments, one fragment of a grinder, and one pounder or balance weight. Another assemblage that is worthy of note came from Building B, Room B6, belonging to the Neopalatial period. In a MM III–LM I deposit were found four tools and a kernos stone. The tools consisted of a pounder, a pounder-pestle, a polisher, and a faceted tool. This group clearly indicates that not only were these same tool types used throughout the Bronze Age, but it also suggests that many of the Type 5 faceted tools common during the pre–LM IIIC period were being reused by the inhabitants of Vronda due to the quality and hardness of the stone. Such tools were also found in EM–MM contexts in Building E, Room E4, and the courtyard area.

Parallels and Chronology Most of the tools within the Vronda settlement that came from tumble, roofing collapse, or floor deposits may be dated to the LM IIIC period. Only a few came from earlier deposits of the EM–MM period. Most of the tool types are common on other Minoan sites, including Pseira (Dierckx 1992, 1995, 1998a, 1998b, 1999), Knossos (Evely 1984), Palaikastro (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965; D. Evely, pers. comm.), Myrtos (Warren 1972), Mochlos

(Carter 2004), Petras (work in progress by author), and Kommos (Blitzer 1995), all of which were occupied prior to the LM IIIC period. It is of interest, therefore, to compare the Vronda tools with those from the LM IIIC sites of Chania (Bruun-Lungren and Wiman 2000) and Chalasmenos (work in progress by author), because both sites belong to the same period of occupation as Vronda. Late Minoan IIIC and early Iron Age tools from Vrokastro (Hall 1914), Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury,

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and Money-Coutts 1937–1938), Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965), and Kavousi Kastro (in preparation by author) will be discussed briefly as well. From the LM IIIC settlement of Chania, fewer than 30 tools are recorded. Five tool types are represented, divided by presumed function and subdivided by shape. These include percussion stones, pestles, grinders, polishers, and whetstones. These types correspond to four of Blitzer’s tool types from Kommos (types 1, 2, 5, and 7) and Vronda’s Types 1, 3, 6, 7, and 9. Several pumice tools (Vronda Type 8) also occurred in the tool assemblage. Thus, not only is a low quantity of ground stone implements represented at Chania (unlike the larger amount of obsidian from the site), but the range of types is also rather limited, and they belong to the most common types found throughout the Bronze Age. Hence, a better comparison for the Vronda ground stone tools are the implements recovered from the LM IIIC settlement of Chalasmenos, situated near the Cha Gorge on the eastern edge of the Ierapetra alluvial plain. A brief preliminary summary based on the author’s study is given below. Because Chalasmenos is located ca. 4 km from the settlement site of Vronda and represents a similar kind of settlement, a comparison between the two assemblages should be informative. So far over 500 ground stone implements have been excavated at Chalasmenos. The preliminary study of the tools indicates that there is a striking resemblance to the Vronda assemblage in the composition and use of raw materials. All the tool types found at Vronda were also in use at Chalasmenos, and the same raw materials were preferred as well. Due to the close proximity of the sites, their location within the same geological area, and their contemporaneity, the striking similarity of the assemblages is not surprising. Comparative material can also be sought from the published sites of Vrokastro, Karphi, and Palaikastro Kastri, although these, with the exception of Karphi, do not belong exclusively to the LM IIIC period. These publications, however, do not list or describe stone tools in great detail. For Vrokastro, Hall mentions that among the objects from the houses “there should not be left out of the account the humbler objects of domestic use. Among these were a saddle quern, several stone polishers

and whetstones of various shapes” (Hall 1914, 52). As for the tools from Karphi, only vague descriptions are given, and the lack or unsatisfactory nature of the drawings and/or photographs makes it impossible to tell how close the parallels are. As for Palaikastro Kastri, 13 of the tools said to have come from LM IIIC contexts are similar to Vronda types 1, 3, 5, 6, and 11 (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 310–312, fig. 24, pl. 80). Thus, several of the tool types of Vronda, such as querns, pounders, grinders, polishers, faceted tools, and celts, are represented at least at one of the three sites. The best parallels, however, come from the settlement on the Kastro at Kavousi. That the ground stone tool assemblage at the Kastro bears general similarities to that of Vronda is not surprising, since the two sites are close to each other, and the inhabitants of Vronda may have moved up to the higher Kastro after their own settlement was abandoned. One significant difference from earlier Minoan assemblages evident in the LM IIIC Vronda assemblage is the abundance of querns and whetstones (both of pumice or other abrasive stones) and the lack of large mortars and other stationary largescale implements such as tables, anvils, or basins. As regards the hand tools, finely shaped tools such as pestles (with the exception of the emery example, if indeed it was used as a pestle) are absent. There are a few examples of drill guides and two examples of bore cores, but most likely all belonged originally to the Neopalatial period. The drill guides, however, were probably reused as pounders. In conclusion, the most common tool types employed throughout the Bronze Age were pounders/ hammer stones (Type 1), abrader-pounders (Type 3), faceted tools (Type 5), grinders (Type 6), whetstones (Type 7), pumice abraders (Type 8), weights (Type 14), and querns (Type 15). Pounder-pestle/ polishers (Type 2), choppers/hammers (Type 4), polishers (Type 9), possible balance weights (Type 11), and mortars (Type 16) were also used, although to a lesser extent and with variation among sites, throughout the LM IIIC period. Large-scale implements and finely worked hand tools appear to have been used in the pre–LM IIIC period. The occurrence of two celts in the LM IIIC or later assemblages, but belonging to the Neolithic–EM period based on their context and shape/size (see discussion above, pp. 143–144), can be accounted for by assuming that they were reused as building

THE GROUND AND CHIPPED STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE SETTLEMENT

materials. Type 5 faceted tools were also probably reused from the previous Minoan occupation. They are usually associated with stone vase production, but their size and hardness and general usefulness favored their reuse (see discussion above, p. 151). The apparent variability in tool assemblages among Minoan sites in general and throughout different periods may be due in part to the small number of excavated LM III sites as well as to the inadequate collection and publication of ground

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stone implements. Some of the variation may also be a result of the differing local availability of certain raw materials. Furthermore, sites had different roles within the larger society and within particular periods. Some settlement sites were focused on subsistence agriculture, while others were production sites where a variety of artifacts were manufactured. All of these factors influenced the variability, however small, of the distribution of ground stone implements on Minoan sites in general.

5

Small Finds of Various Categories Leslie Preston Day

Surprisingly few objects were uncovered in the excavation of the houses in the Vronda settlement, and it is presumed that the inhabitants carried off with them personal portable objects that could not easily be replaced. Stone tools were abandoned (see Ch. 4), but all metal tools were removed; the whetstones left behind for sharpening metal tools, however, attest to their existence. The few other discarded small objects include terracotta beads and loomweights, stone beads and bowls, and a few fragments of lead. Some objects that may have had architectural and symbolic significance were also left behind, particularly the large terracotta window frame in Building B. Other objects were recovered that belonged to earlier periods of occupation on the site, including MM II and LM I loomweights, a MM II nodulus, and a LM I blossom bowl that was found on the floor of Building

I. The kernos or cupule outside Building B may have belonged to the MM II building (Building P) or with a structure, no longer extant, of MM IIIB– LM IA date; it seems to have been buried, however, during the LM IIIC occupation. A few objects belong with the reuse of the site during the Venetian occupation, including tiles and glass. The few objects of iron were either associated with later grave activity or are modern. While the small finds are too few and scattered to provide information about specific room functions, they do suggest activities that went on in the settlement. The loomweights indicate that, as at most Bronze and Early Iron Age sites, weaving was a widespread activity, probably taking place at the household level. The presence of two lead runoffs may suggest metallurgical activity at Vronda; both came from the eastern side of the site, one

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from Building Complex E, the other from Building Q, and there may have been a metalworking

establishment on this side of the ridge at some point in the settlement’s history.

Terracotta Objects Beads or Spindle Whorls Several small, pierced terracotta objects generally identified as beads or spindle whorls have been recovered from the Vronda settlement (Fig. 76). Nearly all are of probable LM IIIC date. One (N2 TC1) may be earlier because of its fabric, and another (WS TC2) possibly came from a tholos tomb that postdated the settlement. These objects come in a variety of shapes (Table 87): one spherical (N2 TC1), one cylindrical or discoid (C4 TC1), one conical (O3 TC1), and one biconical (WS TC2). Similar objects, usually conical in shape, also occur in stone (see below under stone beads). In addition, there are three pierced kylix stems that have been cut down into cylindrical (EN TC1, N1 TC1) or conical (J2 TC1) shapes. The Vronda examples vary in shape but not in general size and weight. The four beads range in height from 1.7–2.8 cm, in width from 2.3 to 4.0 cm, and in weight from 1.1 to 5.0 g; the diameters of the suspension holes range from 0.35 to 0.65 cm (Table 87). Cut-down kylix stems are similar in height, from 1.7 to 2.5 cm, but slightly larger in width (2.4–3.5 cm) and considerably heavier (5– 10 g); the pierced holes are slightly larger as well, ranging from 0.5 to 0.8 cm. These slight differences in dimensions may result from the fact that there was less control over the width, diameter of the hole, and weight of the reused kylix stems, or they may reflect different uses for the objects. In general, these objects seem not to have been decorated or even painted. The one exception is the biconical bead (WS TC2), which possibly came from one of the tholos tombs in the vicinity; such biconical beads are frequently found in the Geometric cremation burials on the site, where they are often painted or incised. One of the kylix stems was painted with bands, but the painting belongs to the original use of the object and was not deliberately done (although perhaps deliberately chosen).

Spindle whorls or beads are common on LM IIIC sites and are reported at Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 128– 131), Chania (Bruun-Lundgren and Wiman 2000, 175–176), and Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 359). Karphi produced both conical (28 from the settlement) and cylindrical (66 from the settlement) terracotta “spindle whorls,” with a few biconical (7) or bell-shaped (2) whorls (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937– 1938, 129–131). At both Chania (Bruun-Lundgren and Wiman 2000, 176) and Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 129), excavators noted the frequency of reused kylix stems, and the use of these cut-down stems may represent a characteristic feature of LM IIIC. Although similar terracotta objects occur frequently on LM III sites, their function is uncertain and has been the subject of considerable speculation. They were originally identified as spindle whorls, but recent studies of ancient spinning and weaving techniques have shown that the objects are too small and their holes too narrow to have been useful in spinning (Carington Smith 1975, 81; Barber 1991, 51–52). Anything below 10 g is thought to be ineffectual as a spindle whorl (Carington Smith 1975, 80–81; Barber 1991, 52; Evely 2000, 488). Also important for determining function is the size of the suspension hole, which in a spindle whorl should be at least 3–10 mm in diameter and not off center (Barber 1991, 52). Few of the objects called spindle whorls would fit these standards; certainly only one of the Vronda examples is heavy enough to have served as a spindle whorl (J2 TC1), although the diameters of the holes of others would have been able to accommodate a distaff. These objects have also been interpreted as buttons (Iakovides 1977, 114), but they are now more commonly identified as beads or even dress weights (Iakovides 1977, 115).

SMALL FINDS OF VARIOUS CATEGORIES

They would thus appear to represent some sort of personal adornment, rather than spindle whorls. Evely (1984, 250) has suggested, however, that because the cut-down kylix stems are generally heavier than the stone or terracotta beads and have larger holes (0.6–0.8 cm), they at least could have been used for spinning. Certainly in the case of the Vronda examples the cut-down kylikes are considerably heavier than the other types, and one is heavy enough to have functioned effectively as a spindle whorl (EN TC1).

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Evely has suggested that the spherical clay bead does not occur on Crete before LM II (Evely 1984, 249–250), and it may have been introduced from the mainland of Greece. One of the Vronda examples (N2 TC1) of cylindrical shape, however, may belong to an earlier period, since its fabric is a Mirabello type (Type II/VI), which is generally of EM–MM date (see Ch. 2, pp. 112–113 and references cited there).

Loomweights Given the likelihood that weaving was a major household activity, surprisingly few loomweights were found in the settlement. Only nine are known from the houses (Table 88; Fig. 76), and several of these are certainly from periods before LM IIIC. There are not enough to permit any interpretations of the nature of textile manufacture at Vronda in any era. Only a single loomweight (IC1 TC2) can be dated to the EM–MM periods on the basis of its fabric, Type II/VI, usually confined to those periods. The single cuboid loomweight (E2 TC1; Pl. 26) is almost certainly of MM II date (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 382, esp. n. 64). Similar cuboid weights pierced with four holes are found chiefly in East Crete (Evely 2000, 498). Several were recovered from LM IIIC Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 302–305, fig. 19:37–40), but they occurred in levels that were either entirely MM or had MM sherds. Others appeared in the MM II period at Palaikastro (Evely 2012, 248, 252, fig. 8.17:5210). It is likely that this single example from Building E East, Room E2, is of MM date and lay at the top of the cobble fill below that structure. Three weights probably belong to MM III–LM I because of their discoid shape (C3 TC1, C4 TC2, E4 TC2). While this shape is one of the most common and long-lasting types on Crete (Evely 2000, 498), two of the weights (C3 TC1, C4 TC2) have two suspension holes, a feature that appears on Crete in all periods but primarily in MM–LM I, at least at Kommos (Dabney 1996a, 244) and Palaikastro (Evely 2012, 251, fig. 8.16). One disk is unusual (E4 TC2; Pl. 26) in

having a single large hole and a flattened top with a groove, creating a pear-shaped weight similar to loomweights of Neopalatial date from Hagia Eirine on Kea (Schofield 2011, pl. 38:c, type PF). While this is not an unusual type for Crete, its context suggests a MM III–LM I date. The other four loomweights come from good LM IIIC contexts and probably date to that time. These are varied in shape: one is discoid (L2/3 TC1), similar to those of MM–LM I, and two are pyramidal (N1 TC3, WS TC3). This pyramidal type is uncommon in the Bronze Age, although not unknown, particularly in East Crete (Evely 2000, 502), and the find spot of N1 TC3 on the floor of Room N1 shows that it comes from a good LM IIIC context. The second (WS TC3) is from a less secure context and might have derived from Tholos Tomb XI. The shape is encountered more frequently in the Early Iron Age, as at Archaic Azoria (Haggis et al. 2004, 371, fig. 24), and is well known in the Classical period. Finally, K3 TC1 may not be a loomweight; it is of uncertain shape and might have been used as some other sort of weight. Whatever the shapes of the loomweights, their sizes seem to fall into three groups. The heaviest is the cuboid weight at 445 g, a weight that exceeds that of the normal loomweight, 70–250 g (Evely 2000, 498). The discoid weights fall into two groups: one is within the normal limits of 100–200 g (Evely 2000, 498), but the others are much smaller, even when the original weights can only be estimated (C4 TC2, L2/3 TC1). The two groups may have served different functions. The pyramidal weights fall within normal limits for loomweights.

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Loomweights are common at Cretan sites of all periods, and their presence at Vronda is not unusual. There are fewer loomweights than one would expect, especially because at least five of those recovered either came from deposits below the floors (C3 TC1, C4 TC2) or may be earlier pieces that worked up from lower deposits (E2 TC1 from MM II, IC1 TC2 from EM–MM, E4 TC2 from MM III–LM I). What is surprising is the absence of a particular type of loomweight that is typical of LM IIIC sites: the spool, reel, or bobbin (Evely 2000, 502). None of this type, so frequent at Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937– 1938, 131; Day 2011c, 322–324), Chania (BruunLundgren and Wiman 2000, 177), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 389,

392, fig. 54), Chalasmenos (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 80, pl. 10.3; Tsipopoulou 2011a, 343), and Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965, 302–305, fig. 19:45–50) has been found at Vronda. Since this type of object seems to have been popular not only on Crete, but on the mainland, Cyprus, Syria, Palestine, and Anatolia in the 12th–11th centuries (Rahmstorf 2005; YasurLandau 2010, 132–135; Smith and Tzachili 2012, 145), its absence from the Vronda assemblage is worthy of remark. Many of these spools found on other sites are poorly fired or only baked accidentally in a fire (Evely 2000, 502; Smith and Tzachili 2012, 145), and it is possible that such objects once existed in the Vronda settlement but were not sufficiently baked to survive.

Nodulus A single clay sealing was found on the site (P TC1; Fig. 77). Although the precise find spot is uncertain, it almost certainly belonged to MM II Building P (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 364– 365, fig. 6, pl. 80:f; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 71, fig. 50, pl. 12C) and was probably part of the deposit of red clay that marks the debris in that building, whether or not the soil had been disturbed by the construction of Building A. The sealing is of the type that has been identified as a nodule, or more precisely a nodulus, a small lump of clay with one or two seal impressions but without any means of attachment to another object (Krzyszkowska 2005, 101). Noduli were first discussed extensively by Weingarten (1986, 1987), who termed the type “sealings that do not seal” (Weingarten 1990, 16). Hallager (1996, 121–133; see also Krzyszkowska 2005, 102) first distinguished the nodulus, the class into which the Vronda example falls. Such noduli were formed by holding a lump of clay (in this case between the thumb and two fingers) and making an impression on one flat side, so they tend to be irregular in shape. The shape of the Vronda nodulus can be termed pyramidal, conical, or “gable-shaped,” but the terminology is not standardized (for the problems of terminology, see Hallager 1996, 121–122) and Hallager (1996, 121) only accepts two subdivisions,

disk-shaped and dome-shaped. The Vronda example belongs to the latter category. Noduli are first attested in MM IA at Malia, and they last until the LM III period (Krzyszkowska 2005, 102). They are relatively rare. Only about two dozen are known from Protopalatial sites, especially from Malia Quartier Mu of MM IIB date and Knossos of MM IIA (Krzyszkowska 2005, 102); rather more have appeared in Neopalatial contexts (Krzyszkowska 2005, 161–162). The design on the Vronda example places it in the Protopalatial period. The motif is a geometric one, with interlocking spirals in a vierpasse design. No exact parallels have been found for it, especially for the hatching of the spiraliform design. Nevertheless, it can be compared to examples from Platanos Tholos B (CMS II.1, no. 312), Marathokephalo (CMS II.1, no. 222), Koumasa (CMS II.1, no. 134; of EM II–MM II date), Archanes (CMS II.1, no. 385; of MM III– LM IA date), and Knossos (Popham, Warren, and Younger 1974, 193–194, pl. 32:e; probably MM IIB, although a surface find and possibly Archaic in date). Similar also are seals or sealings from Malia (CMS IV, no. 140; CMS II.6, nos. 199, 200, pp. 376–377, fig. 25:HM 1082) and Phaistos (CMS II.5, no. 192). The function of these noduli is still a matter of controversy. Weingarten rejected ideas that they

SMALL FINDS OF VARIOUS CATEGORIES

may have been trial pieces, control pieces to prevent forgeries, or tokens (Weingarten 1986, 18). She suggested instead that the noduli may have been receipts for work done (dockets), and, more recently, that they may have traveled with people and served as a medium of exchange for goods and services (Weingarten 1990, 19–20). The Vronda nodulus has apparently been fired. It has a hard, red surface, with no sign of blackening or burning such as one might expect if it had been baked accidentally in a fire. This fact suggests that the nodulus was made for long-term preservation, possibly for use in travel. Originally it was thought that the nodulus was fired to serve as a secondary

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seal (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 365), based on parallels from East Crete identified as secondary seals (Pini 1984), but the idea of a token for a traveler seems more likely. The presence of a nodulus may indicate some administrative position for Vronda in MM II. The siting of Vronda, overlooking the mountain passes from the isthmus toward the east, suggests that it may also have been part of a network of rural farmsteads, villas, or forts, like other mountain sites in the area (e.g., for Chamaizi, see Lenuzza 2011; see also Tzedakis et al. 1990; MacGillivray 1997, 22–23).

Terracotta Stoppers Stoppers are nodules of clay, roughly pyramidal but very uneven, that were formed by hand when still moist and malleable to fit into narrow-mouthed vessels like a cork. Both examples of this type (E4 TC1, O2 TC1; Fig. 77; Pl. 26) are of coarse fabrics, one of Type IV, the other of X/XI, fabrics that

are common in LM IIIC (see above, Ch. 2, p. 113; Mook and Day 2009, 165). The nodule E4 TC1 from Room E4 has string marks on it. Apparently these nodules were formed by hand and stuck into a vessel while still pliable, possibly tied with string, then hardened and perhaps fired accidentally in a fire.

Terracotta Disks Possibly related in function to lids or stoppers are two crudely formed terracotta disks (N1 TC2, I5 TC1; Fig. 77). One (I5 TC1) is simply a small (13 cm in diameter, 2.2 cm thick) round disk made of Type IV fabric, but without any signs of burning. The second (N1 TC2) is similar in size (less than 17 cm in diameter, 2 cm thick) and appearance but

with a large (2 cm) hole in the center. The function of these disks is uncertain, as is their dating. Both were found in LM IIIC roofing to floor deposits. Disk I5 TC1 is of an undatable fabric, but N1 TC2 is of Type XX, a fabric that may be MM (Mook 2005, 173–174; Mook and Day 2009, 166).

Tiles Two terracotta tiles were found in association with Building R, and they are entirely different from the drainage channels found elsewhere (see Ch. 1, pp. 5–6). These tiles were handmade plaques, slightly convex in profile, ranging in thickness from 1.0 to 1.6 cm with a flat (J3 TC1) or rounded (R1 TC1) outer edge (Fig. 77). Only one

edge has been preserved on each of them, so their original measurements are not certain; J3 TC1 may have a preserved corner. Both of them were rough on the bottom surface, while the upper surface was smoothed, possibly with a stick, and had decoration made with a finger in the wet clay. One (R1 TC1) had a wavy line; the other (J3 TC1) may have had a

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wavy line or a more complex pattern. The function of these tiles is uncertain, and no comparable pieces are known. They are probably too thin and flat to

have been roof tiles. They may have served as revetments for exposed beam-ends in the Venetian building (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 157)

Window Frame Found in the roofing debris with the pithos in Building B, Room B7, were several fragments of a large, flat terracotta object B8 TC1 (Day 1999; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 58–59). These fragments joined onto a larger number of fragments found amid roofing clay in Room B8, the area to the east of Room B7, as well as with two fragments from the rock tumble collapsed into Building E West, Room E1. When pieced together, the object appeared to be a window frame with six fenestrations. Each of the preserved corners has two holes pierced side by side through the wall, as if for wooden pegs to dowel the window onto a wooden frame. The underside is rough, still bearing the imprint of the flat ground on which it was formed, and it was clearly not meant to be seen. The outer surface was slipped and elaborately decorated with running spirals, cross-hatching, and other patterns that cannot now be seen. The decoration has not been well preserved, and most of the paint disappeared when the surface was cleaned. The two fragments found in Building E in 1984 were cleaned using a mild solution of hydrochloric acid, and only a shadow of paint remains. Those collected with the pithos fragments in Room B7 were treated with sulfuric acid; nothing now remains of the painted decoration of these fragments except for a barely discernible shadow. Fragments recovered in 1992, however, were cleaned mechanically with a scalpel; more of the decoration was preserved on some of the pieces, but others still lost their paint. Despite attempts to use infrared photography and computer imaging technology, not enough was preserved to reconstruct the decoration of the mullion and side bars. What is preserved of the once elaborate decoration shows motifs common in LM IIIC, including running spirals with triangle filler similar to those on a krater from Karphi (Seiradaki 1960, pl. 9:e, f; Day 2011c, 39–41, fig. 2.18:K131.4). The cross-hatched motif on the central mullion is also frequent on deep bowls and as part of larger patterns on large pleonastic vessels.

Stylistically, the decoration provides a LM IIIC date for the object. There remains the question of its function. The window frame in terracotta is so far unique in the Aegean (Day 1999) and rare enough elsewhere. The only published example of a terracotta window is one with round fenestrations found in a third millennium site in the Diyala region of Iraq (Delougaz, Hill, and Lloyd 1967, 154, 157, pls. 64, 66, 67). Minoan windows were generally made of wood, and no remains are preserved on Crete. Some possible traces of windows have been recognized in earlier structures on Crete in collapsed walls (Evans 1921–1935, II, 376), cuttings (Shaw 2009, 120–124), and offsets (Graham 1987, 162–170). Thera provides information about the size and position of windows because the walls were preserved high enough and the impression of the frames in the ash allows for reconstruction (Palyvou 1999, 375–420; 2005, 145– 152). Theran windows came in a variety of shapes and sizes, and four different types have been distinguished. The first type, the small window of roughly squarish shape with a surface area of 0.50 m2, is found primarily on the ground floors (Palyvou 1999, 377–380; 2005, 146–147). The shape is similar to the Vronda terracotta window frame, but this type of window at Thera is generally smaller. Type B and C windows are larger but either vertically or horizontally rectangular rather than square (Palyvou 1999, 380–382; 2005, 147–149). Both these types of windows, however, show imprints of the wooden “lattice” that once existed (Palyvou 1999, 396–400; 2005, 151), including two horizontal transoms that would have divided the window into three sections (pictured in Palyvou 1999, 398–399; 2005, 152, fig. 229). These three horizontal divisions are similar to the Vronda window frame, but the mullion or central vertical element in the Vronda example is not paralleled at Thera. A six-paned window also appears on the palatial building portrayed on the miniature frieze from the West House at Akrotiri (Palyvou 2005, 107, fig. 148).

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Other evidence for Minoan windows can be found on earlier works of art in which architecture appears, such as wall paintings, decorated stone vases, faience plaques, house models, and seals or sealings. There is a great deal of variety in the configuration of windows in Minoan art. The faience buildings that comprise the Town Mosaic contain 57 windows, with openings that range in number from two to 12 (Palyvou 1999, 416); only one, however, appears to have six openings (Evans 1921–1935, I, fig. 226 E). The house model from Archanes shows a different type of window on each of the four sides of the building. One side has a six-paned window (Lebessi 1976, 21, fig. 7, pls. 6, 7, 11) that looks onto the largest room in the house model; this window may also be seen as the one on the front of the little building, since the entrance faces the same direction as the window. Windows pictured on the Neopalatial Master Impression from Chania also vary; there are three six-paned windows, two on an upper story of the large building on which the figure stands and another in a building next to that (Hallager 1985, figs. 10, 11, 17, 23). Windows also appear on the Thera and Kea frescoes, where the same variety can be noted (Morgan 1988, 79–81). There is thus ample evidence that the Vronda window frame fits into one of the standard types of window for the Bronze Age Aegean, with parallels for size, shape, and internal openings, although never on the same example. There are no parallels for the decoration, however. Windows depicted in Aegean art are always painted a single color, without decoration. The closest parallel to a decorated surround comes from the Zakro rhyton, where the niche is surrounded by friezes of running spirals (Shaw 1978, 434–438, figs. 7–9). The structure on side A of the Hagia Triada sarcophagus has what appears to be a door surround with running spirals, and both the altar and the shrine on side B are similarly decorated (Burke 2005, 404, figs. 1, 2). A spiral decorates the surround of the door into the shrine on the wall of Xeste 3 at Akrotiri (Marinatos 1984, 75, fig. 53; Hiller 2005, 261, fig. 2a). Painted and plastered decoration with spirals has been found on the entrances of Mycenaean chamber tombs (Long 1974, 50), as well as in tholos tombs and on elite objects on the mainland (Hiller 2005, 263–265, figs. 3–6). In all these cases, the running spiral motif could simply be a popular

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decorative motif, but the spiral may also have had some significance for the Mycenaeans as a religious or funerary symbol. Hiller (2005, 267) has suggested that the spiral was a pan-Mediterranean symbol signifying royal sovereignty. The motif never seems to have been particularly associated with window openings, however. Six-paned windows may have had a long history in the Aegean, but the Vronda example is unique because it is made of terracotta. It may have been pegged onto a wooden frame like those in earlier buildings, but no other terracotta examples have yet been found. The frame is elaborate and heavy; it represents an unusual investment of time and resources. It is not practical or necessary, so it is likely to have had an aesthetic or symbolic meaning (Day 1999, 188–189) related to the building in or on which it stood. That the window was placed on Room B7 of Building B is likely from the find spots of the fragments, but there is no certain evidence that would help determine where on the wall it stood. In particular, it is unclear whether the window was placed on the exterior surface or was meant to be seen within the room. In light of the findspots of the fragments, most of which were found fallen together in the area designated B8, with a few in Building E, it seems more likely that the window was on the outside eastern face of the wall of the hypothetical upper floor above Room B7, although this is not certain. If it hung on the outside, the window would have made a statement to all about the nature of the building or its inhabitants, while if it hung inside, it signified something to those who were already in the building about the position of those who controlled the structure, perhaps during festive occasions (Day and Snyder 2004, 73). It is interesting to note the places where the sixpaned window appears on the exterior of buildings in Aegean art. Only one seems to exist on an upper story of a building on the Town Mosaic (Evans 1921–1935, I, fig. 226E), and there is no evidence for how it fits into the overall scene. The six-paned windows on the Master Impression, however, are on three buildings: the structure on which the male figure, whether a ruler or a god, stands, and the two buildings next to it. This central structure has been interpreted as a possible palace rather than a cult building (Hallager 1985, 20–21). None of the other buildings seems to have this type of window. On the Archanes house model, the six-paned window

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opens onto the largest room on the ground floor, the one that has a column in the center and a light well leading off from it. This window also seems to face out on the same side of the building as its entrance, so the visitor would see it upon entering. These examples may suggest a tradition of six-paned windows marking large rooms associated with activities of powerful individuals. If so, then the people of Vronda in LM IIIC may have continued this tradition, affixing a symbolic window to the wall of the largest building on the site as an expression of the power or position of the inhabitants, possibly referring back to the palatial era to assert connections with the past and legitimize the position of the ruler(s). In such a case, it is perhaps more likely that the window was affixed to the exterior of the wall rather than to the interior. The symbolic significance of the window is difficult to determine, and one has to rely on the use of the motif in other Aegean cultures and parallels in other ancient societies. Most of the representations of windows in Aegean art are simply features of architectural settings, and although they may have figures (usually women) in them, it is generally believed that such figures are merely onlookers of events or rituals depicted in the art and do not have a symbolic meaning (Morgan 1988, 82– 83). The window does have a symbolic function in Near Eastern iconography, however. In Egypt from the Amarna period onward, windows of appearances became popular in Egyptian royal art and architecture (Badawy 1968, 33). In general, the pharaoh and his family are depicted in the window, although the window can appear without them to suggest or symbolize the royal presence. This may have been a form of metonymy, like using the crown or the throne to symbolize the royal figure or authority. Another context in which the window may have been used to symbolize a more complex set of ideas is in the motif of the woman at the window in ancient Mesopotamian iconography. This motif has been identified on ivory plaques

from Nimrud (Barnett 1975, 145–151) that were inlays on furniture (Pinnock 1995, 2523) dating to the Neo-Assyrian period (9th–8th centuries) and of Phoenician origin (Bahrani 2001, 166). The images of women at windows on these plaques have been interpreted as symbols of religious sacrifice of virginity and temple prostitution (Barnett 1975, 149). A bronze stand from twelfth-century Enkomi showing two women at a double-paned window framed by a border of running spirals is similar in date and decoration to the Vronda window (Catling 1964, 204–205, pl. 33:c; Washbourne 1999, 166, fig. 3). The window can be seen as an abbreviated symbol for a temple entrance or a window in a temple, and the motif of the window alone may be used without the woman to suggest by metonymy the same theme. Although modern scholars have questioned the existence of temple prostitution (Bahrani 2001, 169, and references there), the idea that the motif depicts a significant female rite of passage is possible (Stol 1995, 493). Carter (1997, 80) has suggested that the woman at the window motif is common on couches used in the marzeah, a Near Eastern ritual practice that involved drinking and ancestor worship (Carter 1997, 77). The window, then, suggests an important ritual, even when the woman is missing, as the window of appearances suggests the ruler, even when the figure is absent. We do not know what significance the Vronda window may have had for the population at Kavousi, but it is not unreasonable to suggest that it symbolized the importance of those who dwelled within, whether it referred to secular power or religious ritual or something entirely different. If the window was placed on the exterior east wall of Room B7 (as reconstructed in Pl. 13:b), then it may have made a statement to anyone approaching from the east, from Kastro or Azoria. If it decorated the interior of the room, it may have emphasized the power and position of those who held the building, perhaps during festive drinking and banqueting.

Other Terracotta Objects A small object that consists of a disk of terracotta on three short legs was found in Building K (K3 TC2). Without parallels, it seems to most closely

resemble a modern trivet, an object on which to put a hot vessel (Fig. 77).

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Stone Objects Stone Bowls and Lids One intact stone bowl and an intact lid were found at Vronda, along with a number of fragments of stone bowls (Fig. 78). In every case they seem to belong stylistically to earlier periods than the contexts in which they were found, and it seems unlikely that stone vases were being manufactured at Vronda in LM IIIC. Best preserved is the stone bowl from Room I3 of Building I (I3 S1), a large blossom bowl of serpentinite, a canonical example of Warren’s Type 5 bowl with six petals (Warren 1969, 14–17). The type is most common in MM III–LM I (Warren 1969, 14–15), and when found at LM III sites, blossom bowls are generally thought to be survivals in use in later tombs (Warren 1969, 14). The Vronda example was probably made in MM III–LM I, but it was clearly in use in a domestic context in LM IIIC. It was found resting on the floor of the room, near the central hearth, along with a small cooking pot and a pyxis (Day and Glowacki 2012, pl. 14C). It provides evidence for the continued use of antique objects in the LM IIIC period, but whether the object had a continuous and unbroken use from the Neopalatial era or whether it was found accidentally by the people of LM IIIC Vronda among the remains of the earlier period is not clear. Recently, a suggestion has been made that blossom bowls were used like tables of offerings in domestic cult in Neopalatial times (Privitera 2008, 150). Although there is no evidence to prove this hypothesis, it would be interesting if this bowl had been used in domestic rituals in earlier periods of Vronda’s history. The deployment of the bowl in the LM IIIC settlement may have been linked to earlier household cult and established a religious connection with the ancestors who used it before. Even if it had no explicit ritual significance, the bowl may still have served to connect the inhabitants with the earlier culture of their ancestors. An intact lid (L1 S1) was found in Building L, Room L1. It is an example of the most common type of stone lid, with a pawn-shaped handle, a plain underside, and a beveled top surface (Warren 1969, 68). With its diameter of 6 cm, it fits into the EM

II–late MM IB/MM II category of lids with a diameter of under 8 cm (Warren 1969, 68, 259, D 185), and it can be compared with lids from Quartier Mu at Malia (Detournay 1980, 51–52, figs. 60:72, 64:76, 65:77) of MM II date, as well as with an example from Phaistos (Palio 2008, pl. 3:60). Lid L1 S1 is in worn condition, suggesting that it saw a good deal of use. It is uncertain whether the lid was actually in use in LM IIIC or if it was simply in the soil from earlier occupation levels. If in use, it may simply have been a “found” object, rather than an heirloom handed down from an earlier period. Other stone vessels are only fragmentary, and they are almost entirely earlier than their contexts. A block vase of serpentinite from the vicinity of Geometric Grave 6 (WS S1; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1988, 288) seems to belong to Warren’s type 4E (Warren 1969, 14). Three cups are preserved in the fragment, one larger than the other two, but there were doubtless more. Either the vessel was rectangular with two more cups on the other side of the central cup, or it was round with multiple cups in a circle around the larger central cavity. The closest parallel for the Vronda block vase is an example from a LM III chamber tomb at Stamnioi (Warren 1969, 14, P 58). The type E block vases come primarily from the Mesara, but examples are also found farther east and in Central Crete (Warren 1969, 11). Although they have been found in LM III contexts, Warren would place them in MM III–LM I, although he does not rule out the possibility that they continued to be made in LM III (Warren 1969, 11). The Vronda example may be of LM I date, but it may also have belonged to the MM II settlement. Two fragments from the stone bowls also appeared in or around Building C, a cup (C4 S1) and a cylindrical jar from the area south of Buildings A and C in Trench 2500 (V S1). Both are made from serpentinite, and both had pronounced internal drill rings, a feature that indicates that they are MM I or later (Warren 1969, 161). Cup C4 S1 is probably the base of a cup, perhaps like an example from Porti of Warren’s type B cup, probably of

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EM III–MM I date (Warren 1969, 38–39, P 217). The cylindrical jar (V S1) resembles Warren’s type A cylindrical jars, probably manufactured in MM I (Warren 1969, 41–42). Both of these are probably remainders from the earlier periods of habitation at Vronda, not objects in use in LM IIIC. A fragment from the rim and handle of a cup (L-M S2) comes from the deposit of fill over the tholos tomb. The closest parallels (though none is exact) belong to Warren’s type 17 B (Warren 1969, 38–39), especially one from Porti, probably of EM III–MM I date (Warren 1969, 38–39, P 217, D 137). Similar one-handled cups appear in Quartier Mu at Malia

(Detournay 1980, 38–45, figs. 41:47, 46, 49:57) of MM I date. The other fragments include a round handle (E1 S1) and the rolled rim of a stone bowl (E7 S1); neither is sufficiently preserved to identify. Two bore cores from stone bowls were also found (Fig. 78), one from the west slope (VW S1), the other from Room K2 (K2 S1). These are canonical types (Warren 1969, 159–160) made of serpentinite, and slightly conoid in shape with fine horizontal lines from the drill. Their presence suggests that stone bowls were manufactured on Vronda, but probably in earlier periods of the site’s history, either in MM II or MM III–LM IA.

Disks Two stone disks were discovered at Vronda (Fig. 78). A flat specimen was found in Building O (O1 S1). It has a diameter of 6 cm and is pierced off center; a second hole may have existed. The object may have been used as a weight. Another stone disk (WS S3), much smaller (d. 2 cm) and without any piercing, came from the topsoil over Tholos

Tomb XI. It may belong either with the settlement or the tomb. The lack of any piercing shows that it was not used for adornment, and it may have been a gaming piece or counter, similar to a stone example from a Neopalatial context at Chania (Hillbom 2005a, 68, 89, table 1).

Beads Six stone beads were recovered from the Vronda settlement (Table 89; Fig. 78). Two were tiny disks that almost certainly would have been used in combination with other disks and other types of beads (D3 S1, E7 S2). A close parallel can be found at Phylakopi (Renfrew and Cherry 1985, 318–319, fig. 8.7:63). The other four are similar to the terracotta objects often referred to as spindle whorls (see discussion above). Three are conical in shape (L-M S1, N3 S1, CS S1) and made of serpentinite, while the fourth is cylindrical and made of limestone (C5 S1). The conical beads are all worn, but whether because of the softness of the stone or from long use is uncertain. Objects of this sort were once interpreted as spindle whorls, but this identification has long been recognized as erroneous (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 128). They are too small and light to have functioned as spindle whorls (weighing less than 10 g), and they have

been identified as beads, buttons, or dress weights (Iakovides 1977; Evely 1984, 239; 2000, 496; Carington Smith 1992, 685–686; Hallager and McGeorge 1992, 14). Labeled conuli (Iakovides 1977; Carington Smith 1992), they seem to have had a variety of uses. These beads are most plausibly identified as objects of personal adornment, possibly used as parts of necklaces, as hem weights, or as accessories. A group of three conuli found in Zapher Papoura chamber tomb 99 may indicate that these beads were strung together to form necklaces (Dabney 1996b, 264), but the uses of others are less certain. The date of the Vronda beads is probably LM IIIC, although nothing precludes their being older pieces brought to the settlement from elsewhere and manufactured in an earlier period. Although conuli are reported from the tholos tombs of the Mesara and from LM I Gournia (Carington Smith 1992, 685), Evely (1984, 239) has suggested that

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they were not used on Crete earlier than LM II and that their appearance was another influence from the mainland in the Final Palatial period. Dabney (1996b, 264), however, provides evidence of one such bead on a LM I floor. Whenever they first appeared, it is clear that they became popular in the

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LM III period. Conuli were found in the LM IIIC tholos tomb at Chalasmenos (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994, 86) and in the settlement at Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937– 1938, 128–130).

K ernos or Cupule Stone Building B, Room B6, produced a single example of a flat stone with a circuit of depressions (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 49–50, pl. 9E), a type commonly labeled as a kernos stone or cupule (but also cup-hole) stone (Hillbom 2003, 2005b). This flat paving stone measured 0.4 x 0.55 m and had a circuit of 28 small circular depressions in a rough oval, pointed on one end. There was a larger circular depression within the point of the oval. Although originally published as a feature of Building B, Room B6, of LM IIIC date (Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1986, 365–366), further study of the stratigraphy of this space and of the associated ceramics suggests that it is more likely to have belonged with one of the earlier structures on the site, either MM II Building P or a Neopalatial structure, not preserved, whose walls may have been incorporated into Building A-B. In either case, it was probably set in a pavement that was covered over by LM IIIC times. Indeed, it has been suggested that these kernos stones did not persist in use in mainlandoccupied Crete (Hillbom 2003, 24; 2005b, 77–78), although they did reappear in the Geometric and Archaic periods at the Kastro (Boyd 1901, 141–142; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1985, 352, pl. 94:d) and Azoria (Haggis et al. 2011b, 19–23, 27–28). Scholarly interest in these peculiarly Minoan artifacts has concentrated on their typology and possible function(s). Typology has been difficult to determine because of the variation in size, configuration, placement, and number of holes in the known examples of the flat stones, and because many discussions of the objects have included other types of vessels with small cups of terracotta and other materials (e.g., Xanthoudides 1905–1906; Karagianni 1984). By focusing on one particular type of artifact from Bronze Age Crete, flat stones of reasonable size with a minimum of three holes, not associated with any obvious function, Hillbom

(2003, 11; 2005b, 56) has established four types based on the shapes created by the holes, with further subcategories depending on other features. The Vronda kernos stone fits most closely into Hillbom’s Type A2, in which there is a circuit with a central hole (Hillbom 2003, 12; 2005b, 58) rather than a simple circuit (Type A1), parallel rows (Type B), irregular shapes (Type C), or spirals (Type D). The simple stones of this type (subgroup IV) generally have 10–14 holes, but there are larger and more regular examples (subgroup VI) with 28–38 holes, like the famous kernos from Malia. While the shape (roughly oval), crudeness, and presence of a hole within the circuit on the Vronda example suggest the simple type, the number of holes (28) seems more in keeping with the larger and more elaborate stones (Hillbom 2005b, 74). Dating of kernoi is difficult, but most of this type belong to the MM I–LM I range (Hillbom 2005b, 77–78); thus it is possible for the Vronda kernos to have been part of a courtyard associated with the MM II Building P or some MM III–LM IA construction in the area. From the pottery found immediately above the paving, it would seem to have been visible in MM III–LM IA, although it might have been placed in the pavement earlier, at the time that Building P was in use. The meaning of these stones has long been a subject for debate, and the history of interpretation has been well elucidated, most recently by Hillbom (2003, 6–10; 2005b, 14–37) and Whittaker (2002, 74–77). The two most commonly suggested functions are religious offering tables (hence the term “kernos;” Chapouthier 1928, 292–300; Demargne 1932, 63–65; Deonna 1934; Warren 1972, 230– 231; Gesell 1985, 7, 8, 15, 33; Soles 1992, 221–223; Whittaker 2002, 74; Hillbom 2003, 9–10; 2005b, 52–55) or gaming boards (Boyd 1901, 141–143; Evans 1921–1935, III, 390–396; van Effenterre 1955, 546; Warren 1972, 230–231; Levi 1976, 130; Swiny

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1976; 1980; Zoïs 1976, 75; Buchholz 1981, 72–76; Tiré and van Effenterre 1983, 14; Hood 1984; 1995; Whittaker 2002; Hillbom 2003; 2005b), but other functions have been proposed, such as counting tables, time pieces, star maps, or astronomical clocks (Hillbom 2003, 27–28; 2005b, 81–82). The most recent studies by Hillbom and Whittaker have made strong arguments for their use as gaming boards, since the stones are often associated with floors and thresholds. Several scholars have attempted to connect the stones with known types of board games from Egypt (particularly Senet and Mehen; see Whittaker 2002, 76–77) and elsewhere, although the precise game that may have been practiced on these Minoan stones is still not clear. Both Whittaker and Hillbom accept the idea that gaming may have had a strong connection with ritual, a fact that accounts for the occasional placement of the objects near ritual areas, including tombs; because games are often associated with chance or fate, there can be a connection between gaming and ritual (Hillbom 2003, 53; 2005b, 122–123). Games can be symbolic of other acts of

chance, hence the association of kernoi with cemeteries, as at Chrysolakkos and Gournia (Whittaker 2002, 77–81). Game boards used in funerary contexts may emphasize the liminality of the tomb, since the boards often appear at entrances or outside buildings. They may also symbolize the fact that death is the ultimate form of chance. What is the significance of the Vronda kernos stone? Set in a courtyard, possibly associated with an important building, its form is similar to objects found elsewhere that have been interpreted as gaming tables. The number of depressions in the circuit, however, resembles the larger, more elaborate kernoi found at Malia, which probably served a ritual function, taking into account its appearance and location. It is possible, then, that the Vronda kernos may have been connected in some way with ritual, although not with funerary ritual. It fits into the MM I–LM I range of dates; the configuration is closer to the earlier part of that time span, while the number of holes seems to place it in company with those that are later. In either case, it was covered over during the use of the LM IIIC settlement.

Metal Objects Very little metal was recovered from the Vronda settlement, although the later Geometric graves were rich in objects of iron and bronze. It must be supposed that the inhabitants of the LM IIIC settlement carried away whatever metal they used when they abandoned the site. Of the bronze, iron, and lead objects that might have been utilized in the

settlement, only a single fragment of bronze was found in Building G. All other bronze objects could be associated with one of the Geometric graves. There was slightly more iron and lead, but none of these objects could be definitely associated with the LM IIIC settlement.

Iron An iron hoard found by Boyd in the 1900 excavations in the area of Building A-B consisted of a pick, an axehead, a sword, and numerous fragments (Boyd 1901, 132). Although assigned by Boyd to the big house in the settlement, this association is problematic, and the material probably did not belong with the LM IIIC buildings. This conclusion is based on a variety of evidence and reasoning. First of all, iron was rare in LM IIIC,

and excavated settlements of this period have yet to produce many iron objects. At Karphi only two small fragments of iron were found in K 69 and K 88 (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 121–122), and one of them was listed as possibly modern. Iron objects also occurred in the tombs, but these continued into the Protogeometric period (Day 2011c, 327), and many of the objects and pots belonged to the later periods.

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The excavators suggested that, like gold and silver, the iron was so precious that the inhabitants took iron objects with them when they left (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 121). It is more likely, however, that very little iron was in use at the time and that the metal only became plentiful in succeeding periods. The LM IIIC settlements at Chania (Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000), Chalasmenos (M. Tsipopoulou, pers. comm.), and Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965) produced no iron objects, nor have any been reported from the LM IIIC levels at Kavousi Kastro, Thronos/Sybrita, or Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadapoulou 2005). The earliest iron objects in use on Crete were jewelry and weapons, and only later were more mundane tools regularly produced in iron (Waldbaum 1978, 19, 33–34). The Vronda iron hoard is also unusual because of the size of the objects. One might imagine the inhabitants forgetting a small metal ornament or tool, but not a large iron sword, axe, and pick, which, if they had been in use in the period, would have been extremely valuable. Given the date of the settlement, the iron is not likely to have belonged to the inhabitants. Nevertheless, such an assemblage of iron objects would have been appropriate in one of the burials later scattered through the site. Given how difficult it was to recognize the cremation burials when they were first encountered on Vronda, it is not unlikely that Boyd’s workmen inadvertently excavated a grave that produced the hoard. The description of the material from the report sounds much like a grave assemblage from the later period: one pick, one axehead, a sword complete in seven pieces, and numerous fragments (Boyd 1901, 132, 137, fig. 4). The so-called sword, at 45.3 cm in length, is more likely a dirk, and seven of the 30 graves produced similar objects. Axeheads appeared in four of the graves. To date, no pick has been found, but many tools were interred with the burials, so a pick would not be improbable. The evidence suggests, then, that the hoard came from one of the Geometric burials, not from the settlement. A few other items of iron were found on the Vronda site, but most of these can be identified as either post-ancient or Geometric from one of the graves, as there was a good deal of intrusion from burial activities all over the site.

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A fragment of an iron tool, possibly an awl, was found in the balk over Rooms E3 and E5 of Building E East. This was very close to the surface, and it may have come from Grave 1, a Geometric cremation enclosure that had much material on or near the surface. Awls made of iron are not unusual as part of the grave assemblages; at least four of the 30 graves produced awls of different sorts. It seems most likely that this awl derived from Grave 1, and it has been so cataloged. The tip of an iron spear point (V89.29) found in the area of Building Complex L-M probably came from Tholos Tomb VIII. It is discussed with the other remains from Tomb VIII in the volume on the cemeteries at Vronda. Of possible Venetian date is the iron arrowhead from Building R (R1 M1; Fig. 79). Although this object resembles some of the earlier Geometric triangular arrowheads found in the graves, it is considerably larger and flatter, lacking the midrib found on all of the others. It may not have been an arrowhead at all, but some other object that has not been recognized. Its association with Venetian Building R suggests that it was not an arrowhead, because it is unlikely (though not impossible) that Cretans living in the mountains around Kavousi in the 16th–17th centuries were fighting or hunting with bows and arrows. The object is too small and too corroded to identify. It does not resemble any objects from ethnographic collections or museums that display domestic or ecclesiastical objects. Finally, there were three iron objects not associated with buildings or tombs, and most of them are probably modern. Fragment WS M1 (Fig. 79) is a rather flat, roughly triangular shape, pointed at one end and rounded at the other. It is thin in section and convex. The lower end is pierced with rectangular nail holes. Though corroded, the preservation of this piece suggests that it is not ancient. Shaped rather like a hoe, it is also similar to horseshoes in ethnographic collections in Crete. Fragment LW M1 (Fig. 79) is another unusual piece of iron. Found on the surface, it is a thin sheet of metal with a thicker edge, and it rounds out on one end. Finally, another small piece of iron came from south of Building C, but since the area also produced pottery that can be assigned to Grave 5, this piece of iron probably also comes from that grave and is discussed with the grave material.

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Lead Three objects of lead were recovered in the excavations of the Vronda settlement (Fig. 79). Two of these (Q2 M1, E2 M1) are apparently products of human activity but are not fabricated objects; these are what Evely calls “melted runs” (Evely 1984, 254). They are of no particular form and seem to have been poured out onto the ground in a liquid state and hardened into whatever shape the topography dictated. Although of little interest as objects in themselves, they point to some sort of metalworking. Lead is often the by-product of silver manufacturing (Evely 2000, 404), but there is no way of knowing what this particular lead was used for at Vronda. Nonetheless, it shows some minimal

working of metals at the very least. The find spots of the runoffs are not secure; one came from the wall tumble over the floor of Room Q2, and the other was found on the floor of Room E2, which was also the top of the cobble fill beneath Building Complex E; it might therefore have come from an earlier phase of the site’s history. The third lead object is apparently man made (NW M1). It is a thin sheet of lead, bent up on one side. There is nothing to indicate a shape or a function, but lead sheets were found in the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos (Evely 1984, 254). It was found in a modern terrace wall, so its date is uncertain.

Other Objects Glass Only a single object made of glass was discovered at Vronda, the neck of a bottle or flask found in upper wash or topsoil and associated with Building R (J4 G1; Fig. 79). The iridescence suggests that it is not modern, but it is unlikely to belong to the period of LM IIIC occupation. The possible ridge down the length on one side may represent a seam made by a mold. If so, then this would be a fragment of a mold-blown vessel dating to the Roman period (after 40 b.c.) or later (Frank 1982, 19–20). There is no secure evidence of any use of

the Vronda site in the Roman era, except for a few softly ribbed fragments of pottery from Building E that may be of Roman or later Byzantine date. Given its context, so close to the Venetian Building R, it is most likely to have been deposited there in the 16th–17th century and made not long before. The shape is uncertain. If it were of Roman date, it might be the neck of a small unguentarium, but the shape of a long-necked, mold-blown flask was quite common in Islamic times (e.g., Clairmont 1977, pl. 35:512).

6

The Faunal Remains Lynn M. Snyder and David S. Reese

The Animal Bones by Lynn M. Snyder This chapter presents an overview of the methodology employed in the recovery and analysis of the faunal remains, taphonomic factors affecting their preservation, the overall representation of various species, and the information that the assemblage affords with regard to patterns of animal

husbandry and meat consumption. The animal bone finds from the settlement at Kavousi Vronda were published in the text and tables of Kavousi IIA (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009) and Kavousi IIB (Day and Glowacki 2012), and they will not be repeated here.

Assemblage Processing Although the lack of facilities made the systematic screening of all deposits impossible, all excavated matrix was hand sorted for animal bones and

teeth during excavation, regardless of fragment size or potential for identification. The matrix from specific features including hearths, closed contexts

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such as storage enclosures, and all burned matrix from pyre and grave contexts was collected in situ and transported to the apotheke for water sieving. In order to test the possible biases resulting from poor bone preservation and lack of screening on the representativeness of the faunal remains recovered from the Vronda site, test screening was done in a single context: a stratigraphic sounding in Building I, Courtyard Area 2 (Day and Glowacki 2012, 83–85, tables 11, 13). In this screening, all excavated matrix was saved offsite and hand sorted for animal bones and artifacts. The saved matrix was then hand screened by zooarchaeologists through handbuilt box screens manufactured in the United States using 1/4 inch and 1/8 inch metal mesh screens in a wooden frame. The differences between the two processes were negligible; virtually no additional bones or bone fragments, nor any bones of smaller animals such as birds or fish, were recovered by screening. This small experiment thus indicated that, at Vronda, the careful hand sorting of soil matrix during excavation was effective in recovering nearly all surviving bones and bone fragments. To further test the effects of hand sorting versus screening of the matrix, this time on the representativeness of the recovered faunal assemblage, a second controlled screening experiment was conducted during the Kavousi Project’s excavations at the nearby Kastro site, where several deep deposits yielded rich collections of well-preserved animal bones and bone fragments (Snyder and Klippel 1999). As at Vronda, excavated matrix in selected areas was segregated after hand sorting during excavation, then screened through the same 1/4 inch and 1/8 inch box screens employed at Vronda. At Kavousi Kastro, several aspects of butchering and food processing choices were revealed or reinforced by species and element distributions documented in the screened assemblages, including the presence of all carcass elements, among which foot and toe bones of smaller domestic animals such as sheep and goats were found, thus affecting the apparent relative abundance of these smaller animals over larger cattle. In addition, at the Kastro the number of small but unidentifiable long bone fragments was greatly increased by screening, and the breakage pattern exhibited by these well-preserved bone fragments was used to interpret a pattern of deliberate and repetitive bone breakage consistent with reducing carcass elements to smaller

“pot-sized” portions for cooking. This breakage pattern, along with the lack of burning on wellpreserved broken bone margins, indicates that at the Kastro animal carcasses—whether sheep, goat, pig, or cattle—were consistently prepared for consumption by pot cooking or small brazier cooking rather than roasting of large joint or carcass segments over an open fire. Because the general nature of the Vronda and Kastro animal bone assemblages recovered by hand sorting was so consistent in animals and body parts represented (Snyder and Klippel 1999), it is very likely that the lack of additional bone material recovered from the test screening at Vronda is due to preservation bias rather than differential processing or cooking decisions. This conclusion is consistent with the results and observations of other zooarchaeologists (for examples, see Payne 1972, 1992) who note that in well-preserved contexts screening may produce greatly increased amounts of faunal and other artifactual materials that may add detail to analyses of herding patterns and foodways. In contrast, as borne out in the controlled screening carried out at Vronda and the Kastro by the Kavousi project, in contexts of extreme erosion, such as the archaeological deposits at Vronda, screening adds little to either bone recovery or interpretation. Processing of recovered faunal remains began immediately after their recovery. All animal bones and bone fragments were bagged separately in the field during excavation, in paper bags with context information marked on the front. The use of paper rather than plastic bags retarded the drawing of moisture from freshly excavated soil adhering to excavated bone, thus limiting the growth of mold on the enclosed faunal materials. These bags were then carried to the project apotheke, where they were stored separately from other classes of materials such as sherds and stone artifacts to await cleaning and analysis. Laboratory processing of newly excavated materials began during the 1987 excavation season, in the field apotheke in the old Kavousi school house. At the same time, previously excavated and cleaned materials from site cleaning seasons in 1981, 1983, and 1984 were returned to the apotheke for further processing and analysis. Bags of faunal materials were emptied into plastic sieves and wash basins in the courtyard of the

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apotheke, allowed to soak briefly in tap water, and gently cleaned with soft toothbrushes. The cleaned specimens were allowed to air dry while being protected from direct sunlight, and they were then returned to their original trench bags. Systematic identification of the faunal materials recovered during the 1987–1990 and 1992 excavation seasons was then completed, initially using a small comparative collection of modern animal skeletons resulting from natural deaths that were collected by Klippel and Snyder from the countryside of East Crete. These skeletons were processed in simple water baths in closed containers, then cleaned, dried, and labeled with a comparative specimen number. In subsequent years, this small collection was transferred to the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete in Pacheia Ammos, where today it forms the core of the modern vertebrate faunal comparative collection. These bones consist primarily of domestic food animals (sheep, goat, pig, cow, chicken), along with common pets (dog, cat) and wild and commensal animals (hare, weasel, badger, agrimi) that were drawn by human activities such as discard or loss of food stuffs, built walls, cached food, and so forth. The latter categories of animals may represent natural deaths in the area rather than the remnants of human hunting, herding, or other procurement practices (Davis 1995). In addition, the comparative vertebrate collections of the Wiener Laboratory of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens were used as necessary for further identification of selected specimens. During identification, context information was recorded directly from the field bags (site, trench, locus, and pail designations). In addition, the date of excavation and the initials of the trench supervisor

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were also recorded. Bones were then removed from the trench bags and, depending on the degree of fragmentation and surface erosion, initially sorted into “identifiable” and “unidentifiable” categories. For purposes of analysis, a specimen was considered identifiable if taxa, element, side, and portion could be determined. These attributes, plus all signs of human modification (breakage, burning, and cut marks), as well as nonhuman modification (rodent gnawing, surface erosion), were also noted and recorded. In the case of ungulate tooth (enamel and root) fragments where taxa but not side and individual tooth could be determined, the presence of teeth from particular taxa (e.g., sheep/goat, sheep, goat, pig, cattle) was noted, but individual fragments were not counted. Readily identifiable but unsidable elements (e.g., metapodial fragments, phalange fragments) were also recorded as identifiable where recognized. The bone and tooth fragments considered for these analyses to be unidentifiable were counted, and evidence of gnawing, burning, and cut marks were recorded by simple numbers of elements. Identifiable faunal remains were described as to element (e.g., M2, dp3, humerus, ulna, femur), side (left, right, axial), portion (e.g., proximal, distal, lateral, posterior), and degree of epiphyseal fusion for long bones. The location of evidence of human modification (burning, cut marks, deliberate breakage) was also recorded. Specimens that warranted further study with the aid of the more extensive faunal collections of the Wiener Laboratory were labeled with context information and bagged in small plastic zip lock bags. All other identifiable specimens were then rebagged in original trench bags with the unidentifiable specimens for storage in the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete.

Taphonomy and Element Survival Beyond the identification of the animal species from which a bone comes and the portion of an animal carcass represented by the skeletal parts recovered, when well preserved, the surface of each bone may bear marks and modifications (cut marks, chop marks, breakage, burning) indicative of human processing and cooking choices. At the Vronda site generally, however, such evidence was

almost entirely obliterated by poor bone surface preservation. Taphonomy is the name given to the history of processes, both human induced and natural, which a bone or other archaeological specimen has undergone from the time it is taken from its natural “living” environment. Human processing of an animal carcass has numerous taphonomic effects on bone,

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including breakage that divides the complete bone into smaller and sometimes no longer identifiable bone fragments. Cooking processes can also compromise bone survival, either through the weakening of the structure of the bone itself by prolonged exposure to fire, which in the extreme can reduce the bone to ash, or through the weakening of the mineral structure of the bone by extended boiling in a liquid medium. In addition, natural processes can also lead to bone deterioration. Surface exposure of bones to sunlight, once the flesh has been removed, will speed the bleaching and deterioration of the mineral structure of the bone itself. Even shallowly buried bone may be subject to a great many destructive processes, including repeated freeze/thaw cycles, which over time cause the lammilar layers of a bone to fragment and scale, and demineralization, which is caused by the passage of ground water through the soil surrounding buried bones (Lyman 1994).

At the site of Vronda, on an exposed hilltop and slopes, much of the animal bone associated with ancient village life was recovered from relatively shallow archaeological deposits, and much of the bone recovered during the Kavousi project investigations exhibited very poorly preserved surfaces and generally eroded, rounded, broken edges. In contrast to the very well-preserved bone assemblages recovered from deep deposits at Kavousi Kastro, the poorly preserved surfaces of animal bones recovered from the Vronda settlement masked virtually all marks produced by human carcass reduction, butchering, and cooking and eating processes. In addition, the bones of smaller animals, such as small birds and fishes, were probably completely destroyed by the combined effects of extreme weathering in shallow deposits and probable continued human disturbance of the soil by cultivation of the area after site abandonment.

Characteristics of the Faunal Assemblage Taphonomy Approximately 22,300 animal bone and tooth fragments were recovered from the Vronda settlement. The majority of these specimens were from deposits of LM IIIC date, but earlier materials as well as faunal debris from the later Geometric cemetery and Venetian occupation in the area were also recovered during excavation. The extreme surficial erosion of bones exposed on the ground surface or shallowly buried, along with postoccupational weathering and movement of the soil matrix through remodeling of the site topography during periods of rebuilding, funerary activities, and agricultural activities after final site abandonment, led to severe deterioration of bone surfaces, breakage, and fragmentation. Of over 22,000 specimens, less than 11%, or approximately 2,400 bone fragments and teeth, could be identified as to animal and bone or tooth fragment represented. In nearly all cases, those bone fragments that could be identified are from the denser portions of long bones, such as the distal humerus,

proximal radius, distal tibia, or diaphyseal fragments of these and other long bones. More porous and fragile epiphyses such as the proximal humerus and distal femur were rarely if ever recovered intact. Complete or substantially complete mandibles with dentition in place, from animals such as sheep and goats, cattle, and pigs, were rarely recovered, making analyses of herding decisions based on age structure impossible. In addition, the less dense bones and teeth of young animals, including lambs and kids, were rarely noted in the recovered assemblages, although it is quite likely that they were originally present in the village herds. Bones of smaller animals including fish, birds, and small mammals were also virtually absent. It is likely that the near absence of evidence of young animals, birds, fish, and smaller mammals is largely a consequence of extreme erosion and destruction of these fragile specimens and does not reflect choices or activities of the village inhabitants.

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Sheep and Goat (Ovis aries and Capra hircus) By far the most common animals represented in the Vronda settlement faunal assemblage are domestic sheep (Ovies aries) and domestic goat (Capra hircus). Because sheep and goats are very similar in general skeletal morphology, however, only a small percentage of those bone fragments and teeth identified as sheep or goat could be distinguished as coming specifically from one of these two animals. In the entire assemblage from the Vronda settlement, 62 specimens were identified as coming from domestic sheep while 34 were clearly from domestic goat, and all other remains were identified more generally as being from either a sheep or goat. In addition, a number of goat specimens (six) were at least tentatively identified as representing the Cretan wild goat or agrimi (Capra aegagrus cretensis). Because the postcranial skeletal morphology of the agrimi is indistinguishable from that of the domestic goat, from which the wild agrimi population may well have descended (Moody 2012, 246), the identification of these specimens was only possible in the case of several horn core segments or fragments, which exhibited the size and morphology distinctive to Capra aegagrus cretensis (Boessneck 1969). Although there appears to have been a slight preference for sheep over goat indicated in the number of identified bone and tooth specimens, the relative numbers are so small that conclusions as to herding goals such as meat versus wool production were not possible. Likewise, the virtual absence of bones and teeth of young animals, whether sheep or goat, made the analysis of herd management techniques indicating goals of meat, milk, or wool/hair production problematic. It can be said that both sheep and goats were raised and utilized by the inhabitants of the Vronda settlement, and it is likely that a mixed and generalist herding strategy was employed at this small East Cretan settlement.

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Domestic Pig (Sus scrofa) Bone and teeth of domestic pigs were far less frequent than those of ovicaprids in the Vronda assemblage, but evidence of the use of pigs as a food source was generally present in all areas and periods of site use. Approximately 290 individual bone fragments and teeth were recovered. All portions of the pig skeleton, including head, front and back upper legs, axial skeleton, and lower legs and feet, were represented in the faunal assemblage. As with sheep and goat, the presence of all portions of the skeleton indicates that pigs, at least in small numbers, were most likely bred and raised near the site of Vronda, and whole animals were brought to the vicinity of the site, and/or to individual houses, for butchering and consumption. It also appears that pig carcasses were processed and reduced for eating in much the same way as those of sheep and goat. Head bone fragments and teeth, as well as lower leg and foot bones, are common in the assemblage, indicating that whole animals, or at least large body segments, were brought into the settlement. The few cut and chop marks preserved on the recovered pig bones show that larger front and hind limbs were separated from the axial carcass and further reduced into meat portions, probably before cooking. The absence of patterned burning on the recovered bones suggests that these meat portions were cooked by pot boiling or roasting on a brazier rather than on a spit cooked over an open fire.

Domestic Cattle (Bos taurus) Approximately 104 domestic cattle bone and tooth fragments were recovered in the Vronda settlement. Although relatively rare, these specimens were generally present in all areas of the site and in all time periods. As with the remains of sheep, goat, and pig, all portions of the cattle skeleton, including head and tooth fragments, axial elements, limb elements, and

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lower legs and feet, were represented. Among these specimens were several intentionally modified cattle crania, or bucrania, recovered in an apparent religious or symbolic context in Building A-B (Day and Snyder 2004, 69–71; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 42–43, 62–63; see below, Ch. 8, p. 219). These had been deliberately modified; the toothbearing portions of the skull (maxilla and mandible) as well as the lower portion of the crania (occipital, condyles) were removed to produce a flattened, platelike upper portion of the cattle skull that included horn cores. Whether these specimens represent objects with ritual functions or wall decorations is unclear, but the concentration of such deliberately modified objects in a single room of the large Building A-B would seem to indicate their importance in a ritual context. The scatter of bovine skeletal elements across the site, including other apparently unmodified skull and mandible fragments, as well as postcranial limb bone and vertebral fragments, indicates that beef was consumed by the residents of Vronda. The condition and scarcity of the recovered bone fragments from this very large meat-bearing animal, however, demonstrate that cattle were processed in a very different manner than the smaller and more common sheep, goat, and pig. Recovered bone fragments were more highly fragmented, and there was little or no evidence of articulating element portions, or joint elements, having been cooked and served as a meat unit. Cut marks were observed on several elements, including one first cervical and one second cervical vertebra from separate contexts, indicating the separation of the skull from the vertebral column or meat removal from these complicated bone elements after cooking. Cut marks were also noted on a single calcaneum, a bone of the lower leg joint, indicating separation of the meaty upper hind limb from the lower-value lower hind leg at the joint. Cut marks on the anterior surface of a humerus diaphysis fragment most likely represent removal of meat from this meaty upper limb bone, either before or after cooking. Patterned burning was not noted on the recovered cattle bone, suggesting that large cattle meat joints or whole limbs were not roasted over open fires. Instead, the cattle carcass was separated into smaller meat units and cooked by pot boiling or on braziers, with or without bones or bone fragments attached.

Domestic Dog (Canis familiaris) Just under 130 bone specimens of domestic dog (Canis familiaris) bone were recovered from the Vronda settlement. Several specimens appear, on the basis of their contexts, to have been deposited during the life of the settlement, although in most instances their isolated locations and extreme fragmentation make further interpretation uncertain. A number of dog bone fragments were found in roofing deposits. Among these were a femur shaft segment found during balk excavation in the area labeled Room B8 (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 58) and two elements, both mandible fragments, from roofing deposits in Room D4 of Building D and Room J1 of Building J. Both of the latter have apparent cut marks on their lingual or inner surfaces. If purposefully inflicted, these marks were most likely made while removing the tongue from the lower jaw of the animal. Cut marks have been found on dog bones at the Kastro, as well as at other Bronze Age sites in the Mediterranean (Snyder and Klippel 2003). At the Kastro, bones of canids as well as those of the badger (Meles meles) bore cut marks indicating that these animals, rarely considered food items today, were at least occasionally used as a meat source. The context of the Vronda mandible fragments with apparent cut marks suggests that dogs may have been treated at least occasionally as a meat source at the LM IIIC settlement. Two bone fragments, one from an ulna and the other from an innominate, were found in a layer of cobble leveling fill below the floor in both Building E West (E1) and Building E East (E3; Day and Glowacki 2012, 7, 26). These probably belong to the earlier history of the Vronda site, because they were found with EM II, MM II, and MM III–LM I pottery. In Trench V 14400, another mixed deposit containing both LM IIIC and LG material, possibly the contents of a garbage pit, yielded the right mandible fragment of a dog (Day and Glowacki 2012, 169). Most of the fragmented and scattered dog skeletal elements from the settlement come from contexts near the modern surface (topsoil, slope wash, and wall tumble deposits) and are likely to represent scattered elements from natural deaths in the area of the Venetian buildings or modern field houses at Vronda. Thirty-one canid bones,

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including vertebra and limb elements, found near the modern surface in Room A1 of Building A, appear to come from a single skeleton, discarded or abandoned in that area at some time after the abandonment of the LM IIIC settlement. In addition, a number of nearly complete dog skeletons were recovered from one of the tombs (Tholos Tomb X) located to the north of Vronda ridge. These skeletons appear to represent a single deposit of dead animals or carcasses placed in the abandoned tomb over a long period of time, well after the abandonment of the Vronda settlement; they will be discussed further in a subsquent volume on the Vronda cemeteries.

Other Animal Remains A number of other animals are minimally represented in the faunal assemblage from the Vronda settlement. Some of these animals, including lizards and small rodents, are represented by only a few scattered elements. They probably represent the remains of animals that lived in the area of the site or were drawn to the area of human habitation but were not directly associated with the residents of the settlement. Six scattered horse or donkey tooth or bone fragments show no evidence of human modification, and their association with a specific time period at Vronda is also uncertain. Most of these specimens may be isolated bone debris from the Venetian occupation of the Vronda ridge. The bones and teeth of domestic rabbit or wild hare are somewhat more common in the Vronda assemblages. Rabbit or hare bones were simply labeled Lepus sp. and not identified more specifically as to domestic or wild species, given the possibility that later scattered remains of domestic animals from the Venetian occupation may have been mixed with earlier deposits, as is likely with domestic dog remains. Because the rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) was probably not introduced into Crete until the Roman period (Jarman 1996, 218– 219), most of these bones probably come from hares. Approximately 13 rabbit or hare bones and teeth were found at the site. Only one bone, a distal radius, preserved cut marks, a direct indication that the element was associated with human hunting and/or exploitation for food or pelt. Other

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scattered and disarticulated rabbit or hare bones and teeth may represent either further food debris or natural deaths of hares in the area during or after human habitation. Several bones of the Cretan badger (Meles meles arcalus) were also recovered, and although they do not exhibit any human modification in the form of cut marks or burning, the common occurrence of cut marks on scattered badger bones at the nearby sites of Kastro and Azoria (Snyder and Klippel 1996) suggests that these specimens may represent either the remains of natural site intruders or animals deliberately hunted for their pelts and/or meat. Only six bird bones were identified in the faunal assemblage from Vronda, all of which were unidentifiable small bird limb and foot bone fragments. None show any signs of human modification, and they are likely to represent the remains of animals not associated with the human inhabitants of the site. The extreme erosion and weathering conditions in the area of Vronda ridge, along with the movement and redeposition of soil matrix during and following the period of site occupation, have probably contributed to the general destruction of delicate small bird bones. No fish bones were recovered from Vronda, either in hand excavation or water sieving. Fish have been identified as a major component of the faunal assemblages at coastal sites on Crete where much water sieving has been undertaken, such as Kommos (Rose 1995, 2000), Pseira (Rose 1998, 1999, 2009), Mochlos (Mylona 2004), and Palaikastro (Mylona 2007). Although fish are rarely a major component of any Cretan faunal assemblage (Rose 1994), the complete absence of fish remains at Vronda is, as with the paucity of bird remains, probably due to the soil conditions and weathering characteristic of the hillside. 

Summary of Faunal Species Representation The faunal assemblages from roofing to floor levels in the rooms of the Vronda buildings with deep deposits are summarized in Chart 5, a bar graph comparing NISP (number of identified specimens) for individual room contexts at Vronda.

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This graph represents only those strata, as recognized during excavation, that contained materials directly related to the activities of the Vronda villagers. Mixed deposits, slope wash, and topsoil have not been included. This figure supports the conclusion that during the life of the village, the inhabitants of Vronda practiced a mixed herding and culling strategy in which sheep and goats made up ca. 60% of animals harvested for meat, while pigs contributed a much smaller but consistent percentage, ca. 15%–20%. The bones of cattle were recovered in much smaller percentages, always less than 10%, in individual contexts. This pattern suggests regular culling of smallerbodied domestic animals (sheep, goats, pigs) by small, family-based units in a context where meat preservation was rare or nonexistent. Among the smaller-bodied animals, sheep and goats, which are grazers and browsers with flexible water

requirements, were highly adaptable to the generally arid Mediterranean climate of East Crete. Pigs, while also relatively small in body size, have more stringent water requirements, and this limitation is reflected in their lesser percentages in the faunal assemblage from Vronda. Cattle are largerbodied animals, with a single animal producing a relatively large quantity of meat, more than might be easily consumed before spoilage except by a large communal gathering or large extended family. Cattle, like pigs, also have higher daily water requirements. These attributes explain the much smaller percentages of cattle bones recovered throughout the site of Vronda. The near absence of still smaller-bodied animals, both domestic and native, may have been at least partially the result of taphonomic conditions in the site area, with only the larger and sturdier mammal, bird, and fish bones having been preserved.

Butchering, Foodways, and Animal Use While the extreme breakage and erosion of bone surfaces on much of the Vronda faunal assemblage precludes many types of analysis, it is clear from the limited range of domestic and wild species represented, the consistent breakage pattern of surviving specimens, and, where preserved, the location and orientation of cut and chop marks, that animal resources at the Vronda settlement were treated in a consistent, patterned manner. In most areas of the site, the animal bone remaining at the time of excavation appears to represent a scattered mix of primary and secondary butchering debris and cast-off food remains. Sheep, goat, pig, and cattle limbs or quarters for consumption were reduced by a chop or break action, probably with a strong knife or cleaver, into smaller units for cooking. Such units, often including articulated joint cuts, could then have been cooked on a small brazier or boiled in a cooking pot. This pattern of food processing is supported by the general breakage or fragmentation pattern of animal bones at the site, along with the absence of the burned margins of animal bones as might be expected to occur when larger limb segments, or whole, bone-in limb segments were suspended and cooked over an open fire for longer periods of time.

Such preparation methods, particularly bone breakage for pot boiling, opens the inner cavity of the bone, allowing the marrow fat to be captured in the pot liquor, enriching the stew. In an area of the world where sheep and goats are generally lean and retain little excess body fat, such a method of routine bone breakage, sometimes called “pot sizing,” and stewing would have taken full advantage of the fat stored in the bones themselves (Marshall and Pilgram 1991; Enlow 1993; Oliver 1993). This butchering method—separation of limbs into meat “joint” segments by breakage through the long shaft of the bone, leaving the articulating joints intact—is illustrated by closely associated limb segments recovered in a number of areas at Vronda. One such example comes from north of the “closet” in Room E1 of Building E West, where a right distal radius had been chopped and then broken at mid-diaphysis, suggesting that the upper part of the bone was probably left articulated with the distal humerus, creating a meaty upper front limb “joint” portion, and exposing the marrow cavity of the less meaty but still desirable resources of the radius. In this same area, a sheep or goat proximal radius and proximal ulna both exhibited chops and breaks through the bone diaphysis, along with

THE FAUNAL REMAINS

cut marks on their articular surfaces. It is impossible to tell if the cut marks were made in separating this front limb joint, during secondary butchering and thus prior to cooking, or by a diner in the course of a meal. Burning and burn marks on animal bone were rare at Vronda. To a certain extent, this may be due to the generally poor preservation of bone surfaces, but the lack of patterned burning on the ends of bones, which potentially would have been exposed to direct fire if joints or larger limb segments were roasted over an open fire, supports the reconstruction of foodway patterns that emphasized brazier or pot cooking of smaller bone-in meat portions. In a few cases, more extensive burning, such as that seen in Room I3 of Building I, may be associated with central hearths or ovens into which bones might have been tossed, either as fuel or to rid the area of food debris. The assemblage of animal bones from the early phase of Building B is an exception to the general pattern of scattered, disarticulated animal bone generally found in the Vronda settlement. The careful excavation and exposure in situ of deposits in Room B4 revealed a nonrandom concentration of animal bones, apparently resulting from at least two depositional processes or events (Day and Snyder 2004; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 42–43, 62–63). In the southern portion of the room general food refuse and/or butchering debris is absent. Instead, as noted earlier, a number of apparently highly modified animal skulls were found (for more detailed discussion and interpretations, see Day and Snyder 2004, 69–71; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 42–43, 62–63; see also below, Ch. 8, p. 219). These included several cattle skulls that appeared to have been shaped to produce plaque-like “bucrania” by removal of the lower skull and all tooth-bearing portions (Day and Snyder 2004, 70–71, figs. 5.8, 5.10), possibly for use as wall hangings or for some other purpose. In addition, at least one pair of Cretan wild goat (agrimi, Capra aegagrus cretensis) horn cores, still attached in anatomical position to a frontal fragment with chopped edges and bearing a striking resemblance to horns of consecration, was found in close proximity to the modified cattle skulls (Day and Snyder 2004, 71, fig. 5.9). In the northern portion of the room, a typical mix of butchering and food remains was recovered

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(Day and Snyder 2004, 70, fig. 5.7). Articulated leg bone segments, such as a sheep or goat innominate and associated proximal femur represent major, meaty joints such as those seen today in arnaki sto phourno (lamb from the oven). These remains represent foodway choices similar to those observed elsewhere in the LM IIIC Vronda settlement, where smaller limb segments or joint cuts were either roasted on braziers or cooked by pot boiling. With the exception of the bones found in Building A-B, Room B4, there is little or no evidence of spatial concentration of faunal materials at Vronda that might suggest limited access to resources, nor is there evidence for specific herding goals such as meat, milk, or hair/wool production. Rather, the faunal assemblage is consistent with that of a community of largely independent household groups, with each household largely responsible for its own provisioning. There is no clear indication of specialized processing of animal products in a single area of the site; excavations in individual houses or house complexes produced similar mixes of primary and secondary butchering debris and food remains (Klippel and Snyder 1991; Snyder and Klippel 1999), suggesting that members of each household unit or group obtained and/or raised its own animals for food, particularly sheep and goats, and perhaps pigs. Because the assemblage of cattle bones from the site is so small and scattered, it is impossible to determine if cattle were treated in the same manner, although the few cattle bones recovered suggest that this was the case. In a region participating in a centralized redistribution system like the earlier palace system in Crete, evidence of specialized herding in locations away from the village, manifested by a concentration of animal remains from a particular age range or a decreased range of preferred meat animal species, might be expected (Zeder 1991, 2003; Crabtree 1996; Halstead 1996; Grant 2002; Kapetanios 2003). There is no evidence for such practices at Vronda. Rather, the inhabitants of this small East Cretan village seem to have maintained a simple, independent pastoral regime, exploiting a limited range of common domestic and, to a lesser extent, readily available local wild species in a practical and sufficient system of herd management and meat food processing (Klippel and Snyder 1991, 2000; Snyder and Klippel 1996, 1999).

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The Marine Shells by David S. Reese The occurrence of shells by context within the Vronda settlement has already been published in Kavousi IIA and Kavousi IIB (Reese 2009b, 2012). The shrine and cemetery shells will be reported in the subsequent volumes on the Vronda Shrine

and cemeteries, respectively. In the present work the quantities of shells by zoological classification, their spatial distribution, and chronological occurrence are summarized.

Overview There are a total of 266 marine shells (minimum number of individuals [MNI]) from the settlement (including the shrine) and the cemetery. Vronda is only about 5 km from the sea, but the steep climb from the shore to the settlement may explain why there are no fish remains and few marine invertebrates at the site. The low numbers of marine shells show that the sea provided only an occasional food source for the population of Vronda. There are 209 gastropods (MNI): 132 Patella (limpet; 49.6%), 41 Monodonta (topshell; 15.4%), 15 Hexaplex trunculus (murex; 5.6%, two waterworn, one holed, one open body), four Erosaria spurca (cowrie), four Charonia (trumpet or triton shell), four Pirenella conica (whelk), two vermetid (worn shells; one could be strung), two Cerithium vulgatum (cerith or horn shell), two Conus mediterraneus (cone shell; one holed), and single Luria lurida (cowrie), Euthria cornea (whelk), and Arcularia gibbosulus (basket or nassa shell). There are also 57 bivalves (MNI): 22 Glycymeris insubrica (dog-cockle; 7.9%, 18 waterworn, three holed), nine Cerastoderma glaucum (cockle; 14 valves), six Spondylus gaederopus (spiny or thorny oyster; three waterworn), six Mactra corallina (trough shell), three Glycymeris pilosa (dog-cockle; three waterworn, one holed), three Acanthocardia tuberculata (cockle), two Venus verrucosa (warty venus), and single Ostrea edulis (oyster), Donax trunculus (wedge-shell), Chamelea gallina (smooth venus), Barbatia barbata (ark shell), Astarte sulcata (astarte shell), and Pinna nobilis (pen shell). The 132 Patella and 49 Monodonta, both collected high up on the rocky shore, are the major food shells and account for 65% of all shell MNI

found. These two forms are also the major shells found at many other Cretan sites: EM Chrysokamino (Reese 2006), Kommos (Reese 1995c, 2000b), Pseira (Reese 1995a, 1998a, 1998b, 1999, 2009a), Palaikastro (Reese 1987; forthcoming, unpublished additions), and Chania (Reese 1997, 2000c, 2003b, 2011b, unpublished additions), the LM IB Artisans’ Quarter at Mochlos (Soles 2003; Reese 2004), LM IB Chalinomouri (Soles 2003; Reese 2004), LM III Mochlos (Soles 2008; Reese 2011a), and Late Hellenistic Mochlos (Reese 2014). They are also very common at Kavousi Kastro (pers. obs.). Not all of the shells are food debris. Twenty-seven of the 266 shells, or 10.2%, were collected dead on the beach and found to be waterworn: 18 G. insubrica, three G. pilosa, three Spondylus, and three Hexaplex. This is 84% of all Glycymeris and half the Spondylus. While waterworn Glycymeris and Hexaplex can be holed and used as ornaments, and fresh or waterworn Spondylus can both be used to make small artifacts (bangles or bracelets, pounders or pestles, and jewelry), none of these have been modified at all. Building G, the Shrine, produced 20 shells: seven Cerastoderma (11 valves), three Acanthocardia (six valves), two Venus, two Patella, one Glycymeris, one Euthria, one Conus (holed), one Erosaria, one Barbatia, and one Astarte. Several of the rare shells from Vronda are from the Shrine: all Acanthocardia, one of two Conus, both Venus, and the single Euthria, Barbatia, and Astarte. Most of these are in fact from the Shrine votive deposit (V 9907.1– 3). In the area outside of Building G were found 24 more shells, including the unique Pinna and holed

THE FAUNAL REMAINS

Arcularia (these shells will be discussed in a subsequent volume on the Shrine). The 14 shells from the cemetery come from badly disturbed deposits and are probably chance items, although three could have been strung as ornaments (these shells are to be discussed in the volume on the Vronda cemeteries). The shells are:

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four Patella, four Glycymeris (one holed), two Hexaplex (one open body), two Mactra, one Monodonta, and one vermetid (which could be strung). Shells have also been found in the Poros tomb (Reese 1992) and in tombs at Pseira (Reese 2003a) and Mochlos (Soles 2003, 2008).

Pre–Late Minoan III Shells There are only 15 shells from 13 deposits that are definitely pre–LM III, with six Hexaplex, three Patella, two Cerastoderma, and single Erosaria, Charonia, Glycymeris, and Euthria. These are from: Area southwest of Room A1 (V 2605.19): Erosaria Area south of Building A (V 2604.10): Patella Area south of Building A (V 2607.14): Hexaplex fragment Building P, rubble fill (V 2802): Cerastoderma Building P, red soil (V 2801.6+13): 2 Hexaplex fragments (1 MNI), Charonia fragment Building P, red soil (V 3301.4): Hexaplex fragment

Room E1, below floor (V 1302.18): Hexaplex fragment Room E4, cobble fill (V 705.6): Hexaplex Room E3, cobble fill (V 333.1): Hexaplex ornament Room E3, floor build-up (V 331.2): Patella Building E, east courtyard (V 902.11): Patella Room G1, west of wall (V 9310.7): Glycymeris fragment Room G1, in northeast corner (V 9480.3): Euthria Room G2, in front of benches (V 9909.3): Cerastoderma

The Latest Shells The settlement produced 29 shells from 17 deposits that produced Minoan pottery together with a handful of Iron Age (generally Late Geometric) sherds. These are considered to be disturbed LM

IIIC deposits. There are also 32 shells from 16 deposits that also produced Venetian or Modern pottery and could be of any date.

Ornamental Shells There is one Hexaplex with a natural hole on the body from the EM–MM Room E3 cobble fill (E3 SH1; Reese 2012, 26–27, table 4, pl. 7C). There are four waterworn Glycymeris with natural holes at the umbo (bivalve “beak”) that could have been pendants: two from mostly LM IIIC deposits in Room K1 wall tumble or rubble packing (V 6207.7; V 6313.1), one from Building I, courtyard Area 3, one from the modern surface

cleaning (VW 12000), and the fourth from Vronda Tholos Tomb IX. The Shrine Room G2 votive deposit produced a holed Conus (V 9907.2). The unique holed Arcularia was found south of Room G1 (V 8906.8). The LG Grave 1 (V 302.1) yielded a vermetid, a naturally stringable gastropod. The Building I Courtyard Area 1 upper surface (VW 11153.3) yielded a worn Conus with an open body that could have been a pendant.

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Fossil Shell The only fossil in the collection is a holed bivalve from fill behind the terrace wall supporting Grave 3, which included LM IIIC pottery and a few LG fragments from Grave 3 (VW 17101.1, V87.29 [IM 868]). It is worn, measures 36.25 x 24 mm, its

thickness is 9 mm, and the hole is 4.25 mm. Fossils have also been found in the Poros tomb (Reese 1992), at Minoan and Iron Age Kommos (Reese 1995b, 2000a), and at Mochlos (Soles 2003, 2008; Reese 2011a).

7

The Paleoethnobotany of Vronda Kimberly Flint-Hamilton

Very little is known about the agriculture, subsistence, and environment of Early Iron Age Greece in general (for a summary, see Kroll 2000) and LM IIIC Crete in particular. While Glynis Jones’s thorough study of Assiros Tomba (Jones 1982, 1983) and Kroll’s exhaustive analysis of Kastanas (Kroll 1983) reveal a great deal about the character of the Iron Age on the Greek mainland, few studies of the palaeoethnobotany of the Cretan Postpalatial and Early Iron Age periods have been published. Only a handful of Cretan archaeological projects have produced any palaeoethnobotanical studies at all, notably EM II Myrtos (Rackham 1972), the LM II Unexplored Mansion at Knossos (Jones 1984), MM I–LM/Early Iron Age Kommos (Shay, Shay, and Zwiazek 1995; Shay and Shay 2000), LM I Mochlos (Sarpaki and Bending 2004), and Iron

Age Knossos (Hatzaki et al. 2008). Additionally, plant remains were identified at Neolithic Knossos (Warren et al. 1968), EM Debla (Grieg 1974), EM Chrysokamino (Jones and Schofield 2006), LM Chania (Follieri 1982), LM IIIC Karphi (Wallace 2012, 68–70), Geometric Eleutherna (Stampolides 1990), and Archaic Azoria (Haggis et al. 2004, 2007b, 2011a). The present author’s study of the botanical remains from LM IIIC Chalasmenos is in progress. Sarpaki provides a useful summary of the published archaeobotanical studies of Crete through the Bronze Age in a recent work (Sarpaki 2012, 36, table 3.1). While the Vronda finds are, in general, somewhat meager, they help to fill an important gap in our knowledge of culture and subsistence practices in LM IIIC and Early Iron Age Crete. This report is

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divided into three sections. First, a brief description of the environment of Crete based on palynological

studies is presented. A section on materials and methods follows, and then the species are described.

The Environment of Crete at the End of the Bronze Age Our knowledge of the environmental and climatic conditions of eastern Crete toward the end of the Bronze Age is sketchy. Ancient environmental studies rely heavily on palynological analyses, but the depositional contexts favorable for the preservation of pollen, such as bogs or lakes that remain permanently waterlogged, are difficult to find in Crete. There have been a few excellent studies of the ancient environment, however, employing the data produced by the pollen diagrams of Tersana and Limnes on the Akrotiri peninsula of western Crete (Moody, Rackham, and Rapp 1996), the Kournas-Delphinos region of northwestern Crete (Bottema and Sarpaki 2003), and Hagia Galini in South-Central Crete (Bottema 1980). These studies indicate that the environment throughout Greece was in transition toward the end of the Bronze Age, but the circumstances of the Postpalatial period through the Early Iron Age are not well represented by the pollen cores. Pollen deposition for all periods later than the Middle/Late Bronze Age is occasional or absent from the Tersana core, and the Limnes core covers only the EN to the MM periods (Moody, Rackham, and Rapp 1996, 282–284, table 1). The Hagia Galini core has been radiocarbon dated to 10,090–4650 b.p., well outside the limits of the Iron Age (Bottema 1980, 209). The Kournas-Delphinos core comes the closest chronologically, with identifiable pollen as recent as 3500–1000 b.p., when olive pollen began to drop in concentration in comparison to earlier periods. The authors interpret this drop as a sign that olive trees were beginning to disappear, perhaps because of decreased demand for olive oil (Bottema and Sarpaki 2003, 742). The work of Moody, Rackham, and Rapp (1996) suggests that the environment of Neolithic to Middle Bronze Age Crete was more temperate than that of today. This conclusion is supported by the presence of temperate tree species such as

basswood/linden, hornbeam, and hazel. Although Bottema reported finding a hazel shrub in a valley west of Herakleion in September 1996 (Bottema and Sarpaki 2003, 743), none of these temperate tree species occurs in Crete today, which may be an indication that the past climate was more humid. Additionally, the more drought-tolerant Mediterranean species such as olive, prickly oak, and lentisk occurred in the same period alongside the temperate species, indicating that the minimum winter temperature could not have been more than 6°C cooler, on average, than it is today. Yet Bottema and Sarpaki (2003, 743) posit an alternate explanation for the rare presence of temperate species in the Cretan pollen cores. The absence of macrofossil evidence of these species, such as nut shells or carbonized wood, coupled with the small amount of their pollen, lead them to conclude that its minimal presence may have been the result of long-distance airborne transport, or possibly even the transportation of pollen by sea water from mainland Greece. If correct, this would indicate that the Cretan climate was in fact drier in the first part of the Holocene than it is today, and more closely resembled the modern Mediterranean climate, a view that is in conflict with that of Moody, Rackham, and Rapp (1996). Perhaps Crete began the transition to a more arid Mediterranean climate before it started in mainland Greece. The olive pollen that appears in the MN deposit (ca. 4750 b.c.) deserves comment. Moody, Rackham, and Rapp interpret the initial appearance of olive in the Middle Neolithic as reflecting the presence of a natural oak woodland, which was then at its peak (Moody, Rackham, and Rapp 1996, 286). The increase in olive pollen toward the end of the Neolithic indicates that cultivation of olive probably began at this point (Moody, Rackham, and Rapp 1996, 291).

THE PALEOETHNOBOTANY OF VRONDA

During the Bronze Age, the climate became gradually more arid throughout Greece as temperate species such as basswood/linden disappeared from all pollen cores in southern Greece, and xerophytic species such as evergreen oak increased (Moody 2005, 2009). In addition, increased tectonic activity resulted in a tilting of the island on the northwest/southeast axis, with

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the southeastern coast being uplifted. Moody and Rackham suggest that the transition to the drier Mediterranean climate over all of Greece, including Crete, was probably completed by the middle of the first millennium b.c. (Rackham and Moody 1996, 39). Unfortunately, the direct evidence needed to support this hypothesis is lacking.

Methods and Materials The study of the Vronda plant remains was conducted in three distinct phases: first, the collection of soil samples; second, the processing of soil to

extract carbonized botanical remains; and third, the analysis. Each of these phases is described below.

Collection of Soil Samples Excavators collected soil samples from all areas showing evidence of burning, graves, floors, the soil inside and around complete or nearly complete pots, and enclosures. The non-grave samples ranged in volume between 5 and 10 liters. Grave samples, however, tended to be much larger, as all the soil from within the grave was collected. These samples ranged from 10 to 30 liters. Samples collected from

inside small pots tended to be much smaller, on average less than one liter. The most productive of the samples were those collected from graves. The soil was stored in plastic bags until processing, and most samples were processed in the same season in which they were collected. In some cases, however, samples were processed after having been stored for a year or more.

Processing Samples were processed by water flotation. Soil was poured into a barrel of water on top of a 1 mm mesh netting and gently agitated until all the fine soil was washed away and the material atop the mesh netting was clean. Carbonized botanical remains floated to the top of the water and were recovered in two nested sieve screens. Processing produced three distinct fractions: coarse floating material (flot), fine flot, and the heavy fraction, or residue. Flot such as charcoal

and seeds was recovered in two nested sieve screens, one coarse screen with 1 mm mesh, and one fine with 0.5 mm mesh. Heavier materials that did not float, such as fruit stones, large pieces of charcoal, animal bones, or shells, were collected in the netting. The flot was dried slowly in the shade after being packaged in several layers of paper toweling to prevent cracking and distortion of the finds. The heavy fraction was dried in the open air, in the shade, on top of heavy plastic sheeting.

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Analysis Study of the Vronda samples involved sorting the heavy fraction (also called the residue), the coarse flot, and the fine flot. The flot was sorted, studied, and photographed using a Cambridge Instruments SZ 6 Photo stereo dissecting microscope with a fiber optic light source. The residue was either sorted in the daylight or indoors using a lamp for a light source. Botanical materials, including seeds and seed fragments, fruits and fruit fragments, and identifiable vegetative material, were stored in gelatin capsules and examined later using

the dissecting microscope. Bones, teeth, marine shells, pumice, and small pieces of pottery, most of which occurred in the heavy fraction, were removed and stored for the appropriate specialist. It is interesting to note that most of the infant bones from Vronda were recovered from grave soil during analysis of the residue. The tiny bones, covered with soil, are virtually impossible to distinguish during excavation, but when cleaned during the gentle agitation of flotation, they are easily distinguished from other materials.

Plant Remains In general, the carbonized finds from Vronda are poor, both in terms of quantity as well as preservation (Tables 90, 91). Fewer than 400 identifiable specimens were recovered, several of which are identified only tentatively due to their damaged state. Very few grains and legumes were found. Several species of weed were recovered. The arboreal seeds and fruits, also fair to poor in condition, are the most common finds. More than 100 specimens each of grape and almond, nearly 30

specimens of olive, two whole pistachios, and a fragment of fig were recovered, making the fruits not only the best represented but also the most interesting category of finds. Most of the plant remains come from LG grave contexts, although a representative sampling comes from the LM IIIC settlement as well. The almond finds were recovered from the Venetian farmstead at Xerambela, located to the north of the LM IIIC settlement.

Gramineae Only two grain caryopses were identified, one in a grave sample and another in the topsoil above the ancient terrace surface west of Building C-D. Both grains are very tiny, their small size contributing to the uncertainty regarding their identification. While the botanical remains from Vronda are meager in general, the paucity of grains seems surprising, especially in light of the presence of so many remains of arboreal seeds and fruits. In addition, the virtual absence of chaff is perplexing and speaks to the nature of the deposits, as discussed below.

Triticum aestivum L. s.l. A single caryopsis identified as bread wheat was recovered from the topsoil above the ancient terrace surface west of Building C-D (Pl. 27:a). Its identification is supported by its overall shape, which is plump and rounded with blunt ends. The widest point occurs at the midpoint of the caryopsis, with the caryopsis tapering sharply toward both ends. The dorsal side is curved longitudinally and appears rounded in cross section. The ventral side exhibits a slight curvature.

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Although carbonization can cause swelling that can obscure proper identification, the indices of this caryopsis compare well with those reported for bread wheat. The caryopsis is very tiny, with a length of 2.03 mm, thickness of 1.10 mm, and height of 1.16 mm. The indices for these measurements are as follows: L./th. 1.85, L./h. 1.75, th./h. 0.94 mm. Small grains of bread wheat are not unknown. Hopf (1968) reported an extreme range of dimensions for T. aestivum s.l. in her report on Neolithic Ehrenstein: (3.2–9.2) x (2.4–5.0) x (2.0–4.6 mm). She assigned the designation T. aestivo L. aestivocompactum Schiem.-Binkel. to a group of caryopses that seem not to conform to the usual dimensions for the hexaploid species and whose dimensions are smaller than expected (Hopf 1968, 56). While the Vronda caryopsis still seems small even when compared with these dimensions, the indices correspond reasonably well and support its designation as T. aestivum/T. aestivo L. aestivo-compactum. The suffix s.l. (sensu lato) is maintained, however, due to lingering uncertainty regarding its small size.

Hordeum sp. A single caryopsis found in the LG Grave 21 has been identified as hulled barley. While the caryopsis exhibits considerable damage, traces of the fused pales remain visible and are especially evident along the ventral furrow. Much of the surface detail has been worn away. Like the bread wheat described above, the barley caryopsis is very small, with a length of 2.64 mm, thickness of 1.37 mm,

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and height of 0.93 mm. The indices for these measurements are as follows: L./th. 1.92, L./h. 2.84, th./h. 1.47 mm. The caryopsis has a nearly flat dorsal surface and is straight longitudinally. It does not exhibit the twisting that characterizes six-row barley H. vulgare L. spp. vulgare. Its indices conform well to those of carbonized barley reported by Hopf at Arad (Hopf 1978) and Jericho (Hopf 1983). Because the furrow is somewhat obscured by the pales, it cannot be determined with certainty whether the furrow widens toward the apex, which would support its identification as H. vulgare ssp. distichum. Mature H. vulgare caryopses generally exceed 5 mm in length, and the small size of the Vronda caryopsis, as well as its damaged state, make it difficult to determine the species with certainty. But small H. vulgare caryopses, while uncommon among archaeological finds, are not unknown. The lateral florets of barley can produce extremely small grains. In his report of the paleoethnobotanical remains from Kastanas, for example, Kroll reported barley caryopses ranging in length from 1.9 to 6.8 mm (Kroll 1983, 34). Hopf (1983, 621, fig. 244:11) reported among the plant remains from Jericho a small caryopsis that resembles the Vronda grain in appearance as well as dimensions (the dimensions of the grain pictured there are 2.9 x 1.5 x 1.1 mm as measured by the author according to the scale provided). The size of the single Vronda caryopsis, therefore, is not unique. Its damaged state, however, as well as the absence of additional barley caryopses or chaff fragments, indicates that caution be used in assigning a species designation.

Arboreal Seeds and Fruits The arboreal seeds and fruits, which include grape, olive, almond, fig, and pistachio, are both the most common and best represented taxa among the Vronda finds.

Vitis vinifera Finds of grape from Vronda totaled 147, including 27 whole pips, 32 pip fragments, 86 mesocarp fragments, and 2 stems (Pl. 27:b).

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Both macrofossil and microfossil evidence for grape has been found on Crete as early as the seventh millennium b.c. A relative latecomer to Crete, the grape is considered by Rackham and Moody to be unusual among Cretan cultivars. “Of all the major crops, it is the least well adapted to the Cretan climate; the last to come into leaf in spring and the first to shed its leaves” (Rackham and Moody 1996, 77). Macrofossil evidence for the presence of both wild and domesticated grape at EN II Knossos was reported by Sarpaki (2009, 226). Because both varieties of grape have appeared side by side since its earliest appearance, it is likely to have been domesticated in the Mediterranean and not introduced in its cultivated form (Palmer 1994, 13). The presence of the grape throughout the Cretan Bronze Age, in the form of seeds, skins, wood, and vine leaf impressions, is summarized by Hamilakis (1996, 10, table 2). Grape remains are common in Cretan contexts, and they have been identified at LM IB Mochlos (Sarpaki and Bending 2004, table 34), Archaic Azoria (Haggis et al. 2004, 378), and the Little Palace at Knossos (Hatzaki et al. 2008, 262–267). Indirect evidence for grape also exists in the form of wine presses at several LM houses and ideograms in both Linear A and B. Rackham and Moody (1996, 78) suggest that wine making may have been a household craft, because what appear to be wine presses occur in LM houses throughout Crete. Microfossil evidence for the presence of grape in Crete exists in the form of pollen. Moody, Rackham, and Rapp (1996, 273–287) reported the presence of Vitis pollen from two lakes on the Akrotiri peninsula. At Limnes, Vitis pollen appears in the earliest levels, dating to 6100 b.c. (EN). At Tersana, Vitis pollen appears in levels dating to 4700 b.c. (MN). In both cases, the authors suggest that the Vitis represented may have been cultivated. The reproductive biology of the grape undergoes significant changes during the domestication process, with a shift from sexual reproduction in the wild varieties to vegetative propagation of clones (Zohary and Hopf 2012, 124). This development is accompanied by a genetic change in sex determination. Wild grapes are dioecious, and their populations contain an approximately equal number of male and female plants. Cultivated grapes, however, are hermaphroditic. They are self-fertile, with flowers containing both pistils and anthers (Núñez

and Walker 1989, 206). Populations of cultivated grapes that escape into the wild generally remain hermaphroditic, but eventually their seeds begin to resemble the seeds of the wild form. Núñez and Walker reported finding vineyards in Central Asia that contained female plants in addition to the hermaphroditic form. Additionally, it seems that self-pollenating hermaphroditic cultivated grapes produce less pollen than the dioecious wild grapes, making interpretation of relative concentrations of grape pollen from pollen cores difficult (Sarpaki 2012, 40). Nearly all the remains of Vronda grape come from the grave contexts. Only one pip was recovered from an ancient habitation surface, west of Room J1, while a stem was found in the soil above roofing collapse in Room D2. For a fairly large portion of the whole pips, fragments of mesocarp were preserved adhering to the seed. This circumstance, together with the volume of mesocarp fragments, suggests that these finds may represent whole grapes or raisins, perhaps placed in the graves as offerings. During flotation, occasional difficulties with the continuity of the water supply resulted in incomplete washing of a few samples, and some of the grape pips have a thin film of light brown sediment adhering to their surface, partially obscuring the furrows and/or the chalazal scar. This film is not so thick, however, as to cause difficulty in identification, and only in a few isolated cases did it complicate the process of measuring. The pips are fairly small, with an average length of 4.9 mm (3.5–5.7 mm), a breadth of 3.3 mm (2.0–3.9 mm), and a thickness of 2.8 mm (1.5–3.7 mm). The whole grape pips from Vronda are characteristically piriform in shape, with the rounded chalazal scar on the dorsal face and two furrows flanking the longitudinal bridge on the ventral face. Nearly all the whole or nearly whole pips have a form that is more rounded than elongated, with short stalks. This shape more closely resembles the wild species, Vitis vinifera ssp. sylvestris, than the domesticated form, Vitis vinifera ssp. vinifera. The thickness (breadth) to length ratio (b.:L.) can be used as a guide in helping to determine whether the pips are likely to have come from a wild or cultivated population (Stummer 1911). Of the 27 whole pips, seven are slightly damaged along their length or breadth such that accurate measurements

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could not be taken. The remaining 20 are measurable. The b.:L. ratios of seven of these is greater than 76, conforming to the dimensions expected of wild grape pips. The remaining 13 pips exhibit ratios between 54 and 75, which places them in a category intermediate between wild and domesticated. Thus, they might represent either a wild (Vitis vinifera ssp. sylvestris) or cultivated (Vitis vinifera ssp. vinifera) population. Distinguishing wild from domesticated grape seeds on the basis of shape alone, however, can be exceedingly difficult. The mathematical model of Mangafa and Kotsakis (1996), developed to distinguish wild from cultivated grape pips, can be used as a guide. While the authors reported high predictive power for their models, with more than 95% of the seeds having been correctly reclassified into wild and cultivated, there are lingering uncertainties regarding its accuracy. Sarpaki, for example, reported that applying this model to grape pips recovered from a Roman house in Petra, finds that appeared cultivated based on morphological features, resulted in an identification of wild grape. She notes, however, that “[i]t is unlikely that a Roman private dwelling at Petra contained wild grapes” (Sarpaki 2009, 227). Additionally, Smith and Jones (1990) reported that the morphology of cultivated grape pips, after carbonization, can change to resemble that of wild varieties. Applying the Mangafa and Kotsakis formulas to the Vronda grape seeds, more than half fit the parameters of wild seeds. Are the Vronda grapes truly a wild population, or might they instead represent a wild population in transition to a cultivated form, or even a population that, once domesticated, was neglected and reverted to a wild form? The morphology of the flower would answer this question unequivocally, but flowers are rarely if ever preserved in the archaeological record in Greece, and the Vronda remains provide no exceptions. While it may be impossible, given the small sample size, to determine the exact nature of the Vronda grapes, it is still possible to speculate on their development. The pips appear to represent a largely wild population, perhaps in transition to a cultivated form, that was exploited by the inhabitants of Vronda. There exists another intriguing possibility, however. Grapes had been present on Crete, as demonstrated by microfossil evidence, some 5,000 years prior to the appearance of the

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Vronda grapes. Given the importance of wine production in the Bronze Age palatial economy, it seems possible that the Vronda grapes were the descendants of a population that had been under cultivation during the Bronze Age but abandoned after the fall of the palaces. The morphology of the once cultivated pips might appear wild, but most of the plants would have remained hermaphroditic, retaining the cultivated genotype. In the absence of a floral impression or analysis of genetic material, both interpretations—that a wild population had begun to be cultivated, or that formerly cultivated specimens had reverted to the wild and were being cultivated once again—seem possible. Because of the relatively small quantity of grape remains, together with the absence of winemaking artifacts, it seems unlikely that Vronda grapes were used in wine making in the LM IIIC settlement, even though vinification has a long history on Crete. The ideogram for wine occurs in Linear A and even in Cretan hieroglyphic at the Phaistos early palace (Palmer 1994, 27). According to Palmer, wine was not produced by the palaces directly and was not considered a staple of the Mycenaean diet. Instead, it seems to have been a luxury item. The ideogram for wine is most often found alongside items such as meat, cheese, and honey. The majority of references to wine are in the context of ritual offerings (Palmer 1994, 190; Hamilakis 1996, 20). Yet the presence of large kylikes and kraters in the settlement, along with cups in the graves, suggests that wine may well have been produced, at least for convivial gatherings if not also for everyday use. In the LG period, the presence of cups in the graves may represent a final toast to the deceased. Given the history of the vine’s association with ritual in Greece, it seems all the more likely that the Vronda grapes were part of offerings associated with funerary rituals.

Olea europaea L. Based on the presence of olive pollen among the earliest levels of Cretan pollen cores, wild olive, Olea europaea L. sylvestri appears to be native to Crete (Rackham and Moody 1996, 82). In the Tersana and Limnes cores, for example, olive pollen appears as early as the Neolithic period. At the very bottom of the Limnes core, which is assigned

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to EN (ca. 6100 b.c. based on comparison with the Tersana core rather than by means of radiocarbon dates), olive pollen appears in approximately the same concentrations as pine (Moody, Rackham, and Rapp 1996, 282; Rackham and Moody 1996, 82). Currently, some of the oldest olive trees in Greece can be found on Crete. Some very ancient trees appear to have survived since the Hellenistic period (Rackham and Moody 1996, 80). Among the Vronda samples, olive appears in the form of three whole stones and 22 fragments (Pl. 27:c). Only two whole stones and four fragments were recovered from LM IIIC buildings. Due to the paucity of remains, it cannot be determined conclusively how the olive was grown and used in the Vronda settlement. The dimensions of the whole stones vary considerably as demonstrated below. Length, breadth, and thickness values of the stones are as follows, with averages given in parentheses: L. 8.6–13.9 mm (9.15), b. 4.6–6.2 mm (5.25), th. 3.4–6.0 mm (5.3). Because the morphology of olive fruits and stones varies so greatly, it is virtually impossible to distinguish wild from cultivated olive, especially in archaeological samples, on the basis of their stones alone (for a discussion of olive propagation and morphological variation, see Zohary and Hopf 2012, 117). Wild olives reproduce entirely from seed, with considerable variation in fruit and stone morphology. Under domestication, however, the reproductive biology of the olive changes, and cultivated varieties can be propagated vegetatively by cutting or grafting, considered the best methods for ensuring the continuity of preferred traits. Even when cultivated varieties are allowed to propagate by seed, the morphology of the resulting offspring can vary widely. The presence of nonuniform stones in an archaeological sample may reflect the existence of more than one variety in a sample, or it might simply represent variation in the same population (Neef 1990, 300). The characteristics of the stone fragments can be revealing in determining how the olives might have been used. Finds of olive stone fragments are generally interpreted as representing the waste of olive processing (the jift) that had been used for fuel (Neef 1990, 298). The fractures of the stone fragments can indicate whether the olive remains

represent fuel or stones that were broken after deposition or during flotation. For fragments that represent fuel, the fractures are rounded, but fragments broken following carbonization exhibit sharp fractures. Nine of the 22 Vronda fragments have rounded fractures, suggesting that they had been used as fuel. The remaining 13 have sharp fractures that were likely formed following the carbonization process. At least nine of these fragments, however, appear to have come from the same olive stone half. The breaks are fresh and sharp and seem to match each other. This olive stone half was probably broken during flotation. From the settlement, half of the fragments have rounded edges and half have sharp. Nearly all the grave fragments, however, have sharp edges, indicative of breakage during flotation. Perhaps the olives in the graves represent funerary offerings of whole fruits, or, alternatively, because olive wood was used as fuel for the pyres, perhaps whole olives were attached to the branches. Most of the settlement olives may have been used as fuel.

Amygdalus communis L. (syn. Prunus amygdalus) Like olive and grape, almond is one of the oldest cultivated fruit trees in the Mediterranean. Cultivation of the almond seems to have begun no later than the 3rd millennium b.c., at about the same time as grape, olive, and date palm. Almond can survive drier conditions than either grape or olive (Zohary and Hopf 2012, 147). While almonds are among the earliest cultivated fruit trees in the Old World, archaeological occurrences are somewhat uncommon. The distinctions between wild and cultivated almond remain unclear (Zohary and Hopf 2012, 148). Almond is relatively rare among the Vronda samples. All the fragments come from a single sample from the Venetian farmstead at Xerambela. Of the 102 shell fragments, 87 come from X 4626.1 (along with two fragments that are tentatively identified as almond fruit), and 15 come from X 4625.2 (Pl. 27:d).

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Pistacia atlantica Desf. One of the most drought-resistant fruit trees, pistachio is native to Central Asia. Pistachio is rich in fat and protein, making it a highly desirable dietary supplement (Tous and Ferguson 1996). According to Helbaek (1970, 231), the nutlets of P. atlantica are collected, sold, and consumed as a delicacy in eastern Mediterranean countries and the Middle East (Helbaek 1964, 123). They are generally roasted or used in baking. The sap is utilized for turpentine, resin, and incense. While Pistacia vera is relatively rare among archaeological remains in Greece, having been identified among the Neolithic levels of Sesklo (Renfrew 1973) and Bronze Age levels at Kastanas (Kroll 1983), P. atlantica is fairly common and has been identified in Neolithic and Bronze Age contexts across the Near East and Greece. Finds of wild pistachio at Vronda consist of two whole nutlets and one kernel (Pl. 27:e). The nutlets are well preserved. Both specimens clearly exhibit the attachment scar. They do not retain any trace of the wrinkled skin characteristic of P. atlantica, but their bony shells are exposed, and both are distinctively oblong in shape. One of the two whole Vronda nuts cracked and broke during examination, so the value for thickness was recorded only for one of the nuts: L. 5.5, 4.4 mm; b. 3.2, 4.3 mm; th. 2.5 mm. These measurements are consistent with observed values for P. atlantica.

Ficus carica L. A single fragment of a fig was recovered from the LM IIIC shrine, from the rock tumble/wall collapse above roofing material in Room G2. The fragment is ovoid, approximately 1.2 cm long and 0.6 cm wide (Pl. 27:f). It includes the outer skin and the fleshy mesocarp, which exhibits seeds still embedded. Fig has a long history on Crete. According to Moody, “fig is one of the more frequent commodities mentioned on Linear A tablets, far more than in Linear B” (Moody 2012, 252). Fig fruits are collected and eaten both fresh and dried. The presence

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of the arboreal species fig and olive calls to mind the images of women and votaries dancing around tree sanctuaries as represented on MM finger rings, although the species designation for the trees indicated are difficult to determine with any accuracy.

Legumes There are very few legumes among the Vronda samples. In addition to the 12 unidentifiable fragments, several identifiable seeds or fragments of seeds were recovered. Species represented include lentil, grass pea, bitter vetch, and pea.

Lens culinaris Lentil is one of the earliest domesticated crops to appear in Greece. It is one of the most frequently mentioned legumes of Greek and Roman literature. Today, lentils are considered one of the tastiest and most nutritious of the legumes, and they are an important substitute for meat in the countries where they are grown (Flint-Hamilton 1999, 375–376). The five identifiable lentils from Vronda are identified by their distinctive lenticulate shape, which is nearly circular and convex in cross section. The hilum scar is visible for the three whole seeds along the margin. Of the five specimens (three whole and two halves), four come from LG grave contexts (two whole and two halves). Only one single lentil comes from rock tumble south of Building C. The dimensions are as follows: L. 2.11 ±0.43, b. 1.69 ±0.45, th. 1.6 ±0.38 mm (only two values recorded).

Vicia ervilia (L.) Bitter vetch seeds can be variable in morphology, but they generally conform to a triangular or teardrop shape that is roughly triangular in cross section. Natural variation in shape can result in bitter vetch seeds resembling Lathyrus cicera or even Pisum sativum, and it is sometimes difficult to distinguish these species. Shallow depressions often occur near the hilum scar of bitter vetch. Its

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dorsal face can also be diagnostic. Bitter vetch often exhibits a sloped dorsal face, while in Lathyrus cicera, it is generally horizontal. Hansen used this feature, among others, to distinguish bitter vetch from Lathyrus cicera (Hansen 1991, 45, 59). The single identified bitter vetch seed from Vronda is teardrop shaped in longitudinal section and triangular in cross section (Pl. 27:g). Its dorsal surface is sloped rather than horizontal. Shallow depressions can be detected near the hilum scar. It exhibits considerable damage, with much of the seed surface having been rubbed away. In spite of this, however, the hilum scar and the position of the chalaza can be determined. The chalaza is positioned closer to the end of the seed opposite the hilum scar, at approximately 66.7% the length of the seed. This position supports its identification as Vicia ervilia on the basis of my studies comparing the positions of the chalaza relative to the hilum scar and the total length of the seed for Vicia ervilia and Lathyrus cicera. For Lathyrus cicera, the chalaza generally occurs between the hilum scar and the center of the seed’s ventral surface, while in Vicia ervilia, it occurs closer to the end of the seed opposite the hilum scar. The single specimen was retrieved from a LG context. The dimensions of the seed are: L. 3.14, b. 2.80, th. 1.71 mm. Bitter vetch, as its name suggests, is very bitter in taste. It is grown in the Mediterranean as a minor crop for use mainly as fodder or fertilizer. It seems to have been used only infrequently as a food in antiquity (Flint-Hamilton 1999, 378).

Lathyrus cicera L. The single Vronda Lathyrus grass pea seed was found in Grave 23. It exhibits considerable surface damage, but its wedge shape, squarish in longitudinal section and triangular in cross section, and straight dorsal edge serve to identify the seed positively (Pl. 27:h). Its dimensions are: L. 2.31, b. 2.97, th. 1.87 mm. Grass pea is well adapted to dry climates, as it is drought resistant. Currently, it is used primarily for fodder, although in some areas the very poor consume it as a primary dietary supplement. It has higher yields per hectare of cultivation than barley. Under certain conditions, eating large amounts of grass pea without significant variety in the diet

may result in paralysis of the lower limbs (FlintHamilton 1999, 381–382).

Vicia/Lathyrus sp. Two seeds too damaged to permit the determination of species have been tentatively identified as Vicia/Lathyrus. The dorsal edges of both are chipped, and the ventral surface is damaged as well. Both were identified in LG grave contexts.

Pisum cf. elatius/humilis The cultivation of peas is nearly as old as that of wheat and barley (Zohary and Hopf 2012, 82). Three species of large seeded wild pea are distinguished in the Mediterranean: P. arvense (field pea), P. humile (low pea), and P. elatius (purple pea). Living plants are distinguished primarily by the color of their flowers and other morphological features that generally do not carbonize. All three species have seeds that are similar in size and shape. The main difference lies in the character of the seed coat, or testa. Pisum humile and P. elatius have a rough, granular coat, as opposed to P. arvense, which has a smooth coat (Helbaek 1970, 226–227). Three specimens of P. elatius/humilis were recovered from Vronda (Pl. 27:i). One comes from a grave context. Two fragments appear to have come from a single seed, and one is nearly whole. All three clearly show traces of a granular seed coat. In addition, one of the seeds has an intact hilum scar preserved. The scar is oval shaped and measures 0.58 mm in width and 0.89 mm in length, consistent with the dimensions of either P. elatius or P. humilis. Pisum elatius occurs commonly along ditches and canals, in orchards, vineyards, and in fields of pulse crops. Helbaek reported finding it so often that, in his words, “it would have been very easy to collect a gallon of seeds at every excursion.” Local farmers in the Hacilar region, however, did not collect the plant for food, even though Helbaek reports that it has an attractive taste when eaten slightly immature in mid-June (Helbaek 1970, 227). The overall dimensions of the single whole Vronda specimen of P. elatius/humilis are as follows: L. 4.73, b. 4.79, th. 4.07 mm.

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Wild Species Lithospermum arvense L. s.l. Widespread throughout the Mediterranean, corn or field gromwell, a member of the Boraginaceae family, is often found in fields and rocky places and is common along the margins of wheat fields (Polunin 1987, 383). It is known to be used both as food and for medicinal purposes. Helbaek (1970, 237) reported that Lithospermum arvense occurs frequently in Anatolia, particularly in fields that are moist or irrigated. The seeds are distinguished by their irregular shape and rough surface. They usually turn a whitish color rather than black upon carbonization. The roots of some species are used for textile dying as they produce a reddish-violet pigment. Tanaka (1976, 110) reported that the young leaves are collected and eaten boiled in Japan (see also Hansen 1991, 73). Furthermore, an extract of the seeds, when taken orally, has been observed to have an aphrodisiac effect on laboratory rats, an effect that may extend to humans (Ilarionov 1989). The single Vronda specimen, an achene, exhibits the following dimensions: L. 3.03, b. 2.20, th. 1.54 mm.

Chenopodium album L. Chenopodium album, or common lambsquarters, is an annual herb that flowers between the months of June and October. This weed may occur in or around most cultivated sites, and the young plants are gathered in the wild and eaten as greens in some cultures (Kallas 2010, 47). One of the most widely distributed weedy species in the world, it occurs in all inhabited areas except in extreme desert climates (Holm et al. 1977, 84). The seeds of this species also may have been harvested for human consumption. Helbaek reported finding a store of more than 2.5 million in a Danish Iron Age house; in addition, Chenopodium was identified in the stomach content of Tollund Man and Grauballe Man (Helbaek 1959, 17). The single, tiny Vronda specimen is lenticulate, with the hypocotyl forming a bulge on its outer edge. It surface has a granular texture. Its dimensions are as follows: L. 0.77, b. 0.72, th. 0.4 mm. As

no hoard of specimens was found at Vronda, the single seed probably represents a weed.

Polygonum convolvulus L. Native to Europe, wild buckwheat is commonly found in cultivated fields and occasionally along roadsides (Lorenzi and Jeffery 1987, 105). In warm areas it can be found in higher altitudes and cooler valleys, but it is highly adaptable (Holm et al. 1977, 394). Its capacity for seed propagation is very high; a single plant emerging early in the growing season can produce as many as 30,000 seeds (Holm et al. 1977, 397). The flour from ground seeds is used for cakes and occasionally bread, and the plant is also cultivated for animal pasturage. The single Vronda nutlet is characterized by its triangular to ovoid shape and smooth surface. It occurs in a LG context with material from Grave 19. Like the Chenopodium specimen, the single nutlet from Vronda probably represents a weed. Its dimensions are as follows: L. 1.05, b. 0.88 mm.

Medicago sp. Polunin (1987, 303) reported approximately 25 species of Medicago, or small medick, occurring in Greece and the Balkans. Many occur very commonly in Greece, especially in cultivated areas, grassy places, and along waysides. One species, Medicago sativa, also known as lucerna or alfalfa, is cultivated as a forage crop in Greece. Sarpaki (2009, 224) reported the presence of a medick-type species of legume in EN I Knossos: “small-seeded legumes were common, including the clovers/ medicks,” and she speculates that they may have been the remains of animal fodder. The four Medicago seeds from Vronda are small and crescent shaped. In general, they resemble Medicago minima (L.) in size and shape although the damaged state of the seeds renders an exact comparison difficult. For two of the seeds, the hilum scar is visible along the center of the inner surface. The average measurements of the Vronda medicago seeds are as follows: L. 2.11 ±0.4 mm, b. 1.16 ±0.4 mm, th. 0.74 ±0.2 mm.

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Aethusa cynapium L. The Umbelliferae or parsley family, of which fool’s parsley is a member, are widely distributed throughout Greece, with approximately 265 species reported (Polunin 1987, 348). Aethusa cynapium, also known as dog parsley or fool’s parsley, can be found growing along the edges of roadways, hedges, and forests. The seeds of fool’s parsley are characterized by their spherical to ovoid shape and wrinkled surfaces. Fresh seeds measure on average 3–5 mm, with deep, dark striations along their length, a feature that occurs commonly among the seeds of the Umbelliferae. Their seeds are distinguished from those of parsley by their plumpness. The leaves and root of Aethusa cynapium, which can be mistaken for parsley or radishes, are extremely poisonous and can be fatal. The shiny underside of the leaves of poisonous fool’s parsley makes it possible to distinguish it from edible

parsley (species name: Apium petroselinum L.), on which the underside is dull. Fool’s parsley has a strongly pungent odor, generally making it unappealing to browsing animals. Nevertheless, livestock occasionally ingest it and become ill; animals can even die from respiratory failure if substantial amounts are ingested. Hopf identified Aethusa seeds at Ehrenstein and reported their dimensions (length and breadth only) as: 3.0 x 2.0, 2.3 x 1.8 mm (Hopf 1968, 24), and 2.75 x 1.8 mm (Hopf 1968, 63). There were 30 whole specimens of fool’s parsley from Vronda, along with 3 nearly whole examples, 9 halves, and 12 fragments (Pl. 27:j). Nearly all of these came from grave contexts dating to the LG period, although five whole or nearly whole specimens and one half piece were found in the LM IIIC settlement. The dimensions of the Vronda Aethusa are as follows: L. 2.3 (±0.3), b. 1.5 (±0.2), th. 1.2 (±0.4) mm.

Discussion Two notable characteristics of the Vronda plant remains are their distribution and the near absence of grain plants. While scattered finds of botanical material come from mixed contexts, the bulk of the remains can be assigned to clearly identifiable contexts. These contexts include the LM IIIC settlement, the Geometric graves, and the Venetian inhabitation. The greatest quantity and diversity of finds come from grave contexts. Because so few of the remains come from the LM IIIC settlement and the Venetian inhabitation, it is virtually impossible to draw any conclusions about their use. This discussion, therefore, refers mainly to the remains found in the graves. For the most part, the species recovered from Vronda represent the staple components of a traditional Mediterranean diet: olive, grape, pistachio, lentil, bitter vetch, and grass pea. Except for the absence of grains, these species are what one would normally expect to find, yet while these species usually serve as food sources, it is possible that they were being used in a different way at Vronda. As the majority of the finds come from graves, they may have been deposited ceremonially

as grave gifts. Placing food upon graves has literary precedent. In Homer’s Iliad, Achilles heaps cattle, sheep, dogs, horses, honey, oil, and 12 Trojan youths upon the funeral pyre of Patroclus (Hom. Il. 23.168–176). In an archaeological context Stampolides (2004a, 126) reported a similar phenomenon among isolated or independent funeral pyres at Eleutherna. Funerary offerings, including vases containing olives, grapes, figs, and pomegranate, were found with pyres built directly on the ground. Similarly, figs and grapes were also identified in Geometric cremation burials on Naxos (Papadopoulou-Zapheiropoulou 1966, 393). Likewise, many of the tombs excavated in the pre-urban Roman forum contained the remains of funerary meals, including grains, broad bean, grass pea, and grape (Helbaek 1956). Because most of the Vronda finds come from graves and most are fruits, it seems likely that they represent grave gifts. Not all graves contained plant remains, but virtually all the plant remains from Late Geometric contexts were found in or near a grave. These fruits might represent offerings to the dead, perhaps as

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sustenance on their journey to the afterlife, or they might represent part of a funerary banquet. To understand the Vronda finds it is necessary to consider not just the taxa present, but also those not found. With the exception of a few fragments of chaff and two tiny caryopses, grains are virtually absent from the finds. This is somewhat surprising, especially given the nature of the graves. Nearly all are cremation burials. One expects that grain chaff would have been used as fuel. The paucity of grain, however, may be related to the temperature of the fire. Fire for cremation burials requires intense heat, creating a demand for hard woods. Olive jift seems to have been used to sustain the fire. The chaff from grains may well have been used to start the fire but could not have been relied upon to sustain it. The temperature of the fire may have become so intense that the light chaff, placed directly alongside the greatest source of heat for the cremation fire, the harder woods, was reduced to ash.

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Finally, assorted weedy species are present throughout all levels, among which Aethusa cynapium, fool’s parsley, is prominent. The poisonous fool’s parsley cannot represent food. It makes an appearance, however, in nearly all contexts, with nearly 50 examples from grave contexts and a scattered few from LM IIIC deposits. While it is possible that the finds represent weeds, it is also possible that the strong-smelling umbelliferous plants were being collected and used as offerings to the deceased. The few individual Aethusa seeds in the settlement may simply represent weedy intrusions. It is also possible that the plant may have been used as a homeopathic remedy for stomach ailments as attested in modern times. Without more data, however, particularly literary records, we may never know for certain. In the end, the plant remains from Vronda produce more questions than answers.

8

History of Vronda and Society of the LM IIIC Settlement Leslie Preston Day

History of the Site The site of Kavousi Vronda has produced remains from the Neolithic period to the present day, and it has been in use continually during that time, with periods of abandonment (LM II–IIIB, Archaic–Byzantine) followed by reuse. While it is difficult to account for this persistent use of what appears today to be a marginal area of Crete, several factors may have contributed to the appeal of the site. First is the presence of a perennial spring in the vicinity (see above, Ch. 1, pp. 2–5; Fig. 2), some 280 m away from the ridge. Second is the small alluvial fan associated with the spring, which, along with the mountain slopes, would

have provided the potential for seasonal or permanent agricultural exploitation. Third is the strategic location of the site, situated on major routes of communication from the Gulf of Mirabello to the Libyan Sea and from the isthmus to the east, with commanding views of the isthmus area and surrounding mountains that contributed to the site’s defensibility (Pl. 4). Any or all of these factors, as well as less obvious circumstances, such as shelter from prevailing climatic conditions, may have served to make the site more or less desirable in different periods.

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Chronology Reconstructing the history of the site has been difficult for a variety of reasons. One major problem is that the chronology of the Bronze and Early Iron Ages is largely based on pottery styles, and the preservation of the surfaces of the pottery from all periods is very poor at Vronda. Therefore, it is often difficult to recognize ware groups with chronologically significant surface treatments such as painted decoration and burnishing. Nevertheless, as Kavousi macroscopic and petrographic analyses of the coarse pottery fabrics show a change in types or in the proportion of types over time (Haggis and Mook 1993), so fabrics can be used as broad chronological indicators. Second, much of the material from the early use of the site either represents stray finds or comes from mixed deposits in which it is difficult to distinguish the pottery from various phases. Neolithic and EM I pottery, for example, is only known from individual sherds scattered around the site, and it is difficult to refine dates of use from single finds. Pottery of EM II and EM III–MM IA comes from mixed fills on the east and southeast sides of the settlement. When a particular ware has been recognized, such as Vasiliki Ware, then it is easy to date those vessels to EM IIB, but it is more difficult to determine the precise date of other fine pottery in the same deposits. Dating the coarse vessels that make up the majority of pottery from these fills is particularly hard since these types of pottery change less frequently than the fine wares. Some pottery from MM IB–IIB was also found in these mixed deposits. An apparently undisturbed deposit of this Protopalatial date was connected with Building P, but radiocarbon dating of at least one sample from this secure deposit suggests that it might not have been as closed as was originally thought (see below, pp. 198, and App. B, p. 238). Even if this represents a secure Protopalatial deposit, there is no guarantee that all of the pottery found in it belongs to this period; we know that in the later LM IIIC settlement and in the Early Iron Age tombs some antiques or heirlooms remained in use, and any single fragment may have come from an earlier vessel. The prevalence of Mirabello wares, however, is helpful in pinpointing the Protopalatial coarse pottery. For the Neopalatial period, we are fortunate to have an undisturbed pit

west of Building A, but this is a small deposit, and as evidence for the period it must be supplemented with material from under and around Building E that often comes from mixed fills. The absence of the Mirabello fabrics in coarse wares helps to distinguish the Neopalatial pottery from its predecessors. Late Minoan IIIC is easier to recognize, with two deposits from the early part of the period (the East Terrace fill and Building B, Rooms B4 and B7, lower), a few stratified deposits in Buildings I and L, and much material from the time of abandonment of the settlement. Because the inhabitants left the site and it was not destroyed, however, the houses lay open for a considerable period of time before first the roofs and then the walls collapsed to seal the deposits. Ample evidence shows that during this period material was moved from its original position; for example, fragments of the figures of goddesses with upraised hands were found on the opposite side of the ridge from their original location in the Shrine. Thus, while the pottery can be dated to LM IIIC, it does not necessarily represent what was actually in use in the houses of that period at the time they were inhabited. Finally, the ceramic phasing on which all dating is based remains controversial. While the basic relative chronology for the island in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages is well established, regional or local variations occur in different periods, and there are disagreements about the identification of phases and individual vessel types within these phases. Although much work has been done in recent years to clarify the ceramic phases on individual sites in the Bronze Age, the styles at one site are not necessarily the same as those in other parts of the island, and East Cretan styles generally follow slightly different paths. A major area about which there is still considerable disagreement is the transitional period from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age (LM IIIC, SM, PG, and Geometric). At the time of writing, there is consensus on the earliest phases of LM IIIC: one is a very early phase that still saw large amounts of pottery of LM IIIB style (Hatzaki 2007b, 248– 251), represented by Phase I on the Kastro (Mook and Coulson 1997, 344–351; Mook 2004, 164–169), followed by another early LM IIIC phase, seen in Phase II on the Kastro (Mook and Coulson 1997,

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352–357; Mook 2004, 169–170) and in settlements at Palaikastro Kastri (Sackett, Popham, and Warren 1965), Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 2007), Kastelli Pediada (Rethemiotakis 1997), Knossos (Warren 1983; 2007; Hatzaki 2007b, 248–251), Kephala Tholos Tomb (Cadogan 1967), Phaistos (Borgna 2003a), and Kastrokephala (Kanta 2003; Kanta and Karetsou 2003). The late phase of LM IIIC can be seen at Vronda, Phase III on the Kastro (Mook and Coulson 1997, 359–363; Mook 2004, 169), Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, 2011a, 2011b), and Karphi (Seiradaki 1960; Day 2011c). No middle phase of LM IIIC has yet been identified. It is clear that Vronda was not founded at the very beginning of LM IIIC, but several decades after the Kastro, or roughly 1170 b.c. by the standard chronology. Evidence from the architecture suggests at least four generations of people inhabiting the LM IIIC settlement; if we calculate a generation at 30 years, then the settlement lasted approximately 120 years, and the date of the abandonment should be around 1050 b.c. The pottery in the last phase can be dated to late LM IIIC, with a few pieces that look later in style. What succeeds late LM IIIC is still a matter for debate (see Ch. 2, pp. 103–104). By the traditional ceramic chronology a phase known as Subminoan followed, and it preceded the Early Protogeometric style on Crete. Not all scholars of the period accept the existence of this SM phase, however, and it is unclear whether the term SM represents a ceramic style or a chronological phase. On the Kastro at Kavousi, although the material seems to indicate continuous inhabitation, there are no levels that contain exclusively SM-style pottery (Mook 2004, 169); Phase IV, which comes after the phase (III) that was contemporary with the Vronda settlement, has many hallmarks of EPG (Mook 2004, 169). Similarly, the period after LM IIIC at nearby Azoria is also identified as EPG (Haggis et al. 2007a, 696–697). The excavation for the Stratigraphic Museum at Knossos, however, has produced four stages of SM that followed early LM IIIC (Warren 1983, 76–83), and a number of the earliest tombs in the North Cemetery are also SM (Coldstream 2001). Two phases of SM have been identified stratigraphically at Thronos/Sybrita, in addition to discrete pits belonging to LM IIIC early, LM IIIC late, and two phases of SM (D’Agata

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1999a; 2007, 101; 2011). Most of the SM pottery found elsewhere, however, has come from tombs, many of which may have been used over a long period of time and thus contained material of several ceramic phases. At one time it was thought that SM might have been a style of pottery created for funerary contexts, as was proposed for Submycenaean on the mainland by Rutter (1978); that is, it was contemporary with LM IIIC, but the specialized shapes found in the tombs were not used in the settlements. Reexamination of the pottery from Karphi, however, which also had tholos tombs scattered around the LM IIIC settlement, revealed that many of the tombs contained material similar to that which was used in the houses, as well as a good deal of later material, including SM (Day 2011c). It seems likely that after the settlement was abandoned, people continued to bury their dead in what may have been family tombs. At Karphi, SM was not simply a style but a phase in the settlement’s history, and the same situation apparently existed at Vronda. The earliest pottery from the tholos tombs at Vronda (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983) was generally SM in style, although a few possibly earlier pieces were found. One of these tombs (Tomb VIII) cut into a LM IIIC house complex (Building L, Rooms L2 and L2/3) that must have been abandoned by that time (Day and Glowacki 2012, 161). While it is possible that Building Complex L-M was abandoned before the rest of the settlement and that the tomb belongs to a later phase of LM IIIC, the similarity of the pottery from the undisturbed floors and roofing deposits in this building complex marks it as contemporary with the other abandonment deposits on the site. Thus, although SM pottery was not stratified at Vronda, its presence in a tomb whose construction presupposes that the settlement had gone out of use argues for SM being a later chronological phase and not just a style of pottery. At Vronda, Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2011, 52), and Karphi (Day 2011c, 327) the latest LM IIIC material contained a few vessels that might be termed SM, and D’Agata has proposed that this material be recognized as the earliest phase of SM (SM I; D’Agata 2011, 57–60). This might accord with the evidence from Phase IV on the Kastro, which has a great deal of LM IIIC along with vessels that look like EPG skyphoi (Mook 2004, 169).

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One hindrance to defining pottery styles for SM and EPG is that they may have differed regionally, and finds from Knossos or Thronos/Sybrita may not reflect the styles in the eastern part of the island. There may also have been a time lag in East Crete in the adoption of new styles from the center of the island. Thus, LM IIIC pottery styles may have continued in use at Vronda and other eastern sites long after SM styles had been adopted at Knossos and in Central Crete. Such a situation would mean that LM IIIC styles in eastern Crete may have lasted well into the time designated as SM in Central Crete, which the traditional chronology places at 1050–970 b.c. (Coldstream 2001, 22), based on the ceramic sequence at Knossos (Coldstream and Catling, eds., 1996, 713). Warren and Hankey, however, dated SM to a much shorter period from around 1070 to after 1015 b.c. (Warren and Hankey 1989, 169). Given the large quantities of late LM IIIC and the relatively small amount of SM material that exists from the settlements in eastern Crete, a length of 150 years for LM IIIC and 70 years for SM seems reasonable for the eastern part of the island. Whichever absolute chronology is used, the abandonment of Vronda falls early in the chronological phase usually identified as SM elsewhere on Crete. It would seem that Vronda went out of use as a settlement during the time that SM pottery was already being produced in Central Crete but had just barely reached the Kavousi area. The small amount of Vronda material identified as SM belongs to an early stage of that period, closer to what has been found at Karphi (Day 2011c, 326– 328) and in the early SM phase of Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 2003, 2011). No less problematic is the next ceramic phase, the Protogeometric. This phase has been dated to 970– 810 b.c. on the basis of the Knossos sequence, with four phases: Early, Middle, Late, and Protogeometric B (PGB) (Kotsonas 2008, 32; Wallace 2010, 28). In Central Crete, PG is followed by Early, Middle, and Late Geometric phases (810–710 b.c.). This sequence, however, is not the same in the eastern part of the island, where PG lasts until the eighth century (Mook 2004, 169–173; Tsipopoulou 2005a, 346–347; Kotsonas 2008, 36–37). While the EPG may be recognizable in East Crete from the presence of bell skyphoi, there is no clearly distinguishable MPG, LPG, or PGB, the latter a phase peculiar

to Knossos (Mook 2004, 173; Kotsonas 2008, 37– 39; 2013). Mook (2004, 169–173) suggested that the East Cretan pottery of PG style but contemporary with Early and Middle Geometric in Central Crete be termed “sub-PG,” a designation that has found favor with some scholars (e.g., Kotsonas 2008, 37) but is now being abandoned, even by its originator (M. Mook, pers. comm.). From the mid eighth century until the abandonment of Vronda in the Early Orientalizing period, however, the pottery styles seem to fit in with those of Central Crete. To supplement the ceramic phasing at Vronda, selected charcoal samples were sent for radiocarbon dating. Because little botanical material (seeds or grains) was available for testing, all samples were of wood that probably came from the roof beams or other roofing material, in which it was often found embedded. The radiocarbon dates reflect the age of the wood at the time it was cut down, and it is possible that the wooden beams lasted for a fairly long period; indeed, all of the radiocarbon dates seem to be earlier than the traditional chronology would place them. Several samples came from the early deposits. Carbon from the cobble fill beneath the floor of Room E1, containing mixed EM II, MM II, and MM III–LM IA pottery, yielded a date of 1532 ± 92 b.c. (for all radiocarbon dating results, see App. B), a date that is more in keeping with the latest ceramic phase in that mixed fill. Two samples were taken from the apparently undisturbed deposit in Building P. One yielded a date of 2011 ± 121 b.c., while the other was dated to 1151 ± 138 b.c.; based on this later date it would appear that the deposit may have been contaminated during the remodeling of the hilltop at the beginning of LM IIIC. This range of dates seems early for the traditional date for MM II (1700/1650 b.c.; Warren and Hankey 1989, 169), even if the wood lasted a considerable time. It is also possible that Building P goes back to the EM period since some EM material was found on bedrock in the area under the East Terrace fill. The MM III–LM IA pit to the west of Building A produced a sample with a date of 1700 ± 167 b.c.; again, this range of dates seems too early for the traditional chronology, although it fits in with some of the more recent dating for the eruption of Thera (for recent discussions, see the articles in Warburton, ed., 2009).

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For the LM IIIC settlement, radiocarbon dates for wood samples were recovered from the roofing material from Rooms D1 (1270 ± 334 b.c.), E1 (1221 ± 163 b.c.), N1 (1214 ± 159 b.c.), Q1 (1151 ± 138 b.c.), and the Shrine (1209 ± 160 b.c.). These dates, however, are considerably earlier than the traditional chronology, which assigns LM IIIC to 1200–1100 (Wallace 2010, 28) or 1190–1070 (Warren and Hankey 1989, 169; for the controversies in dates in the 12th century Mediterranean, see Knapp and Manning 2016). They are also earlier than the radiocarbon dates from wood samples recovered in the most recent excavations at Karphi, a site with a contemporary ceramic assemblage; these range from 1130 b.c. to 1111 b.c. (Wallace

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2012, 69–70). Two samples were taken from the Geometric cremation graves. Although the ceramic dates for both of these two graves were Late Geometric, the sample from Grave 3 provided a date of the early 10th century (970 ± 140 b.c.), while the one from Grave 26 was of the 8th century (794 ± 122 b.c.) Again, these dates seem higher than expected, and they are consistent with the generally higher dates for all the Vronda material. Despite the difficulties in dating the material from Vronda accurately, it is still possible to reconstruct a history of the site from the archaeological remains. Below I present an overview of the settlement in its various periods of use.

Neolithic The earliest remains at Vronda belong to the Neolithic period (Fig. 80). This early material is represented by two Neolithic stone celts (D1 ST1, I2 ST1) and fragments of pottery of FN date scattered around the summit, southeast slope, and west slope of the ridge (see above, Ch. 2, pp. 48–49; Ch. 4, pp. 322–323). In two cases (Rooms D1 and I2), two objects were found together—a sherd and a stone celt. Some of the obsidian found in the later settlement, particularly the cores, might also belong to this period (see above, Ch. 4, pp. 326–327).

The amount of pottery indicates habitation at Vronda (K. Nowicki, pers. comm.), whether a Neolithic farmhouse, as suggested by Haggis (2005, 62) or a small settlement of people drawn to the site by the presence of the nearby spring or the possibilities for seasonal or permanent agricultural exploitation or grazing. There is evidence for the movement of settlers into mountain sites in FN (Nowicki 2008b), and Vronda has produced the earliest traces of habitation in the isthmus area in FN I or even earlier in LN (K. Nowicki, pers. comm.).

Early Minoan I–II A fragment from an EM I chalice (B5 P11) from fill on top of the ridge indicates use in that period, but the limited amount of identifiable material of that date suggests that the use may have been more sporadic or seasonal than in the Neolithic (Fig. 80). For EM II, however, the mixed cobble fills below Building Complex E produced substantial ceramic remains that indicate inhabitation of the site in that period (Fig. 80; Ch. 2, p. 49). Precisely where the accompanying buildings were located is not certain because the material was deposited as fill for the construction of the LM IIIC houses, but it probably would not have been

brought from a great distance. It is most likely to have been pushed down from the southern part of the summit of the ridge, where early deposits were also located (particularly in the area designated as Building B, Room B5). The C14 dating of the red soil from Building P suggests the possibility that at least part of this structure may have been constructed in the EM II period. It is also possible that the cobble fill was brought in from the south or southeast, where little excavation was carried out. Isolated EM II remains were also recovered from the top of the ridge and from below the LM IIIC houses on the west slope.

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Although architectural or mortuary remains that might tell us something about the nature of the Prepalatial society are lacking, the pottery gives some hints. Most of the fine pottery consisted of drinking sets of EM IIB Vasiliki Ware (cups, bowls, goblets, and jugs), suggesting that the inhabitants of Vronda may have been involved in the same kinds of drinking and feasting activities as those reported at other EM IIB sites in the isthmus area (Betancourt et al. 1979, 29) or in EM Crete in general (Day and Wilson 2002, 149–152; 2004, 57–58; Hood and Cadogan 2011, 71). Analysis of Vasiliki Ware vessels at Myrtos Phournou Koriphi has shown that there were three production areas for this ware: one on the south coast, one in the area of Vasiliki, and a third (Mirabello) from the western isthmus area (Whitelaw et al. 1997, 267). Petrographic and chemical analysis of the Vronda examples suggests that the place of manufacture was in the Vasiliki area (Day et al. 2005, 181–182). The large number of distinctive cooking plates attests to the importance of food preparation, possibly for drinking and feasting activities. The prevalence of one shape of cooking ware, the cooking plate, suggests a particular form of food preparation in which the (solid) food was placed on a flat griddle-like plate over an open fire; it is possible that these cooking plates were used to make a form of flat bread. Apparently this form of cooking or the food that was cooked this way was preferred to the soups or stews prepared in the somewhat less common tripod cooking pots, or they were more easily damaged. Most of the cooking plates were made of calcite-tempered Mirabello fabrics, imported from the western isthmus area and not produced locally (Day et al. 2005, 180). The pottery analyses indicate that Vronda participated in a wide network of intraregional exchange in eastern Crete during this period (Whitelaw et al. 1997, 273). There is, however, no evidence for interregional or off-island contacts, such as were found in the EM I–II sites nearer the sea at Kavousi (Haggis 2005, 63–64) or in other areas of Crete (e.g., Poros; see Day and Wilson 2002). Nevertheless, the

same Vasiliki Ware and granodiorite-tempered Mirabello fabrics that are so common at Vronda have also been found at Myrtos Phournou Koriphi, Malia, and even Knossos (Whitelaw et al. 1997), so it is clear that the inhabitants of Vronda were participating in some way in this wider exchange on the island. It is possible that the lack of imports from outside the area is a result of a site hierarchy in the area during this time, with the coastal sites initiating and maintaining a complex pattern of outside contacts, while the upland sites like Vronda consumed more regional goods and produced agricultural products. Such a social and economic division has been suggested, for quite different reasons and with a different dynamic, for EM II Knossos (Day and Wilson 2002). Except for the drinking vessels and cooking pots, the other identifiable EM II material is largely domestic in nature and includes jars, basins, and pithoi. One loomweight (IC1 TC2) and one cylindrical bead or spindle whorl (N2 TC1) in fabric Type II/VI may belong to this period, suggesting that weaving played a role in the domestic economy. Vronda’s economy appears to have been primarily agricultural in nature, and the site may represent an expansion to new nucleated settlements in this period as the local people exploited springs and areas of arable land (Haggis 2005, 63). The high proportion of Vasiliki Ware in the pottery assemblage, however, may indicate that the site was an important locus for feasting and drinking rituals, suggesting it played a more complex role than one would expect of a simple farming village, perhaps attesting to a more hierarchical ordering of sites than has heretofore been recognized in the Kavousi area (Haggis 2005, 64). Alternatively, the quantity of Vasiliki Ware vessels may have more to do with the process of secondary deposition; the LM IIIC builders may simply have taken their fill from an area particularly rich in fine wares. It is also true that Vasiliki Ware is more immediately recognizable than other fine wares and that this characteristic may have biased our understanding of the deposits.

Early Minoan III to Middle Minoan IA This period is attested on the southeast slope of the ridge in the area north of Building Complex

E (Fig. 80); some material may also be found in the cobble fills beneath that structure, but nothing

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definitive was recognized among the fine wares there. There is very little recognizable pottery of this period, in contrast to EM II. One cup of East Cretan White-on-Dark ware (EN P7), almost identical to an example found on the floor of the metal-working establishment at Chrysokamino (Betancourt 2006, 85, fig. 5.6:75) and similar to cups at Vasiliki and Gournia, shows that Vronda had close ceramic connections with other sites in the north isthmus area. Haggis has suggested that this period is marked by an increase in population and restructuring of settlements in the Kavousi area to a more dispersed pattern than is represented by the nucleated villages of EM II (Haggis 2005, 65). Watrous, in contrast, sees a major decline in population in the Gournia area and the arrival of new settlers at this time (Watrous et al. 2012, 36–38). The small

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amount of recognizable material of EM III–MM IA at Vronda in comparison to the rich deposits of EM II might well indicate that Vronda contracted in size and population in this period; it is also possible, however, that the apparent contraction may be the result of our limited ability to recognize the ceramics of the period or of a selectivity on the part of the LM IIIC builders about where they obtained their fills. If the population increased, the inhabitants of Vronda may have solved their growing population problems by expanding to new sites, such as those at Chondrovolakes and Azoria (Haggis 2005, 66), forming a site cluster like those found elsewhere in the Kavousi area (Haggis 2005, 67). Whatever its cause, the paucity of the ceramic material may indicate a major change in the size and nature of the Vronda settlement in the Late Prepalatial period.

Middle Minoan IB–IIB The Protopalatial period is well represented at Vronda (Fig. 81), with the first preserved architectural remains and other finds besides pottery (Fig. 4; Ch. 2, pp. 51–58). Nearly every excavated trench produced some Protopalatial pottery, including those without LM IIIC remains, and in extent the site may have been even larger than the later LM IIIC settlement. Building P, a structure consisting of at least one large room and possibly a second, belongs to this phase. Although the walls of Building P are similar in orientation to those of the later LM IIIC Building A, they are not identical, and the walls of Room A1 at least are at a higher level. The East Terrace Wall is also similar in orientation, but the presence of LM IIIC pottery from the lowest levels of the large trenches excavated behind this terrace wall shows that it was built in LM IIIC and was not part of the earlier Building P (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 27– 28). Although badly preserved because its walls were later dismantled in LM IIIC to serve as fill behind the East Terrace Wall, Building P was apparently a sizable structure, as suggested by the length of its east wall (at least 6 m; see above, Ch. 1, pp. 3–4). Some of the walls that were later part of Building A-B (Walls E, G, H, and I) may have been built at this time, although the construction

technique of using large breccia boulders is not in keeping with the style of the other walls, and they are more likely to have been laid for the later Neopalatial structure. The kernos or cupule stone found in the area designated Room B6, perhaps set into a courtyard outside Building P, may also belong to this period. A wall of a structure preceding Building Q on the east slope of the ridge is probably also Protopalatial. Substantial deposits of Protopalatial pottery were recovered on top of the ridge (under Rooms A1, B3–B7, AE, Q, CE, CS, C1–C5, D3, J1 J3, J4), on the southeast slope (Rooms E1–E4, EN, EC), and on the west slope (Rooms I1–I3, IC2; Fig. 81). Although there is material of MM IB and MM IIA in these deposits, the majority of associated pottery is MM IIB. The pottery from Building P and its immediate area includes large numbers of fine cups and bridge-spouted jars that appear to be drinking sets like those identified elsewhere in this period (MacGillivray 1987; Nowicki 1996, 260, fig. 5; Day and Wilson 2002, 159–160). The other substantial deposits to the east and southeast are different, containing many more coarse jars and basins in Mirabello fabrics. It would appear that Building P, situated on top of the ridge, played a role different from the other areas of the site, one that focused on

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elite activities such as drinking and feasting (for an analysis of the ceramic evidence for feasting in MM IB Petras, see Haggis 2007, 757–759). The nodulus (P TC1) found associated with Building P suggests that the building may have served an administrative function, especially if noduli were used as identification tokens that could be exchanged for lodging, food, drink, or other services (Krzyszkowska 2005, 102; see Ch. 5, pp. 158–159). The other pottery bears witness to complex exchange patterns in the isthmus area, as much of it was not locally produced. Typical of the coarse wares of this period are the Mirabello fabrics, especially Kavousi fabric Type III, which had a wide distribution all over eastern Crete (Haggis 2005, 51–52), and which was used for a large assortment of jars and basins for food preparation and smallscale storage. Little recognizable cooking ware of this date has been identified in these deposits, but the majority of vessels are in fabric Type II/VI. Other objects that were found at Vronda attest to textile and possibly stone vase production. At least one cuboid loomweight recovered in the excavation seems to belong to this period (E2 TC1), suggesting weaving on the household level. Many of the fragments of stone bowls may also be Protopalatial in date, and it is possible that there was a stone vase workshop at the site. The picture we have for the Protopalatial period from the finds at Vronda is that of a large settlement with a substantial building (P) on the summit, possibly looking onto a courtyard with a kernos stone. Evidence for elite feasting and drinking activities and a possible administrative function may also be inferred for that building. Other buildings to the east below the summit may have been service buildings for Building P or were used for more ordinary domestic functions. The lack of terracotta figurines or other paraphernalia relating to ritual activities indicates that the site was not a peak sanctuary or other religious establishment as seen elsewhere in East Crete in this period (Schlager 1995). The large building seems to have gone out of use at the end of MM IIB, when the first palaces and so many other sites on Crete suffered destruction. How does this reconstruction fit with what we know of the Kavousi area and the rest of the island in this period? The Kavousi area, the period is characterized by settlement expansion and a marked increase in the number of sites at this

time, a situation observable in other areas of Crete (Hayden 2004, 93, 97–98, 115; Haggis 2005, 69– 70; Watrous et al. 2012, 44–45). A general pattern of dispersal has been recognized, with large numbers of small sites in clusters, as in the late Prepalatial period, and a high degree of social and political integration (Haggis 2005, 71). Watrous sees intensification and diversification of land use in the Mirabello area and a social and economic gap between elites and lower classes (Watrous et al. 2012, 48). Vronda, however, appears different from the other more self-sufficient agricultural villages in the Kavousi area, and it may have been an important regional center, perhaps even the center of its cluster. Although the Kavousi survey found little evidence of a site hierarchy elsewhere in the area, Haggis (2005, 74) has suggested the possibility that such a center may have existed but was not visible in the survey data. Vronda may have been the home of one of several competing households within its cluster, as Haggis (2005, 73) has suggested, but its size, its large building, and the quantities of high-quality drinking vessels found there suggest that it was more than one village among many others; rather, the site seems to have held an important position in the social and political fabric of the area. There is, however, no evidence for the sort of large-scale storage or production that would show that Vronda controlled the economic resources of the area. That Vronda was integrated into a wider interregional economic, social, and political network is indicated by the imported pottery and the nodulus. The pottery shows evidence of intraregional exchange, and the Barbotine Ware and other fine wares suggest some extraregional contacts as well, although apparent similarities of style do not necessarily indicate that fine vessels were imported from an outside source; Myrtos Pyrgos and Malia were both producing nearly identical pottery in this period, for example (Knappett 1999, 629). There was considerable standardization of pottery at this time, perhaps because high-quality vessels were imported or imitated by the people of the hinterland, who were emulating the palatial elites (Schoep 2010, 78). The occurrence of the nodulus brings up the question of the relationship between Vronda and the palaces, because such objects imply a connection with administrative centers, even if we do not understand their precise function. If

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the nodulus was a sort of token that entitled a visitor to goods or services, and if its similarity to those from Quartier Mu at Malia ties it to that palace, then it may provide some evidence that Vronda belonged to the Malia-Lasithi palatial network identified by Cadogan (1995; see also Haggis 2007, 716). This does not necessarily imply that Malia or any other palace exercised economic or even political control over the hinterlands (Knappett 1999), but rather that the palace had some interest in the area, which nevertheless remained independent. The siting of Vronda, overlooking the mountain passes from the isthmus toward the east, suggests that it may have been part of the network of rural farmsteads, villas, and forts discovered in other mountain sites in the area (Tzedakis et al. 1989; 1990; Tzedakis, Chryssoulaki, and Vokotopoulos

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1994–1996; Schlager 1995; 2001; MacGillivray 1997, 22–23; Schlager et al. 1997; Chryssoulaki 1999). Unlike many of these settlements, which may include sites like Chamaizi (Lenuzza 2011), Vronda was apparently not fortified, but its location and size make it similar to the other buildings identified along the road system farther east. Such sites may have served as way stations guarding the overland routes from one area to another. While the rest of the Kavousi area may have been divided up into small dispersed settlements, Vronda seems to represent something different, an administrative and sociopolitical center, a stop on the road system to the east (rather like the later Ottoman caravanserai system), and possibly part of the defensive system of the island, with ties to one of the palaces or some other administrative center.

Middle Minoan III to Late Minoan I The Neopalatial remains are not as extensive as those of the Protopalatial period (Fig. 82; Ch. 2, pp. 58–64), and many of the buildings may have been dismantled or destroyed in the construction of the LM IIIC settlement. There is no certain architecture preserved from this period, although some of the earlier walls incorporated into Building B may belong to this phase (see above, Ch. 1, p. 4), and the kernos stone may at least still have been visible (Fig. 4). Two walls, the west wall of Room B4 (Wall H) and the south wall of Room A1 (Wall G), may belong to this period of the site’s history since much of the Neopalatial material was found pushed up against these walls in the area designated Room B6, and their construction with large blocks of stone is unlike either the earlier walls of Building P or the other walls of Building B. Middle Minoan IIIB–LM IA pottery at Vronda was found primarily on top of the summit in the area designated Room B6 and in the pit west of Building A (AW), with some fragments also occurring in the area between Buildings A and C (CE) and in the East Terrace fill (AE). It is possible that at least some parts of Building P were still in use, although the structure may have been rebuilt rather than reused. A substantial deposit was also found to the southeast of the summit in the area of Room E1, with a few pieces also recovered from Room E4 and from the

courtyard of Building E East. The material from the area of Building E is difficult to interpret. That found in Room E1 may have been in its original location, rather than making up part of the leveling fill for the area. A deposit of this pottery was found stratified between the fill and the floor of the room in the southeast corner, but a good deal was also picked up with the floor deposit and the cobble fill in Room E1. Our current interpretation is that there were remains of this period in the area of Room E1 that went into the leveling fill. Some other remains may have been left in the soil between the bedrock and the later western wall of the room. When the southern portion of that wall later collapsed, the fill behind it may have been deposited on top of the LM IIIC floor. The pottery from this period is distinctive and different from that of the earlier periods on Vronda, and it may reflect changes in the economy and society of the site. To begin with, most of the coarse wares are of phyllite fabrics, and the imported Mirabello fabrics have almost totally disappeared. This situation represents a major change in the exchange patterns from the Pre- and Protopalatial periods, and it can be seen all over the area (Haggis 2012b, 153). More of the pottery may now have been locally produced, or it may represent exchange with the eastern isthmus and areas farther east, rather

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than from the western isthmus; this may represent a shift in the controlling power of the area to Gournia, Mochlos, and Pseira, or it may even reflect the emergence of a new palace at Petras. The types of pottery represented are also unusual. Many cooking pots were recovered, with few examples of the cooking dishes and plates found in earlier deposits. This change in cooking ware suggests different cooking habits that now focused on boiling or stewing rather than frying or baking. The high percentages of cooking pots may also be a random factor, however, the result of chance preservation below the later LM IIIC houses. Another feature of interest is the large number of conical cups represented in the deposits. These are generally coarse or mediumcoarse and small. Although some fine drinking vessels are present, it would seem that the conical cup replaced the wide range of fine cups of Protopalatial date. This development is also observed at other Neopalatial sites, and it has been suggested that the introduction of mass-produced, disposable drinking vessels was linked to a change in commensal politics in Crete in this period (Girella 2007, 138–139). Drinking activities may no longer have been part of the elite social practices only but may have been extended to include the wider community, perhaps to reproduce and legitimize social relationships of unequal power (Girella 2007, 157). Whether conical cups were used in ritualized reception ceremonies at elite buildings and palaces, a form of token hospitality, as has been suggested for Petras (Rupp and Tsipopoulou 1999, 735), or they were part of feasting and drinking occasions sponsored by the elite (Wiener 2011, 363–364), the presence of these vessels at Vronda might suggest that an elite building or buildings existed on the site in Neopalatial times. Other finds include the stone blossom bowl (I3 S1) that was reused in one of the LM IIIC houses

(Ch. 5, p. 163). The bore cores that come from the manufacture of such stone bowls may also belong to this time, although they could date to the Protopalatial period. Some Type 5 faceted stone tools found in the area designated Room B6 are of a type often used in stone vase production (Ch. 4, pp. 140, 151), so there may have been a stone workshop on the site in this period. A loomweight of Neopalatial type from Room E4 (E4 TC2), and perhaps several others, attests to weaving activities on the site. Vronda fits into the settlement pattern observable in the Kavousi area and across the island in the Neopalatial period (Haggis 2005, 74–79). At Kavousi there was apparently a restructuring of the sociopolitical landscape that saw the abandonment of sites, the reduction of population, and the foundation of new rural houses or “megalithic farmsteads” (Haggis 2005, 75). Vronda is unusual in the area because it represents a reuse of an existing Protopalatial settlement rather than a new foundation; it may have enjoyed a position similar to MM II Vronda, possibly as a stop on the road system and a local regional center for the upland areas. The focus of activity in the Kavousi area, however, shifted to coastal sites that must have had contact with the growing network of Neopalatial trading centers, including nearby Mochlos and Pseira. These changes and their causes must be connected with the rise of the new palace system on the island and with the growth of Gournia as a palatial administrative center. Perhaps the Kavousi area at this time became an agricultural producer for larger towns and centers. That Vronda itself still had an important position in this new world order is suggested by the evidence for feasting seen in the cooking pottery and drinking vessels.

Late Minoan II–IIIB The presence of a few pieces of pottery possibly datable to LM IB suggests that some occupation of Vronda continued until the time of the disruptions that occurred generally on Crete at the end of the Neopalatial period. At that time the settlement apparently went out of use. No material from

the succeeding LM II, LM IIIA, or LM IIIB periods has been found on the site except for a stray fragment of a LM IIIA:2–IIIB kylix from the fill in the kiln. This is in keeping with the general pattern in the Kavousi area, which shows an extreme decrease in population and reduction in the

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number of sites in this period (Haggis 2005, 79– 81). The Mirabello area was dominated by towns at Gournia and Mochlos, both of which may have

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had local Mycenaean officials (Brogan, Smith, and Soles 2002; Soles 2008, 200–205; Watrous et al. 2012, 66–67).

Late Minoan IIIC At the LM IIIB/IIIC transition, the Kastro was inhabited for the first time (Mook and Coulson 1997, 342–351; Mook 2004, 164). Sometime thereafter, within early LM IIIC, Vronda again became the site of a settlement. Azoria was also founded at some time in LM IIIC, although the precise date within that period is as yet undetermined (Haggis 2005, 83; Haggis et al. 2007a, 696–705). The shift in settlement up to the Kastro has long been understood as defensive in nature; perched on top of the high peak with a commanding view of the neighborhood, it was one of many such sites in East Crete. Thus the literature on this period talks about these mountain settlements as refuge sites (e.g., Nowicki 2000). The reasons for such an abrupt and massive shift in settlement patterns are still a source of controversy (see especially Haggis 2001; Nowicki 2001), but they were doubtless complex, and no single overarching theory can entirely explain what happened; as with other types of migrations, many factors may have influenced the move (Burmeister 2000, 550; Prent 2005, 614–615; Wallace 2010, 60–72). The traditional interpretation has been that the need for security prompted the move to high mountain sites all over Crete (for a history of this interpretation, see Wallace 2010, 54–60). Some of the new settlements were clearly refuge sites for use in times of danger; there can be no question that Katalimata served as a temporary place of refuge for a permanent settlement at Chalasmenos (Nowicki 2008b), and a number of other sites may also be so categorized (Nowicki 2000, 14). Most of the other mountain settlements, including the Kastro at Kavousi, Karphi, and Vrokastro, are now recognized by Nowicki as defensible sites, chosen primarily for reasons of security rather than as true refuge sites (Nowicki 2000). Security doubtless played a major role in the movement to the mountains from the coastal areas and lowland plains. These lower areas had been

secure during the Bronze Age because of the power of the centralized authority on the island, but when that power no longer existed, the coasts and adjacent areas were open to attack from sea raiders or any aggressive group that passed by (Day 1997, 406). This was a troubled era in the Mediterranean, with movements of large numbers of people after the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial system, including the Sea Peoples (Nowicki 1996, 285; 2012; Yasur-Landau 2010; Cline 2014; Knapp and Manning 2016), and it is not to be supposed that the island of Crete avoided the dangers posed by uncontrolled marauders. The sea, which during the palatial periods had served as a major avenue of communication and exchange among the various parts of the island, was no longer safe, and the lack of palatial centers with which to communicate made proximity to the sea unnecessary. Longdistance exchange had almost disappeared. The presence of Minoan transport stirrup jars at Tiryns in LH IIIC (Maran 2005) suggests that some trade may still have existed in the Aegean during the early part of the LM/LH IIIC period, although it is possible that the few transport stirrup jars dated to this era represent long use or intrusions in their contexts (Haskell et al. 2011, 118). The central Cretan transport stirrup jars found at Thronos/Sybrita may represent continuing production of those vessels and trade between LM IIIC settlements, as D’Agata suggests (D’Agata and Boileau 2009, 202), although it is equally possible that the inhabitants of Thronos kept and reused their old stirrup jars. New trading patterns may have been established on the mainland and in the northern Aegean, a possible explanation of imported pithoi found at Mitrou and other nearby sites in central Greece (Lis and Rückl 2011, 164). Nevertheless, in Crete the sea no longer functioned as a major avenue of exchange but was a potential source of danger, and in many areas the coasts were abandoned for the safer upland areas that were

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removed from the sea and also had commanding views of the surrounding territory that would allow the inhabitants to see danger approaching. Many of these sites were within view of others; the three Kavousi sites (Kastro, Vronda, Azoria), for example, are visible to one another, and Vrokastro and Vasiliki Kephala can both be seen from Vronda and Kastro. Some organized signals may have been arranged between communities. Security, however, is not the only possible reason for the movement of populations, although it was doubtless a major factor. Economic reasons may also have played a role. The collapse of the palatial economy on the island would have had a profound effect on the local economies (Burmeister 2000, 550), which may have been involved in a network of support and obligation to the centers of power. Precisely when the palatial centers collapsed is still a matter of controversy, but regardless of when the palace of Knossos fell, it is evident that administrative centers continued in use on the island until the end of LM IIIB, to judge from the Linear B documents found at Chania (Rehak and Younger 1998, 150). Although we do not know where the people who migrated to the Kastro and other Kavousi sites came from, they may have moved up from the surrounding major settlements known from LM IIIA and LM IIIB, especially Gournia and Mochlos. These settlements would have been cut off from whatever economic support they had received from the major power centers on the island, along with possibilities for trade, and they would have had to revert to an agricultural economy. It is clear from the popularity of mountain sites in earlier periods of the Bronze Age that they offered potential for subsistence. There are at least three perennial springs in the area of the three settlements at Kavousi: one just to the east of Vronda, another to the south and east of the Kastro, and a third farther east at Avgo. The slopes of the surrounding hills, when terraced, are suitable for rain-fed agriculture. It is possible that the Kavousi plain had been extensively farmed at least during the Neopalatial period and possibly after (Haggis 2005, 76–77, 80–81), but the terra rossa soils would have needed an irrigation system to be maximally productive. The maintenance of such a system might have been impossible after the collapse of the palatial systems, and technological knowledge to support irrigation may have been lost, making farming on the mountain

terraces more desirable. The mountain sites at Kavousi also overlook major overland trade routes, both from north to south across the isthmus and from west to east; the Kastro in particular guards the mountain passes that lead through the Thriphti Mountains into the eastern end of the island. The placing of the site may have had an advantage in addition to security, giving the Kastro control over intraregional and wider trade networks. The homogeneity of the pottery all over Crete in this early phase of the LM IIIC period strongly suggests interregional contacts, and while the inhabitants of these mountain sites were worried about hostile actions, they also seem to have taken advantage of opportunities for more peaceful economic contact with other communities on the island. It is also possible that fluctuating climate had an effect on agriculture and subsistence in the Mediterranean at this time and may have helped to spur the population movements, not only on Crete, but in the wider area. There is good evidence that during the 13th and 12th centuries the eastern Mediterranean experienced a period of drought (Moody 2005, 462–465; Cline 2014; Knapp and Manning 2016), evidence of which can be seen in the changing form of vernacular architecture in the Final Palatial period and LM IIIC (Moody 2009). Warmer temperatures and wide-scale drought may not only have fueled movements of population in the Mediterranean but may also have driven the inhabitants of Crete to seek higher sites that had perennial springs and land that could be cultivated without the need for irrigation. Other explanations for the shift in settlement pattern have found little supporting evidence. The idea that the new settlements were established to manage seasonal herding (Borgna 2003b, 154– 155, 169) has met with little support (Wallace 2010, 59), and in fact the faunal evidence from the Kavousi Kastro shows that seasonal herding was practiced there (W. Klippel and L. Snyder, pers. comm.). Kanta and Kontopodi (2011) have suggested, on the basis of the weapons, cooking pottery, and architectural features found, that Kastrokephala in Central Crete was a military post for mainlanders. The idea that the shift in population was necessitated by the arrival of a new people, the Dorian Greeks, was established early (for a history of this idea, see Wallace 2010, 56), and interpretations based on ethnic change continue to appear

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(Wallace 2010, 60). Such interpretations generally look at specific features that may have come from mainland Greece, such as Cyclopean or megalithic walls (Kanta 2001; Karageorghis 2001), megarontype buildings (Tsipopoulou 2005b; 2012, 215–217; Rupp 2007), tomb types, or certain pottery forms like cooking pots (Borgna 1997a; Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131). Such elements do not necessarily show ethnicity, however. After the fall of most of the Minoan palaces in the Final Palatial period (LM II–LM IIIB), Crete was apparently under control of groups from the mainland of Greece, who brought their own language and record keeping, as well as social and political organization, funerary practices, and aspects of their own material culture to the island. A great deal of hybridization occurred in LM III Crete, and most of the features seen as signs of new ethnic groups on the island in LM IIIC seem for a variety of reasons to have been developed already during that long period of mainland influence. There is some evidence from the pottery that the people who founded the mountain sites were culturally the same as those who had lived in the lowland areas in an earlier era. There is no evidence for Dorian Greeks at this period on Crete nor for any other new, culturally different groups living in the lowlands who drove the local inhabitants up into the mountains, as happened under the Venetian and Ottoman occupations of Crete. While a number of low-lying sites continued to be inhabited, particularly Chania and Knossos, these do not show signs of major cultural change, and the material culture of the early LM IIIC period was remarkably homogeneous throughout the island (Warren 2007, 333–334; he does suggest, however, that the homogeneity was a result of the takeover of the island by the mainlanders). That Dorian Greek speakers at some time entered the island is shown linguistically by the presence of Dorian Greek dialect and customs in the historical period (Prent 2005, 615), but their arrival does not seem to have motivated the move to mountain locations. The population shift in Crete may thus have been a result of a number of factors, and explanations do not have to rely entirely on invasions or marauding pirates. The reasons for the shift may well have included the need for security from aggressive seagoing forces, the cessation of trade and contact with the rest of the Aegean, and the desire for developing

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new agricultural resources and water supplies, perhaps spurred by severe fluctuations in climate (see also Prent 2005, 614–615; Wallace 2010, 68) and a decline in technologies for water management. Some time after the settlement of the Kastro was established, Vronda was again resettled, and Azoria may have been founded at the same time (Haggis 2005, 83). The earliest material from Vronda, found in the mixed fill behind the East Terrace Wall and in the lowest deposits in Building B, is of early LM IIIC date (Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 40–41, 53–54, 61), contemporary with Phase II on the Kastro (Mook and Coulson 1997, 353–357; Mook 2004, 169). A number of questions present themselves about the foundation of Vronda. One concerns the identity and origin of the settlers. Does Vronda represent an expansion of the population on the Kastro, and if so, why did the people leave that site? Did a group of settlers come first to establish themselves at the Kastro and discover other suitable sites, after which more settlers came from their original home to occupy both the Kastro and the other sites, as suggested by parallels with other migrations (Burmeister 2000, 548; Yasur-Landau 2010, 317–319)? Or did the settlers of Vronda come from elsewhere (not from the Kastro or from the same communities as the Kastro), and if so from where? Yet another question is why the people chose this location for their settlement. In answer to the first set of questions, Haggis (2005, 83) has suggested that Azoria and Vronda were settled from the Kastro to form a site cluster that became successful and remarkably stable. It is also possible that Vronda and Azoria were founded by other groups originating in the same communities as the inhabitants of the Kastro, but there is no clear evidence that this was the case. That a group of people came down from the Kastro to settle at Vronda seems likely, especially because that was the only existing settlement in the area in the preceding early LM IIIC phase. If so, the question remains as to why they left the Kastro and why they chose to locate their new community on Vronda. A number of answers are possible to the question of why these new settlements were founded in lower and less secure locations about a generation after the Kastro. The Kastro may have experienced unsustainable population growth that necessitated the budding off of groups to new sites. Another possibility is that as the situation on the island became

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more settled in the 12th century, the need for security decreased, and people felt they could safely move down to slightly lower areas while still remaining within the area of a defensible site (Nowicki 2002b, 155, 160–161). This relaxation of security meant that people could live at Azoria and at Vronda, nearer the lower agricultural land and the spring. Haggis has suggested that the Vronda spring is equidistant from Vronda, Kastro, and Azoria (Haggis 2005, 82); this may be true if measured on a map but does not take into account the steep topography. The spring is only a 10-minute walk from Vronda, without a steep climb either way. It takes at least half an hour to come down from the Kastro, and people would have had to carry water uphill on a steep incline to return. Azoria is just as far and would have necessitated a climb up and down both ways. Vronda was thus a more desirable spot, since less time and investment of energy were required to provide for one of the most basic needs of its inhabitants. Finally, it is possible that internal dissensions caused some of the Kastro inhabitants to seek their own independent settlement. The original Kastro settlement may have been a synoikismos from a number of earlier communities and kinship groups, groups that may not always have shared precisely the same ways of life or beliefs, or have had access to the same resources and power. Some of these groups may have separated off to form their own independent communities, perhaps under the guidance of a charismatic leader. Such an explanation could account for the cultural differences between Vronda and the Kastro; although the Kastro is not yet fully published, it is already clear from the cooking pottery and other coarse wares that the pottery consumption and exchange networks differed from those at Vronda (Mook 1999). The question still remains as to why the settlers chose Vronda. Its attractiveness as a place of habitation can be seen in its long history of use, beginning at least in the Early Bronze Age. While not a defensible site, it is removed from the sea and has a good view of the north coast and northern isthmus area. It is close to the spring and to arable land, particularly a small alluvial fan to the east that could with terracing become agriculturally productive. No less important is the fact that the remains of earlier habitation may still have been visible on the surface and may have prompted settlement there. The

symbolic role of ruined monuments in the ancient landscape is now being recognized (e.g., Ashmore and Knapp, eds., 1999; Alcock 2002; Van Dyke and Alcock, eds., 2003; Yoffee 2007), and the settlers may have associated themselves with the earlier inhabitants (Prent 2003), either by claiming descent (whether real or imagined) or by associating themselves with an earlier mythic group that inhabited the place (Whitley 2002, 124). They may not actually have remembered the past history of the Vronda ridge (which had already been abandoned for some 250 years), but they observed the architectural remains of that past and may have constructed a link with it, a sort of “false memory” (Bradley 2003, 226). While the precise meaning of the reinhabitation of Vronda cannot be known without written sources, it is likely that by associating themselves with the earlier group represented by the ruins the new inhabitants helped to create their new identity and strengthened their claim to the ridge and the surrounding agricultural lands. Whatever the reasons for the foundation of Vronda in this period, it became a thriving community, with a large private or corporate structure on the summit, a shrine on the southwest side, and five “core” houses or households that expanded over the course of the settlement’s history to at least 20 and possibly more (Fig. 23). There were no doubt graves for the dead in the surrounding area, but none of the tombs uncovered on Vronda, neither the tholos tombs to the north and northwest nor the cremation enclosures placed later in the abandoned buildings, contained material contemporary with the settlement. The building complexes show up to four major building phases (for Building Complex I-O-N; Day and Glowacki 2012, 134–136), suggesting four generations as the length of time the settlement was occupied. If one estimates a generation to be 30 years, and if the last phase of building had recently occurred, then the settlement lasted approximately 120 years. The pottery in the last phase can be dated to late LM IIIC, with a few pieces that look SM in style, roughly contemporary with the end of Karphi (Day 2011c, 327). The characteristics of society and daily life at LM IIIC Vronda are discussed in more detail below (pp. 220–230). All the evidence suggests that the Vronda settlement was abandoned, and with the exception of

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one charred beam from Room D1, there is no trace of any burned destruction or violence accompanying the abandonment. The inhabitants went away and left behind many of their larger objects: pithoi, cooking pots, utilitarian vessels, even the figures and cult equipment in the Shrine; they did take the metal objects, whose presence is indicated by the whetstones and pumice, and possibly some finer pottery vessels. The abandonment of the goddess figures and the cult equipment is surprising, but it is in keeping with the situation at other religious buildings of the period in eastern Crete; goddess statues and ritual objects were also found at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2009), Vasiliki Kephala (Eliopoulos 1998, 2003, 2004), and Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 75–76; Day 2009; 2011b; 2011c) precisely because they had been abandoned and left in place. It is possible that these statues had a locational meaning, such that whatever power or significance they had resided in the place in which they appeared, and they could not be removed from that location. There is no evidence to suggest why the inhabitants left or where they went. The people may have died out; if so, perhaps they succumbed to disease, because the increasing number of households suggests that the population had been burgeoning until shortly before the abandonment. Some major disruption of the social and political structures, such as the death of a leader or leading

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families, may have caused the people to relocate near other groups. The abandonment may have been part of a general movement toward settlement nucleation at the time (Wallace 2003, 258), with Vronda losing out in a regional site competition that made other sites more attractive (Nowicki 2002b, 169). The people of Vronda may have moved to the settlement on the Kastro, which definitely continued to be occupied throughout the Early Iron Age; it is unclear, however, if the settlement at Azoria also continued or was abandoned (Haggis et al. 2007a, 704; Haggis and Mook 2015, 18–19), both of which continued after this time. Although no remains of SM date have been recognized at either settlement, the tombs at both Kastro and Azoria do contain material contemporary in style with the earliest burials at Vronda. At least one of the tholos tombs on the slopes of the Kastro at Plai tou Kastro produced SM pottery (Tsipopoulou 2005a, 82–111). A single tholos tomb has been found at Azoria with material similar to that from the Vronda tholoi. Although LM IIIC sherds in the lowest levels suggest that this tomb was first used during the LM IIIC period, the whole vessels are identified as PG (M. Mook, pers. comm.; Eaby 2010, 173; for the problems with identifying SM, see above, pp. 197–198). It is thus more likely that the people of Vronda moved to the Kastro. The ridge was abandoned and not reinhabited by the living until the Venetian period.

Subminoan and Protogeometric The next two centuries saw much funerary activity at Vronda (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983, 394–409; Day 1995; 2011a). Shortly after the abandonment of the settlement, the area to the north and northwest was used for burials in tholos tombs. Whether or not some of these tombs were originally built by the inhabitants of the LM IIIC settlement is unknown, but they certainly were used for burials in the SM and PG periods, probably down into the early eighth century. As at Karphi (Day 2011c, 327), the former inhabitants apparently came back and buried their dead at Vronda either in their old family tombs or in

new tombs constructed for the purpose. The reasons for using Vronda as a burial ground were no doubt complex but perhaps related to the construction of identity of the burying population. These tombs may have functioned as territorial markers that supported claims of the living to descent from the dead, serving to establish their rights to the resources of the area (e.g., Murphy 1998, 27, for EM burials in the Mesara). The latest burials in the tholos tombs seem to have been made in the eighth century, and they may have overlapped with the new cremation burials that began in the Geometric period.

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Geometric to Early Orientalizing In the eighth century a new cemetery came into existence on Vronda. The dead were no longer buried in corbelled tombs as before but were cremated (or occasionally interred) in stone-lined enclosures (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1988, 1995; Gesell, Coulson, and Day 1991; Day 1995, 2011a). The bodies were generally left in the enclosures with a variety of grave goods, and stones were piled over the top of them. Most of the enclosures were used repeatedly, from two to nine times. This type of primary cremation burial is rarely found on Crete or elsewhere; similar examples have been recognized at Eleutherna (Stampolides 2004a, 120–138; 2004b) and possibly also in the so-called bone enclosures at Vrokastro (Hall 1914, 155–172; Hayden 2003, 12–13; Tsipopoulou 2005a, 45–50; Velho 2008). There is as yet no evidence that this practice occurred elsewhere in the Kavousi area. At the same time that the Vronda cremation burials were taking place, the inhabitants of the Kastro continued to bury their dead in large, well-built tholos tombs on the lower slopes of the Kastro at Plai tou Kastro (Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983, 412–413) and Skala or Aloni (Boyd 1904, 15–17; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983, 410–412), and to the southeast at Skouriasmenos (Boyd 1901, 143– 148; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983, 412–413). These tombs around the Kastro, although robbed, show a greater display of wealth than those at Vronda, including imported objects from the Near East, Cyprus, and Sicily, and metal objects such as armor, weapons, ship firedogs, and spits (Boardman 1971). These richer burials suggest the presence of social groups at the Kastro that might be termed elite (for an analysis of elite culture in early Greece, see Duplouy 2006). Two major questions present themselves: the first is why the site of Vronda was selected for this new cemetery, and the second is why a new form of cremation burial was introduced in the eighth century. The answer to these questions may be connected (Day 2011a). Although Vronda is not immediately adjacent to the Kastro, the burials in tholos tombs continuning at Vronda link it to that site from the 11th into the eighth centuries; Azoria seems to have been abandoned until the eighth century, although some burial activity also occurred there (Eaby 2007, 52). Perhaps more importantly,

the decaying architectural remains of the abandoned earlier settlement were evident to all who visited the site, whether during burials in the tholos tombs or when walking in the fields or visiting the spring. Local memory may have placed ancestors or heroic predecessors there, and religious power may even have been vested in the site. As with the foundation of the LM IIIC site, the area may thus have been chosen for its associations, whether real or imaginary, and the burying population may have been staking a claim on the territory of Vronda and its resources. The second question remains to be answered: why was cremation introduced as the preferred method of disposal of the dead, breaking with a long-standing tradition in the Kavousi area of inhumation in tholoi? It is tempting to associate cremation burial with a new population on Crete (Desborough 1964, 194; Hayden 2004, 157), but there is no evidence for new people, and at the time when the Vronda enclosure graves came into use, cremation had been the standard burial practice in the rest of Crete for centuries (Davaras 1977). This type of burial may have been introduced at Vronda to emulate practices elsewhere on Crete, especially if at this time the Kavousi area was peripheral to more populous and powerful communities like Knossos. That contact with the rest of Crete and the wider Mediterranean area was growing in the eighth century can be seen from the goods found in the tholos tombs continuing in use around the Kastro. Some of the people in the area may have used the new burial form as a way of associating themselves with other groups on the island. Furthermore, cremation is expensive; the burning consumes a scarce commodity—wood. It is also more highly visible to a larger group of people for a longer time. The flames and smoke rising from a pyre must have been visible all over the northern isthmus for the seven to eight hours needed to complete the cremation (Pl. 1A). The spectacle would have been especially evident to those living in the area, at Azoria or on the Kastro (Pls. 2A, 2B), and it made a visible claim to the territory. Perhaps at the time when a new urban center was emerging at Azoria, intercommunity rivalry intensified between the elites of the Kastro and the community at Azoria, and one of them made claim to the territory

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at Vronda because of its perceived historical, religious, or mythical status. For reasons that are explained elsewhere (Day 2011a, 750), it seems more likely that the people of Azoria were the ones staking their claim on Vronda. The cemetery of cremation burials went out of use in the Early Orientalizing period, or after the second quarter of the seventh century. Shortly thereafter, in the middle to late seventh century, the Kastro was also abandoned (Mook 2004, 178), perhaps also due to the emergence of Azoria (Haggis 2005, 85–86). Neither Vronda nor the Kastro was used again, even for burials. Whatever the reasons for the use of Vronda as a cemetery, they seem to have disappeared as Azoria became the dominant

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community in the area. Azoria underwent a major reorganization just before the abandonment of the Kastro (Haggis and Mook 2011; Haggis et al. 2011a; 2011b; Mook and Haggis 2013, 77; Fitzsimons 2014), and the new settlement was characterized by large public buildings and new forms of domestic housing that indicate possible changes in kinship structures (see above, Ch. 1, p. 44). After Azoria was abandoned early in the fifth century, there was little activity on any of the sites in the mountains above Kavousi, as habitation shifted elsewhere. The one exception was Azoria, which was inhabited briefly in the late third and early second centuries b.c. (Fitzsimons 2014, 223).

Byzantine, Venetian, Ottoman, and Modern After the seventh century b.c., Vronda was deserted. A few possible Roman or Byzantine sherds may attest to visitors to the site, but there is no evidence for habitation or mortuary use. Some activity occurred in the Byzantine and Venetian periods in the area to the east of the Vronda ridge, closer to the spring. The small church of Hagia Paraskevi, still in use on feast days, was built in Byzantine or Venetian times, and the apse of an older and ruined church can be seen just south of and adjacent to the chapel (Haggis 2005, 134, site 76). On the Vronda ridge itself, the next major phase of use was during the Venetian occupation of Crete in the 13th– 17th centuries a.d., and there are remains on the ridge and on one of the terraces to the north of the LM IIIC settlement (Fig. 83). On top of the Vronda ridge, Building R was constructed, adding an apsidal end to a still visible LM IIIC wall that had also been used in one of the LG cremation enclosures (Grave 12; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 155– 158, 161); from this fact it is clear that deposition has never been great on top of the ridge. The form of this small structure, with an apse on its east end, might suggest that the building functioned as a chapel, but the material found within was domestic in nature, consisting of cooking wares and coarse pottery and a few glazed fine cups and bowls dating to the 17th century. The small fragment of a glass flask that was found to the northeast of this building probably belongs with the building, as does

an iron object and two terracotta plaques or tiles that may have been revetments for exposed beam ends. The glass, metal, and decorative architectural plaques or tiles suggest an establishment with a greater degree of importance and wealth than the preserved architecture would indicate. In the same period, a small house (Building F) was constructed on the south side of the ridge. It shows at least four phases of use, but these cannot be dated closely. Pottery of the 16th to 17th centuries collected on the lowest floor gives a wide date for the construction, and the presence of Ottoman period material in and over the house suggests that it lasted into the 18th or 19th centuries (Day and Glowacki 2012, 47–50). The inhabitants of this structure also disturbed the area on the southwest slope of the Vronda ridge, probably digging a garbage pit or planting a tree that disarranged both the LG burials there and the remains that had previously been tossed out of the Shrine. No objects other than fragments of pottery were collected from the area of Building F, and it seems to have lacked the refinements seen on Building R on the summit. Not enough has been preserved to guess at the reasons for the differences between the two structures. They may not have been inhabited at the same time; Building R may have gone out of use before Building F was constructed. It is also possible that Building R was inhabited by a group of people with higher status than those who lived in the one-room

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house on the south, or that the two buildings served different functions; Building F was probably the house of a farmer, whether a permanent resident or a seasonal visitor, while Building R may have had something to do with the nearby church of Hagia Paraskevi, or it could have belonged to a person with higher status, perhaps an overseer of the land. In addition to these remains, an architectural complex that has been labeled Xerambela was also uncovered in a field about 200 m north of the Vronda ridge, between tholos tombs X and IX (Pl. 28; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1988, 296; 1995, 92; Gesell, Coulson, and Day 1991, 167, pl. 66). Because excavation of this area was not completed, and the material from the area has not yet been studied, conclusions about it are tentative. The building had at least one room or a courtyard with a series of corner hearths, as in Building F. The pottery included sgraffito ware, which was dated in the preliminary report as 13th to 14th century, but it may be later and of the same phase as that in Building F. Three coins were found in the excavation of Xerambela, one possibly Roman, but too worn to identify, one of Isaac II Angelos (a.d. 1185–1195; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1988, 296, pl. 81:e, f), and the third Venetian (Gesell, Coulson, and Day 1991, 167, pl. 66:c). It would appear that this building was constructed soon after the Venetian conquest of Crete, and it may have continued in use through the Venetian period. It may have been an isolated farmstead, but not enough of the architecture was uncovered to be certain. Two alonia or threshing floors nearby may have belonged with the farmstead or may have been constructed later when the whole area was more extensively farmed. No systematic examination of the remains and history of the Venetian period has been made for the Kavousi area as a whole, but the situation there may have resembled that at nearby Vrokastro (Hayden 2004, 249–272). As in the Early Iron Age, the people in this era moved up into the mountains. Stallsmith (2004a, 255) points to the abandonment of the coastal areas and suggests that this was caused by marauding pirates and slavers from the Levant, who caused wide scale depopulation of whole coastal districts. The Venetians imposed a feudal organization on the local population, and in the Vrokastro area Stallsmith suggests that there were one or more Venetian estates with small serf farmers who produced grain and engaged in

viticulture (Stallsmith 2004a, 260). The situation at Kavousi may well have been similar, with small farmers engaged in subsistence agriculture and in the production of some profitable crops, such as grain and grapes, at sites like Vronda. During the Ottoman period on Crete (a.d. 1669– 1898) the lives of the ordinary people in places like Kavousi probably continued as they had earlier, although the period saw depopulation (Stallsmith 2004b, 298–302). There may have been a change in agriculture as olive oil production became important for trade (Stallsmith 2004b, 302– 312). When the Cretans, particularly in the 19th century, were attempting to throw off their Turkish rulers, many fled to the mountains to escape reprisals. It may be in this context that Vronda again was used. The small agricultural house (Building F) and the Xerambela farmstead may still have continued in use, but the larger and more elaborate building on the summit (Building R) was abandoned. In the 19th century the field houses still in use around the Vronda ridge may have been constructed. There were three houses immediately adjacent to the Vronda ridge that were still in use or had been abandoned shortly before the Kavousi Project began; another on the north side of the ridge had been long abandoned. All of these field houses attest to seasonal use of the Vronda area, which is still ongoing to some extent. Iron horseshoes and other nonancient iron objects found in the excavations may belong to this period. When Harriet Boyd came to the Kavousi area in 1900, just after the departure of the Turks from Crete, she found that the mountain terraces were being used for agriculture; barley was the main crop on the terraces on the west slope of the Kastro, suggesting that the area was given over to subsistence farming (Boyd 1901, 137). The presence of at least three alonia or threshing floors on the north side of the Vronda ridge (Pls. 5A, 28) and two more associated with the Venetian farmstead at Xerambela attests to the growing of grain on the surrounding terraces; the dates of these threshing floors are not known. During World War II, many of the men of military age retreated from the village of Kavousi to live in the mountains and wage guerilla warfare against the Germans. Giorgos Sekadakis, one of the old men who was still living when the Kavousi Project began, told stories of hiding out in

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a cave just below Vronda and making attacks on German soldiers. After the war, when a new aqueduct and irrigation system was laid with American aid, water from the mountain springs was brought down to Kavousi village and helped to irrigate the plains below. Extensive farming, especially olive production, took over the Kavousi plain, and the mountain terraces were given over to viticulture. When the Kavousi Project began in 1978 all of the mountain terraces were covered with vines, and there were still a few olive and fruit trees in the area of Vronda. The sites were only accessible at that time by the old paved Venetian or Turkish road

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system, the kalderimia. A bulldozed road to Avgo that passed well below Vronda and led past Azoria was constructed in 1983–1984, and a branch leading up to Vronda was added in 1986–1987. Since the major irrigation project was completed in the 1970s, and despite the construction of agricultural roads, the cultivation on the mountains has decreased; many of the terraces that were vividly green with grapes are now brown and devoid of crops. Herding has become more intensive on the mountain slopes, and this has contributed to the decline in agricultural production in the Vronda area.

Everyday Life in LM IIIC Vronda The lives of the people of LM IIIC Vronda seem to have revolved around subsistence agriculture and pastoralism. Many of their daily activities— the collection of water, cultivation on nearby terraces, farming of gardens, gathering of wild resources, and herding—would have taken place away from the settlement. Such activities leave few archaeological remains. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that allows us to reconstruct aspects of even these daily activities. Regarding water collection, for example, ceramic vessels for pouring were recovered from most of the houses. Many of the coarse jugs, amphorae, and perhaps the small jars may have been used to carry water from the spring to the settlement. With respect to agriculture, few botanical remains survived in the houses at Vronda, mainly because the settlement was not destroyed by fire but was abandoned and lay open for a long time. Nevertheless, olive, grape, pulses, bread wheat, pistachio, fool’s parsley, and medick (see above, Ch. 7) were recovered from the settlement. This is enough to suggest that the inhabitants of Vronda were cultivating or collecting the major plants that have come to be known as the Mediterranean triad, along with some pulses, nuts, and herbs. The residents of Vronda must have processed olives for oil and perhaps grapes for wine, but no tools or installations that can be directly connected with the production of these foodstuffs have been found or identified. Processing may have been

carried out in a central location that has not been discovered beyond the settlement or in other places closer to where the crops were cultivated. The evidence suggests that wine production may not have been a major activity, as the grape pips that have survived seem to have been wild rather than cultivated. Even so, it is likely that these plants yielded some wine, and more may have been obtained as the object of trade. The inhabitants may also have been producing additional crops in kitchen gardens in some of the courtyards and other open areas between the building complexes, but these vegetables have left no trace in the archaeological record. The animal bones recovered, although badly preserved, show that the inhabitants of Vronda had domesticated sheep and goats, pig, cattle, dogs, and equids; with the possible exception of the equids, all of these animals appear to have been eaten. Sheep bones were more plentiful than those of goats, and both animals may have been raised for their wool and their milk as much as for their meat, as was the case at the Kastro, where preservation permitted the determination of the ages of the animals (Klippel and Snyder 1991, 184–185). Cattle may have served other functions in addition to being a source of food and hides. In agriculture they may have been used for plowing and traction. The presence of cattle skulls in the deposit in Building B, Room B4, suggests a ritual use as well. As discussed in Chapter 3, the terracotta bovine figurines may have represented animals

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sacrificed in religious rituals. Similarly, the equids may have been used in farming or as beasts of burden; the existence of horse figurines in the settlement suggests that they, too, may have had some connection with religious rituals or beliefs. At least some of the inhabitants must have spent their days tending the flocks and other animals, while other people occasionally hunted for wild hare, badger, weasel or beech marten, and wild goat (agrimi) to supplement their diet. Occasionally people may have traveled down to the seashore to collect seafood, a walk of about an hour each way. Although no fish bones were recovered from the excavations at Vronda, 266 marine shells were found. Limpets and topshells, which are major food species, make up 65% of this assemblage (see Ch. 6). Other shells, including 18 dog cockles, seem to have been collected dead and brought to the site, possibly as ornaments. Trips to the sea were probably not a daily occurrence, and the marine shells that were collected served only as an occasional food source. It is probable that the activities relating to agriculture, herding, hunting, and fishing were undertaken primarily by the men of the village, while the women spent more of their time in the house engaged in the preparation of food and clothing, as is the case in the traditional societies of Greece (Friedl 1962, 42; 1986; Campbell 1964, 31–33; Blitzer 2004, 136–137). At harvest times, women probably worked in the fields along with the men, however, and some domestic activities, such as the butchering of animals, may in turn have been performed by men. Nevertheless, some separation of activities by gender seems likely. Within the settlement, the arrangement of the houses and their relationship to one another may represent aspects of the social organization of the community. There seems to have been no overall guiding plan such as a grid or the arrangement of houses on the same alignments (Fig. 5). Rather, the original buildings in each cluster were aligned differently, probably as a result of topographical considerations. Building C3-C4, the earliest in the Building C-D Complex, is on an alignment similar to that of Building A-B, a fact which, along with its proximity to that large building, may suggest a connection between the two (Fig. 23). Even so, the building complexes seem to have been independent units, and even when a new contiguous

unit was added to a complex, there was rarely a connection within the complex. While a good deal of open space existed both between the buildings and within the buildings as courtyards (Fig. 22), many of the houses themselves seem to have been designed for the privacy of the inhabitants. In some buildings the hearth room had a doorway on the central axis (e.g., Rooms C4, D1, E1), while in others doorways were placed to prevent outsiders from viewing directly into the room (e.g., Room I3). Work carried out in courtyards, such as butchering, some food preparation, and possibly washing, would have been less private and visible to other members of the community, but activities such as dining, sleeping, and entertaining would have been protected from the vision of outsiders. Because the settlement was abandoned and lay open for a long time before the roofs and walls collapsed, the finds recovered from the houses cannot be used to determine the full range of activities that took place in any one room or building over the entire lifespan of the settlement, as has been pointed out by a number of scholars (Schiffer 1996; Ault and Nevett 1999; LaMotta and Schiffer 1999; Glowacki 2002, 2004; Whitelaw 2007; Christakis 2011). The inhabitants probably took with them many of their more precious and portable objects, such as metal tools, weapons, and jewelry, and perhaps some of their smaller fine decorated vessels, including deep bowls. Postabandonment depositional processes must have affected the archaeological record, as visitors to the site scattered objects around. Nevertheless, the preserved architecture and artifacts attest to some of the residents’ daily activities. The two major activities that are best represented in the Vronda assemblages are food preparation and consumption. There is also ample evidence for storage. The plentiful evidence for food preparation includes architectural features, ceramic vessels, stone tools, and botanical and faunal remains (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000). The presence of a hearth in one room in each of the houses attests to the use of that room for cooking, although the hearths may also have been used for light and, in the colder months, for heat. The presence of ovens in at least five of these hearth rooms is further evidence for cooking. None of the preserved cooking vessels was small enough to have been inserted into these ovens, which may therefore have been

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used for food such as bread that did not require a container for cooking. One sample of bread wheat was found in the limited botanical remains, supporting this interpretation. There is no evidence that the ovens were used for nonculinary activities such as metallurgy or lime making. It is interesting that cooking and baking seem to have been done primarily at the household level and within the confines of the home. No traces of cooking activities were discovered in the courtyards or external spaces around the houses, suggesting that cooking was largely a private activity, not one that normally involved socializing with other households. There is no evidence for daily communal food preparation as associated with the traditional village ovens in Crete. Cooking pottery has been found in all of the houses, not only in the rooms with cooking installations, but also in others where the vessels may have been stored. The two most common shapes are tripod cooking pots and cooking dishes. The tripods may have been used for boiling stews and soups and could have been covered with cooking lids. The animal bones show evidence for this kind of cooking rather than the roasting or spitting of meat (see above, Ch. 6, pp. 176–177). The function of the cooking dishes is not certain, but they may have been used for frying meat or vegetables in oil or for making flatbread. Large lids or other cooking dishes may have been inverted on top of them to steam or bake food. Unfortunately, the pottery was excavated, washed, and studied before current techniques of organic residue analysis were well developed, and so we do not have direct evidence for what was cooked in the different types of pots at Vronda. Although residue analysis undertaken on samples of cooking jars and tripod cooking pots from other sites has shown that these shapes were used for a variety of foodstuffs, the Minoan cooking dishes that have been analyzed so far have shown only grape or wine products (Tzedakis and Martlew 1999, 165). Other cooking shapes, including the flatbottomed cooking jar, the cooking tray, and the cooking jug, are found less frequently. Among these, the flat-bottomed cooking jar was perhaps placed directly on the fire or over the opening on the top of the oven, as were the cooking jugs that might have been used for heating water. In contrast, on the mainland, cooking jars seem to have

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been placed next to but not on the fire (e.g., Evely, ed., 2006, 148, 207). Cooking trays were probably not used to cook spitted meat, as has been suggested (Seiradaki 1960, 9; Yasur-Landau 2003–2004, 54), because the rims are not high enough to support spits above coals. Nevertheless, they might have served as warming or serving equipment. Preparation of food prior to cooking is attested by stone tools, animal bones, and some ceramic containers. Querns and mortars for grinding grain were found in most of the houses, often accompanied by grinders or pounder-pestles, suggesting that processing of grain products took place at the household level. Some butchering of animals also seems to have been done within the household. The faunal material from the courtyard of Building I, for example, appears to be butchering refuse, so major butchering may regularly have been done in outside spaces of individual houses. Some of the stone tools, such as the choppers that were found in many of the hearth rooms, may have been used in preparing meat; these tools would have been useful for smashing the bones to extract the marrow. Whetstones and pumice testify to the use of metal knives, perhaps employed in butchering, among other tasks. The ubiquitous lekanai may also have been used in food cleaning and preparation, as well as in other activities such as washing clothes. Food consumption in the household seems to have been of two types. First of all, there is ample evidence for daily eating and drinking in simple bowls and cups. Many of the elaborately decorated vessels found in the buildings, however, may have been used for small-scale commensal occasions. These vessels come in sets, like those postulated for the Protopalatial period (MacGillivray 1987) and for Neopalatial Kommos (Rutter 2004, 77–79). They include deep bowls and kylikes for drinking, kraters for serving, and the fenestrated stands that may have supported kraters or kalathoi. While the greatest concentration of kylikes came from Building B, Room B3, nearly every household included at least one stemmed vessel in its assemblage, with the exception of the houses in Building Complex C-D, and many had kraters, suggesting the possibility that wine was being mixed with water, as in later Greek times (for the function of kraters, see Hamilakis and Sherratt 2012, 197–198). Rarely was a fenestrated stand found without an accompanying krater or a kalathos, indicating that these

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elaborately decorated and unburned stands were part of the dining equipment for social occasions. Thus, the ceramic assemblages provide evidence for daily dining on a household level, with occasional commensal occasions, perhaps within the extended family or with the other kinship groups in other building complexes. Large-scale feasting, however, seems to have occurred primarily in Building A-B. Surprisingly little material relating to spinning and weaving was found in the settlement (Ch. 5, pp. 156–158), and it is assumed that the inhabitants took away with them their portable loomweights and spindle whorls that one would otherwise expect to find in the archaeological record. Spindle whorls were rare at Vronda, and most of the terracotta objects usually labeled spindle whorls are so light that they should be interpreted as beads. As at other LM IIIC sites, kylix stems were cut down for use as spindle whorls. Loomweights are also rare; those that seem to belong to LM IIIC are discoid or pyramidal in shape. Missing entirely are the spools so common in other LM IIIC sites, such as Karphi, Chania, Chamalevri, Palaikastro Kastri, and Chalasmenos. It is possible that such spools once existed at Vronda but had not been fired and so have disintegrated; all the spools found at Karphi showed signs of secondary burning, which may account for their preservation (Day 2011c, 322–324). Despite the limited evidence, enough has been found to suggest that the spinning and weaving of wool were household activities at Vronda. Other household activities are more difficult to assess from the archaeological record. There are no clear-cut sleeping areas within the houses, and people may have slept in various rooms, perhaps moving as the seasons demanded. A L-shaped line of stones next to the bench in Building I, Room I3, was thought to be a possible outline of a bed, much like those found today in the modern field houses around the Vronda ridge, but no other possible sleeping installation has been identified. The many vessels for storing and pouring liquids (jugs, amphorae, small jars) and for large- and small-scale storage suggest that the inhabitants stored at least some of their necessities, but it is not clear if the households were self-sufficient. All of the houses produced some evidence for storage, but except for Building B and possibly Rooms D2D3, there were no special rooms entirely devoted to storage. Although a few of the vessels identified as

serving for storage may have had a primary or secondary function as chimney pots, most of the pithoi and jars would have served the primary function of storage, critical to the livelihood of the inhabitants. In the best preserved building complex, I-ON, we can estimate the volume of the pithoi (App. C; Glowacki et al. 2011), and the storage capacity of 315–322 liters represented within a single building (Building I) would not have been enough for the self-sufficiency of a household. Christakis (2008, 114–116), in his calculation of what it would take to sustain a family of five for a year, suggests an amount closer to 2,000 liters would have been needed; by this reckoning, the vessels in Building I could only have stored enough food for two to three months. The number of storage jars in Building E West (eight pithoi, two pitharakia, and three pithoid jars) suggests that this household may have been self-sufficient, but unfortunately few of the pithoi could be restored, even on paper, so we cannot estimate the capacity for this building. At least one house, Building E East, showed signs of a different type of storage; Room E7 had at least seven pithoid jars, the greatest number of any room or building on the site. Pithoid jars at Vronda are generally deep and cylindrical, with wide, open mouths that give them high accessibility and high transportability, but low capacity. They would not have been particularly useful for long-term storage because of the difficulty of closing off the mouths, but they could have contained liquids. It is not clear whether these vessels were used for small-scale storage or if they were used in some industrial process such as the washing or dyeing of wool or even the tanning of hides. In short, it is apparent that there are fewer storage jars in the households of the LM IIIC community of Vronda than we would expect based on evidence from earlier communities on Crete (Christakis 1999, 2008) and ethnographic studies of subsistence-focused communities (Nowicki 1999). We would have to suppose that 75% of the pithoi were removed in postdepositional processes to say that the houses were self-sufficient. There are a number of ways to interpret the quantitative evidence for household storage. It is indeed possible that the inhabitants took the majority of usable pithoi with them when they abandoned the settlement. Although heavy storage jars would presumably not have been among the things that people chose to take with them, the common

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medium-sized and small pithoi, perhaps containing foodstuffs or other goods necessary for survival, may have been considered portable, especially if the population was moving to the nearby Kastro. In this case, only the broken pithoi or those too large to move would have been left behind. There may also have been postabandonment scavenging during which usable objects were removed, either for functional or symbolic reasons or for both. That pithoi continued to be used long after their time of manufacture can be seen at Azoria, where a LM IIIC pithos (of a fabric common at Vronda) was still in use and possibly displayed on a seventh century floor (Haggis et al. 2004, 354), and there are other examples from Crete of even later use of Bronze Age pithoi (Whitley 2011, 27–31). Finally, an alternative explanation for the low level of storage represented by the Vronda houses is that their inhabitants did not need to maintain adequate supplies to subsist independently for an entire year because Building A-B made up for insufficiency in the stored goods in the individual household units. The daily activities represented in most households at LM IIIC Vronda did not necessarily take place in two buildings that were clearly different in form and function: Building A-B and the Shrine (to be discussed in the future volume on Building G). Although Room G2 of the Shrine had a hearth, probably for light and heat, there is no evidence for domestic activities in this structure. Building A-B also has some features in common with the other houses (e.g., a hearth room), but it is distinguished from them in its size, refinements (carefully built walls, incorporation of earlier structures, second story, courtyard, terracotta window frame), configuration (specialized storerooms, static nature), and assemblages (large pithoi, kylikes, rhyton, building or foundation deposit). Some of the activities undertaken there may have been the same as those that went on in the other houses, but unfortunately the deposits from Building A were not preserved because of erosion and earlier archaeological activities, and some of the material from Building B is also gone. The hearth in Room A1 may indicate that cooking occurred there, as well as lighting and heating, but the storerooms in Building B did not produce much cooking pottery. The unusual amount of cooking pottery found in Building J to the north may have had a connection with dining in Building A-B. Perhaps Building J was used

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to provide food for communal occasions, as at Chalasmenos, where two houses in Sector B may have served as a storage and cooking area for the commensal meals that were served in the megarons in Sector A (Tsipopoulou 2005b, 322; 2011a, 344– 346; 2012, 217). The pottery found in Building B at Vronda gives a hint of the activities that took place in Building A-B. Storage on a considerable scale is attested by the specialized magazines with large and elaborately decorated pithoi. Interestingly, few other types of jars were found in the magazines of Building B, indicating that the storage was confined to a limited number of extremely large storage vessels. Estimates of capacities show that the pithos from Room B7 (B7 P26; ca. 888 L) and the three from B3 (B3 P20–B3 P22; ca. 1,275–1,325 L) would have had a total volume of 2,100–2,200 liters (App. C; Table 93, below; Glowacki et al. 2011). If we estimate that the three pithoi that Boyd found in B1/2 and then discarded were similar in size to those from B3, we can add another 1,200 liters, for a total of 3,300 liters, far more than what would be necessary for a family of five (Christakis 2008, 117). These vessels had more capacity than even the large pithoi used in the Neopalatial palace at Knossos (Christakis 2008, 53). Their size and elaborate decoration were originally designed for display, and they must have been meant to impress, even though they were located in basement storerooms. The capacity of Building A-B, then, was considerably greater than that of a single house in the settlement. The distinctively large storage capacity of this single building, its fixed and permanent installation of large storage jars (they would not be easily moved around once in place, unlike the smaller storage vessels), and the elaborate decoration of those jars clearly indicate the unusual nature of Building A-B, but we are left with the question of what this storage means. If the storage capacities for the individual houses could not sustain the inhabitants from one growing season to the next, as the evidence from Building I may suggest, then Building A-B may have served as a redistribution center for staples, providing food either in return for services or in commensal events, or both (but see Christakis 2008, 122–123, for a critique of the idea that palaces or mansions served as redistributive centers). Although the building may have been a granary for the community, the lack of other

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communal features in the settlement, especially in such elements as baking facilities, would argue against this interpretation. The storage facilities in Building A-B may represent a form of social storage, where the villagers gave agricultural produce in return for tokens that could be redeemed in time of need (Halstead and O’Shea 1982, 93). That agricultural goods may have been given to those in control of Building A-B and distributed to the other villagers at feasting and drinking occasions is suggested by the quantities of elaborate drinking vessels found there (see below, pp. 223–224). The rooms of Building A-B also differ from those in other houses in their ceramic assemblages. Two types of deposits have been identified in this complex, each with its own problems of interpretation, and each reflecting different activities related to Building A-B. The first type of deposit is that from Room B4 and the lower layer in Room B7, which seems to have belonged to an earlier period of the building’s history. The second type is represented by the material found with the storage jars in Rooms B3 and B7, which gives clues to the function of the building at the end of the settlement’s existence. At the time of construction or in an early phase of the building’s development a deposit of pottery and animal bones was placed in Room B4, with some joining fragments occurring in the lowest level of Room B7 (Day and Snyder 2004, 67–71; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 39–47, 59–63). There may have been two separate acts of deposition in Room B4: one represented by the fine pottery in the north portion of the room and the other by the animal skulls and cooking pots in the southern third. The ceramic material in the northern part of the room is highly unusual and resembles nothing else found at Vronda. The deposit contains a high percentage of fine wares, including a large number of drinking vessels (16 cups or deep bowls, a champagne cup, a kylix), three highly decorated kraters (including the largest on the site), two elaborate stirrup jars, and at least three jugs, all dating to early in the LM IIIC period. Other unusual pottery was recovered here, including a possible rhyton, several bowls, a basket kalathos, and two coarse kalathoi. This assemblage resembles pottery found in pits of LM IIIC date at Thronos/Sybrita (D’Agata 1997– 2000) and at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and

Papadopoulou 2005, 364–376), where the deposits have been interpreted as rubbish from repeated ritual events (D’Agata 1997–2000, 56). Most recently, a pit has been found in connection with a LM IIIC “megaron” built over EM house tombs at Petras, which has vessels of similar types and date (Tsipopoulou, ed., 2012, 126–128). Similar pits were also found at LM III Quartier Nu at Malia, where they have been identified as favissae or ceremonial pits (Driessen, Farnoux, and Langoir 2008). Although there is nothing overtly ritual in the vessels found at Vronda, based on the parallels with the pits at Chamalevri and Thronos/Sybrita it would seem possible that the deposit in Room B4 represents the remains of a ceremonial ritual that involved drinking and probably eating; the animal bones found with the pottery in the northern part of Room B4 seem to represent debris from dining but not wide-scale feasting. The Vronda deposit differs from those at Thronos/Sybrita and Chamalevri, however, in that it was placed not in a pit outside the buildings, but within an architectural space, and it seems to represent a one-time event rather than a repeated occurrence. It seems likely that the B4/B7 material represents a building or foundation deposit, perhaps put in place at the time of the construction of Building A-B or during its remodeling. Building deposits are thought to have been associated with events that occurred when buildings were transformed and relations between people and places were redefined. They may reflect an appropriation of the past and maintenance of continuity, a form of engagement with the environment and the past, as much as the negotiation of power relations in society (Herva 2005, 224). The pottery from Room B4 is similar in date (early LM IIIC) to that recovered in the fill deposited when the East Terrace Wall was constructed, but pottery phases in early LM IIIC are not yet refined enough to be certain that the B4 deposit reflects a ritual that accompanied the construction of Building A-B. There is some indication that the material may have been deposited when the building was remodeled; Room B7 is later than the other rooms in the building, to judge from wall abutments, and pottery joins were made between vessels in Rooms B4 and B7. It seems more likely, therefore, that the material was buried at the time of the remodeling of Building B, which seems to

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have occurred early in the settlement’s history. At this time, Room B4 may have been transformed into a staircase or a ramp leading up to a room on the second story. Some of the same material may also have been deposited below the newly constructed Room B7. The deposit of animal bones in the southern part of the room has the appearance of a pit, because the skulls of most of the animals are arranged in a rough circle, but no pit was recognized during excavation. These bones may have been placed in the room after the original deposit was made, but it is more likely that they were part of the same event as the material found in the northern part of the room, especially if Room B4 was covered over by a ramp, staircase, or room. The animal bones do not represent ordinary cooking debris, but included two or three cattle skulls, agrimi horn cores, and a pig skull. The cattle skulls had been modified, perhaps to hang on a wall as decorations (Day and Snyder 2004, 69–71). The combination of domestic animals (cattle and pig) and wild animals (agrimi) may also have been significant. Cattle were used for sacrifices in religious rituals in the earlier palatial cultures on Crete. Evidence for this can be seen in the cattle horns from the House of the Sacrificed Oxen at Knossos (Evans 1921–1935, II, 302) and the cattle bones in Tholos A at Archanes (Sakellarakis 1970). Horns of consecration also continued to be used as decorative elements in pottery, often associated with the double axe, in the Vronda settlement and at other LM IIIC sites; horns of consecration also adorned several plaques and one of the snake tubes in the Shrine (Gesell 2001; 2004, 141–143, figs. 7.9, 7.11, 7.14). Cattle, and particularly their horns, may thus have had symbolic meaning beyond representing food debris or slaughter for hides. Modified cattle skulls were also found in the Psychro cave (Boyd-Dawkins 1902), where they probably had a religious meaning. The wild goat horns suggest that the inhabitants engaged in hunting, an activity that is often associated with aristocratic groups (Hatzi-Vallianou 2004, 111). Considered together with the pottery, the animal bones might be interpreted as the remains of a ritual that included drinking and dining, possibly taking place when the building was remodeled. The combination of cattle skulls, with their religious

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associations, and agrimi horns, the object of (possibly) elite hunting, together suggest that the ritual had some religious connections and was performed by elite members of the community. The later deposits of vessels from Rooms B3 and B7 are somewhat different and do not look like the assemblages in the other houses. Both include very large pithoi, three in Room B3 and one in Room B7. In addition, Room B3 produced fragments of at least 10 kylikes, a rhyton, and six kalathoi. The rhyton shape was used for libations in religious ritual in earlier periods, and the kalathoi may have been used as lamps for nighttime activities, although they may sometimes have held ritual offerings as seen in the Shrine (Gesell 1999). Although most houses at Vronda had one or more kylikes, the number found in Room B3 is unusual and suggests that the commensal consumption of drink, probably wine, was an important activity in the building. What this means in terms of the social, political, and economic organization of the community will be discussed below. Finally, the inhabitants of Vronda doubtless buried their dead in the vicinity of the settlement, but precisely where their graves were located is uncertain. Although the enclosure burials placed in the abandoned buildings were certainly constructed long after the settlement went out of use, it is unclear if the tholos tombs scattered around the edges of the settlement were originally built by the LM IIIC inhabitants. Although some possible LM IIIC pottery was found in these tombs, the majority of early material found in the tholoi is SM, later than what was found in the settlement. It is possible that all traces of earlier burials were removed, either because the burying population cleaned out the tombs periodically or as a result of later disturbances. At least one tomb (Tomb VIII), which cut through the rooms of Building L, must have been built after the abandonment of that house, but no evidence exists to prove that the others were also built later than the settlement. Tomb XI may have cut into an earlier building, but it is not certain. Nevertheless, almost no pots or objects contemporary with the settlement were found in the tombs. There is no evidence from burial practices, then, that can help us to reconstruct the society of LM IIIC Vronda.

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The Society of the LM IIIC Settlement Social Structure The basic unit of Vronda society was the household, a social unit defined by coresidence, kinship, and economic cooperation (Glowacki and Vogeikoff-Brogan, eds., 2011, 1; Hatzaki 2011, 248; see above, Ch. 1, p. 26). As we have argued extensively elsewhere (Day and Glowacki 1993; Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000; Glowacki 2004, 2007; Glowacki and Klein 2011; Day 2016), it is probable that the Vronda households were composed of nuclear families. The prevalence of the nuclear family has been suggested for Crete in general in this period, but without any supporting evidence other than modern ethnographic parallels (Nowicki 1999, 147). At Vronda, the evidence for the nuclear family comes from the architecture and features of the houses, whose alterations reflect the growth and change of the inhabitants. The site is made up of agglutinative clusters of houses. Within each cluster, individual houses can be identified; the rooms in the houses are generally on the same level and/ or are connected by doorways. The sequence of building can be determined by the bonding and abutment of walls. New constructions within each complex utilized an existing wall from an earlier building, and their cross walls abutted against this wall. Generally a new construction was laid out on a lower terrace, and the use of terraces going downslope meant that buildings tended to be long and rectangular. Each house had from one to five rooms, depending on needs, but always included one larger room with a central hearth that served as a focus for cooking and socializing. Often these hearth rooms had other built features, like benches, ovens, and platforms. When a new building was constructed, it replicated the major features of the earlier building, particularly in the inclusion of a large room with central hearth. This replication of the hearth room and cooking facilities seems to us to be a good indication that the basic unit was a nuclear family; when a new generation became independent, a house with its own hearth room was built next to the original home. The use of existing walls for building, the proximity of one house to the next, and the preference for enlarging existing structures rather than creating separate freestanding buildings

seems to indicate the growth of nuclear or minimally extended families (Glowacki and Klein 2011, 454). The clusters, then, represent multihousehold units of kin-related groups, a sort of extended family (Glowacki 2007). Two buildings, however, did not show this agglutinative growth: the Shrine and Building A-B, which were both important communal buildings, ones that were used by and made accessible to some members of the community, but not necessarily all (Sjögren 2007, 149). Although the houses show similar features, they vary in ground plan, at least in part due to topographical features and available space. The amount of dwelling space differs from cluster to cluster and house to house; most of the houses have a floor area of 20–50 m² (see Tables 16–23). Of the complexes for which we can provide good measurements (i.e., excluding Complexes J-K and L-M, which were badly disturbed) Building Complex C-D is the largest cluster, with a total floor area of 201.57 m², while Building Complex E is the smallest, with a floor area of more than 77.05 m². Not unexpectedly, Building D has the largest single house (Rooms D1–D3: total roofed space 53.47 m²), but also, surprisingly, one of the smallest (Rooms D4 and D5: total roofed space 26.06 m²). Building A-B is much larger than the other buildings, with total floor space on the ground floor of 120.77 m². Because of the upper story over Rooms B1/2, B3, and B7 in Building B, that figure should actually be larger (est. 148.66 m²), and the size would have been even larger still if the area east of A1 was also occupied by an additional room or rooms. Individual rooms also differ in size. Apart from Room A1, Building D has the single largest room of any of the houses; the next largest are J1 and N1. Other hearth rooms, which tend to be the largest rooms in the houses, fall in size roughly between 15 m² and 38 m². A look at the sizes of the houses thus shows some interesting features that may relate to the social organization of the community. Building Complex C-D seems to be the largest of the house complexes. Its position on top of the ridge and next to Building A-B, together with its size and the size of many of its rooms, suggests that its families

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may have enjoyed higher status than those groups living in the buildings on the slopes of the ridge (Glowacki and Klein 2011, 455). Building Complex J-K had buildings with large rooms (Building J had roofed space of 62.71 m², Building K had 43.13 m²; Table 23), even though it did not expand to as large a size as Building Complex I-ON below, possibly because of limited space on the summit (Glowacki and Klein 2011, 455). The finds from Building J are also unusual in the quantities of decorated fine ware, cooking vessels, and large pithoi. These assemblages perhaps mark Building J-K as more similar to Building A-B than the other houses and strengthen the theory that the inhabitants of the buildings on top of the ridge had higher status than those who lived on the slopes. The buildings on the slopes are smaller than those on the summit. Although size is not necessarily a status marker, the combination of smaller size and less attractive location (whether for aesthetic reasons or because they were farther removed from the most important building or people) suggests that the inhabitants of Building Complexes E, I-O-N, and L-M may have had somewhat lower status than those who lived on the summit.

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How large was the Vronda population? Estimates of population for ancient settlements is difficult (for a review of the problems, see Whitelaw 2001, 15–19). If we accept that the Vronda settlement was made up of nuclear or minimally extended families, then each household probably had four to seven individuals (Glowacki 2007, 134; see also Whitelaw 2001, 15–17, who gives the figure of 4–5 individuals, while Nowicki 1999, 147, suggests 5–8). Twenty houses have been identified (Table 26), and others may have existed, to judge from remains of walls elsewhere on the site. The amount of interior space for each house depends somewhat on whether it consists of one (20–40 m²), two (23– 46 m²), or more (33–75 m²) rooms (see above, Ch. 1, p. 37; Charts 1–4). We estimate that there were 20–25 houses: Buildings C1, C2, C3–C5, D1–D3, D4-D5, E1-E4-E6, E2-E3-E5-E7, J1-J5, J2–J4, K1K2, K3-K4, I1–I5, O1–O4, N1-N2, N3-N5, N4, L1L2, L2/3-L3, M1, Building A-B, and perhaps a few more west of Building L and West of Building D. This leads to a population estimate of 100–150 people living in the houses of the Vronda settlement.

Political Organization If the organization of the community was based on nuclear families and kinship groupings in clusters, then what was the nature of authority among these groups? With some variability, the houses seem to be similar in scale and contents, a fact that suggests little ranking among them, although the buildings on the summit may have belonged to members with slightly higher status in the community. The differences between these houses and Building A-B, however, suggest that authority rested with the inhabitants of A-B. Its static plan that did not grow the way the houses did to accommodate the changing needs of families (Glowacki and Klein 2011, 455–456), along with its location, size, architectural refinements, use of space, contents, and possible incorporation of earlier walls, all mark the building as different from the others on the site. Its location on top of the Vronda ridge, in the area where an earlier Protopalatial and possibly a Neopalatial structure had been, allowed the builders to

utilize the earlier walls, either from expediency or to make a symbolic connection with earlier inhabitants. As noted above, it is unlikely that after a gap of some 250 years anyone would have remembered what the earlier structures meant, but the inhabitants may have invented a past for the site that was important in the construction of their new identity, whether they were associating themselves with ancestors or with some mythic group that they believed had lived there in the past (Whitley 2002, 124). The location of Building A-B on top of the summit, rising above its massive terrace wall, made a visible statement about the importance of the structure, especially to those who were coming from the spring or other sites in the Kavousi cluster—Azoria and Kastro. The large decorated window, if it adorned the exterior of the wall of Room B7, would have marked the building’s importance as well, particularly if the spiral decoration and six-paned type were still remembered

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as symbolizing authority. Building A-B, with its two stories, would have towered above the other houses, which stood only one story high. It clearly was a building that was central in the life of the community. Not only do location, size, and architectural features indicate the importance and difference of Building A-B, but the finds within it suggest functions that were not the same as those of the ordinary houses. Two aspects of the assemblages must be noted: the very large storage capacity represented by the pithoi and the large number of kylikes. The pithoi suggest control over agricultural resources, while the kylikes indicate that drinking formed a major activity in Building A-B. The function of Building A-B in the community may be interpreted in three possible ways with respect to its storage facilities. One possibility is that this storage represents communal ownership and control of agricultural production and surplus, as was apparently the case in EN Knossos (Tomkins 2007a, 189). The fact that the individual households at Vronda had their own storage facilities, even though limited, however, argues against this interpretation. A second possibility is that Building A-B was a communal dining facility like the later andreion on Crete or perhaps resembling the Near Eastern marzeah (Carter 1997). Such an interpretation has been given to similar buildings at Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 345–347; 2012, 217). Whether such communal dining establishments were part of the culture of Minoan Crete is questionable, and it is not clear what evidence could be used to determine their existence. Buildings of the Neopalatial period have been interpreted as the forerunners of the andreion, based on architectural features, finds, and possible artistic representations of male initiation rites (Koehl 1997), but there is no evidence that such rites, even if they existed, continued during the long period of Mycenaean influence on Crete. In fact, Koehl suggests that they had been suppressed by the Mycenaeans (Koehl 1997, 147), although Driessen and Fiasse (2011, 296) argue for a possible andreion at LM III Quartier Nu at Malia. There is some later evidence for communal dining at two sites in East Crete: an andreion has been identified at Hellenistic Praisos, east of Kavousi (Whitley 2011, 40–41), and a communal dining building has been recognized at nearby Azoria

in the Archaic period (Haggis et al. 2004, 2007b, 2011b). Both this building and a monumental civic building produced substantial remains of pithos storage and reduplicated kitchen and storage spaces, cultic installations, and ceremonial rooms that show evidence of drinking and dining activities, especially krater stands, cups, and skyphoi (Haggis et al. 2011b, 63). Contemporary houses also possessed storage vessels and food processing equipment (Haggis et al. 2011a), as one would expect for the women and children who did not participate in the common mess or for times when food was consumed at home. Although Erickson (2010, 313–320; 2011) argues against the interpretation of the communal dining building at Azoria as an andreion, the structure does appear to have been a locus for communal dining or feasting. Building A-B at Vronda possesses some of the same features and a similar relationship to the ordinary houses, and it could have served as a building for communal dining. The specialized pottery found in Rooms B3 and B7 is related to drinking (the kylikes) and to ritual activities (the rhyton and possibly the kalathoi), but other features found in the Azoria structures are lacking or different. Although fenestrated stands like those found in the communal dining building at Azoria were common in the houses at Vronda, none was found in Building A-B. Very little cooking pottery was found in Building A-B, in part because so little of the original contents still remained. It is possible that Building J served as a kitchen and food preparation area for Building A-B, as is suggested by its proximity, size, and large quantities of cooking pottery, including some of the largest forms found on the site. A similar situation has been posited for Chalasmenos, where one building (Building B) is interpreted as a cooking area for the elite dwellings (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 340–344). Not enough cooking equipment was found within Building A-B, however, to indicate communal dining of the sort suggested for Azoria. Thus the interpretation of Building A-B as a communal dining building remains a possibility, but one which lacks definitive supporting evidence. Finally, as has been argued elsewhere (Day and Snyder 2004, 78; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 63), Building A-B may have been the house of the leader of the community: a ruler, “chieftain,” or “big man.” The building fits all of the

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criteria established by Mazarakis Ainian for a ruler’s house: exceptional features, a prominent location, and unusual finds (Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 271); only interior furnishings are missing, although the skulls found in Room B4 may once have adorned the walls. Whitley has suggested that this ruler at Vronda was a “big man,” pointing to three features typical of big man societies: the building was not in use for a long time, it was placed in a central location that advertised its position, and its leader invested in display by feasting (Whitley 1991, 348–352). The use of the building over some four generations, however, would argue against the categorization of Vronda as a big man society, since such societies are unstable and rarely last more than two generations (Whitley 1991, 351). The leader of the Vronda community seems to have controlled agricultural resources and to have stored surplus in the storerooms. It is likely that storage included wine; the large pithos from Room B7 had a hole in the bottom (intentional and made before firing), as if to drain out liquid, perhaps the dregs of the wine. Wine would have been used in the convivial activities that may have helped establish and maintain political control of the community (Hamilakis 1996, 25–26). If wine was not available locally, at least in large quantities, as suggested by the occurrence of wild rather than cultivated grape pips in the settlement, then the person(s) in charge of Building A-B may have provided that commodity for the community, perhaps having acquired it through trade. The unusually numerous, large, and elaborately decorated kylikes were ideal for drinking and feasting activities. From the time of the mainland presence on Crete, the kylix had been the drinking vessel par excellence, deployed in drinking and feasting activities of the Mycenaean elites, both on the island and on the mainland (Wright 1996; 2004; Yasur-Landau 2010, 136). It is almost certain that these kylikes were used for the consumption of wine, which may have been controlled by those in entitlement relationships and often deployed in competitive consumption activities (Hamilakis 1999, 45). Many of the Vronda kylikes have very large bowls and small feet. The size of these vessels may indicate that they were communal vessels, passed around from one person to another, either to be shared or in a form of competition (cf. Day and Wilson 2002, 149, for the EM period). They

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were elaborately decorated and were meant to be seen, perhaps part of a performance of communal or competitive drinking (Hamilakis 2008, 12). The small feet made it difficult for these vessels to stand and may indicate competitive drinking contests; the contents would have to be drunk so that the bowl could be turned upside down, otherwise it would tip over and spill. The elaborate decoration, although poorly preserved, may also suggest something about social function. Borgna (2004a, 248) has suggested that the decoration on drinking vessels, with its redundancy and accumulation of elements, is in general used in arenas of social competition aimed at establishing vertical relations or hierarchical order. If her interpretation of the decorative schemes on LM IIIC drinking vessels is correct, then this might be another piece of evidence for competitive drinking activities in Building A-B. The existence and importance of drinking, and of competitive drinking contests, is now well recognized (Dietler 1990, 1996, 2001, 2006; Milano, ed., 1994; Wright 1996, 2004; Joffe 1998; Arnold 1999). In the Aegean, it is clear that drinking and feasting were important to the Mycenaean social and political organization (Wright 2004; Nakassis 2012, 23–25), which spread to Crete in LM III, when the large numbers of small, mass-produced conical cups that could be used by all members of the community were replaced by large, decorative stemmed cups belonging to the elite (Borgna 2004a, 2004b). Deployed in drinking rituals, the kylikes may have reinforced the power of the leader or elite group in the community, as has been documented elsewhere (Dietler 1990; for references to the dynamics of such drinking rituals, see Borgna 2004b, 182 and references; Smith 2011, 305–306). The numbers of large kylikes in Building A-B imply feasting and drinking that continued the earlier pattern found in LM IIIA–IIIB. At the same time, kylikes and other stemmed cups were found in all of the houses. Either some of the members of each household brought their own kylikes with them to the drinking parties in Building A-B (perhaps competing in size or decoration of the vessels), or each household held its own convivial gatherings on a smaller scale. It is possible that in these gatherings, which might be termed alliance feasts (Hayden 2001, 37–38) and that may have marked major life occasions within the family

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such as marriage, coming of age, death, and ancestor worship, the fenestrated stands were regularly used to support kraters or offering bowls. It is interesting to note that the deposit in Room B3 differs markedly from that found in Room B4, which may represent the remains of a different type of ritual, one held at the time of the construction or remodeling of Building A-B. The earlier deposits in B4 and B7 contained many deep bowls and cups decorated with simple repetitive patterns; the only stemmed cups were the blob-decorated champagne cups. Along with the drinking vessels were at least two large and elaborately decorated kraters, several octopus stirrup jars, decorated jugs, and cooking (cooking pots and cooking dishes) and serving (tripod trays and lekanai) vessels. These were accompanied by the decorative skulls and paired horn cores that may once have hung on the walls, possibly before the building was remodeled, and possibly representing remains of earlier feasts, as exemplified in the ethnographic record (Hayden 2001, 55– 56, fig. 2.7, for the Akha culture of Southeast Asia). The number of drinking vessels and their comparative simplicity suggests a ritual that was inclusive and involved eating as well as drinking. The later deposits in Rooms B3 and B7, however, contained few deep bowls but many large elaborately decorated kylikes, kalathoi, and storage jars. This assemblage suggests an exclusive ritual in which the consumption of wine was the focus. A similar difference in ceramic assemblages related to feasting and drinking has been noted by Borgna at Phaistos (Borgna 2004a, 248–255), where an early (transitional LM IIIB–IIIC) deposit on the Akropoli Mediana with elaborately decorated deep bowls and kraters differs from a later LM IIIC deposit at the Casa a Ovest del Piazzale I, which contained deep bowls, kraters, kitchen wares, a stand, and many pithoi. Borgna sees these assemblages as reflecting a change in the nature of feasting and in the way in which feasting worked in society. The later LM IIIC deposit conforms to a more restricted and competitive “Mycenaean” pattern that may have been linked to redistribution of resources—hosting and gift giving, or patron-client exchanges (Borgna 2004a, 255). It is possible that within the history of Building A-B we can see not a change over

time, but two different types of commensal events reflecting two aspects of societal needs. The first, a single feasting event to celebrate the founding of the big house or its enlargement, was communal and aimed at establishing bonds among all members of the community and affirming the position of the leader, what Hayden (2001, 54) would call a solidarity feast. The second, a type of periodic and restricted competitive convivial event, was meant to create and reaffirm social ties among the elite and to strengthen the authority of the leader. This type may be that identified as a patron-role feast (Dietler 2001, 82–85), although it may also have been a diacritical feast that used cuisine and style of consumption as symbolic devices to naturalize concepts of class and status in society (Dietler 2001, 85–88). The fact that the drinking and feasting events took place in a special building indicates that the rituals in Building A-B were not empowering feasts, where groups would be competing to acquire and maintain authority (Dietler 2001, 76–82). Although the evidence for the position of Building A-B in the Vronda community could support either the interpretation of a communal dining building or of a ruler’s house, the evidence for the latter seems stronger. This would mean that the Vronda settlement was headed by a leader who lived in Building A-B and maintained his authority by hosting convivial events. This leader may have been hereditary, or the role and the building may have changed hands each generation, allowing members of other kinship groups to assume the authority. Such a situation may account for the evidence of small-scale convivial events within the individual households, as groups perhaps vied for power and position that would ultimately allow them to assume the leadership of the community. It should be noted that this leadership position, although it may have involved rituals, was apparently divorced from the religious power in the village, which resided in the Shrine. This situation contrasts markedly with earlier models of leadership, exemplified by the remains of LM IIIA–IIIB House A at Mochlos, which has been interpreted as both a ruler’s dwelling and a shrine, showing that the owner had both an administrative and a religious function (Soles 2008, 185–187).

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Economic Life Although the economic basis for the Vronda settlement appears to have been agriculture and some herding, there is evidence for small-scale manufacturing and exchange.

Manufacturing The inhabitants of Vronda may have been engaged in metallurgical activities. Although no iron and only one fragment of bronze came from the LM IIIC settlement, some lead was recovered (see above, Ch. 5). At least two of the three lead objects were run-offs, suggesting the local practice of metallurgy. Lead is usually the by-product of silver smelting, a process that is not attested at other LM IIIC sites. The find spots of the runoffs are not secure; one came from the wall tumble over the floor of Room Q2 and the other was found on the floor of Room E2, which was also the top of the cobble fill beneath Building Complex E and might therefore have come from an earlier phase of the site’s history. The other lead object, a bent sheet, was found in a modern terrace wall. There is not enough evidence to prove definitively that Vronda residents were involved in metallurgical production, but it remains a possibility. They were, however, certainly engaged in pottery production, as shown by the presence of a kiln near Building I-O-N and the Shrine (for details, see Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1988, 290–293; Day, Coulson, and Gesell 1989; Day and Glowacki 2012, 51–56). No potter’s quarters such as those found at Gouves (Hatzi-Vallianou 1997) have been identified, nor were there large numbers of wasters in the vicinity, as seen with the Kommos kiln (Shaw et al. 2001). Therefore, our understanding of ceramic technology at Vronda must be based entirely on the remains of the kiln itself. The updraft kiln is of a type that is unusual for Crete in the Bronze Age, although it occurred on the mainland in that era and was common on Crete from the Classical period until modern times. Cretan pottery kilns have until recently been difficult to classify, both because so few had been

uncovered and because it was difficult to distinguish them from ovens and lime kilns (Davaras 1973, 79; Evely 2000, 301). The excavation of potters’ quarters with nine kilns at Gouves (HatziVallianou 1997) and of the kiln at Kommos (Shaw et al. 2001) have made it possible to distinguish different types and to modify existing typologies for Crete (Cuomo di Caprio 1971–1972; Hasaki 2002). Cretan kilns fall into two major categories: channel kilns and circular updraft kilns (Davaras 1973; 1980, 124–126; Niemeier 1997; Evely 2000, 308– 311), which can be distinguished chronologically. In the Neopalatial period channel kilns were normal on the island. The circular kiln with grate did not make its appearance until LM III (Evely 2000, 301). One of the LM III kilns in the potters’ quarters at Gouves (Kiln V) has a perforated floor that is similar to the Vronda kiln, but with a diameter of 0.90 m it is much smaller than the Vronda example (Hatzi-Vallianou 1997, 336; Hasaki 2002, 411), and it is not clear what support it had for the grate. A kiln of LM IIIC date was uncovered at Chamalevri (Andreadaki-Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005, 361, figs. 15, 16); while its perforated floor resembles that at Vronda, it is unclear what support existed for this floor. Another LM IIIC example was recently found at Chalasmenos, but it seems to represent a hybrid type between a channel kiln and a circular kiln (M. Tsipopoulou, pers. comm.). Cretan kilns show a variety of methods of supporting the grate, and the Vronda kiln with its central pedestal is one of the earliest examples to date of this kiln type to have been excavated on Crete (Hasaki 2002, 154). It is interesting to speculate on what the introduction of this new type of kiln might mean. Hasaki (2002, 179) has pointed out that because pottery technology is governed by tradition, this change in type from the large, rectangular channel kilns to the smaller round kilns with grates represents a major innovation. Evely has suggested that the round kiln with a perforated floor is technologically better and is more fuel-efficient because it allows for greater numbers of pots to be fired and

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provides a more even distribution of temperature (Evely 2000, 309). The quality of the Vronda pottery, however, does not support this hypothesis; LM IIIC pottery in East Crete in general seems softer and less well fired than in previous periods. Perhaps the potters had not yet learned how to use the new technology to best advantage. Where this kiln type originated and how and when it came to Crete is still uncertain. Updraft kilns with grates were used on the mainland of Greece as far back as the Middle Helladic period (Hasaki 2002, 199–200), but there the preference was for short walls to support the grate rather than for a central pedestal. It is possible that the mainlanders who controlled Crete in the LM III period brought with them the technological knowledge of this type of updraft kiln, but if so they did not import their most common type, and it took a long time for the new form to become established. The Vronda kiln is among the larger Bronze Age kilns of the updraft type, and its size may reflect the size of the objects fired within (Hasaki 2002, 183). Kilns tend to follow a rough set of proportions (Hasaki 2002, 100–101), although perhaps not constructed according to the strict mathematical relationships proposed for the later kilns at Prinias (Rizza, Palermo, and Tomasello 1992). In the Vronda kiln, the length of the stoking channel is approximately two-thirds of the diameter of the combustion chamber, and the height of the missing superstructure was also probably in proportion to the diameter. If the kiln was used to fire the large pithoi found at the site, then the dome must have been at least as high as the tallest pithos found, which was 1.65 m; the height may thus have been slightly less than the diameter. The pedestal that supports the grate is proportionally larger than the usual dimensions; for a kiln with a diameter of 1.3 m, the average diameter or width of the pedestal should be 0.30–0.33 m (Hasaki 2002, 85), so one would expect the Vronda pedestal to measure about 0.43–0.48 m, rather than the measured dimensions of 0.58–0.78 m. If mainland kilns and technology provided the inspiration for this type of kiln, perhaps the larger and more rectangular pedestal represents a transitional phase from the short wall to the central pillar as support for the grate. The presence of the kiln at Vronda suggests that pottery manufacture was in the hands of a workshop or workshops, rather than independent

householders. The location of this structure is interesting. It is on the edge of the settlement, where the smoke and heat would not be troublesome to the other inhabitants. It is near two structures: Building Complex I-O-N and the Shrine. It is possible that the village potter(s) lived in the nearby house complex I-O-N, although nothing exists to support this idea, and there is no evidence for a workshop anywhere in the vicinity. The proximity of the kiln to the Shrine may suggest a connection between ceramic production and religion. Pottery production may have been under the protection of a deity, especially if that deity were connected with the earth, the source of clay (for the connection of cult activity and technological installations, see D’Agata and Hermary 2012, 279; although common on Cyprus, such associations are not attested in Bronze Age Crete). The kiln may also have been located near the Shrine because it was set up to fire the religious equipment that was used there.

Exchange Not much evidence exists at LM IIIC Vronda for exchange patterns with other nearby settlements, the rest of the island, or areas outside Crete. Except for pottery, there were no imported finds, perhaps in part because such portable high-status objects would have been removed by the inhabitants when they left, whether for their value as imports or for the intrinsic value of their materials, such as metals. The pottery from the site, however, attests to a complex network of intraregional exchange. Several common coarse fabrics have been shown on the basis of petrographic analysis to have been manufactured elsewhere. We know that at least three coarse fabric types (XV, XXII, and XXV) came from the western isthmus area because of their granodiorite inclusions. A micaceous cooking pot fabric (Type XVI) also comes from east of Kavousi near Myrsini and Exo Mouliana (Mook 1999, 505; Day et al. 2006, 156–157). Other phyllite fabrics may come from sites in the Kavousi area (e.g., the Kastro, Azoria, Chalasmenos, or Vasiliki) or from farther east because pottery made of these fabrics show signs of different manufacturing techniques (Day et al. 2006, 156). When these other sites on the isthmus are fully published it will be interesting to compare

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the types and quantities of coarse wares and perhaps to gain an understanding of intraregional exchange patterns. It is already clear that among cooking wares, the Kastro used a greater amount of Types XVI and XXV; Type XVI was particularly popular in cooking dishes in Kastro Phase III, which is contemporary with the Vronda settlement (Mook 1999, 505). The cooking vessels may have been traded conventionally because of certain qualities that were not found in the local product. They may also have come to Vronda through

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other forms of exchange, for example, as a portion of goods that accompanied a bride in marriage. If so, then it is possible that these cooking pots indicate exogamous marriage between Vronda and other nearby communities. The spatial distribution of these imported coarse fabrics at Vronda is also interesting. The highest percentages are found in the houses of Building Complex I-O-N, suggesting that this kinship group had greater contacts with sites outside the area, whether in conventional trading or other forms of exchange.

Ritual Activities There is ample evidence at Vronda for ritual activities, whether religious or secular. A full discussion of the religious practices and beliefs of the people of the LM IIIC settlement will be presented in a subsequent volume on the Shrine, but a few remarks can be made here. It is clear that the Shrine was the focus of the religious practices of the community, whether for smaller groups or individuals within the building itself or for the larger community in the open space west of the building (Gesell 2004, 136; Klein 2004; Klein and Glowacki 2009, 154–156). No evidence for other specifically religious buildings was found in the settlement, a fact that marks Vronda as different from Karphi (Day 2009; 2011c, 332–335) or Vasiliki Kephala (Eliopoulos 1998, 2003, 2004) but similar to Chalasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2009) and possibly Azoria. Some possible evidence for religious rituals also exists in the Vronda houses and in Building A-B. The animal figurines found on and near the platform in the corner of Building D, Room D1, seem to represent a household shrine, perhaps for private devotion (see above, Ch. 3). An animal figurine found to the north of the Vronda settlement on a paving stone along with a fragment of a triton shell may be another ritual installation, but nothing is known about its context. The occurrence of the triton shell with the figurine is interesting, as triton shells are rare at Vronda; they were often found in cult contexts in earlier Minoan sites, where they may have been used as trumpets (Gesell 1985, 4) or as unmodified containers (Reese 1990, 11). They appear in LM IIIC in the Temple and Great House Shrine at Karphi (Prent 2005,

141, 144) and in a cult room at Sissi (GaignerotDriessen 2014, 495–496). Not all of these shells are necessarily related to ritual; the meat is edible, and the shell could be used in utilitarian ways. Only three others have been found at Vronda: one in Building P of MM II date, one in the roofing material in Room J2, and a third in the lower deposit in Room B7. The deposit in Room B7 was probably rubbish from a ritual at the time of the construction or remodeling of Building A-B. The triton in Room J2 was accompanied by an oversize kylix, lekane, and a large cooking pot, all of which may have been used in feasting and drinking occasions. These triton shells may thus indicate the enactment of a ritual, possibly religious in nature. Some ceramic vessels may also have been used in rituals. A rhyton formed part of the deposit in Building B, Room B3, along with the large numbers of kylikes and kalathoi that may have been remains of drinking rituals that went on in the building; perhaps some religious libation was made at the time these or other rituals were enacted. A hut urn was found in Building N, Room N3, and another possible one appeared in Building K, Room K1. These may have had some religious significance (Hägg 1990; Mersereau 1991; Hallager 2009, 119–120), possibly in reference to ancestor cult (Petrakis 2006). Other ceramic vessels that were not exclusively religious in nature may have been used in ritual practices. Although some of the kalathoi may have been used as bowls for religious offerings, as was certainly the case in the Shrine, many kalathoi show signs of burning and may have functioned as

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lamps or braziers rather than offering bowls. Those found in Room B3 could have held offerings made to the deity in the context of drinking or feasting activities, but it is more probable that they served as lamps for these nighttime activities; the burning patterns in most of those from this room suggest the latter. Finally, it is possible that the fenestrated stands found in nearly all of the buildings were deployed in ritual circumstances, like the snake tubes in the Shrine, although they are more likely to have been stands for kraters or kalathoi used in household feasting events. That such feasting had a religious component is quite possible; perhaps stands were used at the feast to hold offerings made to a deity as her portion. In short, although religious practices at Vronda were focused on the communal Shrine, it is likely that religious observances also occurred within the households and possibly at the suprahousehold level in Building A-B. Rituals in general seem to have played an important role in society, and there may have been little distinction between the religious and the secular.

How the religious life of the community was structured and what person or group constituted the religious authority for the population is unknown. The Shrine was apparently used for ritual, not for domestic activities. There is no evidence on the site, however, that a separate establishment existed for a group of religious authorities near the Shrine—a priest’s or priestess’s house. There is also no apparent connection between the Shrine and Building A-B. In fact, the Shrine is on the opposite side of the settlement from Building A-B and at a lower level below the summit of the ridge (Pls. 12, 14:a), where it was not connected to and may not even have been visible from Building A-B (contra Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 296, who erroneously believed the Shrine to be on the summit facing on the same courtyard as Building A-B). The evidence does not tell us what connection the rituals of feasting and drinking in Building A-B may have had with the rituals of worship and offering in the Shrine.

Ethnic or Cultural Identity The question of ethnic or cultural identity on Crete in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages has been discussed since antiquity. In the Odyssey (19.175– 177), Homer describes five different groups living on the island—Dorians, Achaeans, Eteocretans, Cydonians, and Pelasgians—perhaps reflecting the complex situation around the time of the composition of the poem (eighth century) or even earlier. Modern scholars have attempted unsuccessfully to identify these groups in the material culture of the Early Iron Age (Hall 1996, 85; 1997, 111–142), particularly on Crete (Whitley 2006; Perna 2009; for a critique, see Wallace 2010, 17). Pendlebury suggested groups of mainlanders lived in the Eastern Quarter at Karphi, apart from the people of old Minoan stock in the rest of the settlement (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937–1938, 139–140), and Mazarakis Ainian (1997, 219–220) seems to have accepted this idea. Others have proposed strong mainland influence, if not the actual presence of Greek speakers living in LM IIIC Crete (D’Agata 2001; Tsipopoulou and Nowicki 2003,

566; Tsipopoulou 2005b; 2011a). Evidence for the presence of a mainland population has been seen in architecture, in the presence of fixed hearths, in the types of cooking pottery, and in burial practices. The whole question of ethnic or cultural identity is complicated, however, particularly for Crete in this period, and we cannot know from the physical evidence alone how the people of LM IIIC Crete identified themselves or even what language they spoke. The use of Linear B indicates the presence of Greek speakers in LM II–IIIB Crete and suggests mainland control of the island in at least part of that period. Mycenaean cultural practices became embedded in local culture during that time for many reasons, and some cultural hybridization, a process of negotiation that could have taken a variety of forms (for a general discussion of the ways in which this hybridization occurs, see Burke 2009), doubtless occurred. It is worth examining these hybrid elements of LM IIIC Crete to determine

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what they can and cannot tell us about the ethnic/ cultural identity of the Vronda community. The megaron plan is perhaps the most often cited evidence for the presence of Mycenaeans or at least for a strong mainland influence in LM IIIC communities (for a critique, see Wallace 2010, 129–130). An examination of the rectilinear houses composed of at least two rooms, often including a large rectangular hearth room with or without a porch or anteroom and with doorways on axis, shows how different they appear from the other agglutinative buildings, and scholars have pointed out a similarity to the mainland megaron (Tsipopoulou 2005b, 2011a). These scholars, however, often fail to take into account either the natural topography that promotes long narrow terraces with rooms in a row and doorways on axis, or they ignore the other similar rectangular buildings that lie next to and share walls with the megaron-type buildings (Whittaker 2005, 336). Thus at Karphi three megaron-style buildings lie next to one another in the Eastern Quarter (Wallace 2005, 224–225, 265–270; Day 2011c), at Chalasmenos there are groupings of long rectangular buildings (Rupp 2007), and at Vasiliki Kephala two rectangular buildings adjoin one another (Eliopoulos 1998, 2003, 2004). At Smari there are three similar buildings, probably belonging originally to LM IIIC (Hatzi-Vallianou and Euthimiou 2000; HatziVallianou 2004). While the regularity and axiality of these buildings may resemble mainland prototypes, the antechamber is often lacking, and the combination of two or more of these rooms side by side is not regular Mycenaean syntax (Whittaker 2005, 336). It is possible that during the long period of mainland control of Crete the people of the island began to adopt and naturalize this regularized type of building for a variety of reasons (Perna 2009, 40), but the plan should not be used as an ethnic marker to indicate the presence of Mycenaeans. It is just as likely that the local people, trying to identify themselves with powerful groups on the island, emulated features of their buildings that were derived from mainland prototypes (Whittaker 2005, 337). Like the adoption of certain mainland ceramic types (e.g., the kylix), the regular axial building may have become embedded in the island’s hybrid culture during the period of Mycenaean control, being used in the construction of a

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group’s identity by making reference to the dominant power. The presence of a rectangular building does not indicate that Mycenaeans were living in that building or that the residents differed ethnically from the other inhabitants of a community. The plan may have been determined by topography or the available space, and it may also have suggested the high status of the inhabitants by making reference to an older elite building type. The fixed hearth has also been seen as a Mycenaean innovation on Crete and as evidence for ethnic differences, especially since these hearths often occurred in megaron-type buildings. It was Evans (1921–1935, II, 20) who first suggested that after the Prepalatial period fixed hearths were no longer a part of the architecture of Minoan Crete until the LM III period. Studies by Muhly (1984) and M.C. Shaw (1990), however, have shown that fixed hearths were a part of vernacular architecture in the Neopalatial period, and the recent excavation of the palace of Galatas shows that hearths were a feature also of the palaces (Rethemiotakis 1999), so they were not necessarily reintroduced into the island by the Mycenaeans. Shaw has even suggested an eastern origin for the fixed hearths at Kommos (M.C. Shaw 1990, 254). The fixed hearth was a regular feature of the household architecture of LM Crete and thus cannot be taken as a sign of Mycenaeans living in LM IIIC communities like Vronda. Tholos tombs have also been interpreted as evidence of Mycenaean influence or presence in LM IIIC Crete (Tsipopoulou 2005b, 327–329). The origins and continued use of such tholos tombs has been much debated. Common in South-Central Crete in the Early Bronze Age, the Minoan type of tholos tomb may have survived into the Neopalatial period and possibly later (Kanta 1997), but the small tholos with a dromos seems not to appear on the island until the period of mainland control. The tholoi of the LM IIIC period may have imitated not the monumental Mycenaean tholoi (which had already gone out of use by the LH IIIB period), but rather the smaller Cretan imitations from the Final Palatial period, like the one at Achladia (Whittaker 2005, 341). As with the megaron-type building, the tholos tomb may have been used to show elite status rather than being a marker of mainland ethnicity.

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Forms of cooking pottery have also been seen as indicators of mainland influence on the population of LM IIIC Crete, if not of actual Mycenaeans living on the island. This argument has focused on two types of cooking pottery: the round-bottomed tripod cooking pot (Borgna 1997a, 200; Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131) and the flat-bottomed cooking jar or amphora (D’Agata 2001, 346; YasurLandau 2003–2004, 54; Tsipopoulou 2004, 115; 2005b, 320; Kanta and Kontopodi 2011, 131). Cooking pottery tends to be conservative and does not change as quickly as the fine wares used for consumption (Burmeister 2000, 553). Thus a major change in cooking shapes indicates changes in cooking practices and may mark the introduction of a new cultural or ethnic group. Ethnic changes, however, do not necessarily manifest themselves in cooking pottery; at Knossos, for example, the tripod cooking vessel lasted into the eighth century, when the Greek language must have prevailed (Coldstream 2001, 63). If mainlanders were responsible for the introduction of new cooking pottery on Crete, then the change may have taken place over a long period of time, when the Mycenaeans were in control of the island and some form of cultural hybridization occurred. New ceramic cooking shapes cannot be used to show that Mycenaeans were actually living in LM IIIC sites. Of the cooking vessels identified as new and influenced by mainland traditions, recent excavations have shown that the cooking jar had a long history on the island, going back at least to LM IB, and it was not an innovation of LM IIIC (see above, Ch. 2, p. 88). The round-bottomed tripod may indeed represent a new cooking practice, but at Vronda, as at Karphi, this cooking pot shape is rare. The form may already have become part of the local Cretan tradition under the period of mainland control. Otherwise, the traditional Minoan cooking shapes continued. Recent studies have stressed the continuity of cooking pot shapes on Crete from the Early through the Late Bronze Age (Isaakidou 2007, 12). In particular the popularity of the cooking dish, which had a long history on Crete but which did not appear on the mainland

in the Late Bronze Age, shows that Minoan cooking practices were still predominant in the culture of LM IIIC Crete. While Mycenaean feasting habits may have been adopted in that period (Borgna 2004a), particularly the “krater-centered” drinking practices (Whitley 2006, 604), household cooking traditions remained much as they had been in the earlier palatial periods. Without written evidence, we cannot know the language of LM IIIC Vronda, but the inhabitants were probably not Greek speakers. Because almost all elements of the material culture of Vronda and other LM IIIC communities find their roots in LM IIIA–IIIB Crete, it is likely that the people who moved up into the mountain sites at Kavousi were not new to the island, however much they may have been influenced by mainland cultural practices. The architectural features, ceramic types, and burial customs that have been identified as “Mycenaean” in this period all existed in the Final Palatial period and had been adopted by the indigenous population for a variety of reasons during the era of mainland control of the island (Borgna 2003b, 156). Despite all of the other new features that crept into the culture during the Final Palatial period, certain traditions from the Minoan palace periods seem to have continued, especially cooking practices and perhaps religious beliefs. Cooking was still done in the tripod vessels and cooking dishes found since the EM period on the island. With regard to religion, the many statues of goddesses with upraised hands suggest that the inhabitants of Vronda worshipped only female divinities, and there is no evidence for the mainland mixed-gender pantheon. Decoration with religious symbols such as the double axe and horns of consecration also continued from the earlier periods of Cretan history. Finally, the choice of location for the Vronda settlement and the placing of the most important building on the site of visible earlier remains from the Protopalatial and Neopalatial periods suggests that the inhabitants based their self-identity at least in part on a connection to earlier groups in the island, either real or imagined, whether from the Final Palatial period or earlier.

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Conclusions The combined evidence from the architectural, artifactual, and ecological remains discussed in this volume and in Kavousi IIA and IIB has allowed us to reconstruct the history of the Vronda site and the society of the LM IIIC settlement. A few generalizations can be made. First of all, although the occupation of Vronda is punctuated with gaps, the general continuity of habitation attests to the attractiveness of the site for settlement and subsistence farming. The lives of the ordinary inhabitants were probably similar in every era, focused primarily on agriculture. We have pointed out that there is evidence, albeit scanty, for the presence of drinking and probably feasting events at Vronda in the Prepalatial, Protopalatial, and Neopalatial periods, as well as in LM IIIC. Building A-B, whether a communal dining building or a ruler’s dwelling, was preceded on the same spot by an elite Protopalatial structure and possibly one in the Neopalatial period as well. But this continuity of function should not be used to suggest that the nature of commensality or political and social organization was the same throughout the history of the site, nor did Vronda’s position in the wider culture remain static. Major differences can be seen in the nature of feasting and drinking across time. In the Prepalatial period, it is likely that the inhabitants drank wine from individual sets of cups, goblets, and bowls. This mode of consumption, probably ritual in character, has been interpreted as being important for elites and their factions in the negotiation of power (Day and Wilson 2002, 152). Much of the food consumed may have been flat bread or griddle bread prepared on cooking plates, as well as stews and soups in tripod vessels. In the Protopalatial period, beverages were again consumed using sets of fine, possibly decorated, cups and bridge-spouted jars, as at Knossos (MacGillivray 1987). More of the cooking was done in tripod cooking pots, and there were fewer of the cooking plates than in previous periods. Elite dining and drinking occurred in a large building on the summit that may have been a

political center for the region. In Neopalatial times, a large building may have continued in use in the same area, and while some fine decorated drinking vessels were employed, coarse, mass-produced conical cups were most common. Commensality seems to have been spread more widely than in the earlier periods, and it served a different function of inclusivity rather than exclusivity on the part of the authorities at Vronda. At the same time, the apparent rise in the numbers of tripod cooking pots seems to indicate the importance of the food prepared for feasting activities, with a greater focus on stewed and boiled meat dishes. In the LM IIIC period, the big house was again a locus for dining and drinking. Remains of feasting celebrating the foundation or expansion of Building A-B were buried beneath the building, an act of mnemonic construction important for establishing and maintaining group identity in the new settlement (Hamilakis and Sherratt 2012, 193). During the course of the settlement’s history, commensal events seem to have been more exclusive than in the Neopalatial period, and the large, elaborately decorated kylikes that served as the major drinking vessels indicate the performative nature of the events held in the big house, which may have included competitive drinking contests designed to establish and maintain the power of the ruler of the settlement. Finally, we should not look at LM IIIC Vronda in a vacuum. It must be considered with the other contemporary sites in its settlement cluster (Azoria and the Kastro) and with other nearby places, such as Chalasmenos and Vasiliki Kephala. We must also be wary of generalizing the history and culture of the area and the island from one small site. Vronda is in many ways unique among the LM IIIC sites on the isthmus, and its oddities may be related to its position in the site hierarchy of the area. As the material from other sites is more fully studied and published, we may begin to have a greater understanding of the place of Vronda within the region and to assess its importance anew.

Appendix A

Building a Traditional Oven at Vronda Leslie Preston Day, Kevin T. Glowacki, and Nancy L. Klein

In 1994 much time was devoted by the authors to the analysis of the remains of ovens found in the LM IIIC settlement of Vronda (see Ch. 1, pp. 21– 26; Fig. 7; Pls. 9–11). The appearance of many fragments of fired clay in different shapes, including rectangular corners, domelike and rounded pieces, and apparent rim edges, was puzzling, and it was difficult to reconstruct the original appearance of the structures from the remains. Manolis Maniadakis, a local workman from Kavousi village who

helped excavate several of the ancient ovens, offered to build an oven using traditional construction techniques that he had learned from his grandfather. Because it seemed plausible that we might learn something about the ancient construction of such ovens from him, we contracted with him to build an oven on the site, and we documented the construction in writing and photographs. An account of this exercise in experimental archaeology is presented below, along with some of the photographs.

Location We decided to place the oven on the site of Vronda, not within the excavated area of the settlement

or tombs, but in a field outside to the southwest, south of Building Complex I-O-N and close

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enough to that structure to allow us to observe and compare the ancient ovens with the modern construction. Because the oven had to be outside the excavated area, we built it outdoors, rather than

using the corner of a room, as in the LM IIIC houses. Maniadakis informed us that the traditional houses often had ovens both inside and outside.

Materials Four bags of clay were obtained from a local brick factory near Monastiraki, which was found by soil scientists to have exploited clay beds from a site called Lakkos Ambeliou, located to the west of Kavousi (Haggis 2005, 159–160, 164). The clay was refined with few impurities, and it had been soaked for four to five days in water prior to the construction. Maniadakis estimated that he had

about 50 kg of clay prepared for the reconstruction. He also brought with him a long, flat piece of iron, ca. 4 cm wide and ca. 50 cm long, and a bag of dried grass. The stone used in the construction was picked up on the site, generally after a brief look for appropriate sizes and shapes. When a particular size or shape was not available, Maniadakis broke up schist slabs until he found them satisfactory.

Construction After clearing off the vegetation from an area of about 2 m², Maniadakis used large stones to form the foundations of two walls, a longer side and a short back wall, then added a third line of rocks for the other side wall to form a P-shaped enclosure (Pl. 29:a, b). The larger stones were wedged and chinked with smaller cobbles and pebbles. Cobblesized rocks were laid down within the enclosure as a floor, which were intended to hold the heat in and provide protection from the ground moisture. A large rectangular rock was placed in the center of the short side at the front. This would be the “door” side. Maniadakis then took wet, sticky clay from plastic bags, mixed it with water in a rubber zembili until it was the consistency of cement, and spread a layer 5–10 cm deep on the bottom of the oven and curving up the lower 2 cm of the sides (Pl. 29:c). This layer had a roughly flat surface, with the bottom sloping slightly down toward the front. Clay was packed into the interstices between the stones and into the corners. A second bag of clay was mixed with water and dried grass. He emphasized that this was freshly cut (but dry) grass, and not straw. The three large stones in the back wall were coated with a very thick coating of grass-tempered

clay, ca. 20 cm, and shaped to form a curve along the back wall. The next step was to create a doorway by bending the metal strip into a semicircle with horizontal flanges at either side to form the shape of an omega. This served as a support for the door opening (Pl. 29:d). This was placed ca. 30 cm in from the outer edge of the platform base of stones in order to make a space to place hot objects taken from the oven, but the design also allows the sides of the enclosure to function as a sort of “windbreak” to cut down on drafts into the oven. Square stones were set on top of the horizontal flanges at the base of the iron band to anchor it in place, and the stones and iron band were covered with the grass-tempered clay. The stone walls were then raised to the height of the doorway and covered with clay. Maniadakis carefully smoothed the walls as he proceeded, forming a curve between the bottom and the sides until he had created a dome-shaped inner chamber of clay and stones with a flat upper surface and a circular opening on the top (Pl. 29:e). The interior dimensions of the chamber at midpoint were ca. 25 cm wide and 30 cm from the door to the back of the oven. The door opening was ca. 22 cm wide and 18 cm high.

APPENDIX A: BUILDING A TRADITIONAL OVEN AT VRONDA

Maniadakis completed the top of the oven as a mostly flat surface with a round hole in the top, around which he built a raised lip ca. 14 cm in diameter to hold a pot or casserole dish. He made a small channel in this lip for the escape of steam and smoke (Pls. 29:f, 30:a). Much clay had overflowed in front of the oven (Pl. 30:b), but this was simply left in place. The oven could be sealed with flat stones over the front and top (Pl. 30:c). Thus the structure can be used in two ways: for baking within the oven itself, and for cooking in a pot set above the rim of the round opening on top. When he had finished building up the oven, Maniadakis informed us that an oven of this size would typically take several days to dry, and he would slow the process by covering it with damp burlap. If it were fired up immediately, the clay would fracture due to the large moisture content and subsequent shrinkage.

235

After letting it dry for a few hours, Maniadakis came back and removed some of the clay from the interior to build up the rim, and as the area to the left of the doorway began to slump, he added small flat slabs of schist on the interior, notched into the stone wall of the side and expanding out below the opening in the dome, as a sort of impromptu corbelling. At the same time he built up the top lip and continued to smooth and level out the clay all around. A second layer of flat stones was inserted to continue corbelling the top in a sort of flat arch. Maniadakis then smoothed out the exterior surfaces by applying water and using the flat of his hand. The whole procedure took three and a half hours. At the end of the construction, Maniadakis placed plakas over the top opening and door and covered the structure with wet burlap bags to keep it from drying too rapidly.

Use of the Oven After 10 days, we came back to use the oven. Although it was too soon and the drying process had not proceeded long enough, we were constrained by time considerations. At this time, Maniadakis picked up branches and bushes around the site, placed them in the oven, and set them on fire (Pl. 30:d). When the interior had absorbed the heat and he deemed it hot enough inside, he placed a package of lamb chops wrapped in foil to bake

inside while the fire was still going (Pl. 30:e). At the same time, he placed a pan on top of the opening to show how one can cook two ways at once. Maniadakis explained that the traditional oven can be used for baking when the clay is heated up sufficiently. At this time, the burning material is scraped out and the chamber sealed for baking, beginning with baked goods needing a hot oven and ending with those requiring a cooler environment.

Oven Disintegration Yearly examination of the oven was conducted to see how it held up when exposed to the elements. By 1997 it was still holding up quite well, although the stone in front of the door had slipped and the one on top had disappeared. The baked clay of the structure was still intact (Pl. 31:a). The next two years, however, saw major damage to the clay and the superstructure of the oven (Pl. 31:b). The entire superstructure had collapsed or washed

away, exposing the metal frame for the doorway. By 2012, the clay portion of the oven was almost entirely gone, and all that remained was the stone box (Pl. 31:c). The fragility of the clay part of this structure resulted in the disappearance of all evidence of its use as an oven and reminds us that if such ancient structures lay exposed to the elements for 15–20 years, all traces of their function would be gone.

Appendix B

Radiocarbon Dates from Vronda Leslie Preston Day with contributions by Greg Hodgins

During the course of the excavations at Vronda, much carbonized material was encountered. Generally, this material took the form of small flecks, often within the matrix of the roofing material in the houses, and it was not sampled or kept. Larger chunks of carbon, however, were removed for later analysis, including identification and possible radiocarbon dating. Any sample deemed large enough for identification or dating was carefully removed from its surrounding matrix, with every attempt to keep it intact and free from contamination. Carbon was first isolated with fine tools (dental picks or trowels), then removed without human touch using the tip of a trowel and placed immediately into aluminum foil, which was then packaged, labeled, and tied up with string. Some of these samples from secure contexts, such as the floors of houses, hearths, graves, or earlier deposits, were

selected for radiocarbon dating. In the absence of many seed remains, these samples had to be taken from unidentified wood. Twelve carbon samples were sent to Beta Analytic for analysis in 2001. All samples were found to provide sufficient carbon for accurate measurements. These samples were fully pretreated in order to eliminate secondary carbon components and to isolate the C14 that provides a date for each specimen. The procedure involved a standard pretreatment with an initial wash in deionized water, followed by hot hydrogen chloride (HCl) acid washes to eliminate carbonates, and alkali washes (NaOH) to remove secondary organic acids. The alkali washes were followed by a final acid rinse to neutralize the solution during the drying process. Three samples were large enough to be measured by the standard radiometric technique (Samples

238

LESLIE PRESTON DAY

10–12), while the other nine were analyzed using an accelerator mass spectrometer (AMS). The samples were calibrated using the 1998 radiocarbon calibration curve (IntCal98) and later recalibrated by

Greg Hodgins using the 2009 radiocarbon calibration curve (IntCal09). Both calibrations are given in Table 92.

Archaeological Contexts Samples were chosen to represent the major phases of the site’s use, and every attempt was made to identify large enough samples from the most secure contexts. One sample, however (Sample 4), came from a mixed fill below the floor of Building E, Room E1, a stratum that contained EM, MM II, MM III–LM IA, and a small amount of LM IIIC pottery. Two samples (Samples 2 and 5) from Building P were taken from a layer of red soil that may represent decomposed mudbrick from this MM II building. A single sample (Sample 6) was

taken from a pit to the west of Building A that contained undisturbed material from the Neopalatial phase of use (MM III–LM IA). A number of samples came from the roofing material that lay just above the floors of the LM IIIC buildings, including Rooms B7, Q2, E1, G2, N1, and D1 (Samples 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, and 10, respectively). Finally, two samples were collected from the LG cremation cemetery, one from Grave 3 (Sample 12), the other from burned beams of the pyre in Grave 26 (Sample 11).

Results and Calibration The radiocarbon measurements are shown in Table 92. Sample 1 is anomalous, and there seems to have been some sort of contamination. Although the sample came from the roofing up against a LM IIIC wall in Room B7, the area was close to a modern walking path and contamination may have occurred from humans or petroleum products. Sample 10 is also unusual because of its large measurement uncertainty. The others all seem rather high according to the traditional chronologies for these periods, but they are consistent in the sequence of dates: at least one MM II sample (Sample 5) is considerably earlier than the MM III–LM I sample (Sample 6), and these are both earlier than the samples of LM IIIC date (Samples 3, 7, 8, 9, 10), which are also much earlier than the two Geometric graves (Samples 11, 12). Sample 4, from the mixed EM, MM, MM III– LM I, and LM IIIC deposit under Building E West, seems to have come from material belonging to MM III–LM I, to judge from the dates it produced (1532 ± 92 b.c.). It is later than Sample 6 (1700 ± 167 b.c.), which should be of similar Neopalatial date in

terms of the ceramic phasing from the pit west of Building A. The two samples from MM II Building P, however, are quite different in date and suggest that this deposit may have been contaminated by material from LM IIIC during the construction of Building A and the East Terrace Wall. Sample 5 gave a date of 2011 ± 121 b.c., which is a high date for this period traditionally dated to 1700–1650 b.c. It is possible that this sample came from an earlier EM II building that may have stood on the same site. Sample 2, however, is dated to 1151 ± 138 b.c., a date more in keeping with LM IIIC. It is thus likely that the deposits from Building P were contaminated when the LM IIIC settlement was built. The dates for samples from the roofing materials associated with the LM IIIC buildings, probably reflecting the dates of the roof beams, varied a good deal and are higher than the traditional dates for this period (for the dating of the transition from Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age, see Knapp and Manning 2016); it is possible that the roof beams had been cut down earlier. Dates for the LM IIIC settlement generally ranged from the 14th to the

APPENDIX B: RADIOCARBON DATES FROM VRONDA

11th centuries: 1221 ± 163 b.c. (Room E1), 1210 ± 159 b.c. (Room N1), 1209 ± 160 b.c. (Room G2 in the Shrine), and 1151 ± 138 b.c. (Room Q2). Finally, the dates of the samples from the two graves are considerably later than those from the settlement: 970 ± 140 b.c. (Sample 12 from Grave 3) and 794

239

± 122 b.c. (Sample 11 from Grave 26). These dates are earlier than the eighth century dates suggested by their pottery, but their relative sequence is correct, because the ceramics from Grave 26 are a bit later stylistically than those from Grave 3.

Addendum Two additional radiocarbon dates have been recovered from the Vronda settlement. Samples were analyzed from the 1981–1984 cleaning in 1986. Most samples came from the tholos tombs, and these and are presented in the volume on the Vronda cemeteries. Two samples from the floor to

roofing material in Building E, Room E1 included two ovicaprid bones, one from the left radius, the second from the right femur. The first sample yielded a date of 1212–827 b.c., while the second gave a date of 1373–807 b.c., with a 95.4% probablility.

Appendix C

Estimates of Vessel Capacities of LM IIIC Pottery from Vronda Kevin T. Glowacki

Shape, size, and capacity are among the most fundamental physical characteristics of ceramic vessels. As a complement to the detailed overview of ceramic typology provided in Chapter 2 and the discussion of daily life, society, and economy in Chapter 8, this appendix presents estimates of vessel capacities for

the main LM IIIC shapes attested at Vronda (Table 93). The analysis has focused primarily on vessels that preserve complete or nearly complete profiles. In a few cases, less complete profiles were included if the size or shape was unusual or not otherwise represented in the sample.

Methodology The fluid volumes of all vessels listed in Table 93 were calculated using AutoCAD. Scans of the original profile drawings were first adjusted in Photoshop to make sure that the center line was completely vertical, the interior area(s)

to be calculated was clearly marked, the dimensions were verified, and a reference scale (usually a linear scale or square indicating 1 to 10 cm) was present. Next, the image file was imported into AutoCAD, scaled to 1:1, and manually traced to

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KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

demarcate the interior wall and central axis of one half of the vessel. The traced profile, as a closed polyline, was then revolved around the central axis to create a symmetrical three-dimensional solid. Vessel volume was calculated using the mass properties (MASSPROP) command of AutoCAD. As a control, heights and diameters were also recorded and then later compared to the measurements derived from the original drawing. Unless otherwise noted, the capacity estimates in Table 92 were based on one profile (left), producing a completely symmetrical shape. For vessels that were demonstrably asymmetrical (B4 P37, B4 P38, B7 P26, D1 P10, I3 P17, L1 P3, N3 P8, N5 P22), the estimate was based on the average of two profiles. In these cases, the right exterior profile was also used and the restored thickness of the vessel wall was approximated using the left profile as a guide. The irregular shape of lekane I3 P14 required a different technique: using the single published profile (Fig. 54; Day and Glowacki 2012, fig. 70), a series of identical profiles was replicated at intervals that approximated the vessel’s interior, then joined (lofted) to create a single surface from which the volume of the interior could be calculated.

Because it is not known to what level any vessel was actually filled during use (i.e., the intended or effective capacity), all vessels were measured to the top of the rim or, in the case of vessels with spouts or sides with irregular heights, to the point of overflow (i.e., the theoretical max. capacity). As others have noted, while the “effective volume” of a vase may be a more realistic gauge of when the vessel was considered to be full, it is also subject to individual interpretation; the “total possible capacity” is more closely related to the physical characteristics of the vessel itself and is thus more replicable by different researchers (Senior and Birnie 1995, 320–321). In several cases, especially for closed vessels such as jugs and amphorae, we also calculated volumes of the body only, excluding the neck, at a point frequently marked by a painted band, groove, or ridge on the exterior. For pithoi, capacities were measured both to the top of the rim and to the junction of the neck and shoulder, usually indicated by a raised ridge or rope near the upper attachment of the handle. These additional measurements are also provided in Table 93.

Analysis: Drinking Vessels, Kraters, and Pithoi The accurate calculation of capacity (vessel volume) has the potential to offer insights on multiple levels, such as the design and manufacture of pottery, craft specialization, the establishment of standard units of measurement, the intended and potential function of specific vessels, the storage and consumption of foodstuffs and other material goods, and even the economic organization at both the household and suprahousehold levels (Senior and Birnie 1995, 319–320; Christakis 2005, 47; Peña 2007; Engels, Bavay, and Tsingarida 2009, 129; Zapassky, Finkelstein, and Benenson 2006; 2009). Several examples of how this data could be applied to the analysis of ceramic assemblages from Vronda are given below. The smallest drinking vessels are conical cups, which range in size from ca. 0.035 to over 0.086 L (ca. 1.184 to 2.908 U.S. fluid ounces). Cups, the primary drinking vessels at Vronda, are significantly

larger, and seem to represent four sizes: (a) 0.227– 0.334 L, (b) 0.488–0.589 L, (c) 0.837 L, and (d) 5.185 L. The largest cup (N3 P1) is a striking anomaly. An oversized cup such as this must have been highly unwieldy and heavy; it is difficult to see how it could have functioned as a drinking vessel in a domestic context. Because two other kraters were also found in the same room (N3 P2 and N3 P3), it is unlikely that the cup was primarily used for mixing, but perhaps it had some other symbolic association (see Ch. 2, p. 67). Champagne cups, which are not common at Vronda, preserve capacities that fall between those of the low to medium capacity cups and range from ca. 0.316 to 0.441 liters (avg. 0.398 L). Deep bowls, representing the most common shape at the site, also come in a variety of sizes, although clear divisions based on vessel volume are not as immediately evident as in the case of cups.

APPENDIX C: ESTIMATES OF VESSEL CAPACITIES OF LM IIIC POTTERY FROM VRONDA

Deep bowl C4 P5 stands out for its low capacity (slightly more than 0.164 L), less than that of even the smallest cup (excluding conical cups). Most other deep bowls in the sample have capacities that gradually progress from 0.436 (B4 P12) to 0.783 liters (N2 P1), equivalent to medium–large capacity cups. It is possible to group these deep bowls into vessels of slightly more than 0.5–0.6 liters (B4 P13, B4 P14, B7 P4, B7 P5, O3 P1, WS P3; avg. 0.615 L) and those between 0.7 to 0.8 liters (E1 P96, L1 P3, N2 P1; avg. 0.772 L). Larger deep bowls are represented by O2 P1 (> 0.937 L) and B7 P6 (>1.451 L) and are found in both domestic and special status contexts. Since all other deep bowls from Building A-B (B4 P12, B4 P13, B4 P14, B7 P4, B7 P5; avg. 0.585 L) have capacities that fall within the range attested elsewhere on site, the large vessel volume of B7 P6 is noteworthy: its capacity seems impractical for one individual to use easily as a drinking vessel. Other deep bowls or cups (i.e., vessels for which it was not possible to determine the specific shape) display similar subdivisions. The smallest (B7 P7, K3 P2, N5 P1) range from ca. 0.487 to 0.530 liters (avg. 0.515 L), with two others (I3 P8, WS P4) having much larger capacities (avg. 1.590 L). Although the kylix is not among the most common shapes at Vronda, fragments of this distinctive, high-footed drinking vessel have been recovered from most building complexes at the site. At least four sizes of kylikes are represented in the sample: (a) 0.507–0.635 L; (b) 1.301–1.731 L; (c) 2.512 L; (d) 7.708 L. The smallest kylikes have capacities (restored avg. 0.584 L) equivalent to those of medium-sized cups and the most common size of deep bowls. The next size (restored avg. 1.516 L) is larger than all cups (except for the anomalous N3 P1) and equivalent to the largest deep bowl (B7 P6). Kylix E1 P89 (est. restored volume 2.512 L) has nearly 1.7 times the capacity of the previous size group average, and J2 P2 (est. restored volume 7.708 L) is over three times as large again. As with the oversized cup (N3 P1) and deep bowl (B7 P6) mentioned above, such large kylikes seem impractical for normal usage and may have held some ritual or symbolic meaning, perhaps being used only on special occasions to communicate status (Ch. 2, pp. 72–74; Ch. 8, pp. 223–224; Day and Snyder 2004, 73; see Rutter 2011 for a parallel consideration of oversized semiglobular cups from Neopalatial contexts).

243

As noted in Chapter 2 (pp. 74–76), nearly every building complex at Vronda possessed a limited number of fine decorated kraters. The largest preserved example, krater B4 P25, has maximum capacity of 61.652 liters, over 1.6 times greater than that of the next largest vessel of this type (N3 P3, est. restored volume of 37.861 L), 3.4 times greater than that of N3 P2 (18.193 L), and 27.4 times greater than that of D1 P10 (2.249 L), the smallest fine krater from the site. The amount of liquid that could potentially be held in B4 P25 is also 35.6 times greater than the capacity of the largest kylix from Building A-B (B3 P4, at 1.731 L), 47.4 times greater than that of next largest kylix from that same building (B3 P3, at 1.301 L), and 97.1 times greater than that of kylix B3 P5 (est. restored volume 0.635 L). It can also be noted that capacity of krater B4 P25 is 84.6 times greater than the average of the deep bowls (0.729 L), 133.5 times greater than the average of the cups (0.462 L), and 154.9 times greater than the average of the champagne cups (0.398 L) from Building A-B. If kraters and kylikes, deep bowls, cups, and champagne cups were used in drinking ceremonies in and/or around Building A-B (see Ch. 8, pp. 223–224), might these numbers somehow reflect the large numbers of participants—or potential servings— that could be accommodated by such a large vessel? At a minimum, the comparison of the vessel volumes allow us to visualize another aspect of the differences between what we interpret as domestic and special status or “high investment” contexts. Similarly, coarse storage jars are among the most common vessels at Vronda and are attested in several varieties and sizes (see Ch. 2, pp. 98–103). Pitharakia are the smallest, ranging in potential capacity from ca. 12 to 35 liters. Next in size seem to be pithoid jars, but only one complete profile is preserved (E7 P15, at ca. 59 L). Pithoi are the largest and range in capacity from ca. 55 to 888 liters. At least four main sizes of pithoi are represented, each surpassing the maximum vessel volume of the previous class by 73%–190%: low capacity (ca. 55 L), medium capacity (ca. 96–122 L), large capacity (ca. 281–354 L), and extra-large capacity (ca. 612– 888 L). Pithoi from domestic contexts all fall into the low- to medium-capacity range, with a single example of a large capacity vessel (J1 P29, est. restored volume 281.504 L) coming from Building J. The other large (B3 P21, B3 P22) and extra-large

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KEVIN T. GLOWACKI

capacity pithoi (B3 P20, B7 P26) were found only in Building A-B. The variation in the size/capacity of pithoi again highlights the differences between Building A-B and the domestic structures at Vronda. For example, the largest pithos from Building I (I3 P22) can be restored as ca. 0.80 m in height with an estimated maximum capacity of ca. 109 liters. This medium-capacity pithos, with high accessibility and high to moderate transportability, is within the normal range for long- and shortterm storage vessels in Minoan domestic contexts (Christakis 2005, 47–50, 83). Pithos B7 P26, however, one the few large vessels from the site that has been physically reconstructed (see Ch. 2, pp. 101–103), stands ca. 165 cm tall and has an estimated maximum storage capacity of over 888 liters— more than twice the height and over eight times the volume of I3 P22. This extremely large vessel has high capacity, low accessibility, and low transportability, and it is consistent with the types of longterm storage containers that characterize ca. 80% of the pithoi found in most Minoan palatial contexts (Christakis 2005, 47–50, 82). Moreover, the three medium-size pithoi discovered in Building

I represent a combined maximum storage capacity of only ca. 310–317 liters, far less than would be required to meet the subsistence requirements of a household of five to six individuals for a year (Christakis 1999; Nowicki 1999). Various depletion processes (e.g., secondary refuse deposition, curation, scavenging) may have removed up to 75% of the storage vessels from this domestic context (Glowacki et al. 2011; for a summary of site formation processes observed at Vronda, see Table 33). In contrast, the four large and extra-large pithoi recovered by the Kavousi Project in Building A-B represent a combined maximum storage capacity of ca. 2,163–2,214 liters; three large pithoi discovered (but not illustrated) by Boyd in the early 20th century may have been of similar capacities (Boyd 1901, 131–132). Even with this admittedly incomplete set of data, it is clear that the storage capacity of Building A-B far surpassed the needs of an individual household. The economic and social implications of this discrepancy in storage capacity have been discussed in Chapter 8 (pp. 216–218; Glowacki et al. 2011).

Precision versus Accuracy Finally, it should be noted that while indirect estimates of vessel capacities utilizing computerbased programs can be extremely precise, their accuracy depends upon a variety of other factors, including the shape and preservation of the vessel itself, the precision of the artist or archaeological illustrator, the quality and reliability of the scale drawing and its reproduction in publications, the type of program used, and the precision and consistency of the individual technician or modeler in tracing the profile on the computer (Senior and Birnie 1995, 326–330; Zapassky and Rosen 2006, 604–606). Pithos B7 P26, the largest vessel recovered from the Vronda settlement, provides an instructive example. Prior to mending, the profile of the vessel was restored by our artist with an estimated height of ca. 174 cm (Day and Snyder 2004, 66, fig. 5.3; Glowacki 2004, 130, fig. 9.8). The symmetrical AutoCAD model based on this profile and height provided a maximum storage

capacity of ca. 1074 liters. After mending, however, it was clear that the vessel was slightly shorter (ca. 165 cm), more rounded, and less symmetrical than the initial restoration on paper (Fig. 59; Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 56, fig. 40, pl. 11B). Using one (left) profile rotated around the center line of the new drawing to create a new symmetrical AutoCAD model, the maximum storage capacity was calculated as ca. 896 liters—a difference of 16.6% from the initial estimate. Including a second profile (right) to reflect the visible asymmetry of the vessel and averaging the results provided a maximum capacity calculation of ca. 888 liters— a variation of only ca. 1% from the revised symmetrical profile but a difference of 17.3% from the original estimate for the unmended pithos. Unfortunately, it was not possible to calculate the storage capacity of pithos B7 P26 directly (i.e., by actually filling the restored vessel with measurable amount of water or dry material) in order to

APPENDIX C: ESTIMATES OF VESSEL CAPACITIES OF LM IIIC POTTERY FROM VRONDA

evaluate the margin of error in further detail. Although this experimental method would probably provide the most accurate results, it is limited to intact or physically reconstructed vessels that are sturdy enough to survive the process. In addition, the direct approach itself is not always error-free; a study of storage jars from Megiddo, for example, recorded up to a 3% error in measurements taken repeatedly on multiple vessels (Zapassky and Rosen 2006, 606). Our study of the LM IIIC pottery from Vronda has shown that while the method of calculating the volume of fragmentary and even

245

slightly asymmetrical vessels using mathematical approximations and/or three-dimensional modeling can be highly precise, the accuracy of the estimate is clearly limited primarily by the accuracy of the original profile, its reproduction in archaeological publications, and compounded errors in scaling. Despite these limitations, the systematic calculation of vessel capacity using the highest quality of data available provides an important method for comparing and contrasting ceramic assemblages locally, regionally, and diachronically.

Appendix D

Concordance of Inventory, Catalog, and Museum Numbers

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V83.1

B3 P3

—

IIA, 37

V83.2

B4 P25

—

IIA, 45

V83.3

B4 P25

—

IIA, 45

V83.4

B4 P25

—

IIA, 45

V83.5

B4 P29

—

IIA, 45

V83.6

B4 P28

—

IIA, 45

V83.7

B3 P4

—

IIA, 37

V83.8

B4 P11

—

IIA, 44

V83.9

B4 P21

—

IIA, 44

V83.10

B4 P12

—

IIA, 44

V83.11

B6 P7

—

IIA, 51

248

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V83.12

B4 ST1

IM 1134

IIA, 47

V83.13

B4 ST2

—

IIA, 47

V83.14

B3 ST1

—

IIA, 39

V83.15

B3 ST2

—

IIA, 39

V83.16

B7 ST2

—

IIA, 56

V83.17

B4 ST3

—

IIA, 47

V83.18

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 36

V83.19

B4 ST4

—

IIA, 47

V83.20

B1 ST1

—

IIA, 35

V83.21

B4 ST5

—

IIA, 47

V83.22

B6 ST1

—

IIA, 51

V83.23

B6 ST2

—

IIA, 51

V83.24

B6 ST3

—

IIA, 51

V83.25

B6 ST4

—

IIA, 51

V83.26

B4 P25

—

IIA, 45

V83.27 (V98.52)

B4 P38

—

IIA, 46

V83.28

B4 P37

—

IIA, 46

V83.29

B4 P3

—

IIA, 43

V83.30

B7 ST1

—

IIA, 56

V84.1

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.2

AW ST1

—

IIA, 26

V84.3

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 23

V84.4

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.5

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 23

V84.6

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.7

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.8

P TC1

—

IIA, 71

V84.9

D1 ST18

—

IIA, 101

V84.10

D1 ST1

—

IIA, 99

V84.11

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.12

V S1

IM 1129

IIB, 178

V84.13

R1 ST2

—

IIA, 158

V84.14

AS ST2

—

IIA, 26

V84.15

C5 ST3

—

IIA, 94

V84.16

C5 ST1

—

IIA, 93

V84.17

Not cataloged

—

IIB, 22

V84.18

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 29

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

249

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V84.19

Not cataloged

—

IIB, 22

V84.20

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.21

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 21

V84.22

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.23

D1 ST8

—

IIA, 100

V84.24

AS ST1

—

IIA, 26

V84.27

C4 SI

IM 1131

IIA, 90

V84.28

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.29

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.30

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.31

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.32

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 29

V84.33

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.34

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.36

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.37

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.38

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.40

D1 ST9

—

IIA, 100

V84.41

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.42a

EC ST1

—

IIB, 38

V84.42b

EC ST2

—

IIB, 38

V84.43

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 29

V84.44

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.45

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 67

V84.46

E2 M1

—

IIB, 22

V84.47

E2 TC1

IM 1014

IIB, 24

V84.48

E2 ST1

—

IIB, 22–23

V84.49a+b

B8 TC1

—

IIA, 59

V84.50

A2 ST1

—

IIA, 21

V84.51

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 89

V84.52

DN ST1

—

IIA, 120

V84.53

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.54

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.55

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.56

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.57

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.58

Not cataloged

—

—

250

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V84.59

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.60

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.61

D4 P6

—

IIA, 107

V84.62

Not cataloged

—

—

V84.63

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 29

V84.70

CE P4

—

IIA, 116

V84.72

A1 P1

—

IIA, 20

V84.73

AW P34

—

IIA, 25

V84.74

AW P28

—

IIA, 25

V84.75

AW P16

—

IIA, 24

V84.76

A1 ST1

—

IIA, 19

V84.79

E1 P132

—

IIB, 15

V84.80

E1 P117

—

IIB, 14

V84.81

E1 P80

—

IIB, 12

V84.83

E2 P18

—

IIB, 24

V84.84

E1 S1

IM 1133

IIB, 16

V84.85

E2 ST3

—

IIB, 24

V84.86

E2 ST2

—

IIB, 23

V84.87

C2 ST5

—

IIA, 85

V86.1

I ST1

—

IIB, 92

V87.1

Not cataloged

IM 843

—

V87.2

Not cataloged

IM 844

—

V87.3

Not cataloged

IM 845

—

V87.4

WS S1

IM 847

IIB, 165

V87.6

Not cataloged

IM 848

—

V87.7

Not cataloged

IM 849

—

V87.8

EN ST4

IM 850

IIB, 44

V87.9

E4 P3

—

IIB, 18

V87.10

Not cataloged

IM 851

—

V87.11

B8 TC1

—

IIA, 59

V87.12

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.15

E4 TC2

IM 854

IIB, 18

V87.16

E7 ST4

IM 855

IIB, 32

V87.17

EN ST2

IM 856

IIB, 43

V87.18

E7 ST2

IM 857

IIB, 32

V87.19

E1 ST2

IM 858

IIB, 16

V87.20

E7 ST1

IM 859

IIB, 32

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

251

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V87.22

EN ST1

IM 861

IIB, 42

V87.23

EN ST3

IM 862

IIB, 43

V87.24

VW ST2

IM 863

IIB, 177

V87.25

E4 ST2

IM 864

IIB, 18

V87.26

Not cataloged

IM 865

—

V87.27

E1 ST1

IM 866

IIB, 12

V87.28

E7 ST3

IM 867

IIB, 32

V87.29

Not cataloged

IM 868

IIB, 177

V87.30

Not cataloged

IM 869

IIC, 15

V87.31

F ST1

IM 870

IIB, 50

V87.37

E3/5 ST1

IM 871

IIB, 27

V87.38

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.39

KI ST1

IM 872

IIB, 55

V87.41

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.42

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.44

Not cataloged

IM 876

IIC, Table 2

V87.45

E7 ST5

IM 877

IIB, 32

V87.46

Not cataloged

IM 878

—

V87.47

E7 S2

IM 879

IIB, 32

V87.48

EN P29

—

IIB, 43

V87.49

D3 ST1

IM 880

IIA, 105

V87.51

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.52

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.53

E6 ST1

IM 881

IIB, 19

V87.54

E3 ST1

IM 882

IIB, 27

V87.55

C4 ST3

IM 883

IIA, 90

V87.56

C4 ST4

IM 884

IIA, 90

V87.57

C4 ST5

IM 885

IIA, 90

V87.58

Not cataloged

—

—

V87.59

E6 ST3

IM 886

IIB, 19

V87.60

Not cataloged

IM 887

IIB, 26–27

V87.61

I3 ST14

IM 888

IIB, 70

V87.67

E4 P2

—

IIB, 18

V87.70

F F1

IM 893

IIB, 50

V87.77

Not cataloged

—

IIB, 49

V87.78

Not cataloged

—

IIB, 49

V87.79

Not cataloged

—

—

252

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V87.82

KI P21

—

IIB, 55

V87.85

B7 P18

—

IIA, 56

V87.86

KI P30

—

IIB, 55

V87.87

KI P9

—

IIB, 54

V87.88

KI P10

—

IIB, 54

V87.129

B7 P4

IM 970

IIA, 54

V87.130

B7 P9

IM 971

IIA, 55

V87.131

—

IM 972

IIC, 62

V87.132

B7 P10

IM 977

IIA, 55

V87.139

E7 S1

IM 1128

IIB, 32

V87.143

E7 P16

—

IIB, 31

V87.145

E7 P8

—

IIB, 31

V87.146

E7 P5

—

IIB, 30–31

V87.147

E4 ST1

—

IIB, 18

V87.148

E4 TC1

—

IIB, 18

V88.1

I3 S1

IM 1224

IIB, 69

V88.3

E2 ST4

—

IIB, 24

V88.6

VN ST1

—

IIB, 175

V88.7

VW S1

IM 1125

IIB, 177

V88.8

I2 ST2

—

IIB, 62

V88.9

I3 ST4

—

IIB, 69

V88.10

IC1 ST2

—

IIB, 82

V88.11

O2 ST10

—

IIB, 101

V88.12

I3 ST15

—

IIB, 70

V88.13

I2 ST1

—

IIB, 62

V88.14

I3 ST10

—

IIB, 70

V88.15

I3 ST7

—

IIB, 69

V88.16

Not cataloged

—

—

V88.17

I3 ST6

—

IIB, 69

V88.18

I3 ST12

—

IIB, 70

V88.19

I3 ST11

—

IIB, 70

V88.20

I3 ST5

—

IIB, 69

V88.21

I3 ST3

—

IIB, 69

V88.22

I4 ST2

—

IIB, 74

V88.23

L-M ST5

—

IIB, 158

V88.25

I4 ST3

—

IIB, 74

V88.29

K3 ST1

—

IIA, 152

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

253

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V88.30

K1 ST1

—

IIA, 149

V88.31

J1 ST1

—

IIA, 132

V88.32

K2 S1

IM 1126

IIA, 149

V88.33

R1 ST1

—

IIA, 158

V88.34

Not cataloged

—

—

V88.36

K3 ST2

—

IIA, 152

V88.37

K3 ST3

—

IIA, 152

V88.38

I3 ST8

—

IIB, 69

V88.41

K3 ST4

—

IIA, 152

V88.42

L-M ST4

—

IIB, 158

V88.43

K1 ST1

—

IIA, 147

V88.44

K1 ST2

—

IIA, 147

V88.45

K3 ST5

—

IIA, 152

V88.46

K3 ST6

—

IIA, 152

V88.47

Not cataloged

—

—

V88.48

I3 ST2

—

IIB, 67

V88.49

I3 ST13

—

IIB, 70

V88.50

K3 ST8

—

IIA, 153

V88.51

K3 ST7

—

IIA, 153

V88.54

J1 ST4

—

IIA, 133

V88.61

J3 P8

—

IIA, 137

V88.64

R1 P4

—

IIA, 158

V88.65

C4 P5

—

IIA, 90

V88.67

IC1 P8

—

IIB, 81

V88.69

I3 P17

—

IIB, 68

V88.72

I4 P11

IM 1247

IIB, 73

V88.73

J4 G1

—

IIA, 143

V88.75

K3 TC2

—

IIA, 152

V88.78

C4 F1

IM 1114

IIA, 89

V88.79

C4 TC1

IM 1006

IIA, 89

V88.80

L-M S2

IM 1127

IIB, 158

V88.81

I3 P20

—

IIB, 69

V88.83

J3 P10

—

IIA, 138

V88.125

R1 M1

—

IIA, 158

V88.138

I3 P15

—

IIB, 68

V88.147

I2 ST3

—

IIB, 62

V88.148

R1 P3

—

IIA, 158

254

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V88.149

O3 TC1

IM 1007

IIB, 104

V88.152

C4 TC2

IM 1012

IIA, 89

V88.153

L2/3 TC1

IM 1010

IIB, 153

V88.154

K3 TC1

IM 1011

IIA, 152

V88.185

I3 P14

—

IIB, 68

V88.205

J3 P14

—

IIA, 138

V88.218

V ST1

—

IIB, 178

V88.220

K1F1

IM 1116

IIA, 148

V88.221

K1 TC1

—

IIA, 147

V88.225

J3 TC1

—

IIA, 138

V88.239

J1 ST6

—

IIA, 133

V88.240

J1 ST5

—

IIA, 133

V88.243

IC1 ST3

—

IIB, 82

V88.244

VN ST2

—

IIB, 176

V89.1

R1 TC1

—

IIA, 158

V89.3

L-M ST1

—

IIB, 157

V89.4

L-M ST3

—

IIB, 157

V89.5

L2 ST1

—

IIB, 150

V89.6

M1 ST1

—

IIB, 156

V89.7

LW ST1

—

IIB, 160

V89.8

WS ST1

—

IIB, 167

V89.9

WS ST2

—

IIB, 167

V89.10

O2 ST8

—

IIB, 101

V89.12

LW ST2

—

IIB, 160

V89.14

L-M S1

IM 998

IIB, 157

V89.17

Not cataloged

—

—

V89.18

LW ST8

—

IIB, 160

V89.19

LW ST9

—

IIB, 160

V89.20

LW ST10

—

IIB, 160

V89.21

Not cataloged

—

—

V89.22

CE ST1

—

IIA, 118

V89.23

L1 ST1

—

IIB, 146

V89.24

WS S2

IM 1123

IIB, 166

V89.31

O2 P16

—

IIB, 100

V89.32

O2 ST1

—

IIB, 100

V89.33

WS ST3

—

IIB, 168

V89.34

J1 ST2

—

IIA, 132

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

255

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V89.35

J1 ST3

—

IIA, 132

V89.36

O2 TC1

—

IIB, 100

V89.41

WS ST4

—

IIB, 170

V89.42

I4 ST7

—

IIB, 74

V89.43

O2 ST3

—

IIB, 100

V89.44

O2 ST4

—

IIB, 100

V89.45

N1 ST14

—

IIB, 115

V89.47

ISE ST3

—

IIB, 92

V89.49

O3 ST6

—

IIB, 104

V89.50

ISE ST2

—

IIB, 92

V89.51

I3 S2

IM 1000

IIB, 70

V89.58

C4 ST1

—

IIA, 90

V89.59

N2 ST1

—

IIB, 119

V89.60

N2 ST2

—

IIB, 119

V89.61

N1 ST16

—

IIB, 115

V89.62

CS S1

IM 999

IIA, 114

V89.64

O1 S1

—

IIB, 97

V89.88

N1 ST15

—

IIB, 115

V89.89

I5 ST5

—

IIB, 77

V89.90

IC2 ST2

—

IIB, 87

V90.1

D1 ST16

—

IIA, 101

V90.2

I ST2

—

IIB, 92

V90.3

D3 ST4

—

IIA, 105

V90.4

N2 TC1

IM 988

IIB, 119

V90.5

OS ST1

—

IIB, 107

V90.6

Not cataloged

IM 1110

—

V90.7

D4 ST3

—

IIA, 108

V90.8

Not cataloged

IM 1111

—

V90.9

D3 S1

IM 985

IIA, 105

V90.10

O2 ST5

—

IIB, 100

V90.11

I5 TC1

—

IIB, 77

V90.12

OS ST2

IM 1117

IIB, 107

V90.13

C5 S1

IM 995

IIA, 94

V90.14

O2 ST9

—

IIB, 101

V90.15

N2 ST4

—

IIB, 119

V90.16

D1 ST17

—

IIA, 101

V90.17

D1 ST5

—

IIA, 99

256

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V90.19

D1 ST6

—

IIA, 99

V90.20

D1 ST7

—

IIA, 100

V90.21

N2 P17

—

IIB, 118

V90.22

O3 ST5

—

IIB, 104

V90.23

D1 ST19

—

IIA, 101

V90.25

D3 ST2

—

IIA, 105

V90.26

IC2 ST1

—

IIB, 87

V90.27

D1 ST15

—

IIA, 101

V90.28

IC1 ST5

—

IIB, 82

V90.29

I4 ST6

—

IIB, 74

V90.30

O1 ST5

—

IIB, 96

V90.31

D1 ST11

—

IIA, 100

V90.32

I5 ST4

—

IIB, 77

V90.33

D1 ST12

—

IIA, 100

V90.34

I5 ST1

—

IIB, 77

V90.35

I4 ST4

—

IIB, 74

V90.36

D1 ST13

—

IIA, 100

V90.38

CDW P5

—

IIA, 113

V90.40

L1 S1

IM 1119

IIB, 146

V90.41

WS ST5

—

IIB, 171

V90.42

WS ST6

—

IIB, 171

V90.43

L1 P2

IM 1233

IIB, 146

V90.45

D5 ST5

—

IIA, 111

V90.46

LW ST3

IM 1120

IIB, 160

V90.47

D1 ST14

IM 1121

IIA, 100

V90.48

O2 ST7

—

IIB, 100

V90.49

L2 P19

—

IIB, 149

V90.51

WS TC3

IM 1015

IIB, 172

V90.52

D1 P11

—

IIA, 100

V90.53

D1 P12

—

IIA, 100

V90.54

L3 P4

IM 1234

IIB, 151

V90.56

D1 P14

—

IIA, 100

V90.57

WS P10

IM 1226

IIB, 170

V90.59

D1 P10

—

IIA, 100

V90.60

D4 P4

—

IIA, 107

V90.61

WS TC2

IM 997

IIB, 171

V90.62

O3 ST1

—

IIB, 104

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

257

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V90.63

WS ST7

—

IIB, 171

V90.64

O1 ST7

—

IIB, 96

V90.65

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.66

O2 ST6

—

IIB, 100

V90.67

LW ST4

—

IIB, 160

V90.68

N1 ST5

—

IIB, 113

V90.69

LW ST5

—

IIB, 160

V90.70

LW ST6

—

IIB, 160

V90.71

N3 S1

IM 984

IIB, 122

V90.72

D5 ST4

—

IIA, 110

V90.73

VN ST3

—

IIB, 176

V90.74

N1 ST11

—

IIB, 114

V90.75

WS S3

IM 1122

IIB, 171

V90.76

LW ST7

—

IIB, 160

V90.77

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.78

D4 ST1

—

IIA, 108

V90.79

D4 ST4

—

IIA, 108

V90.80

N1 ST7

—

IIB, 113

V90.81

D1 ST2

—

IIA, 99

V90.82

D1 ST3

—

IIA, 99

V90.83

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.84

C2 ST1

—

IIA, 85

V90.86

C2 ST2

—

IIA, 85

V90.87

D5 ST2

—

IIA, 110

V90.88

D5 ST3

—

IIA, 110

V90.89

WS ST8

—

IIB, 171

V90.90

C2 ST3

—

IIA, 85

V90.91

C2 ST4

—

IIA, 85

V90.92

N1 ST6

—

IIB, 113

V90.93

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.94

N1 ST4

—

IIB, 113

V90.95

N1 ST13

—

IIB, 114

V90.96

N5 ST6

—

IIB, 130

V90.97

N1 ST1

—

IIB, 113

V90.98

N5 ST4

—

IIB, 130

V90.99

N5 ST1

—

IIB, 130

V90.100

N5 ST3

—

IIB, 130

258

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V90.101

D4 ST2

—

IIA, 108

V90.102

N5 ST5

—

IIB, 130

V90.103

N5 ST2

—

IIB, 130

V90.104

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.105

N1 ST12

—

IIB, 114

V90.106

N3 P4

IM 1225

IIB, 122

V90.107

N5 P1

—

IIB, 128–129

V90.108

D1 F1

IM 1135

IIA, 101

V90.109

D1 F2

IM 1136

IIA, 101

V90.110

N1 P11

—

IIB, 112

V90.111

WS P5

—

IIB, 169

V90.112

D1 F3

IM 1137

IIA, 101

V90.113

N5 P15

IM 1227

IIB, 130

V90.114

N5 P6

—

IIB, 129

V90.115

N3 P2

—

IIB, 121–122

V90.121

N1 TC3

IM 1016

IIB, 113

V90.122

Not cataloged

—

—

V90.124

VN F1

IM 1112

IIB, 175

V90.125

N5 P22

—

IIB, 131

V90.127

C2 P4

—

IIA, 85

V90.128

N5 ST15

—

IIB, 131

V90.129

D1 ST10

—

IIA, 100

V90.130

N3 ST1

—

IIB, 122

V90.131

I4 ST5

—

IIB, 74

V90.132

O1 ST6

—

IIB, 96

V90.133

N1 P18

—

IIB, 112

V90.150

N5 ST7

—

IIB, 130

V90.151

N1 ST3

—

IIB, 113

V92.3

N5 ST16

—

IIB, 131

V92.4

N5 ST13

—

IIB, 131

V92.5

N5 ST14

—

IIB, 131

V92.6

N5 ST17

—

IIB, 131

V92.7

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.8

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.9

ISE ST1

—

IIB, 92

V92.10

I3 ST9

—

IIB, 70

V92.11

CS ST1

—

IIA, 115

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

259

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V92.12

NW ST2

—

IIB, 133

V92.13

IC1 TC2

—

IIB, 83

V92.14

IC1 ST1

—

IIB, 81

V92.15

N3 ST5

—

IIB, 123

V92.16

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.17

E2 ST5

—

IIB, 24

V92.18

N2 ST3

—

IIB, 133

V92.19

C3 TC1

—

IIA, 87

V92.20

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.21

N5 ST10

—

IIB, 130

V92.22

N5 ST9

—

IIB, 130

V92.23

B8 ST1

—

IIA, 59

V92.24

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.25

O1 ST3

—

IIB, 95

V92.26

O1 ST1

—

IIB, 95

V92.27

O1 ST2

—

IIB, 95

V92.28

ISE P2

—

IIB, 92

V92.29

N4 ST1

—

IIB, 125

V92.30

C5 ST2

—

IIA, 93

V92.31

C1 ST1

—

IIA, 82

V92.32

I5 ST2

—

IIB, 77

V92.33

N5 P13

—

IIB, 129

V92.34

I5 ST3

—

IIB, 77

V92.35

DN ST2

—

IIA, 120

V92.36

N5 ST11

—

IIB, 130

V92.37

NW ST1

—

IIB, 133

V92.38

O3 ST3

—

IIB, 104

V92.39

B8 ST2

—

IIA, 59

V92.40

O3 ST4

—

IIB, 104

V92.41

Not cataloged

—

—

V92.42

O3 ST2

—

IIB, 104

V92.43

O1 ST4

—

IIB, 95

V92.44

I3 ST1

—

IIB, 67

V92.45

B8 P7

—

IIA, 58

V92.46

B7 P13

—

IIA, 55

V92.47

CS P4

—

IIA, 115

V92.48

D1 ST20

—

IIA, 101

260

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V92.49

Not cataloged

—

IIA, 154

V92.50

K4 ST1

—

IIA, 155

V92.51

C4 ST6

—

IIA, 90

V92.53

B8 P8

—

IIA, 59

V92.54

B8 TC1

—

IIA, 59

V92.55

N1 ST8

—

IIB, 113

V92.56

N1 ST9

—

IIB, 114

V92.57

N1 ST10

—

IIB, 114

V92.58

N1 ST2

—

IIB, 113

V92.59

N1 ST17

—

IIB, 115

V92.60

O2 P15

—

IIB, 100

V92.61

D3 ST3

—

IIA, 105

V92.62

N1 TC1

—

IIB, 113

V92.63

E1 ST3

—

IIB, 16

V92.64

E1 ST4

—

IIB, 16

V92.65

E1 ST6

—

IIB, 16

V92.66

E1 ST5

—

IIB, 16

V92.67

C5 ST4

—

IIA, 94

V92.68

N5 ST8

—

IIB, 130

V98.1

I1 P1

—

IIB, 60–61

V98.2

I3 P6

—

IIB, 67

V98.3

I3 P8

—

IIB, 68

V98.4

I3 P13

—

IIB, 68

V98.5

IC2 P6

—

IIB, 85

V98.6

I3 P23

—

IIB, 70

V98.7

O1 P12

—

IIB, 97

V98.8

O2 P1

—

IIB, 99

V98.9

O2 P9

—

IIB, 100

V98.10

O3 P1

—

IIB, 103

V98.11

O4 P5

—

IIB, 106

V98.12

O4 P1

—

IIB, 106

V98.13

O1 P16

—

IIB, 97

V98.14

O2 P8

—

IIB, 99–100

V98.15

N1 P26

—

IIB, 113

V98.16

N1 P17

—

IIB, 112

V98.17

N1 P31

—

IIB, 114

V98.18

N2 P7

—

IIB, 118

APPENDIX D: CONCORDANCE OF INVENTORY, CATALOG, AND MUSEUM NUMBERS

261

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V98.19

N2 P1

—

IIB, 117

V98.20

N2 P6

—

IIB, 118

V98.21

N2 P15

—

IIB, 118

V98.22

N2 P14

—

IIB, 118

V98.23

N2 P11

—

IIB, 118

V98.24

N2 P13

—

IIB, 118

V98.25

N2 P12

—

IIB, 118

V98.26

N2 P9

—

IIB, 118

V98.27

N3 P1

—

IIB, 121

V98.28

N5 P17

—

IIB, 130

V98.29

O1 P2

—

IIB, 96

V98.30

N5 P8

—

IIB, 129

V98.31

N5 P20

—

IIB, 130

V98.32

N3 P7

—

IIB, 122

V98.33

N3 P5

—

IIB, 122

V98.34

N5 P18

—

IIB, 130

V98.35

N5 P7

—

IIB, 129

V98.36

N3 P6

—

IIB, 122

V98.37

N4 P2

—

IIB, 125

V98.38

N5 P12

—

IIB, 129

V98.39

N5 P14

—

IIB, 129

V98.40

N3 P8

—

IIB, 122

V98.41

I3 P11

—

IIB, 68

V98.42

N3 P3

—

IIB, 122

V98.47

B4 P31

—

IIA, 45

V98.48a

B3 P14

—

IIA, 38

V98.48b

B4 P23

—

IIA, 45

V98.49

B4 P42

—

IIA, 46

V98.50

B4 P41

—

IIA, 46

V98.51

B4 P43

—

IIA, 46

V98.53

B4 P52

—

IIA, 47

V98.54

B4 P53

—

IIA, 47

V98.55

B4 P13

—

IIA, 44

V98.56

E1 P120

—

IIB, 14

V98.57

E1 P115

—

IIB, 14

V98.58

E7 P19

—

IIB, 32

V98.59

E7 P17

—

IIB, 31

262

KAVOUSI IIC

Vronda Inventory Number

Catalog Number

Ierapetra Museum Number

Kavousi Volume and Page Number

V98.60a

E7 P7

—

IIB, 31

V98.60b (V98.61)

E7 P6

—

IIB, 31

V98.62

E7 P18

—

IIB, 32

V98.63

E7 P3

—

IIB, 30

V98.64

E7 P20

—

IIB, 32

V98.65

E7 P11

—

IIB, 31

V98.66

E7 P14

—

IIB, 31

V98.67

E7 P22

—

IIB, 32

V98.68

E7 P13

—

IIB, 31

V98.69

E1 P141

—

IIB, 15

V98.70

E7 P15

—

IIB, 31

V98.72

L2/3 P7

—

IIB, 153

V98.73

L2/3 P13

—

IIB, 153

V98.74

L2/3 P12

—

IIB, 153

V98.75

M1 P16

—

IIB, 155

V98.76

M1 P17

—

IIB, 155

V98.77

J2 P4

—

IIA, 135

V98.78

J2 P1

—

IIA, 135

V98.79

R1 P1

—

IIA, 158

V98.80

J2 P2

—

IIA, 135

V98.133

E1 P142

—

IIB, 15

V98.134

B3 P22

—

IIA, 39

V98.135

B3 P13

—

IIA, 38

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Index

abandonment, 3, 5, 8, 9, 12, 13, 18, 19, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 68, 69, 70, 76, 83, 90, 93, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109, 110, 115, 135, 150, 151, 152, 155, 166, 172, 175, 195, 196, 197, 198, 204, 208, 209, 210, 213, 214, 216, 219 access analysis, 38 Aloni/Skala, 210 amphora, 53–54, 56, 97–98, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 114, 213, 216, 242 andreion, xxix, 95, 222 animal bones. See bones, animal Archaic period, xxviii, 8, 44, 94, 95, 121, 157, 158, 165, 181, 186, 195, 222 Azoria, 3, 8, 12, 33, 44, 114, 144, 157, 162, 165, 175, 181, 186, 197, 199, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 217, 221, 222, 226, 227, 231

Barbotine Ware, 53, 202 basin, 50, 51, 57, 63, 64, 77, 80, 92, 93, 94, 95, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 113, 200, 201, 202

basket kalathos, 76, 218 bedrock, xxx, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 22, 23, 27, 28, 30, 34, 36, 41, 45, 198, 203 beehive, 57, 63, 95 bench, 7, 10, 13, 17–18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 45, 111, 112, 151, 179, 216, 220 Betancourt, P., 84 bin. See enclosure Blitzer, H., 138, 139, 140, 142, 152 blob decoration, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72 blossom bowl, 155, 163, 204 bones, animal, 169–177 agrimi (wild goat), 171, 173, 177, 214, 219 badger, 171, 174, 175, 214 bird, 170, 172, 175 cattle/cow, 170, 171, 172, 173–174, 176, 177, 192, 213, 219 bovine skulls, 177, 213, 218, 223, 224 dog, 171, 174–175, 192, 213

292

KAVOUSI IIC

bones, animal, cont. dorse/donkey, 175, 192 pig, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174–175, 176, 177, 213, 219 rabbit/hare, 175 sheep/goat, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 192, 213 Borgna, E., 224 bowl, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 59, 105, 115, 211, 224, 228, 231 conical, 63 deep, 65, 66, 67, 68–70, 72, 74, 76, 91, 104, 214, 215, 218, 224, 242, 243 deep bowl/cup, 70–72 fenestrated, 72 shallow, 48, 55, 59, 62–63, 89 two-handled, 72 Boyd (Hawes), H., 28, 58, 102, 109, 116, 150, 166, 167, 212, 217, 244 bridge-spouted jar/jug, 53, 201, 231 Buildings Building A-B, xxv, 5, 12, 15, 26, 27–30, 34, 37, 44, 45, 46, 68, 80, 90, 102, 107, 108–109, 114, 115, 116, 150, 165, 166, 174, 177, 201, 214, 216, 217, 218, 220, 221–224, 227, 228, 231, 243, 244 Building F, xxv, 105, 134, 135, 211, 212 Building G (Shrine), xxvi, 1, 9, 11, 17, 18, 21, 25, 26, 32–33, 44, 45, 46, 48, 81, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 104, 105, 109, 115, 117, 118, 132, 134, 145, 137, 150, 166, 178, 179, 189, 198, 199, 208, 209, 211, 217, 219, 220, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 238 Building P, 3, 4, 5, 10, 47, 51, 55, 56, 110, 113, 155, 158, 165, 179, 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 227, 238 Building Q, 4, 11, 36, 105, 110, 115, 156, 201 Building R, 11, 103, 105, 159, 167, 168, 211, 212 Building Complexes Building Complex C-D, xxv, 9, 14, 30–31, 34, 35, 44, 45, 46, 81, 106, 107, 150, 151, 184, 214, 215, 220 Building Complex E, xxv, 9, 12, 14, 15, 21, 31 32, 39, 41, 42, 48, 49, 51, 56, 57, 58, 64, 71, 79, 97, 100, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 115, 146, 151, 157, 160, 161, 167, 168, 174, 176, 179, 196, 203, 216, 238 Building Complex I-O-N, xxv, 9, 14, 34, 38–39, 44, 45, 48, 49, 81, 89, 106, 107, 108, 114, 115, 150, 151, 208, 216, 221, 225, 226, 227, 233 Building Complex J-K, xxv, 9, 11, 31, 34–35, 44, 45, 46, 105, 106, 107, 108, 150, 151, 220, 221 Building Complex L-M, xxv, 35–36, 44, 45, 108, 145, 150, 167, 197, 220, 221 building materials, 7, 30, 152 clay, 7–8, 12, 13, 19, 28, 36, 51, 84 mudbrick, 4, 5, 7, 20, 25, 238

mud mortar, 7 stone, 5, 7 breccia, 2, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 201 limestone, 2, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 22, 24, 25 schist, 2, 7, 23, 24, 25 terracotta, 4, 5–6, 8, 13, 16, 28, 211, 217 wood, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 160, 161 building size, 9, 11, 26–27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 37, 43, 202, 203, 220–221, 222 built environment, 1, 2, 5, 21, 29, 38, 39, 40, 44, 46 burials. See graves burning, 6, 20, 21, 25, 33, 183, 210 on bones, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175 on pottery, 47, 50, 51, 55, 60, 63, 64, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 95, 97, 98, 228 on objects, 159, 216 burnished pottery, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 56 butchering, 45, 140, 170, 172, 173, 176–177, 214, 215

carbon/charcoal, 7, 8, 19, 88, 183, 198, 237 cemetery. See graves ceremonial pit, 218 Chalasmenos, 21, 25, 29, 30, 32, 33, 43, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 114, 122, 124, 132, 134, 135, 146, 151, 152, 158, 165, 167, 181, 197, 205, 209, 216, 217, 222, 225, 226, 227, 229, 231 chalice, 48, 199 Chamalevri, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 83, 85, 86, 87, 98, 112, 156, 158, 167, 197, 216, 218, 225 Chania, 20, 25, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 117, 122, 125, 128, 129, 135, 146, 151, 152, 156, 158, 161, 164, 167, 178, 181, 206, 207, 216 channel, 5, 6, 22, 159 chieftain/big man/ruler, 162, 222–224, 231 chimney pot, 8, 13, 16–17, 103, 216 chronology/dating, xxvii, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 21, 47, 48, 58, 70, 112–113, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 134, 135, 159, 165, 168, 196–199, 211, 218, 237, 238–239 Chrysokamino, 49, 57, 143, 178, 181, 201 Classical period, xxviii, 104, 157, 225 clay stands or earthen objects, 84, 88 climate, 2–3, 21, 176, 182–183, 186, 190, 191, 206, 207 close style, 65 closet, 31, 176 cobbled surface, 12, 24, 28, 108 coin, 212 communal dining, 21, 29, 30, 95, 222, 224, 231 construction techniques, 1, 6, 8–13, 233 floors, 12 ceiling/roof, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12–13, 15, 24, 28

INDEX

construction techniques, cont. site preparation, 6, 9 wall construction, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9–12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 103, 201, 203, 207, 217, 218, 220, 221 cooking, 20, 22, 25, 40, 82, 98, 106, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 204, 214, 215, 217, 219, 222, 230, 235 cooking installation, 16, 20, 21, 26, 82, 98, 111, 112, 115, 215, 217, 220, 222 hearth, 3, 7, 8, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19–21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 95, 111, 112, 115, 151, 163, 169, 177, 212, 214, 215, 217, 220, 228, 229, 237 oven, 3, 7, 8, 13, 17, 18, 20, 21–26, 27, 30, 33, 34, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 50, 70, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 95, 111, 134, 151, 177, 214, 215, 220, 225, 233–235 cooking pottery, 8, 20, 25, 47, 48, 50, 51, 54, 60–62, 64, 82–89, 90, 96, 97, 99, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111–112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 163, 200, 202, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 214, 215, 218, 221, 222, 224, 226, 227, 228, 230, 231 bowl, 54, 61, 63, 105 dish, 20, 50, 54, 60, 82–84, 86, 89, 106, 107, 108, 109, 204, 215, 224, 227, 230 jar/amphora, 20, 82, 87–88, 98, 99, 106, 108, 215, 230 jug, 54, 61–62, 82, 89, 106, 215 lid, 82, 85–86, 106, 107, 115, 215 plate, 50, 54, 83, 200, 231 pot, 20, 48, 50, 51, 54, 61, 82, 86, 88–89, 95, 98, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 115, 163, 176, 200, 204, 207, 224 tray, 20, 50, 55, 60, 61, 82, 84–85, 86, 106, 108, 109, 215 tripod cooking pot, 20, 50, 54, 61, 62, 82, 86–87, 88, 89, 106, 107, 108, 200, 215, 230, 231 tripod tray, 50, 54, 61, 82, 84–85, 86, 109, 224 courtyard, 12, 25, 27, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 51, 71, 100, 106, 111, 112, 113, 151, 165, 166, 170, 179, 201, 202, 203, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217, 228 cremation, 8, 32, 67, 104, 106, 156, 167, 192, 193, 199, 208, 209, 210, 211, 238 cult activities. See ritual activities cult objects. See ritual objects cup, 4, 66–67, 68, 69, 70, 81, 104, 187, 200, 201, 211, 215, 218, 222, 223, 224, 231, 242, 243 carinated cup, 66, 70 champagne cup, 64, 67–68, 70, 107, 218, 224, 243 conical cup, 49, 66, 77, 96, 110 globular/rounded cup, 49, 50, 51 MM II cup, 51, 52, 53, 55, 201, 204 MM III–LM I cup, 59, 62, 223, 224

293

cup/deep bowl. See deep bowl/cup cupule stone. See kernos Cyprus, 158, 210, 226

D’Agata, A.L., 104, 197, 205 Day, P.M., 110 dint (on pottery), xxix, 86, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 101 display, 18, 31, 33, 67, 74, 76, 80, 95, 210, 217, 223 door/doorway, 10, 13–14, 15, 16, 20, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 133, 161, 214, 220, 229 daily activities and everyday life, 20, 112, 115, 131, 151, 187, 208, 213–219 defensible settlements/sites, 205, 208 dining. See drinking and feasting Dorians, 206, 207, 228 drain hole, 83, 96, 223 drainage, 4, 5, 6, 8, 101, 159 drinking and feasting, xxix, 10, 21, 29, 30, 67, 74, 76, 80, 81, 90, 95, 106, 108, 109, 110, 115, 162, 200, 201, 202, 204, 215, 216, 218, 219, 222, 223–224, 227, 228, 230, 231, 243 drought, 3, 182, 189, 190, 206

Early Iron Age (EIA), xxvii, 3, 21, 40, 104, 151, 155, 157, 182, 196, 212, 228 Early Minoan (EM), xxvii, 3, 47, 83 EM I, 47, 48, 51, 196, 199 EM II, 3, 5, 47, 49, 51, 158, 174, 181, 196, 198, 199–200, 238 EM III–MM IA, 3, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 56, 58, 158, 164, 196, 200–202 EM–MM, 15, 102, 110, 113, 140, 151, 157, 158, 179, 201 Early Orientalizing (EO), xxvii, 21, 25, 26, 43, 47, 104, 198, 210, 211 elites and elite status, 29, 30, 74, 109, 161, 202, 204, 210, 219, 222, 223, 224, 229, 231 enclosure, 3, 4, 13, 19, 25, 33, 34, 37, 40, 45, 151, 170, 234 bin, 3, 4, 7, 19, 27, 31, 33, 34, 37, 40, 41, 134 pot stand, 4, 19, 24, 33, 34, 37 enclosure burials. See graves entrance (to building or room), 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 161, 162, 166 environment, 171, 181, 182–183, 218, 235 ethnicity, 43, 87, 206, 207, 228–230 exchange/trade, 110, 112, 113–115, 144, 159, 200, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212, 213, 223, 224, 225, 226–227

294

KAVOUSI IIC

fabric types, xxvi, 6, 8, 16, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 71, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 109, 112, 114, 115, 119, 156, 157, 159, 196, 200, 201, 202, 203, 217, 226, 227 chronological indicators, 112–113 indicators of exchange, 113–114 families, 26, 44, 46, 92, 114, 115, 134, 162, 176, 197, 209, 216, 217, 220–221, 223 faunal remains. See animal bones feasting. See drinking and feasting fenestrated stand, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93–95, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 115, 215, 216, 222, 224, 228 figurines, xxv, 19, 90, 117–135, 202, 213, 227 bovine, 18, 118, 122–125, 135, 213 function, 131–135 horse, 18, 19, 119, 126–127, 135, 213, 214 incised decoration, 118, 119, 120, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 painted decoration, 120–121, 135 firing hole, 74, 75, 119–120, 128 fish and fishing, 170, 172, 175, 176, 178, 214 floor or surface, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 45, 70, 71, 73, 83, 87, 106, 132, 234, 238 floor deposit, 9, 105, 106, 108, 111, 112, 113, 140, 151, 155, 157, 159, 163, 168, 175, 179, 183, 197, 203, 211, 225 floor packing, 5, 8, 9, 12, 143 food collecting, 144, 178, 189, 190, 193, 213, 214 food preparation, 6, 18, 25, 40, 87, 93, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, 151, 200, 202, 214, 215, 222 food consumption, 25, 26, 70, 109, 110, 111, 115, 151, 169, 170, 172, 173, 176, 190, 191, 208, 214, 215, 218, 219, 223, 224, 230, 231, 242 fringe/fringed style, 65, 66 fringed motifs, 65, 66, 71, 73, 75, 78, 79, 92 fruitstand/brazier, 55

Geometric period, xxvii, 34, 67, 68, 75, 76, 91, 96, 106, 121, 126, 151, 156, 163, 165, 166, 167, 172, 181, 192, 196, 198, 199, 209, 210, 238 glass, xxvi, xxviii, 155, 168, 211 glazed wares, 105, 211 goblet, 49, 62, 200, 231 Goddess with Upraised Hands, 26, 33, 79, 81, 105, 106, 133, 134, 135, 137, 196, 209, 230 Gournia, 6, 29, 49, 50, 53, 94, 164, 166, 201, 204, 205, 206 granodiorite fabric, 50, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61, 82, 102, 113, 114, 157, 196, 200, 201, 202, 203, 226 grate, 225, 226

grave/burial, 8, 32, 33, 47, 48, 67, 68, 77, 78, 98, 104, 105, 106, 107, 151, 155, 156, 163, 166, 167, 170, 172, 178, 179, 180, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 199, 208, 209, 210–211, 219, 228, 230, 237, 238, 239 Grave 1, 167, 179 Grave 3, 180, 199, 238, 239 Grave 5, 68, 167 Grave 6, 163 Grave 9, 77 Grave 12, 211 Grave 17, 48 Grave 19, 191 Grave 21, 185 Grave 23, 190 Grave 26, 199, 238, 239 Grave 28, 33, 67 Gulf of Mirabello, 2, 144, 146, 147, 148, 195, 205

Haggis, D., xxvi, 199, 201, 202, 207, 208 Hagia Paraskevi, 211, 212 Hagia Triada, 60, 96, 117, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 161 Hallager, B.P., 20, 64, 77, 88, 132 Hallager, E., 21, 58 hammerhead jar, 56 Hasaki, E., 225 Hayden, B., 224 Hayden, B.J., 14, 117 heirloom or antique, 163, 196 herding, 170, 171, 172, 173, 176, 177, 206, 213, 214, 225 hearth. See cooking installation hearth room. See room with cooking installation horseshoe, 167, 212 household, 11, 22, 26, 35, 38, 46, 133, 155, 157, 163, 177, 186, 202, 208, 209, 215, 216, 217, 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 227, 229, 230, 242, 244 household assemblages, 74, 76, 81, 84, 102, 105–109, 112, 115, 144, 151, 215, 216, 222, 228 hunting, 167, 171, 175, 214, 219 hut urn or terracotta architectural model, 17, 81, 106, 227

identity, 1, 26, 41, 43, 44, 207, 208, 209, 221, 228–230, 231 Ierapetra Isthmus, 2, 144, 146, 147, 152, 159, 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 208, 210, 226, 231 incised decoration on pottery and objects, 48, 50, 56, 57, 63, 82, 83, 89, 93, 95, 96, 99, 101, 102, 103, 105, 113, 114, 156

INDEX

jar, 51, 53, 55–56, 57, 58, 64, 81, 89, 95, 98, 99, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 200, 201, 202, 213, 216, 217, 231, 243, 245 jar/basin, 53, 55, 56–57 jug, 19, 49, 51, 53, 59, 60, 63, 78–79, 81, 98, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 115, 134, 200, 213, 215, 216, 218, 224, 242 jug/amphora, 57 juglet, 78, 79

kalathos, 80, 82, 89–90, 91, 93, 106, 108, 109, 111, 113, 115, 133, 134, 215, 218, 219, 222, 224, 227, 228 horned kalathos, 81, 90 kalderimi, xxix, 3, 213 Kanta, A., 77 Karphi, 15, 16, 18, 20, 25, 29, 30, 43, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 103, 104, 122, 124, 127, 130, 132, 133, 134, 144, 151, 152, 156, 158, 160, 165, 166, 181, 197, 198, 199, 205, 208, 209, 216, 227, 228, 229, 230 Kastelli Pediada, 73, 74, 75, 79, 100, 197 Kastri Palaikastro. See Palaikastro Kastri Kastro, xxvi, 3, 12, 21, 25, 43, 44, 54, 74, 80, 83, 87, 89, 94, 98, 104, 114, 138, 152, 162, 165, 167, 170, 172, 174, 175, 178, 196, 197, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 217, 221, 226, 227, 231 Kastrokephala, 72, 79, 80, 85, 88, 98, 197, 206 Katalimata, 21, 205 kernos, xxix, 4, 133, 151, 155, 165–166, 201, 202, 203 kiln, xxv, 8, 44, 73, 83, 86, 95, 114, 141, 204, 225–226 kinship groups, 26, 42, 44, 114, 208, 211, 216, 220, 221, 224, 227 knobbed decoration, 88 Knossos, 6, 17, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 81, 87, 93, 104, 143, 144, 151, 158, 168, 181, 186, 191, 197, 198, 200, 206, 207, 210, 217, 219, 222, 230, 231 Kommos, 50, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 83, 85, 86, 96, 121, 138, 142, 151, 152, 157, 175, 178, 180, 181, 215, 225, 229 krater, 19, 30, 66, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74–76, 77, 80, 81, 89, 91–92, 94, 95, 96, 106, 107, 108, 109, 115, 134, 160, 187, 215, 218, 222, 224, 228, 230, 242, 243 kylix, 67, 68, 72–74, 80, 104, 107, 115, 157, 187, 204, 215, 217, 218, 219, 222, 223, 224, 227, 229, 231, 243 kylix stem used as spindle whorl, 156, 157, 216 Kypia Kalamafki, 29, 30 Kythera, 58, 63

295

language, 207, 228, 230 Late Geometric (LG), xxvii, 25, 47, 67, 68, 75, 174, 179, 180, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 198, 199, 211, 238 Late Geometric–Early Orientalizing (LG–EO), 43, 48 Late Minoan (LM), xxv, xxvii, 8 LM I–II, 155, 203, 204 LM III period, 204, 207 LM IIIB, 16, 17, 68, 72, 73, 74, 85, 196, 204, 206 LM IIIB/IIIC, 125, 205, 224 LM IIIC pottery, 64–103 LM IIIC early, 30, 68, 69, 70, 72, 77, 78, 80, 98, 104, 112, 146, 196, 197, 205, 207, 218 LM IIIC late, 73, 76, 78, 124, 127, 197, 198, 208 lekane, 64, 77, 89, 92–93, 95, 99, 100, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 115, 215, 224, 227, 242 lid, 7, 54, 63, 77, 80, 91, 96, 107, 108, 115, 159 leveling fills, 3, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 28, 31, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 55, 68, 90, 95, 113, 157, 168, 174, 179, 180, 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 207, 218, 225, 238

Malia, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 158, 163, 164, 165, 166, 200, 202, 203, 218, 222 McEnroe, J., 19, 40–41 Medieval–Modern period, xxvii, 3, 34, 47, 105, 167, 179, 211–213 memory, 30, 208, 210, 221 metal objects, xxvi, xxviii, 10, 105, 142, 151, 155, 156, 166, 209, 210, 211, 214, 215, 225, 226 bronze, 166 iron, 166–167 lead, 168 Middle Minoan (MM), xxvii, 4, 5, 10, 21, 36, 51, 112, 113, 122, 134, 143, 157, 159, 182, 189 MM IA, 98, 158, 163, 164 MM IB–MM II, 3, 4, 27, 47, 51–58, 66, 85, 110, 112, 113, 140, 155, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 174, 196, 198, 201, 202, 204, 227, 238 MM III–LM I, 3, 4, 5, 6, 27, 47, 58–64, 66, 86, 111, 112, 113, 114, 151, 155, 157, 158, 163, 164, 165, 174, 198, 238 MM–LM, 5, 11, 157, 165, 166, 181 Mirabello fabrics. See granodiorite fabrics Mochlos, 6, 16, 29, 49, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 66, 79, 88, 148, 149, 151, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 186, 204, 205, 206, 224 Modern, xxviii, xxix, 2, 3, 11, 12, 16, 18, 23, 25, 34, 35, 37, 47, 57, 88, 98, 103, 105, 130, 134, 155, 162, 166, 167, 168, 171, 174, 175, 179, 182, 193, 211, 216, 220, 225, 228, 234, 238

296

KAVOUSI IIC

monochrome decoration, 51, 53, 56, 58, 59, 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 80, 97, 100 motifs on LM IIIC pottery and objects, 60, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 94, 101, 102, 123, 124, 160, 161, 162 Mouliana, 78, 226 Mountjoy, P., 66 mud mortar. See building materials mudbrick. See building materials mug or tankard, 48, 72, 75, 76–77, 115 Myrtos Phournou Koriphi, 5, 49, 50, 51, 143, 151, 181, 200 Myrtos Pyrgos, 51, 55, 62, 202

Neolithic, xxvii, 48, 49, 143, 144, 146, 181, 182, 185, 187, 189, 196, 198, 199 Early Neolithic (EN), xxvii, 8 Final Neolithic (FN), xxvii, 3, 47, 48 FN–EM I, 48, 49, 143, 144, 152, 199 Late Neolithic (LN), xxvii Middle Neolithic (MN), xxvii, 182 Neopalatial, xxvi, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 14, 17, 18, 19, 27, 28, 43, 47, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 83, 87, 110, 111, 113, 151, 152, 157, 158, 161, 163, 164, 165, 196, 201, 203, 204, 206, 215, 217, 221, 222, 225, 229, 230, 231, 238, 243 nodulus. See sealing Nowicki, K., 205

open style, 65, 66 Ottoman period, xxix, 3, 105, 203, 207, 211, 212 oven. See cooking installations

Palaikastro, 6, 7, 8, 52, 53, 55, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 151, 157, 175, 178 Palaikastro Kastri, 6, 25, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74, 77, 83, 87, 88, 97, 98, 100, 151, 152, 158, 167, 197, 216 Papadiakampos, 88, 146 Patsos, 94, 117, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135 paving/pavement, 12, 165, 227 Petras, 58, 147, 151, 204, 218 Phaistos, 52, 53, 54, 56, 60, 63, 69, 74, 86, 94, 96, 158, 163, 187, 197, 224 Phylakopi, 119, 130, 132, 134, 135, 164 phyllite fabrics, 50, 65, 82, 87, 88, 89, 92, 98, 99, 113, 114, 203, 226 piecrust or pinched band (on pottery), 64, 85, 101 pitharaki, 64, 98, 99, 100, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 216, 243 pithoid jar, 58, 64, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99–101, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 216, 243

pithos, 8, 12, 16, 17, 22, 28, 42, 48, 51, 56, 57, 58, 64, 70, 80, 92, 98, 99, 100, 101–103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 133, 160, 200, 205, 209, 216, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 242, 243, 244 pit, 4, 5, 6, 7, 18, 47, 58, 62, 64, 110, 113, 151, 174, 196, 198, 203, 211, 218, 219, 238 pivot stones, 13, 14–15 plant remains, 184–192 grains, 184–185, 192, 193, 198, 212, 213, 215 barley, 185, 190, 212 wheat, 184–185, 190, 191, 213, 215 seeds, 185–189, 198 almond, 188 fig, 189, 192 grape, 185–187, 192, 212, 213, 215, 223 olive, 187–188, 192, 193, 212, 213 pistachio, 189, 192, 213 legumes, 189–190, 191, 192 wild species, 191–192, 213 Plai tou Kastrou, 209, 210 platform, 4, 7, 13, 15, 17, 18–19, 23, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 41, 90, 111, 118, 134, 220, 227 pleonastic style, 66, 71, 75, 91, 100, 160 political organization, xxv, 44, 74, 76, 81, 115, 202, 203, 204, 207, 209, 219, 221–224, 231 population size, 9, 201, 204, 207, 209, 221 postabandonment, 9, 32, 34, 150, 151, 214, 217 post base, 8, 13, 15–16, 21, 27, 33, 34 pot stand. See enclosure pottery distribution patterns, 114–115 pottery statistics, 109–114 Prepalatial, xxvi, 47, 48–51, 51, 54, 87, 110, 113, 114, 200, 201, 202, 229, 231. See also FN–EM I, EM II, EM III–MM IA Protopalatial, xxvi, 3, 4, 9, 12, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 60, 87, 110, 113, 114, 158, 196, 201, 202, 203, 204, 215, 221, 230, 231. See also MM IB–MM II Protogeometric (PG), xxvii, 17, 21, 25, 67, 69, 76, 81, 94, 103, 104, 106, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 196, 197, 198, 209 Early Protogeometric (EPG), 25, 104, 197 Pseira, 6, 18, 19, 120, 121, 129, 151, 175, 178, 179, 204 pyxis, 54, 66, 80–81, 106, 107, 108, 109, 115, 163

radiocarbon dates, 182, 188, 196, 198, 199, 237–239 reserved band (on pottery), 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 91 reserved disk (on pottery), 71 rhyton, 79–80, 90, 109, 115, 120, 129, 161, 217, 218, 219, 222, 227 ritual activities, xxix, 11, 19, 29, 66, 68, 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 90, 91, 94, 95, 107, 108, 109, 112, 115, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 162, 163, 166, 174, 187, 200, 202, 204, 213, 214, 218, 219, 222, 223, 224, 226, 227–228, 231, 243

INDEX

ritual buildings, 32, 33, 79, 119, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 161, 224, 227 ritual objects, 33, 79, 81, 90, 91, 94, 95, 106, 112, 115, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 163, 166, 174, 202, 209, 213, 214, 219, 227, 243 rock/stone/wall tumble, 8, 9, 13, 15, 68, 111, 134, 142, 151, 160, 168, 174, 179, 189, 225 Roman/Byzantine, xxx, 104, 105, 168, 175, 187, 189, 192, 195, 211, 212 roof/ceiling, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12–13, 15, 17, 19, 24, 28, 32, 81, 160, 198, 238 roofed space, 27, 31, 32, 221 roofing deposit, 16, 78, 104, 105, 106, 111, 113, 142, 151, 159, 160, 174, 175, 197, 227 roofing material/clay, 7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 28, 32, 36, 37, 67, 111, 186, 189, 198, 199, 237, 238 room with cooking installation and hearth room, 16, 18, 20, 28, 29, 32, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 111, 112, 115, 151, 214, 215, 217, 220, 229 rope pattern or slashed ridges (on pottery), 50, 101, 102, 103

scoring (on pottery), 57, 63, 95, 103 scoops or spinning bowls, 63 scuttle/brazier, 89, 91, 107, 108, 109, 111, 113, 115, 134 Sea Peoples, 205 seal and sealing, xxx, 158, 159, 161 seeds. See plant remains serpentine band (on pottery), 99, 101, 102, 103, 123 sgraffito, xxx, 105, 212 shells, xxx, 53, 70, 73, 132, 134, 148, 178–180, 184, 214, 227 Shrine, the. See Building G Sicily, 210 Siteia, 144, 146, 147, 148 Skouriasmenos, 210 Skyphos, 69, 76, 91, 104 slab enclosure. See enclosure slashed decoration on legs and handles of pottery, 86, 88, 92, 93, 99, 101 Smari, 112, 229 social behavior or interactions, 20, 26, 28, 29, 31, 39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 66, 67, 68, 69, 74, 77, 79, 80, 92, 97, 107, 202, 215, 216 social organization or structure, xxv, 1, 37, 43, 44, 46, 74, 76, 81, 115, 116, 200, 202, 204, 207, 209, 211, 214, 218, 219, 220–221, 223, 224, 231, 244 space syntax analysis, 37–42 spindle whorl. See terracotta bead or stone bead spine wall, 10, 33 spinning, 156, 157, 216 Stallsmith, A., 212 stamped or impressed designs (on pottery), 53, 102, 105

297

step, stair, or staircase, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34, 45, 219 step depth, 38, 40, 41, 42 stirrup jar, 65, 66, 77–78, 79, 107, 108, 109, 115, 218 coarse or transport stirrup jar, 96–97, 98, 108, 111, 112, 114, 205 octopus stirrup jar, 78, 96, 97, 109, 224 stone objects, 15, 163–165 bead, 155, 156, 164–165 bore core, 152, 164, 204 disk, 164 lid, 163 vessel, 163–164, 202, 204 stone tools, xxv, xxvi, xxviii, 3, 7, 18, 40, 105, 137–153, 155, 214, 215 chipped stone, 137, 146 chert, 144, 146, 147, 148 obsidian, 146, 149, 150, 152, 199 ground stone celt (Type 13), 48, 138, 143–144, 150, 152, 199 chopper or hammer (Type 4), 138, 140, 150, 151, 152, 215 faceted (Type 5), 138, 140, 150, 151, 152, 153, 204 grinder (Type 6), 138,140–141, 150, 151, 152, 215 mortar (Type 16), 138, 145, 151, 152, 215 other (Type 12), 138, 143, 145 pestle (Type 10), 138, 142, 145, 152 polisher (Type 9), 138, 142, 145, 151, 152 pounder or hammer (Type 1), 138–139, 148, 150, 151, 152 pounder/abrader (Type 3), 138, 139–140, 151, 152 pounder/pestle/polisher (Type 2), 138, 139, 150, 151, 152 quern (Type 15), 138, 139, 141, 144, 150, 151, 152, 215 weight (Types 11, 14), 138, 142–143, 144, 150, 151, 152 whetstone (Type 7), 138, 141, 150, 151, 152, 155, 209, 215 pumice (Type 8), 138, 141–142, 149, 150, 151, 152, 184, 209, 215 stone tool and object materials amphibolite, 139, 143, 146, 147, 149 andesite, 140, 144, 146, 148, 149, 150 basalt, 7, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 147, 149, 150 breccia, 138, 139, 144, 147, 148, 150 calcite, 138, 148, 149 conglomerate, 7, 141, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150 diabase/dolomite, 139, 140, 147, 148, 149, 150 emery, 142, 147, 149, 152 gabbro, 139, 140, 143, 144, 147, 149, 150

298

KAVOUSI IIC

stone tool and object materials, cont. limestone, 7, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 164 meta-andesite, 138, 146, 148 meta-basalt, 146 quartzite, 7, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150 sandstone, 7, 15, 140, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150 schist, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150 serpentinite, 145, 147, 148, 163, 164 stopper, 96, 107, 159 storage, 12, 18, 19, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 40, 41, 48, 57, 64, 80, 81, 87, 88, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 151, 170, 202, 214, 216–218, 222, 223, 242, 244 storeroom, 12, 27, 40, 42, 44, 80, 101, 111, 112, 115, 133, 217, 223 strainer, 95–96 street, path, or road, 31, 34, 40, 43, 44, 45, 203, 204. See also kalderimi Subminoan (SM), xxvii, 47, 67, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 94, 103–104, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127, 132, 196, 197, 198, 208, 209, 219

traditional oven, 233–235 trapeza, 51 tray. See cooking tray, 24, 55, 89, 109 tripod, 49, 54, 63. See also tripod cooking pot trivet, 162 Tsipopoulou, M., 146, 167, 225 tumbler, 52, 59

terrace, 2, 5, 12, 21, 26, 27, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, 45, 55, 68, 90, 184, 196, 198, 203, 206, 211, 212, 213, 220, 229 terrace wall, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 19, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 36, 44, 45, 46, 90, 95, 103, 168, 180, 201, 207, 218, 221, 225, 238 terracotta objects, 156–163 bead or spindle whorl, xxix, 155, 156–157, 200, 216 loomweight, 155, 157–158, 200, 202, 204, 216 spool, 79, 158, 216 other, 162 tile, 4, 5, 6, 8, 155, 159–160, 211 thelastron, 79, 108 tholos, xxix, xxx, 17, 36, 67, 69, 76, 78, 81, 104, 124, 132, 156, 157, 158, 161, 164, 165, 167, 175, 179, 197, 208, 209, 210, 212, 219, 229 threshing floor/aloni, xxix, 35, 212 Thronos/Sybrita, 21, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 87, 98, 104, 112, 167, 197, 198, 205, 218

ware groups, 47, 106, 109, 110–112, 115, 196 water supply, 3, 41, 176, 195, 199, 200, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 213, 221 Watrous, L.V., 66, 201, 202 weaving, 79, 155, 156, 157, 200, 202, 204, 216 wood, 19, 25, 88, 160, 161, 182, 183, 186, 188, 193, 198, 199, 210, 237. See also building materials window, 13, 16, 17 window frame, 8, 13, 16, 28, 155, 160–162, 217, 221 wine, 76, 97, 107, 114, 115, 186, 187, 213, 215, 219, 223, 224, 231

upper or second story, 28, 161, 217, 219, 220

Vasiliki, 49, 69, 75, 200, 201, 226 Vasiliki Kephala, 21, 114, 206, 209, 227, 229, 231 Vasiliki Ware, 49, 110, 196, 200 vat, 57, 63, 95 Venetian period, xxviii, 2, 3, 34, 47, 103, 105, 106, 125, 134, 155, 160, 167, 168, 172, 174, 175, 179, 184, 188, 192, 207, 209, 211, 212, 213 vessel capacities, xxvi, 66, 68, 70, 73, 74, 80, 87, 90, 91, 92, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 217, 241–245 visibility graph analysis, xxviii, 38–39, 42 Vrokastro, 73, 82, 105, 117, 122, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 135, 151, 152, 205, 206, 210, 212

Xerambela, 2, 184, 188, 212

Zapher Papoura, 164

Tables

TABLE 1

Chronology

Climate

Building Activity at Vronda

1800–1650 b.c. MM II, MM III, LM IA

Generally warm and moist: winters as warm as or warmer than present; summers cooler than present, but warming.

MM II: Building P; wall below Building Q; MM III–LM IA: Walls E, H, I and G; pit west of Building A.

1650–1400/1300 b.c. LM IA, LM IB, LM II, LM IIIA

Cooler winters and increased moisture after the eruption of Santorini, followed by warming winters and cooling summers.

No activity attested on site after LM IB.

1300 b.c. LM IIIB

Climate changes to hot and dry; increased temperatures in both summer and winter likely exceeded present conditions; drought in Aegean.

No activity attested on site.

1200 b.c. LM IIIC

Cold and dry/drought in Aegean; winters become much colder.

LM IIIC settlement founded (Kastro Phase I).

1150–900 b.c. LM IIIC, SM, PG

Climate hotter and drier, with lower rainfall than present; extreme hot and dry conditions (ca. 1050 b.c.?); drought in Aegean.

Settlement in use until end of LM IIIC, followed by abandonment; cemetery of tholos tombs at site in use from SM to PG (possibly down to early 8th century b.c.).

Colder and wetter conditions changing to cold and dry, especially colder winter temperatures; hot dry summers, as at present, but colder winters.

Cemetery of enclosure graves with cremation burials constructed in and around abandoned LM IIIC structures; cemetery in use from LG to EO; site deserted from second quarter of the 7th century b.c. until Venetian period (13th–17th centuries a.d.).

900–450 b.c. G, LG, EO, Archaic, Classical

Table 1. Summary of climatic conditions in the Middle to Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (based on Moody 2005 and 2009), correlated with archaeological evidence for building activity at Vronda.

TABLE 2

Catalog or Inventory Number

Location/Context

Dimensions (cm)

Fabric

AW TC1

West of Building A, Room A1; pit in Locus V 2600, Level 3

H. 11.0; max. pres. L. 21.7

Coarse, reddish yellow with phyllites and quartzites

AE TC1

East of Building A; East Terrace fill, rubble layer

Max. pres. h. 2.5; pres. w. 7.0

Coarse, reddish yellow, rather like Type IV, but lighter in color

MM II, LM IIIC

Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 32, fig. 18

Type III

MM?

Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 86

Uncataloged

Building C, Room 3; topsoil/surface collection

Date

Reference

Day, Klein, and MM IIIB– Turner 2009, 25, LM IA fig. 13, pl. 4B

D5 TC 1

Building D, Room 5; packing beneath LM IIIC floor

Max. pres. h. 6.9

Coarse brown, with quartz, siltstones, and phyllites

Uncertain

Day, Klein, and Turner 2009, 110, fig. 77

E1 TC1

Building E, Room 1; cobble leveling fill beneath LM IIIC floor

Max. pres. h. 4.3

Coarse, reddish yellow (5YR 6/6), Type IV with frequent hard white inclusions

MM–LM

Day and Glowacki 2012, 10, fig. 12

E1 TC2

Building E, Room 1; cobble leveling fill beneath LM IIIC floor

Max. pres. h. 4.2

Coarse, red, Type IV, gray at core

MM–LM

Day and Glowacki 2012, 11, fig. 12

E1 TC3

Building E, Room 1; cobble leveling fill beneath LM IIIC floor

Max. pres. h. 3.0

Type IV with many hard white inclusions and carbonates

MM–LM

Day and Glowacki 2012, 11, fig. 12

E1 TC4

Building E, Room 1; cobble leveling fill beneath LM IIIC floor

Max. pres. h. 3.3

Type IV

MM–LM

Day and Glowacki 2012, 11, fig. 12

V87.44 IM 876 (uncataloged)

Building E, Room 1; cobble leveling fill beneath LM IIIC floor

H. 5.3

Type IV

MM–LM

E2 TC2

Building E, Room 2; roofing material to floor

Max. pres. h. 7.0

Type IV

MM–LM, LM IIIC

Day and Glowacki 2012, 24, fig. 31

IC1 TC1

Building I, Courtyard Area 1; slope wash

Max. pres. h. 4.6; max. pres. w. 3.7; max. pres. L. 7.8

Coarse, soft, reddish yellow to yellowish red, Type IV

Uncertain

Day and Glowacki 2012, 82, fig. 78

IC3 TC1

Building I, Courtyard Area 3; pebble-filled soil above bedrock

H. 6.2; max. pres. w. 3.6; max. pres. L. 15.7

Coarse, medium hard, yellowish red (5YR 5/8), Type IV, with some grayish discoloration on interior (from contact with heat or fire?)

Uncertain

Day and Glowacki 2012, 88, fig. 83

WS TC1

West Slope; modern terrace

Max. pres. h. 5.3; w. 11.0

Coarse, dark red (10R 3/6), Type IV; burned on bottom; interior surface coated with lime

Uncertain

Day and Glowacki 2012, 166, fig. 133

Table 2. Terracotta drain tiles at Vronda.

TABLE 3

Building and Room

Location

Width (m)

Associated Features

Reference

A1 to A2(?)

Center, north wall A1

77.05

Table 18. Room dimensions of Building Complex E.

House

Number of Rooms

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

E1-E4 (West House; initial phase)

2

28.39

54.33

E2-E3 (East House; initial phase)

2

26.67

38.00

Alternative: E1-E4-E6 (West House)

3

32.08

>58.02

E2-E3-E7 (East House; final phase)

3

40.11

60.00

Alternative: E2-E3-E5 (East House; final phase)

3

31.53

>44.55

Alternative: E2-E3-E5-E7 (East House; final phase)

4

44.97

>66.55

Alternative: E7

1

13.44

22.00

Table 19. Proposed house units in Building Complex E, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total ground area of each unit.

Room

Interior Dimensions (m)

Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

G1

6.50 N–S x 3.50 E–W

22.75

—

G2

3.25 N–S x 4.50 E–W

14.63

—

37.38

62.75 (71.50 including exterior bench on west)

Total G

Table 20. Room dimensions of Building G, with comparison of interior area (excluding doorways) and total area covered by the building.

TABLES 21 AND 22

Room

Interior Dimensions (m)

Interior Area (m2)

I1

1.40 N–S x 2.40–2.60 E–W

3.50

I2

2.40–2.60 N–S x 2.25 E–W

5.63

I3

4.60–4.90 N–S x 3.80–4.00 E–W

18.53

I4

1.05–1.45 N–S x 3.95–4.00 E–W

4.97

I5

2.40–2.50 N–S x 3.55–3.90 E–W

9.13

Total I

41.76

O1

2.65–3.00 N–S x 3.05–3.15 E–W

8.76

O2

4.50–5.00 N–S x 2.90–3.00 E–W

14.01

O3

5.90 N–S x 2.90 E–W (restored)

17.11 (restored)

O4

at least 4.00 N–S x 1.85 E–W (preserved)

>7.40

Total O

>47.28

N1

6.50 N–S x 4.40–4.90 E–W (restored)

30.23 (restored)

N2

4.75 N–S x 3.30 E–W

15.68

N3

3.40 N–S x 4.90–5.10 E–W

17.00

N4

at least 2.50 N–S x 4.00 E–W (preserved)

>10.00

N5

3.40–3.70 N–S x 5.50 E–W (restored)

19.53 (restored)

Total N

>92.44

Total I-O-N

181.48

Table 21. Room dimensions of Building Complex I-O-N.

House

Number of Rooms

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

I3-I4-I5 (initial phase)

3

32.63

56.86

I1–I5 (final phase)

5

41.76

73.44

O1-O2 (initial phase)

2

22.77

36.43

O1-O2-O3 (intermediate phase)

3

39.88

63.76

Alternative: O2-O3 (with O1 out of use[?]; intermediate phase)

2

31.12

50.43

O1-O2-O3-O4(?) (final phase)

4(?)

47.28

>75.04

Alternative: O2-O3-O4(?) (with O1 out of use[?]; final phase)

3

>38.52

>61.71

N2-N3-N5 (initial phase)

3

52.21

83.46

N1-N2 (final phase)

2

45.91

65.70

N3-N5 (final phase)

2

36.53

58.14

N4

1(?)

>10.00

>10.00

Table 22. Proposed house units in Building I-O-N, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total area of each unit.

TABLES 23–25

Room

Interior Dimensions (m)

Interior Area (m2)

J1

4.60 N–S x 7.60 E–W (restored)

34.96 (restored)

J2

Unknown if interior or exterior space

?

J3

Unknown if interior or exterior space

?

J4

3.70 N–S x 7.50 E–W (restored)

27.75 (restored)

Total J

62.71

K1

4.50 N–S x 4.40–4.50 E–W (preserved)

>20.03

K3

4.20 N–S x at least 5.50 E–W (preserved)

≥23.10

Total K

>43.13

Total J-K

>105.84

Table 23. Room dimensions of Building Complex J-K.

House

Number of Rooms

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

J4

1

27.75

42.84

J1

1

34.96

44.32

K3

1

≥23.10

≥29.37

K1 (and area to west?)

1–2?

>20.03

>26.82

Alternative: J2-J3-J4

3?

>27.75

>42.84

Table 24. Proposed house units in Building J-K, with comparison of combined interior area (excluding doorways) and total area of each unit.

Room

Interior Dimensions (m)

Interior Area (m2)

L1

1.60 N–S x 0.50 E–W (preserved)

>0.80

L2

1.70 N–S x 2.20 E–W (preserved)

>3.74

L3

2.15 N–S x 3.20 E–W (preserved)

>6.88

Total L M1

>11.42 2.20 N–S x 4.85 E–W (preserved)

>10.67

Total M

>10.67

Total L-M

>22.09

Table 25. Room dimensions of Building Complex L-M.

TABLES 26 AND 27

House

Number of Rooms

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

C1

1

18.28

29.37

C2

1

28.89

35.59

C3-C4-C5

3

74.87

108.18

D1–D3

3

53.47

75.93

D4-D5

3

26.06

41.91

E West House

2–3

28.39 to >32.08

54.33 to >58.02

E East House

2–4

26.67–44.97

38.00 to >66.55

J1

1?

34.96

44.32

J4

1?

27.75

42.84

K1 (and area to west?)

1–2?

>20.03

>26.82

K3

1?

≥23.10

≥29.37

I1–I5

5

41.76

73.44

O1–O4

4

>47.29

>75.04

N1-N2

2

45.91

65.70

N3-N5

2

36.53

58.14

N4

1 preserved

>10.00

>10.00

L South

1 preserved

—

—

L North

1 preserved

—

—

M

1 preserved

—

—

Q1-Q2

2 preserved

—

—

Table 26. Recognizable house units present by time of abandonment.

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

—

18.28

29.37

X

—

28.89

35.59

House

Hearth

Oven

Bench Platform Enclosure

C1

X

—

—

—

C2

X

X

—

Possible one-room houses D1?

X

—

—

X

X

38.90

57.00

E7?

—

—

—

—

X

13.44

22.00

J1?

X?

—

—

—

—

34.96

44.32

J4?

—

—

—

—

—

27.25

42.84

K1?

—

—

X

—

—

—

—

K3?

—

—

X

—

—

≥23.10

≥29.37

N4?

X

—

—

—

—

>10.00

>10.00

Table 27. One-room houses at Vronda.

TABLES 28–30

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

X

40.83

68.42

—

X?

26.06

41.91

X

—

—

28.39

54.33

—

—

—

—

26.67

38.00

X?

X

X

—

X

22.77

36.43

N1-N2

X

—

X

X

X

45.91

65.70

N3-N5

X

X

X

X

X

36.53

58.14

House

Hearth

Oven

Bench Platform Enclosure

C3-C4

X

X

X

—

D4-D5

X

—

X

E1-E4

X

—

E2-E3

X

O1-O2

Possible two-room houses/alternative configurations A1-A2

X

—

—

—

—

88.57

130.04

O2-O3

—

X

—

—

X?

31.12

50.43

Q1-Q2

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

Table 28. Two-room houses at Vronda.

House

Hearth

Oven

Bench Platform Enclosure

C3–C5

X

X

X

—

X

74.87

108.18

D1–D3

X

—

—

X

X

53.99

75.93

I3–I5

X

X

X

X

X

32.65

56.86

O1–O3

X?

X

X

—

—

39.89

63.76

N2-N3-N5

X

X

X

X

X

52.21

83.46

Possible three-room houses/alternative configurations E1-E4-E6?

X

—

—

—

—

>31.98

>58.02

E2-E3-E7?

X?

—

—

—

—

40.11

60.00

E2-E3-E5?

—

—

—

—

—

31.53

>44.55

O2-O3-O4

—

X

X

—

X?

>38.52

>61.71

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

Table 29. Three-room houses at Vronda.

House

Hearth

Oven

O1–O4?

X?

X

Bench Platform Enclosure

X

—

X?

>47.28

>75.04

—

X?

44.97

>66.55

Possible four-room house/alternative configurations E2-E3-E5-E7?

X?

—

Table 30. Four-room houses at Vronda.

—

TABLES 31–33

House

Hearth

Oven

I1–I5

X

X

X

—

X

Enclosure

Combined Interior Area (m2)

Ground Area of Unit (m2)

X

X

41.75

73.44

X

X

79.53

117.84

Bench Platform

Possible five-room house D1–D5

X

Table 31. Five-room houses at Vronda. Fixed

Walls, ceiling, posts, floor, hearth, oven, bench, platform, storage bin, doorways

Semifixed

Furnishings, furniture, vessels, tools, doors, ornament, color, light

Nonfixed

Verbal and nonverbal communication of inhabitants, spatial relations, body positions and postures, gestures, expressions, clothing, gender

Table 32. Examples of fixed, semifixed, and nonfixed feature elements that may have differentiated separate activity areas of Room I3 (adapted from the discussion in Rapoport 1990, 88–96). Stage

Accretion Process

Construction

Importation of construction materials; refuse deposition (building materials introduced and modified; fill containing both cultural and noncultural material used to level floors, etc.)

Depletion Process Soil and other materials removed from area and deposited elsewhere; includes refuse from construction

Ritual refuse deposition (e.g., foundation deposits beneath floors) Habitation

Abandonment

Primary and loss refuse deposition (objects used in the house and deposited in the same house) Provisional refuse deposition (broken, worn-out, or obsolete objects stored for some type of reuse later) De facto refuse deposition (abandonment of still usable objects within a structure)

Curation (removal and transfer of objects from old to new activity location)

Ritual refuse deposition (deliberate abandonment of selected objects with symbolic significance; foreign objects deliberately deposited on the floor or within the house as part of a ritual; easily confused with de facto refuse)

Ritual depletion (objects or portions of assemblages deliberately selected and removed for ritual/symbolic reasons)

Reuse refuse deposition (for habitation or other purposes, such as burials) Secondary refuse deposition (abandoned structure or room used as a rubbish dump) Post abandonment

Secondary refuse deposition (removal of refuse from the activity area and deposition elsewhere, e.g., in a courtyard or nearby middens)

Structural collapse (unrelated materials and artifacts used during construction of walls, roofs, and so on, introduced to activity areas)

Disturbance (material moved through cultural and non-cultural processes such as plowing)

Scavenging and collecting (usable and or desirable material removed from abandoned building; removal of archi­tectural elements for reuse in another structure; looting) Disturbance (material removed and/or destroyed by cultural and noncultural processes; cultivation of crops; animal activity) Decay (material no longer archaeologically recoverable or only partially recoverable using specific techniques; organic decay) Archaeological excavation (selective recovery; loss of material evidence and contextual information)

Table 33. Possible accretion and depletion processes affecting the archaeological record of the Vronda settlement. Glowacki 2002, 44, table 1, after La Motta and Schiffer 1999, 20, table 2.1.

TABLES 34 AND 35

Vessel Type

Food consumption

Building I

Building O

Building N1-N2

Building N3-N5

Room N4

5 drinking vessels, 17 drinking vessels, 3 kraters, 1 drinking vessel, 14 drinking 11 drinking vessels, 1 krater, 1 lid, 1 bowl vessels, 1 bowl 2 kraters, 4 jugs 1 tankard, 1 fenestrated stand, 4 jugs 1 jug

Food preparation

2 lekanai, 1 basin

—

3 lekanai, 1 basin

2 lekanai

—

Cooking

1 dish, 5 tripods, 5 cooking pots, 1 lid

3 dishes, 4 cooking pots

1 tripod, 2 cooking pots, 1 cooking jar, 1 lid, 1 tray

5 dishes, 1 cooking pot, 1 tray, 1 lid, 1 cooking jug

1 tripod

Small-scale storage

1 jar

—

1 amphora, 2 pithoid jars

1 jar, 1 pitharaki

1 pithoid jar

Large-scale storage

3 pithoi

—

1 pithos

1 pithos

—

Other

2 kalathoi, 2 pyxides

1 kalathos, 1 scuttle, 1 lid, 1 stopper

1 kalathos, 1 scuttle, 1 stopper

1 kalathos, 1 hut urn, 1 pyxis

—

Table 34. Vessels by household in Building Complex I-O-N.

Vessel Type

Building C1

Building C2

Building C3–C5 Building D1–D3 Building D4-D5

Food consumption

2 drinking vessels

1 drinking vessel, 1 fenestrated stand

1 drinking vessel, 1 krater

2 kraters, 2 jugs, 1 lid

4 drinking vessels

Food preparation

—

—

1 lekane

2 lekanai

1 lekane

Cooking

—

1 tripod, 1 cooking pot

1 dish, 1 tripod, 1 cooking pot

3 dishes, 1 tripod, 2 cooking pots

2 dishes, 2 cooking pots, 1 lid

Small-scale storage

—

—

1 jar, 1 pithoid jar

1 jar, 2 pithoid jars

1 pithoid jar

Large-scale storage

1 pithos

1 pithos

—

5 pithoi

2 pithoi

Other

—

—

2 pyxides

1 pyxis

1 scuttle

Table 35. Vessels by household in Building Complex C-D.

TABLES 36 AND 37

Vessel Type

Building J1

Building J4

Building K1-K2

Building K3-K4

Food consumption

14 drinking vessels (5 with stems), 1 krater, 1 stirrup jar

10 drinking vessels, 3 kraters, 3 bowls

2 drinking vessels, 1 krater

11 drinking vessels (1 with stem), 1 jug

Food preparation

2 lekanai

—

—

1 lekane

Cooking

1 tripod, 12 cooking pots

1 dish, 1 tripod, 4 cooking pots

1 dish

5 tripods

Small-scale storage

1 jar, 1 pithoid jar, 1 pitharaki, 1 amphora

1 pitharaki

—

1 coarse stirrup jar

Large-scale storage

1 pithos

—

1 pithos

1 pithos

Other

—

—

—

1 thelastron

Table 36. Vessels by household in Building Complex J-K.

Vessel Type

Building E West (E1-E4)

Building E East (E2-E3-E7)

Food consumption

10 drinking vessels (2 with stems), 1 krater, 1 stirrup jar, 4 jugs

9 drinking vessels (2 with stems), 1 krater, 1 bowl, 1 fenestrated stand, 2 jugs

Food preparation

1 basin

2 lekanai

Cooking

1 dish, 2 tripods, 1 cooking pot, 1 tray

3 tripods, 1 cooking pot, 1 cooking jar

Small-scale storage

3 pithoid jars, 2 pitharaki, 2 amphorae

7 pithoid jars, 2 pitharakia, 1 amphora, 1 jar/stirrup jar

Large-scale storage

10 pithoi

7 pithoi

Other

1 scuttle, 1 thelastron

1 kalathos, 2 scuttles, lid

Table 37. Vessels by household in Building Complex E.

TABLES 38 AND 39

Vessel Type

Building L South (L1-L2)

Building L North (L2/3-L3)

Building M

Food consumption

9 drinking vessels, 1 jug

1 drinking vessel

14 drinking vessels (1 with stem), 1 krater

Food preparation

1 lekane, 1 bowl

2 lekanai

2 lekanai

Cooking

2 dishes, 1 tripod, 4 cooking pots

1 tripod, 1 cooking jar

1 tripod, 3 cooking pots

Small-scale storage

—

—

2 pithoid jars

Large-scale storage

1 pithos

—

1 pithos

Other

1 kalathos

—

—

Table 38. Vessels by household in Building Complex L-M.

Vessel Type

Building B4 and B7 Lower

Building B3 and B7 Upper

Food consumption

27 drinking vessels (4 with stems), 4 kraters, 5 bowls, 5 stirrup jars, 6 jugs

14 drinking vessels (11 with stems)

Food preparation

1 lekane

—

Cooking

1 dish, 5 tripods, 2 trays, 3 tripod trays, 2 cooking pots

1 cooking pot

Small-scale storage

1 pithoid jar

—

Large-scale storage

—

4 pithoi

Other

1 basket kalathos, 1 rhyton, 2 kalathoi, 2 scuttles, 2 lids

1 rhyton, 6 kalathoi

Table 39. Vessels by household in Building B.

TABLES 40–43

Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

EC Lower

15

3

37

33

12

EC Upper

19

1

37

27

16

E1 Lower

33

1

27

29

10

E1 Upper

19

1

38

27

15

E2

15

1

46

20

18

E3 Lower

11

5

26

21

37

E3 Upper

20

4

33

21

22

Table 40. Mixed EM–MM cobble fill deposits: percentage of wares.

Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

P red soil

28

1

22

23

26

EN Lower

8

1

30

51

10

EN Upper

6

1

30

47

16

Q2 Lower

16

—

30

30

24

Table 41. Middle Minoan II deposits: percentage of wares. Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

AW Upper

54

1

8

25

12

AW Lower

29

1

15

34

21

B6

25

6

30

18

21

E1 Intermediate

7

3

66

17

7

Table 42. Middle Minoan IIIB–LM IA deposits: percentage of wares. Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

C2

45

3

9

43

—

C4

32

4

26

37

1

C5

33

5

32

30

—

DI

40

13

10

28

9

D4

28

11

34

27

—

E1

28

17

20

32

3

E2

48

4

12

27

9

J1

28

5

33

16

18

K1

11

15

45

26

3

I3

34

21

8

26

11

O3

48

1

21

16

14

N1

35

0.5

22

30

12.5

N5

13

3

44

24

16

N4

21

4

37

33

5

M1

36

4

35

20

5

Table 43. Rooms with cooking installations: percentage of wares.

TABLES 44 AND 45

Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

B3

16

77

2

4

1

B7 pithos

15

68

15

2

—

B4 (early)

79

—

14

7

—

B7 (early)

73

2

11

12

2

B8

48

2

46

1

3

D2

—

91

7

2

—

D3

22

43

19

15

1

E7 floor

45

6

4

17

28

E7 roofing

19

11

17

38

15

J2

36

1

31

20

12

J3

32

1

52

6

9

J4a

36

3

32

14

15

L1

12

4

12

56

16

L2

43

7

23

21

6

L2/3

11

1

16

72

—

L3

16

6

58

20

—

I1

48

14

2

30

6

I2

32

1

14

53

—

I4

32

1

31

27

9

I5

16

42

29

12

1

O1

19

—

44

24

13

O2

23

2

33

30

12

N2

16

29

4

25

26

N3

37

27

22

11

3

Table 44. Other rooms with some deposition: percentage of wares.

Room

Fine

Pithos

Cooking

Coarse

Medium

B8

48

2

EC

21

2

46

1

3

31

43

3

IC1N

44

1

22

19

14

IC1S

52

1

18

18

11

IC2

28

4

15

37

16

IC4

24

1

19

56

—

J5

46

—

16

24

14

K2

12

23

9

38

18

K3

53

—

16

9

22

Table 45. Courtyards: percentage of wares.

TABLES 46–49

Room

II/VI

III

IV

X/XI

XIII

XV

XVI

XX

XXIII

XXIV

XXV

XXVI

EC Lower

80

12

5

—

—

—

—

3

—

—

—

—

EC Upper

72

24

1

—

3

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

E1

28

42

28

2

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

E2 Lower

92

—

5

—

—

—

—

—

3

—

—

—

E3 Lower

26

71

3

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

E3 Upper

61

18

14

5

—

—

2

—

—

—

—

—

Table 46. Mixed EM–MM cobble fill deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabric types.

Room

II/VI

III

IV

X/XI

XIII

XVI

XXII

XXVI

P red soil

43

23

32

0.7

0.4

0.3

0.3

0.3

EN Lower

93

6

1

—

—

—

—

—

EN Upper

33

60

7

—

—

—

—

—

Table 47. Middle Minoan II deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabric types.

Room AW

I

II/VI

III

IV

X/XI

XIII

XXIV

XV

XVI

XXIII

XXVI

12

19

5

60

1

—

4

—

—

—

1

B6

—

6

6

73

7

1

—

1

1

5

—

E1 Intermediate

23

14

3

31

1

—

—

—

—

—

28

Table 48. Middle Minoan III–LM IA deposits: percentage of recognizable coarse fabrics.

Room

II/VI

III

IV

VII

X/XI

XIII

XV

XVI

XXII

XXIII

XXIV

XXV

XXVI

C2*

7

4

83

—

6

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

C4*

4

9

77

—

6

—

—

—

4

—

—

—

—

C5

1.5

0.5

80

—

17

—

0.5

—

—

—

—

0.5

—

D1

3

3

47

—

44

—

1

—

—

—

2

—

—

D4

10

6

61

—

16

—

7

—

—

—

—

—

—

J1

4

3

56

—

30

—

6

0.3

—

0.2

0.2

0.3

—

K1

—

—

63

30

4

—

2

—

—

—

—

1

—

I3*

14

4

38

—

19

0.5

2

19

1

—

2

0.5

—

O3*

2

8

52

—

27

—

—

1

—

—

—

10

—

N1

1

4

52

—

31

4

1

1

1

—

—

5

—

N5*

2

2

54

—

29

—

—

1

9

—

2

1

—

N4

5

1

70

—

23

—

—

—

1

—

—

—

—

E1

2

5

39

—

9

2

1

1

—

—

2

1

38

E2

14

25

29

—

29

—

—

—

2

—

—

—

1

M1

0.5

2

46

—

25

24

0.5

1

0.5

—

—

0.5

—

Table 49. Rooms with cooking installations: percentage of recognizable coarse wares. M1 is average of floor and roofing.

TABLE 50

Room

I

II/VI

III

IV

X/XI

XIII

XV

XVI

XVIII

XXII

XXIV XXV XXVI XXVII

B3

—

0.5

0.5

5

91

1

0.2

—

—

0.5

0.1

1

0.2

—

B7 PI

—

0.7

0.2

4

94

—

0.4

—

—

—

—

0.7

—

—

B4

—

4

2

30

56

4

2

2

—

—

—

—

—

—

B7

—

12

3.5

59

3.5

—

—

—

—

—

—

22

—

—

B8

—

4

6

53

30

1.6

—

0.3

—

1.4

1.4

0.3

2

—

D3

—

1

—

55

27

—

8

—

—

—

9

—

—

—

E7

—

9

28

7

42

1

—

1

—

—

2

6

3

1

J2

—

2

5

51

39

—

0.3

0.7

—

1

1

—

—

—

J3

—

—

—

83

10

—

4

2

—

1

—

—

—

—

J4a

—

0.2

0.2

58

31

—

3

0.5

2

0.6

0.5

4

—

—

J5

—

2

3

54

34

—

2

1

—

2

2

—

—

—

K3

—

10

4

40

28

2

12

2

—

—

1

1

—

—

L1

—

15

8

31

—

23

8

—

—

—

—

15

—

—

L2

0.5

3

3

52

27

1

0.5

2

—

0.5

1

2.5

7

—

L3

—

1.5

1.5

43

15

19

—

—

—

—

2

—

18

—

L2/3

—

1

—

25

73

1

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

I1

—

67

7

11

15

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

I2

—

30

22

43

2

—

—

2

—

—

—

0.5

0.5

—

I4

—

11

1

73

11

—

—

—

—

—

—

4

—

—

I5

—

0.8

4

40

34

21

0.2

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

O1

—

—

1

24

19

1

—

3

—

—

—

52

—

—

O2

—

5

3

44

20

2

—

7

—

7

—

12

—

—

N2

—

1

1

8

73

2

2

1

—

12

—

—

—

—

N3

—

1

8

32

36

—

—

—

—

22

1

—

—

—

Table 50. Other rooms with some deposition: percentage of recognizable coarse fabrics.

TABLES 51 AND 52

Site

Cat. No.

Vronda

Chania Vrokastro

H.

L.

L. Body

D. Body*

L. Leg

H. Shoulder

H. without Horns 8.0

D1 F1

10.5

16.3

9.9

3.4; 3.5

3.0

6.6

GS F1

pres. 8.2

pres. 9.5

—

4.0; 4.0

—

—

—

C4 F1

pres. 3.4

pres. 5.2

—

2.1; 2.2

—

—

—

C5 F1

pres. 2.4

pres. 3.4

—

2.2; 2.4

—

—

—

C5 F2

pres. 2.2

pres. 3.8

—

1.7; 1.9

—

—

—

F F1

pres. 1.1

pres. 2.1

—

—

—

—

—

K1 F1

pres. 4.5

—

—

—

4.5

—

—

Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, no. 70-TC 005

—

pres. 5.5

—

1.4; 1.6

—

—

—

Hayden 1991, 114, no. 7

pres. 3.0

pres. 5.5

—

1.5; 2.2

—

—

—

HM 1119

pres. 6.3

pres. 11.9

10.1

3.5; —

2.8

6.3

— 11.0

Patsos

Hagia Triada

HM 1150

pres. 11.0

21.5

14.0

4.2; 4.2

2.2

7.0

HM 22392

pres. 5.5

10.2

7.0

2.2; 2.5

—

—

—

HM 22389

pres. 5.0

pres. 12.8

8.3

3.2; 3.3

—

—

—

HM 22465

pres. 4.5

14.5

8.4

3.8; 4.0

—

—

—

HM 3142

pres. 11.7

18.2

10.0

— ; 4.0

4.2

9.2

11.7

HM 22394

pres. 6.2

pres. 13.5

8.2

3.2; 3.7

—

—

—

Table 51. Bovine figurine measurements (cm). *The first measurement indicates horizontal diameter, the second vertical diameter. Site

Vronda

Chania

Vrokastro

Patsos

Hagia Triada

Cat. No.

Head

Horns

Ear

Ear Hole

Eye

Nostrils

Mouth

Tongue

D1 F1

Up, cocked left

Missing left tip

Flat, up

No

Clay bits

Pierced

Incised

No

GS F1

Up, cocked right

Stub

Round, up

No

Pierced

Pierced

Incised

No

C4 F1

Forward, straight

Scar

Flat, forward

No

No

No

No

No

C5 F1

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

C5 F2

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

F F1

Muzzle only

—

—

—

—

Pierced

Incised

No

K1 F1

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, no. 70-TC 005

Up, straight

Scar

R: painted disk? L: unpainted

R: no L: painted dot?

R: unpainted circle L: painted dot?

—

—

—

Hayden 1991, 114, no. 7

Forward, straight

Stubs

Round, up

No

—

—

—

—

HM 1119

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

HM 1150

Up, straight

Stubs

Round, up

Pierced

Round pellet

Pierced

Incised

No

HM 22392

Up, straight

Stubs

Round, up

No

Round pellet

Pierced

Incised

Yes

HM 22389

Forward, straight

Stubs

Round, forward

No

—

—

—

—

HM 22465

Forward, straight

Stubs

Pinched, out

No

Round pellet

No

No

No

HM 3142

Up, straight

Stubs

Flat, back

No

Round pellet, pierced

Pierced

Incised

Yes

HM 22394

Forward, straight

—

Round, up

No

Flattened pellet

—

—

—

Table 52. Bovine figurine head features. R = right; L = left.

TABLES 53 AND 54

Site

Vronda

Cat. No.

Pierced Body

Dewlap

Hooves

Tail

Genitals

Painted Decoration

D1 F1

Back

No

Modeled and painted

Curl to right leg

No

Yes

GS F1

Front and back

Yes

—

—

—

No

C4 F1

No

Yes

—

—

—

No

C5 F1

Front

—

—

Curled on back

—

No

C5 F2

No

—

—

—

—

No

F F1

—

—

—

—

—

No

K1 F1

—

—

Painted

—

—

Yes

Chania

Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, no. 70-TC 005

No

No

—

—

—

Yes

Vrokastro

Hayden 1991, 114, no. 7

No

Yes

—

—

—

Yes

HM 1119

No

—

Modeled and painted

Curl to right leg

Male

Yes

HM 1150

No

No, chest incised

No

Out and down

Male

Yes

HM 22392

Front

Yes, incised

—

Stub

Male

Yes

HM 22389

No

Yes

—

Out and down

Male

Traces

HM 22465

Back

Yes

—

Down on body

Male

Yes

HM 3142

No

Yes

Painted

Out and down

Male

Yes

HM 22394

2 back

—

—

Out and down

Female?

Traces

Patsos

Hagia Triada

Table 53. Bovine figurine body features.

Site

Vronda

Karphi

Vrokastro

Patsos

Hagia Triada

Cat. No.

H.

L.

L. Body

D. Body*

H. Shoulder

L. Leg

D1 F2

12.2

22.2

14.0

3.6; 4.0

9.0

4.0

D1 F3

11.2

22.2

13.0

3.1; 4.0

8.3

4.0

VN F1

pres. 5.5

pres. 7.0

—

3.4 (est.); 3.6 (est.)

—

—

HM 11058

17.8

27.3

16.0

4.0

11.0

6.5

HM 6660

pres. 6.8

pres. 7.9

7.6

— ; 2.1

5.0

3.0

HM 6661

pres. 5.9

pres. 7.8

pres. 6.7

— ; 2.0

5.0

3.3

Hayden 1991, 128, no. UM MS 4887

pres. 10.2

pres. 11.0

pres. 7.0

— ; 2.5

6.0

2.5

HM 1129

pres. 13.2

pres. 10.8

—

3.8 (est.); 4.6

8.7

5.7

HM 1166

pres. 12.5

pres. 20.1

13.0

— ; 3.8

7.0

3.2

HM 3122

—

pres. 8.0

—

—

—

—

HM 3123

—

pres. 7.9

—

—

—

—

HM 22506

pres. 4.5

pres. 11.0

—

—

—

—

HM 22507

pres. 5.5

pres. 10.5

—

—

—

—

HM 22498

pres. 5.5

pres. 5.5

—

—

—

—

HM 22502

pres. 6.2

pres. 7.5

—

—

—

—

Table 54. Horse figurine measurements (cm). *The first measurement indicates horizontal diameter, the second vertical diameter.

— Up straight

Up

HM 22498

HM 22502

—

HM 22506

HM 22507

—

HM 3123

Straight

HM 1129

—

Cocked right

Hayden 1991, 128, no. UM MS 4887

HM 3122

—

HM 6661

Cocked left

—

HM 6660

HM 1166

Turned right

—

VN F1

HM 11058

Cocked left

Cocked left

D1 F2

D1 F3

Head

Cat. No.

Round

Up painted

—

—

—

—

Left, pierced

—

Straight up

—

—

Round up

—

Straight up

Straight up

Ear

Table 55. Horse figurine head and body features.

Hagia Triada

Patsos

Vrokastro

Karphi

Vronda

Site

—

—

Modeled and painted

—

—

—

No

No

Pierced

Pierced

Pierced

—

—

—

—

Pierced

Pierced

Nostrils

—

—

Round pellet

Round pellet

Right, pierced

Round pellet

No

—

—

Crescent lid

—

Pierced

No

Eye

—

—

—

—

No

No

Incised

Incised

Incised

—

—

—

—

Incised

Incised

Mouth

Pinched

Pinched

—

—

—

—

No

No

—

—

Scar (restored) —

Front and Back

9 holes

No

No

No

No

Back

No

No

Pierced Body

No

No

Pinched and flattened

Pinched

Pinched

Pinched

—

Pinched

Pinched

Mane

—

—

—

—

—

—

No

Yes

Flat feet

No

No

Added

—

No No

Down on leg Down on leg

—

—

—

—

—

—

Out and down

—

Head piece and throat latch of bridle? Girth?

Bridle?

Bridle? 5 girths?

Harness? Blanket or girth?

Bridle (blinders?)

Bridle with blinders

No

Bridle

No

No

Out and down

Down on body

Harness

—

No

Out and down

No

No

Out and down

Modeled right feet

Equipment

Tail

Hooves

TABLE 55

Horse Horse

D1 F3

VN F1 —

Solid?

Solid

Outline?

Harness

No

—

Solid?

Solid

—

Pole attachments? No

Yes

Yes

—

Yes

No

Halter?

Halter

Concentric arcs and chevrons Outline?

—

No

—

—

—

Halter and harness Halter?

R: disk? L: dot?

—

No

Ear

Halter

—

Halter

Equipment

—

No

Linear

Curvilinear

Outline

Outline

—

Curvilinear

Blanket Design

Table 56. Painted features on figurines. R = right; L = left.

Vronda

Hagia Triada

Horse

Bull

HM 22389

D1 F2

Bull

HM 22392

Cow?

Bull

HM 1150

Patsos

HM 22394

Bull

HM 1119

Vrokastro

Bull

Bovine

Hayden 1991, 114, no. 7

Chania

HM 3142

Bovine

Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, no. 70-TC 005

Bull

Bovine

K1 F1

HM 22465

Bovine

D1 F1

Vronda

Type

Cat. No.

Site

—

Solid?

Solid

—

Yes

Yes

—

Yes

No

—

—

R: no L: dot?

—

No

Eye

—

No?

No

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Mane

—

—

Solid exterior?

Solid exterior

Solid exterior Solid exterior?

—

Yes

—

—

—

—

Yes

2 lines and pattern

—

—

No

Yes

2 lines and pattern 1 line

—

—

—

1 or 2 lines

Yes

Yes

2 lines front; 1 line back 1 Line

Hooves

Legs

—

Outline?

Outline

—

Yes

Chevrons?

—

—

No

3 lines

—

—

—

Outline

Tail

—

Traces

—

Black

Red

Red

Brown

Brown

Circle on forehead Traces

Red

—

Red

Brown

All covered with paint Traces

Black

Red

Red

Black

Red

Black

Color

Traces

—

Traces

—

—

—

Other

TABLE 56

Horse Horse Horse

Horse

Horse? Horse Horse Horse Horse

Horse

Horse

HM 6660

HM 6661

Hayden 1991, 128, no. UM MS 4887

HM 1129

HM 1166

HM 3122

HM 3123

HM 22506

HM 22507

HM 22498

HM 22502

Outline?

—

Linear?

Linear?

—

—

Linear

—

No

No

No

—

Blanket Design

—

Yes

No

Nose piece of bridle Head piece and throat latch of bridle? Girth?

—

No

No

No

—

Yes

—

—

—

Ear

Girths?

Girth?

Bridle?

Bridle?

—

Bridle

No

No

No

—

Equipment

Table 56, cont. Painted features on figurines. R = right; L = left.

Hagia Triada

Patsos

Vrokastro

Horse

HM 11058

Karphi

Type

Cat. No.

Site

Separate lines

Separate lines

Outline with lashes

—

—

—

—

—

No

—

Solid?

—

—

—

Mane

—

—

No

No

No

Outline

No

—

—

—

Eye

—

—

Broad line

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Multiple lines —

No

Solid?

—

Solid?

—

Hooves

1 line

Solid?

Solid?

Solid?

—

Legs

—

Line around top

—

—

—

—

Line around top

—

Traces

Traces

—

Brown

Brown

Brown

Brown

Red

Brown

Black

Black

3 line nosepiece

Red

Covered with paint?

Red

Red

Covered with paint?

Covered with paint?

—

Color

—

Other

—

—

—

—

Solid?

Solid?

Solid?

—

Tail

TABLE 56

TABLE 57

Bovine or Horse

Museum No.

Publication No.

Publication Date

Suggested Revised Date

IM 1135

D1 F1

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1113

GS F1

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1114

C4 F1

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1110

C5 F1

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1111

C5 F2

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 893

F F1

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1116

K1 F1

LM IIIC

No Change

HM 1119

Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 102, no. 26

SM

LM IIIC

HM 1150

Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 102, no. 27

PG

SM

HM 22392

D’Agata 1999b, 58, no. C1.40

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 22389

D’Agata 1999b, 59, no. C1.44

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 22465

D’Agata 1999b, 59, no. C1.43

LM IIIC

No Change

HM 3142

D’Agata 1999b, 60, no. C1.53

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 22394

D’Agata 1999b, 59, no. C1.45

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

Chania

—

Hallager and Hallager, eds., 2000, 124, no. 70-TC 005

LM IIIB/C or later

LM IIIC

Vrokastro

—

Hayden 1991, 114, no.7

LM IIIC/G

LM IIIC

IM 1136

D1 F2

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1137

D1 F3

LM IIIC

No Change

IM 1112

VN F1

LM IIIC

No Change

HM 11058

—

LM IIIC Late

No Change

HM 6660

Hayden 1991, 116, no. 8

LM IIIC–G

LM IIIC

HM 6661

Hayden 1991, 116, no. 9

LM IIIC–G

LM IIIC

UM MS 4887

Hayden 1991, 128, no. 27

LM IIIC–G

LM IIIC

HM 1129

Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 105, no. 40

LM IIIC

No Change

HM 1166

Kourou and Karetsou 1994, 108, no. 52

G

PG

HM 3122

D’Agata 1999b, 58, no. C1.38

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 3123

D’Agata 1999b, 58, no. C1.39

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 22506

D’Agata 1999b, 61, no. C1.57

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

HM 22507

D’Agata 1999b, 61, no. C1.58

SM

No Change

HM 22498

D’Agata 1999b, 61, no. C1.56

LM IIIC

No Change

HM 22502

D’Agata 1999b, 61, no. C1.59

LM IIIC/SM

No Change

Site

Vronda

Bovine

Patsos

Hagia Triada

Vronda

Karphi

Vrokastro

Horse

Patsos

Hagia Triada

Table 57. Concordance and dates of bovine and horse figurines.

TABLE 58

Context

Type 1

Type 2

AS

Type 3

Type 4

Type 5

Type 6

Type 7

Type 8

Type 9

Type 10

1

Room A1

Type 12

Type 13

Type 14

Type 15

Type 16

AW

PT

Other

1 1

Room B4

1

Room/ Area B6

1

1 1 2

1 1

1

1

4

1

1

1 1

Room C1

1

Room C2

2

1 1

Room C4

3

1

Room C5

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

5

1

6

1

CS

4

1 1

CE

2

1

1

1 3

1

1

Room D3

3 1

Room D4

2

1

1

1

3

1

1

1

19

2

1

1

2

Room D5

2 1

1

2

4

2 1

5

1

DN

2

2

1

1

Room E1

1

Room E2

1

2

1

1

2

1 1

1 2 1

1

1

2

1

1

1

1

2

1

1

1

6

1

1 1

1

2

1

Room/ Area K2 2

5 1

1

Room K1

Room/ Area K4

5

1

2 1

Room J1

Room K3

3

1

2

EC

Bld F

1

1

1

Room E6

EN

4

1 1

Room E4

Room E7

6

1

Room E3

1

4

CDW

Rooms E3/5

1

4

1

Room B7 Room/ Area B8

Chipped

2

1 1

Room B3

Total GS 2

1

1

Room B1/2

Room D1

Type 11

1

2

2

8

1

1

Table 58. Distribution of chipped and ground stone tools at Vronda. GS = ground stone; PT = possible tools.

1

TABLE 58

Context

Type 1

Type 2

Room L1 Room L2

1

LW

2

2

Type 3

Type 4

Type 5

Type 6

Type 7

Type 8

Type 9

Type 10

Type 11

Type 12

Type 16

PT

Other

1

I-O-N Surface

1

IS

1

1

2

1

2

1

1

1 1

1

2

1 2

1

6 1

1

2

1

1 1

2

1

2

2

3

2

1

Room O3

2

2

1

2

1

1

Room N2

1

2

1

2

Room N3

1

NW

2

Room N5

3

1

West Slope

3

2

1

1

1

1

10

1

6

1

1

1

3

17

1

4 1 2

1

1

1

1

1

VN

3

VW

1

15

3

39

41

2

8

1

1 1 3 2

1

Total number of ground stone tools Type totals

5 7

1

1

Vsurface

1

1

1

Kiln

8

1

1

2

1

2

2

1 1

7

2

1

3

1

3

1 2

14

2

1

OS 4

2

7

1

2 1

1

6

2

1

Room O1

1

1

1 2

IS

Room O2

5 2

1

1

Room I5

Chipped

10

1

Room I2 Room I3

Total GS 1

1

Room R1

Room N1

Type 15

1

Building L-M

IC 1–2

Type 14

1

Room M1

Room I4

Type 13

20

7

270 24

15

31

16

2

5

8

1

2

5

29

6

11

8

281

Table 58, cont. Distribution of ground and chipped stone tools at Vronda. GS = ground stone; PT = possible tools.

TABLES 59 AND 60

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

Average

8.8

6.2

4.1

421

B1 ST1

V83.20

B1

Surface

B3 ST1

V83.14

B3

Roofing to floor

Minimum

5.0

3.1

1.5

75

B4 ST5

V83.21

B4

Roofing

Maximum

14.3

10.6

7.2

1200

B6 ST1

V83.22

B6

Floor packing

Standard deviation

3.3

2.3

1.3

355

B8 ST2

V92.39

B8

Roofing to floor

Count

39

39

39

39

C1 ST1

V92.31

C1

North wall cleaning

Complete

12

12

12

12

C4 ST3

V87.55

C4

Tumble

C4 ST5

V87.57

C4

Tumble

C4 ST6

V92.51

C4

Surface

C5 ST2

V92.30

C5

Roofing to floor

D1 ST13

V90.36

D1

Roofing to floor

D1 ST6

V90.19

D1

Roofing to floor

E3/5 ST1

V87.37

E3/5

Tumble

E7 ST4

V87.16

E7

Roofing to floor

EN ST1

V87.22

EN

Lower cobble fill

I ST2

V90.2

ION

Surface

I4 ST7

V89.42

I4

Tumble

IC1 ST1

V92.14

Ict1

Exterior surface

IC2 ST1

V90.26

Ict2

Exterior surface

ISE ST1

V92.9

IS

Surface

K3 ST1

V88.29

K3

Pit

K3 ST6

V88.46

K3

Pit

L2 ST2

—

L2

Above cobbles

LW ST1

V89.7

LW

Topsoil/wash

LW ST8

V89.18

LW

Modern terrace wall

N1 ST1

V90.97

N1

Roofing to floor

N1 ST11

V90.74

N1

Tumble

N1 ST2

V92.58

N1

Roofing to floor

N1 ST7

V90.80

N1

Enclosure

N5 ST13

V92.4

N5

Tumble

N5 ST3

V90.100

N5

Roofing to floor

N5 ST9

V92.22

N5

Roofing to floor

O2 ST11

—

O2

Surface

O3 ST1

V90.62

O3

Roofing to floor

O3 ST3

V92.38

O3

Roofing to floor

R1 ST1

V88.33

R1

Roofing

WS ST2

V89.9

West Slope

Below topsoil

WS ST5

V90.41

West Slope

Surface

WS ST6

V90.42

West Slope

Surface

Table 59. List of Type 1 stone implements.

Table 60. Average size and weight of Type 1 implements.

TABLES 61 AND 62

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

Average

7.0

5.5

3.5

217.5

A1 ST1

V84.76

A1

Floor packing

B6 ST2

V83.23

B6

Floor packing

Minimum

5.0

2.5

2.1

50

9.6

7.2

4.8

500

C2 ST1

V90.84

C2

Roofing to floor

Maximum

C4 ST4

V87.56

C4

Tumble

Standard deviation

1.0

1.1

0.8

99

C5 ST3

V84.15

C5

Surface to top of wall

Count

41

41

41

41

CDW ST1

V90.38

DW

Surface

Complete

23

23

23

23

D1 ST16

V90.1

D1

Surface

D1 ST18

V84.9

D1

Surface

D1 ST7

V90.20

D1

Roofing to floor

D5 ST4

V90.72

D5

Tumble

DN ST1

V84.52

DN

Surface

DN ST2

V92.35

DN

Surface

E1 ST3

V92.63

E1

Roofing to floor

E7 ST2

V87.18

E7

Floor

F ST1

V87.13

F

Surface

I ST1

V86.1

I

Surface

I3 ST13

V88.49

I3

Enclosure

I3 ST15

V88.12

I3

Wash

I3 ST3

V88.21

I3

Roofing to floor

I3 ST5

V88.20

I3

Roofing to floor

I3 ST6

V88.17

I3

Roofing to floor

I3 ST9

V92.10

I3

Roofing to floor

I5 ST1

V90.34

I5

Roofing to floor

I5 ST4

V90.32

I5

Roofing to floor

K1 ST1

V88.43

K1

Roofing on bench

LW ST6

V90.70

LW

Topsoil/wash

LW ST9

V89.19

LW

Modern terrace wall

N1 ST13

V90.95

N1

Pit

N1 ST9

V92.56

N1

On platform

N2 ST1

V89.59

N2

Roofing to floor

N2 ST2

V89.60

N2

Roofing to floor

N5 ST6

V90.96

N5

Roofing to floor

O2 ST3

V89.43

O2

Roofing to floor

O2 ST7

V90.48

O2

Roofing to floor

V ST1

V88.218

Vronda

Surface

VN ST1

V88.6

Vronda North

Surface

VN ST2

V88.244

Vronda North

Rock pile

VN ST3

V90.73

Vronda North

Surface

VW ST2

V87.24

Vronda West

Surface

WS ST3

V89.33

West Slope

Surface

WS ST4

V89.41

West Slope

Slope wash

Table 61. List of Type 2 stone implements.

Table 62. Average size and weight of Type 2 implements.

TABLES 63–66 Cat. No.

Inv. No.

Provenience

Blitzer Type

Context

AS ST2

V84.14

AS

B7

Surface

AW ST1

V84.2

AW

B7

Pit clay layer

B4 ST3

V83.17

B4

B7

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

E1 ST4

V92.64

E1

Roofing to floor

E1 ST5

V92.66

E1

Roofing to floor

Roofing

I3 ST10

V88.14

I3

Roofing to floor

K3 ST7

V88.51

K3

Lower slope wash

M1 ST1

V89.6

M1

Roofing to floor

N1 ST4

V90.94

N1

Roofing to floor

O2 ST2

—

O2

Cobbles to floor

C2 ST3

V90.90

C2

B2

Roofing to floor

CE ST1

V89.22

CE

B2

Tumble

D1 ST17

V90.16

D1

B2

Surface

D5 ST2

V90.87

D5

B7

Roofing to floor

E1 ST2

V87.19

E1

B7

Roofing to floor

E2 ST5

V92.17

E2

B7

Roofing to floor

EN ST4

V87.8

EN

B7

Tumble

I4 ST6

V90.29

I4

B2

Roofing to floor

B6 ST4

V83.25

B6

Floor packing

J1 ST6

V88.239

J1

B2

Pit

C4 ST1

V89.58

C4

Roofing to floor

L1 ST1

V89.23

L1

B7

Cobble layer and below Above floor surface

D1 ST9

V84.40

D1

Roofing to floor

E4 ST2

V87.25

E4

Intermediate deposit

E7 ST1

V87.20

E7

Floor

Table 65. List of Type 4 stone implements.

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

L2 ST1

V89.5

L2

B7

L-M ST5

V88.23

M

B7

Fill in tholos

E7 ST3

V87.28

E7

Floor

LW

B7

Modern terrace wall

EC ST1

V84.42a

E court

Lower cobble fill

N3

B7

Tumble

LW ST10 V89.20 N3 ST3

—

NW ST1

V92.37

N4W

B2

NW ST2

V92.12

N4W

B7

WS ST8

V90.89

West Slope

Clay below terrace Modern terrace wall

B7

Surface

Table 63. List of Type 3 stone implements. For Blitzer types, see Blitzer 1995, 434–438, 451–456.

EC ST2

V84.42b

E court

Lower cobble fill

EN ST 3

V87.23

EN

Upper cobble fill

I3 ST12

V88.18

I3

Roofing to floor

I3 ST7

V88.15

I3

Floor

I5 ST5

V89.89

I5

Topsoil

J1 ST2

V89.34

J1

Gray roofing

J1 ST4

V88.54

J1

Red roofing

K2 ST1

V88.30

K2

Slope wash

L-M ST3

V89.4

L-M

Wash/surface

LW ST4

V90.67

LW

Wash/surface

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

LW ST7

V90.76

LW

Wash/surface

Average

9.8

7.2

4.0

495

N1 ST14

V89.45

N1

Wash/surface

Minimum

7.1

5.1

1.8

180

N1 ST16

V89.61

N1

Topsoil

Maximum

12.0

10.8

8.4

1650

N3 ST1

V90.130

N3

Floor

Standard deviation

1.7

1.5

1.7

415.5

N5 ST2

V90.103

N5

Roofing to floor

Count

20

20

20

20

O1 ST5

V90.30

O1

Roofing to floor

Complete

11

11

11

11

O1 ST6

V90.132

O1

Roofing to floor

Table 64. Average size and weight of Type 3 implements.

Table 66. List of Type 5 stone implements.

TABLES 67–71

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

Average

6.4

6.0

5.2

326

B4 ST2

V83.13

B4

Roofing

Minimum

4.6

4.6

3.1

100

C2 ST4

V90.91

C2

Roofing to floor

Maximum

8.6

8.1

7.0

730

C5 ST1

V84.16

C5

Roofing to floor

Standard deviation

0.9

0.8

1.6

151

D1 ST10

V90.129

D1

Roofing to floor

Count

24

24

24

24

D1 ST11

V90.31

D1

Roofing to floor

Complete

24

24

24

24

D1 ST20

V92.48

D1

Surface

D3 ST2

V90.28

D3

Roofing to floor

D4 ST1

V90.78

D4

Roofing to floor

D4 ST2

V90.101

D4

Roofing to floor

E1 ST6

V92.65

E1

Tumble

E6 ST1

V87.53

E6

Roofing

E6

Roofing

Table 67. Average size and weight of Type 5 implements.

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

C2 ST2

V90.86

C2

Roofing to floor

E6 ST2

—

D3 ST1

V87.49

D3

Roofing to floor

I3 ST11

V88.19

I3

Roofing to floor

V90.35

I4

Roofing to floor

D5 ST3

V90.88

D5

Roofing to floor

I4 ST4

I4 ST8

—

I4

Topsoil

I4 ST5

V90.131

I4

Roofing to floor

V92.34

I5

Roofing to floor

IC1 ST5

V90.28

I court 1

Below exterior surface

I5 ST3

IC2 ST 2

V89.90

I court 2

Topsoil

IC1 ST2

V88.10

I court 1

Cobble layer

—

I court 1

Cobble layer Surface

ISE ST2

V89.50

IS

Modern terrace wall

IC1 ST4

K3 ST4

V88.41

K3

Pit

KI ST1

V87.39

Kiln

LW ST5

V90.69

LW

Wash/surface

N1 ST10

V92.57

N1

On platform

V89.88

N1

Surface/wash

N1 ST5

V90.68

N1

Roofing to floor

N1 ST15

N5 ST11

V92.36

N5

Roofing to floor

N1 ST17

V92.59

N1

Surface

V90.15

N2

Tumble

N5 ST14

V92.5

N5

Tumble

N2 ST4

O2 ST10

V88.11

O2

Wash

N3 ST2

—

N3

Tumble

—

N4

Roofing to floor

V92.21

N5

Roofing to floor

N5 ST16

V92.3

N5

Tumble

N5 ST5

V90.102

N5

Roofing to floor

O2 ST4

V89.44

O2

Roofing to floor

R1 ST2

V84.13

R1

Wash/topsoil

WS ST7

V90.63

West Slope

Surface

O2 ST6

V90.66

O2

Roofing to floor

N4 ST2

O3 ST4

V92.40

O3

Roofing to floor

N5 ST10

Table 68. List of Type 6 stone implements.

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

Average

11

8.7

3.8

528

Minimum

6.4

4.1

2.1

100

Maximum

14.9

12.8

5.4

1000

Standard deviation

3.1

3.0

1

321

Count

15

15

15

15

Complete

6

6

6

6

Table 69. Average size and weight of Type 6 implements.

Table 70. List of Type 7 stone implements.

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

Average

10.6

6.5

2.4

307

Minimum

7.3

4.8

1.3

100

Maximum

19.5

10.1

3.9

970

Standard deviation

4.5

1.3

0.8

224

Count

31

31

31

31

Complete

13

13

13

13

Table 71. Average size and weight of Type 7 implements.

TABLES 72–79 Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience C2 ST5

V84.87

Context

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

C2

Roofing to floor

AS ST1

V84.24

AS

Surface

C4 ST2

—

C4

Roofing to floor

B3 ST2

V83.15

B3

Roofing to floor

CS ST2

—

CS

Tumble

B7 ST2

V83.16

B7

Topsoil

D1 ST12

V90.33

D1

Roofing to floor

CS ST1

V92.11

CS

Exterior surface

D1 ST14

V90.47

D1

Roofing to floor

E3 ST1

V87.54

E3

Floor

D5 ST1

—

D5

Roofing to floor

EN ST2

V87.17

EN

Upper cobble fill

E2 ST2

V84.86

E2

Cobble fill

K3 ST5

V88.45

K3

Pit

E2 ST3

V84.85

E2

Roofing to floor

K3 ST8

V88.50

K3

Upper slope wash

I4 ST1

—

I4

Roofing to floor

IC1 ST3

V88.243

I court 1

Cobble layer

L-M ST2

—

L-M

Surface

LW ST3

V90.46

LW

Surface/wash

N1 ST3

V90.151

N1

Roofing to floor

N2 ST3

—

N2

Bin

N5 ST7

V90.150

N5

Roofing to floor

VW ST1

—

VW 17100

Surface

Table 72. List of Type 8 stone implements.

Table 76. List of Type 11 stone implements.

Approx. Weight Divisible by (g) Minoan Unit

Cat. No.

Inv. No.

AS ST1

V84.24

260 g

= 4 x 65 g

N

B7 ST2

V83.16

287 g

= 4 x 71.7 g

30 s (9.56 g)

CS ST1

V92.11

277 g

= 4 x 69.3 g

30 s (9.23 g)

Other Values

Measurements

L. (cm)

W. (cm)

Th. (cm)

Wt. (g)

E3 ST1

V87.54

450 g

= 7 x 64.3 g

mina

Average

5.9

4.5

3.4

30

EN ST2

V87.17

200 g

= 3 x 66.6 g

10 P

K3 ST5

V88.45

328 g

= 5 x 65.6 g

K3 ST8

V88.50

535 g

= 8 x 59.4 g = 9 x 66.8 g

Minimum

3.3

2.6

1.2

4

Maximum

9.7

7.9

6.2

95

Standard deviation

1.9

1.5

1.3

27

Count

16

16

16

16

Complete

16

16

16

16

Table 73. Average size and weight of Type 8 implements.

Table 77. Weights of possible Type 11 implements. 60 g and 65.5 g values for Minoan unit. N = 1/2 mina; P = 1/12 N or 20 g; s = Syrian shekel, 9.4 g. Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

mina

Context

Context

D1 ST1

V84.10

D1

Floor packing

B6 ST3

V83.24

B6

Floor packing

I2 ST1

V88.13

I2

Built into wall

K1 ST2

V88.44

K1

Roofing

Table 78. List of Type 13 stone implements.

Table 74. List of Type 9 stone implements.

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

B4 ST4

V83.19

B4

Roofing

C5 ST4

V92.67

C5

Surface

D1 ST2

V90.81

D1

Floor and packing

E1 ST1

V87.27

E1

Floor packing

D3 ST4

V90.3

D3

Tumble

E6 ST3

V87.59

E6

Tumble

E7 ST5

V87.45

E7

Roofing to floor

J1 ST3

V89.35

J1

Gray roofing

N5 ST15

V90.128

N5

Tumble

OS ST2

V90.12

OS

Cobble layer

Table 75. List of Type 10 stone implements.

Table 79. List of Type 14 stone implements.

TABLES 80–84 Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

A2 ST1

V84.50

A2

Topsoil

Floor packing

D1 ST8

V84.23

D1

Roofing to floor

Roofing to floor

D1 ST19

V90.23

D1

Topsoil

V88.25

I4

Roofing to floor

V89.12

LW

Topsoil/wash Modern terrace wall

D1 ST15

V90.27

D1

D1 ST3

V90.82

D1

D1 ST5

V90.17

D1

D4 ST3

V90.07

D4

Intrusive pit

I4 ST3

Intrusive pit

D4 ST4

V90.79

D4

Surface

LW ST2

E2 ST1

V84.48

E2

Cobble fill

NW ST4

V90.41

NW

I3 ST1

V92.44

I3

Built into wall

O1 ST3

V92.25

O1

Bench

I3 ST2

V88.48

I3

Built into wall

O1 ST7

V90.64

O1

Roofing to floor

I3 ST8

V88.38

I3

Roofing to floor

O2 ST1

V89.32

O2

Roofing to floor

I5 ST2

V92.32

I5

Roofing to floor

O3 ST5

V90.22

O3

Roofing to floor

I5 ST6

—

I5

Modern terrace wall

WS ST1

V89.8

West Slope

Below topsoil

ISE ST3

V89.47

IS

Dump

J1 ST5

V88.240

J1

Roofing

K3 ST2

V88.36

K3

Pit

K3 ST3

V88.37

K3

Pit

K4 ST1

V92.50

K4

Topsoil

N1 ST12

V90.105

N1

Tumble

B8 ST1

V92.23

B8

Roofing to floor

N1 ST8

V92.55

N1

Bin

D3 ST3

V92.61

D3

Surface

N4 ST1

V92.29

N4

Roofing to floor

EN ST5

—

EN

Tumble

N5 ST1

V90.99

N5

Roofing to floor

I3 ST4

V88.9

I3

Roofing to floor

N5 ST17

V92.6

N5

Tumble

L-M ST1

V89.3

L/M

Modern terrace wall

N5 ST4

V90.98

N5

Roofing to floor

L-M ST4

V88.42

L/M

Fill in tholos

NW ST3

V92.18

N4

Modern terrace wall

N3 ST4

—

N3

Topsoil/wash

O1 ST1

V92.26

O1

Bench

O1 ST4

V92.43

O1

Bench

O1 ST2

V92.27

O1

Bench

O2 ST5

V90.10

O2

Roofing to floor

O2 ST9

V90.14

O2

Tumble

O3 ST6

V89.49

O3

Oven

OS ST1

V90.5

OS

Cobbles

B7 ST1

V83.30

B7

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Context

Table 83. List of miscellaneous ground stone tools.

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience Material Context B4 ST1

V83.12

B4

Obsidian

Roofing

D1 ST4

—

D1

Chert

Roofing to floor

E2 ST4

V88.3

E2

Obsidian

Roofing to floor

E4 ST1

V87.147

E4

Obsidian Cobble fill

I2 ST2

V88.8

I2

Obsidian

Roofing to floor

Context

I2 ST3

V88.147

I2

Chert

Roofing to floor

Lower roofing

I3 ST14

V87.61

I3

Obsidian

Wash

I4 ST2

V88.22

I4

Obsidian

Roofing to floor

V92.68

N5

Obsidian

Roofing to floor

Table 80. List of Type 15 stone implements.

Cat. No. Inv. No. Provenience

Table 82. List of possible stone tools.

J1 ST1

V88.31

J1

Gray roofing

N1 ST6

V90.92

N1

Roofing to floor

N3 ST5

V92.15

N3

Topsoil/wash

N5 ST8

N4 ST3

—

N4

In-situ floor

N5 ST12

—

N5

Obsidian

In oven

O3 ST2

V92.42

O3

Roofing to floor

O2 ST8

V89.10

O2

Obsidian

Tumble

Table 81. List of Type 16 stone implements.

Table 84. List of chipped stone.

2

5

25

Type 6

Type 7

2

3

1

Type 10

Type 11

Type 12

68

25.2%

Total

%

12.6%

34

1

1

1

2

29

5.2%

14

1

2

2

6

3

5.9%

16

16

1.1%

3

2

1

5.2%

14

1

4

4

5

2.6%

7

1

1

3

2

5.2%

14

9

5

3.7%

10

2

4

1

3

5.2%

14

7

7

0.7%

2

2

2.2%

6

5

1

1.1%

3

3

0.4%

1

1

1.4%

4

1

2

1

0.4%

1

1

0.4%

1

1

0.4%

1

1

0.4%

1

1

100%

270

8

11

6

29

5

2

1

8

5

2

16

31

15

24

7

20

41

39

100%

3.0%

4.0%

2.2%

10.7%

1.9%

0.7%

0.4%

3%

1.9%

0.7%

5.9%

11.5%

5.6%

8.9%

2.6%

7.4%

15.2%

14.4%

%

Table 85. Vronda stone tools: percentages and correlation of raw materials with tool types. Quartz. = quartzite, Cryst. lim. = crystalline limestone, Limest. = limestone, Gr. schist = green schist, Congl. = conglomerate, Sandst. = sandstone, Diab. = diabase, Shelly lim. = shelly limestone, Serp. = serpentinite.

20.7%

56

1

5

Other

1

7

5

Type 16

2

1

2

Possible Tools

6

Type 15

Type 14

Type 13

1

Type 9

Type 8

3

Type 5

1

2

Type 4

10

10

Type 3

23

1

5

Type 1

Cryst. Gr. Shelly Basalt Limest. Pumice Schist Gabbro Congl. Sandst. Diab. Amphibolite Breccia Dolomite Andesite Calcite Chert Serp. Emery Total Lim. Schist Lim.

Type 2

Quartz.

Tool Type

TABLE 85

TABLE 86

Building, Room

Internal Features

Quantities and Types of Stone Tools

C2

Hearth, oven, platform

5: abrader-pounder, grinder, pounder-pestle, whetstone, pumice

C4

Hearth, oven, bench, enclosure

2: faceted tool, pumice; from tumble 3: 2 pounders, pounder-pestle; total: 5

C5

Oven, enclosure

2: pounder, whetstone

D1

Hearth, platform, enclosure

11: quern, 2 pounders, pounder-pestle, faceted tool, possible tool; 2 whetstones, 2 pumice, chert flake.

D3

Enclosure

1: grinder; from tumble 1: whetstone; total: 2

D4

Hearth, bench, enclosure?

2: whetstones

D5

None

3: abrader-pounder, grinder, pumice; from tumble 1: pounder-pestle; total: 4

E1

Hearth, bench

4: abrader-pounder, pounder-pestle, 2 choppers; from tumble 1: whetstone; total: 5

E2

Hearth?

3: pounder-abrader, pumice, obsidian flake

E7

Enclosure

5: 1 pestle, 2 faceted tools, 2 pounder-pestles

J1

Hearth?

5: quern, small mortar, 2 faceted tools, weight?

I3

Hearth, oven, bench, platform, enclosure

10: 1 quern, 4 pounder-pestles, 2 faceted tools, chopper, whetstone, other

I4

Bench, enclosure

6: abrader-pounders, 2 whetstones, pumice, possible tool, obsidian flake

I5

None

4: quern, 2 pounder-pestles, whetstone

N1

Hearth, platform, enclosure

10: quern, small mortar, 3 pounders, 1 pounder-pestle, 1 whetstone, chopper, grinder, pumice; from tumble 2: quern, pounder; total: 12

N2

Bench, enclosure

3: 2 pounder-pestles, pumice

N3

Bench, platform, enclosure

From tumble 3: faceted tool, whetstone, pounder-abrader

N4

Hearth

3: quern, whetstone, stationary mortar

N5

Hearth, oven, platform, enclosure

12: 2 querns, 2 pounders, 2 whetstones, pounder-pestle, faceted tool, pumice, grinder/quern, obsidian core, obsidian flake; from tumble 5: quern, pounder, pestle, grinder, whetstone; total: 17

O1

Hearth(?), oven, bench

3: 2 faceted tools, differentially weathered pebble; built into bench 4: 2 querns, possible tool, other; total: 7

O2

Enclosure

7: quern, 2 pounder-pestles, chopper, grinder, whetstone, possible tool; from tumble 2: quern, obsidian scraper; total: 9

O3

Oven

5: 2 pounders, mortar, grinder, other; from tumble 1: quern; total: 6

Table 86. Location of significant stone tool assemblages at Vronda (from floor/roofing to floor contexts and tumble where significant).

TABLES 87–89

Cat. No.

Find Spot

Shape

H. (cm)

Max. w. (cm)

D. hole (cm)

Wt.

Paint?

O3 TC1

O3 topsoil

Conical

1.8

2.3

0.5

5.0 g

no?

C4 TC1

C4 rock tumble

Cylindrical

1.9

4.0

0.35

3.0 g

no

N2 TC1

N2 wash

Spherical

2.8

3.7

0.65

4.4 g

no

WS TC2

VW 15000

Biconical

1.7

2.5

0.45

1.1 g

yes

N1 TC1

N1 floor

Kylix?

1.7–1.8

2.4

0.6

5.0 g

no?

EN TC1

N of E tumble

Kylix

1.9

2.5–3.5

0.8

15 g

yes

J2 TC1

J2 roofing

Kylix

2.5

2.9

0.5

10 g

no?

Table 87. Terracotta beads.

Cat. No.

Find Spot

Date

Shape

H. (cm)

W. (cm)

D. hole (cm)

% Pres.

Wt.

C3 TC1

C3, below floor

MM–LM

Discoid

6.3

6.4

0.4–0.5

100%

120 g

C4 TC2

C4, below floor

MM–LM

Discoid

3.5+

4.7

0.5

75%

24 g

IC1 TC2

I1 wash

EM–MM

Discoid

3.7

4.6

0.5 (2)

75%

?

L2/3 TC1

L2/3 roofing

LM IIIC

Discoid

5.0+

4.3

0.3

75%

27 g

E4 TC2

E4 roofing

MM III–LM I

Discoid

7.2

6.9

0.23

100%

112 g

E2 TC1

E2 floor

MM II

Cuboid

6.8

5.8–6.8

0.5–1.0

100%

445 g

N1 TC3

N1 floor

LM IIIC

Pyramidal

6.0

1.8–4.5

0.4

100%

119 g

WS TC3

VW 16000 tumble

LM IIIC–PG

Pyramidal

6.3

3.0 x 3.0 x 3.0

0.4

75%

66 g

K3 TC1

K3 pit

LM IIIC

?

3.85+

2.1

1.1

?

18+ g

Table 88. Terracotta loomweights.

Cat. No.

Find Spot

Shape

H. (cm)

Max. w. (cm)

D. hole (cm)

Wt.

N3 S1

N3 floor

Conical

1.25

1.9

0.3

7g

CS S1

CS surface

Conical

1.2

2.2

0.7

6g

L-M S1

S of L

Conical

1.3

1.9

0.55

6g

C5 S1

C5 surface to floor

Cylindrical

1.7–1.9

1.6

0.4–0.9

4g

E7 S2

E7 floor

Disk

0.25

1.2

0.05

1 g

Table 89. Stone beads.

TABLE 90

Species

No. of Specimens

Locus

Context

2 wh, 2 fr

V 11810.2, V 11811.2

S of Room C1, rock tumble

1 fr

V 12909.1

Room D2, lens of dark soil above roofing material in S half of room

1 fr

VW 9113.2

Room O2, roofing material above LM IIIC floor in S part of room

1 wh pip

V 5705.1

Room/Area J5, ancient exterior (courtyard?) surface west of Room J1

1 stem

V 12909.1

Room D2, lens of dark soil above roofing material in S half of room

Pistacia vera

1 fruit (from within shell)

V 11810.2, V 11811.2

S of Room C1, rock tumble

Lens culinaris

1 wh

V 11810.2, V 11811.2

S of Room C1, rock tumble

Legume fragment

1 wh

V 6207.6

Room K1, rubble packing N of Grave 16

Triticum aestivum s.l.

1 wh (very tiny)

V 12306.3

W of Rooms C1 and C2, topsoil over ancient terrace surface

2 wh

V 11810.2

S of Room C1, rock tumble

1 half

V 11817.1

W of Rooms C1 and C2, ancient terrace (exterior) surface

1 nearly wh

V 12909.1

Room D2, lens of dark soil above roofing material in S half of room

1 wh, 1 nearly wh

VW 10111.1

Room O2, lens of cobbles and dark soil above LM IIIC floor surface

Medicago sp.

1 fr

VW 10108.1

Room O2, rock tumble above roofing material

Ficus carica

1 mesocarp fr

V 9907.3

Room G2, rock tumble/wall collapse above roofing material

85 shell fr, 2 fruit fr

X 4626.1

Xerambela

15 shell fr

X 4625.2

Xerambela

Olea europaea

Vitis vinifera

Aethusa cynapium

Amygdalus communis L.

Table 90. Paleobotanical remains from the LM IIIC Vronda settlement (including the Shrine) and the Venetian building/farmstead at Xerambela. fr = fragment(s); wh = whole.

TABLE 91

Species

No. of Specimens

Locus

Context

1 fr

V 4701.2

Grave 20

2 fr

V 4705.2

Grave 20

9 fr = 1 wh? (fresh breaks)

V 4708.3

Grave 20

5 fr

V 5315.1

Grave 9

1 fr

V 5348.1

Grave 21

1 fr

V 5349.1

Grave 21

1 nearly whole

VW 8104.3

Grave 23

1 wh pip

V 4701.2

Grave 20

1 fr fruit

V 4701.3

Grave 20

1 wh pip

V 4704.1

Grave 20

1 stem

V 4705.2

Grave 20

1 fr pip

V 4706.1

Grave 20

1 fr pip

V 5312.2

Grave 9

3 fr pip

V 5312.4,5

Grave 9

1 fr pip

V 5314.1-5

Grave 9

1 wh pip

V 5319.2

Grave 9

2 wh pips, 1 fr pip

V 5319.5,6

Grave 9

2 fr fruit

V 5348.1

Grave 21

1 nearly wh pip

V 5350.1

Grave 21

2 fr pip, 10 fr fruit

V 5350.2

Grave 21

6 fr fruit

V 8732.2, 3

Grave 26

15 wh pips, 47 fr fruit

V 8732.4

Grave 26

4 fr fruit

V 12802.2

Grave 36

1 wh pip, 1 fr pip, 1 fr fruit

V 12806.1

Grave 36

1 wh pip

V 12807.2

Grave 36

2 fr fruit

VW 8000

Removal of modern terrace wall, possibly associated with Grave 30

9 fr fruit

VW 8104.2

Grave 23

1 wh pip

VW 10012.1

Grave 15

1 fr pip

VW 11110.6

Grave 28

1 wh pip

VW 11110.9

Grave 28

1 fr pip

VW 11118.1

Grave 28

1 wh

V 4709.2

Grave 20

1 wh

V 5350.2

Grave 21

1 wh

V 4805.5

Grave 12

1 wh

V 4809.1

Grave 17

1 wh, 1 fr

V 5312.2

Grave 9

Vicia ervilia

1 wh

V 5348.3

Grave 21

Lathyrus cicera s.l.

1 wh

VW 9118.1

Grave 23

Olea europaea

Vitis vinifera

Pistacia vera

Lens culinaris s.l.

Table 91. Paleobotanical remains from the Vronda cemetery. fr = fragment(s); wh = whole.

TABLE 91

Species

No. of Specimens

Locus

Context

Vicia/Lathyrus

1 wh

V 4709.3

Grave 20

Pisum sp.

3 fr

V 8732.2+3

Grave 26

Pisum sp., granular testa (P. elatius? P. humilis?)

1 wh

V 4804.3

Grave 10

2 fr, same seed

V 8732.2+3

Grave 26

1 fr

V 4701.1

Grave 20

1 fr

V 4805.2

Grave 12

1 fr

V 5348.3

Grave 21

1 fr

V 5349.1

Grave 21

1 fr

V 8732.2

Grave 26

1 fr

VW 11114.2

Grave 28

3 fr

VW 11118.1

Grave 28

Legume fragment

Hordeum vulgare s.l.

1wh (very tiny)

V 5348.3

Grave 21

Gramineae s.l.

1 fr (spikelet fr?)

V 9406.1+2

Grave 19

2 wh, 1 half, 6 fr

V 4701.1,2

Grave 20

2 wh, 4 halves, 1 sm fr

V 4705.2

Grave 20

1 wh

V 4709.2

Grave 20

1 wh, 1 half

V 4809.2

Grave 17

1 wh

V 5314.1-5

Grave 9

2 fr

V 8732.4

Grave 26

1 wh

V 12806.1

Grave 36

1 wh

VW 8104.2

Grave 23

4 wh

VW 8104.3

Grave 23

1 half

VW 8104.7

Grave 23

5 wh

VW 9118.1

Grave 23

1 wh, 1 half

VW 9208.2

Grave 24

1 wh

VW 10012.1

Grave 15

1 wh

VW 11110.2

Grave 28

1 wh, 1 nearly wh

VW 11110.6

Grave 28

2 wh

VW 11114.2

Grave 28

3 wh, 3 fr

VW 12012.1

Grave 34

Polygonum convolvulus s.l.

1 wh

V 9406.1+2

Grave 19

Lithospermum arvense s.l.

1 wh

VW 9118.1

Grave 23

1 fr

V 4705.2

Grave 20

1 wh

V 5349.3

Grave 21

1 wh

VW 8104.2

Grave 23

1 wh

VW 9118.1

Grave 23

1 fr

VW 10012.1

Grave 15

Aethusa cynapium

Medicago sp.

Table 91, cont. Paleobotanical remains from the Vronda cemetery. fr = fragment(s); wh = whole.

TABLE 92

2-σ Calibration Error (IntCal98)

2-σ Calibration Error (IntCal09)

330

No calibration provided

35,385 b.c.– 33,393 b.c.

2940

40

1280 b.c.– 1010 b.c.

1289 b.c.–1013 b.c.

-24.1

2940

40

1280 b.c.– 1010 b.c.

1289 b.c.–1013 b.c.

Organic sediment

-25.6

3260

40

1620 b.c.– 1440 b.c.

1624 b.c.–1439 b.c.

P red, MM II

Charred material

-24.8

3630

40

2130 b.c.– 2080 b.c.

2132 b.c.–1890 b.c.

V 2605.25

Pit, MM III– LM I

Charred material

-24.1

3390

40

1760 b.c.– 1600 b.c.

1867 b.c.–1534 b.c.

155483

V 1302.17

E1 floor, LM IIIC

Charred material

-26.3

2990

40

1380 b.c.– 1100 b.c.

1384 b.c.–1058 b.c.

8

155484

V 9909.4

G2 roof, LM IIIC

Charred material

-23.9

2970

40

1310 b.c.– 1040 b.c.

1369 b.c.–1050 b.c.

9

155485

VW 11226.1

N1 roof, LM IIIC

Charred material

-24.4

2980

40

1320 b.c.– 1060 b.c.

1373 b.c.–1055 b.c.

10

155487

V 4531.1

D1 roof, LM IIIC

Charred material

-24.8

3050

120

1530 b.c.– 940 b.c.

1604 b.c.–937 b.c.

11

155488

V 8732.4

Grave 26, LG

Charred material

-23.2

2650

50

900 b.c.– 780 b.c.

916 b.c.–672 b.c.

12

155489

VW 18108

Grave 3, LG

Charred material

-25.6

2800

50

1060 b.c.– 830 b.c.

1111 b.c.–830 b.c.

RadioError carbon (+/-) age (BP)

Sample Number

Beta Number

Locus Number

Context

Material

1

155477

V 1354.5

B7 roof, LM IIIC

Organic material

-23.5

31,960

2

155478

V 3401.4

P red, MM II

Charred material

-23.6

3

155479

V 2405.5

Q2 roof, LM IIIC

Charred material

4

155480

V 1302.20

E1 fill, EM–LM

5

155481

V 2801.13

6

155482

7

Table 92. Radiometric dates for Vronda samples.

C

13

TABLE 93

Catalog number

Volume (liters)

Comment

Conical Cup O3 P5

0.035

N2 P8

0.037

N5 P22

0.042

J2 P3

0.053

B7 P12

0.068

WS P10

0.074

IC2 P13 preserved

>0.086

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

Cup N2 P7 preserved

>0.227

B7 P1 preserved

>0.334

E1 P80

0.488

N1 P1 preserved

>0.503

B4 P3

0.589

I3 P6

0.837

N3 P1

5.185

Champagne Cup B7 P2

0.316

B7 P3

0.436

B4 P11

0.441

Deep Bowl C4 P5 preserved

>0.164

B4 P12

0.436

B7 P5

0.523

O3 P1 preserved

>0.531

WS P3

0.579

B4 P13

0.627

B7 P4

0.663

B4 P14 preserved

>0.677

E1 P96 preserved

>0.762

L1 P3 preserved

>0.770

N2 P1

0.783

O2 P1 preserved

>0.937

B7 P6 preserved

>1.451

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

Table 93. Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda sorted by shape and volume. AutoCAD calculations by M. Oehrlein.

TABLE 93

Catalog number

Volume (liters)

Comment

Deep Bowl or Cup K3 P2 preserved

>0.487

B7 P7 preserved

>0.529

N5 P1

0.530

I3 P8

1.197

WS P4

1.983

Other Bowls B7 P14

0.623

B4 P21

0.669

E7 P3

0.959

K3 P10 preserved

>0.486

Est. restored volume 0.507 liters

E2 P7 preserved

>0.601

Est. restored volume 0.610 liters

B3 P5 preserved

>0.634

Est. restored volume 0.635 liters

B3 P3

1.301

B3 P4

1.731

E1 P89 preserved

>2.471

Est. restored volume 2.512 liters

J2 P2 preserved

>7.604

Est. restored volume 7.708 liters

D1 P10

2.249

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

N3 P2

18.193

N3 P3 preserved

>28.306

B4 P25

61.652

Kylix

Krater, Fine

Est. restored volume 37.861 liters

Kalathos, Fine B4 P23

3.358

N2 P6

1.219

To lower edge of spout; does not include spout

3.125

Does not include spout

Tankard

Stirrup Jar, Fine B4 P28

Jug, Fine E1 P151 preserved

>0.326

Thelastron, Coarse E1 P132 preserved

>0.446

Does not include spout

Table 93, cont. Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda sorted by shape and volume. AutoCAD calculations by M. Oehrlein.

TABLE 93

Catalog number

Volume (liters)

Comment

Pyxis I3 P15

0.795

D1 P12 preserved

>1.250

Tripod Cooking Pot I1 P1 preserved

>0.987

I3 P17

1.363

E7 P6

2.285

I4 P11

5.090

E7 P7

5.276

I3 P18 preserved

>6.663

N1 P26 preserved

>9.202

K3 P21

10.027

N4 P2

10.994

L2 P32

12.063

J1 P22

15.232

M1 P16

16.637

J2 P1

19.750

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

Measured to lower edge of spout

Cooking Jar or Cooking Amphora M1 P17

6.693

E3 P5

23.301

Cooking Pot C2 P6 preserved

>5.208

B7 P25 preserved

>7.167

D3 P3 preserved

>7.980

O2 P8 preserved

>20.954

Cooking Jug ISE P1 preserved

>0.540

Kalathos, Coarse B4 P52

0.769

E2 P18

0.782

B3 P15

1.039

B3 P14

1.111

B4 P53 preserved

>1.129

Table 93, cont. Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda sorted by shape and volume. AutoCAD calculations by M. Oehrlein.

TABLE 93

Catalog number

Volume (liters)

Comment

Krater, Coarse N1 P11 preserved

>14.695

WS P7 preserved

>17.167

O3 P8 preserved

>17.942

E1 P115 preserved

>36.090

Est. restored volume 36.491 liters

Lekane, Coarse L3 P4

0.925

B4 P37

2.133

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

I3 P14

3.750

Measured to lowest point of rim; volume calculated by replicating the published profile at intervals around the restored ovoid shape and lofting to create a single surface

N5 P15

4.470

N2 P11

5.526

E7 P11

12.354

J1 P28

21.632

J2 P4

34.361

D4 P4

35.375

N5 P16 preserved

>35.906

Strainer 8.823

7.459 liters to top of holes; 1.472 liters to bottom of holes

3.381

Does not include spout

D1 P14

2.272

2.174 liters excluding neck

B4 P38

2.859

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles; 2.467 liters excluding neck

N1 P31

4.999

4.762 liters excluding neck

N3 P6

6.814

6.567 liters excluding neck

E1 P117 preserved

>12.933

12.868 liters excluding neck

L2/3 P12 preserved

>14.620

14.381 liters excluding neck

E7 P5 preserved

>14.739

14.309 liters excluding neck

CS P4

Stirrup Jar, Coarse K3 P19

Jug, Coarse

Amphora, Coarse

Table 93, cont. Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda sorted by shape and volume. AutoCAD calculations by M. Oehrlein.

TABLE 93

Catalog number

Volume (liters)

Comment

Pitharaki WS P9

12.194

E7 P14 preserved

>21.946

N3 P8

35.426

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles

E1 P133

37.569

Profile restored from two non-joining segments

Pithoid Jar E7 P18 preserved

>13.591

E7 P17 preserved

>18.510

E7 P16 preserved

>25.849

N5 P17 preserved

>38.196

E7 P15

>59.009

E1 P143

55.190

Profile restored from three non-joining segments; to shoulder/upper handle attachment 53.139 liters

I5 P10 preserved

>45.225

Est. restored volume to rim 96.335 to 103.389 liters; to ridge 89.507 to 96.561 liters

I5 P9 preserved

>97.064

Est. restored volume to rim 109.038 liters; to ridge 99.663 liters

N3 P9 preserved

>96.948

Est. restored volume to rim 110.376 liters: to ridge 106.572 liters

I3 P22

109.231

Profile restored from two non-joining segments; to ridge 104.943 liters

N2 P18

122.967

Profile restored from two non-joining segments; to ridge 116.611 liters

J1 P29 preserved

>272.663

Est. restored volume to rim 281.504 liters; to ridge 266.726 liters

B3 P22 preserved

>155.626

Est. restored volume to rim 308.123 to 358.611 liters; to ridge 295.076 to 345.563 liters

B3 P21

354.306

To ridge 333.033 liters

B3 P20

612.813

Profile restored from two non-joining segments; to ridge 569.039 liters

B7 P26

888.137

Asymmetrical; volume estimate based on two profiles; to ridge 835.097 liters

Pithos

Table 93, cont. Estimates of vessel capacities for LM IIIC pottery from Vronda sorted by shape and volume. AutoCAD calculations by M. Oehrlein.

Charts

282.32

300

Combined interior area in m2

250

201.57

120.77

77.05

100

105.84

124.57

150

143.35

200

181.48

197.64

Ground area in m2

37.38

62.75

Relative Size in m2

290.98

CHARTS 1 AND 2

50

0

G

E

J-K

Building

I-O-N

A-B

C-D

173.14

Chart 1. Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of building complexes in the Vronda settlement.

180

122.04

92.44

124.57

88.57

87.16

77.05

117.84 41.76

47.28

62.71

73.44

67.60 32.20

37.38

40

56.19

60

62.75

80

75.04

100

79.53

120

43.13

Relative Size in m2

140

130.04

Ground area in m2

133.84

Combined interior area in m2

160

20 0

K

G

B

I

O

J

D

E

A

N

C

Building Chart 2. Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of individual buildings in the Vronda settlement.

CHART 3

Room

Relative size in m2 A1 D1 J1 C5 N1 C2 C4 J4 K3 G1 N5 D4 I3 C1 O3 N3 E2 E1 A2 N2 G2 O2 C3 E4 D3 E3 N4 B1/2 I5 B7 B3 O1 O4 D5 I2 I4 E5 B4 D2 E6 I1

72.07 38.90 34.96 34.04 30.23 28.89 27.78 27.75 23.10 22.75 19.53 19.51 18.53 18.28 17.11 17.00 16.51 16.51 16.50 15.68 14.63 14.01 13.05 11.88 10.40 10.16 10.00 9.74 9.13 9.13 9.02 8.76 7.40 6.55 5.63 4.97 4.86 4.31 4.17 3.69 3.50

Chart 3. Relative sizes (interior area) of individual rooms in the Vronda settlement. The most poorly preserved units (L1, L2, L3, M1, Q1, Q2) are not shown.

197.64

CHARTS 4 AND 5

120.77

88.57

74.87

75.93 53.47

75.04 47.28

44.97 66.55

73.44 41.76

62.75 37.38

36.53 58.14

34.96 44.32

58.02 32.08

28.89 35.59

27.75 42.84

26.06 41.91

23.10 29.37

50

20.03 26.82

100

45.91 65.70

108.18

Ground area in m2

130.04

Combined interior area in m2

150

18.28 29.37

Relative Size in m2

200

AB

Ea st N 1N 2 O 1O 4 D 1D 3 C 3C 5 A1 -A 2

-I5

E

I1

N 3N 5 (S hr in e)

J1

G

E

W

es t

C 2

J4

K3 D 4D 5

K1

C 1

0

House Chart 4. Relative sizes (combined interior area and ground area) of recognizable houses in the final phase of the Vronda settlement. The most poorly preserved units (N4, L South, L North, M, Q1, Q2) are not shown. Building A (Rooms A1–A2), Building A-B and Building G (the Shrine) are included for comparative purposes.

100 90

other hare

Number of specimens

80

agrimi dog cattle pig

70 60

sheep/goat

50 40 30 20 10 0 B3

B4

C4

C5

D1

D4

E1

E3

E7

J1

J2

J4

K3

L2

M1

N4

N5

Q2

Rooms Chart 5. Number of identifiable specimens of animal bones from floor and roofing deposits in the final phase of the Vronda settlement.

Figures

FIGURE 1

Figure 1. Topographic map of the northern Isthmus of Ierapetra and eastern coast of the Gulf of Mirabello. Contour lines at 100 m intervals. Adapted from Haggis 2005, fig. 2.

FIGURE 2

Figure 2. Topographic map of the Kavousi region, Vronda (Xerambela), and the north Papoura area. Contour lines at 20 m intervals. Adapted from Haggis 2005, fig. 22.

FIGURE 3

Figure 3. Vronda state plan and site section. Topographic contours (1 m intervals) based on 1984 survey by J. Rehard. Plan north is ca. 5.2° east of true north.

FIGURE 4

Figure 4. Plan highlighting pre–LM IIIC walls and features on the Vronda summit.

FIGURE 5

0

5

10 m

Figure 5. Vronda: plan of the LM IIIC settlement.

FIGURES 6 AND 7

Figure 6. Stone pivots: Building K, Room K1; Building B, Room B5 (V83.18). Drawing D. Faulmann.

b

c

0

0.5

1m

a

d

e

f

Figure 7. Plans and sections of ovens: Room C2 (a), Room C4 (b), Room C5 (c), Room I3 (d), Room O3 (e), and Room N5 (f).

FIGURE 8

oven

BUILDING A hearth

pit

BUILDING B COURT

Figure 8. Building A-B: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 9

Gournia House He

Karphi Great House

Mochlos House A

Karphi Building A

Chalasmenos Megaron A.1

Kypia Kalamafki Kavousi Vronda Building A-B

Figure 9. Late Minoan III special status buildings in eastern Crete, from left to right, top to bottom: Gournia House He (after Fotou 1993, plan B), Mochlos House A (after Soles 2008, fig. 4), Karphi Great House (adapted from Wallace 2005, 235, fig. 9), Karphi Building A1 (adapted from Wallace 2012, 6, 9, figs. 2, 4), Chalasmenos Megaron A.1 (after Rupp 2007, 63, fig. 7.1), large building at Kypia Kalamafki (adapted from Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999, 241, fig. 11), Kavousi Vronda Building A-B.

FIGURE 10

Figure 10. Building Complex C-D: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 11

BUILDING E

Figure 11. Building Complex E: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 12

Figure 12. Building G: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 13

BUILDING O

BUILDING N oven hearth

BUILDING I hearth oven

COURTYARD

hearth

oven oven hearth hearth?

Figure 13. Building Complex I-O-N: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 14

Figure 14. Building Complex J-K: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 15

BUILDING M

BUILDING M hearth

hearth

M1

M1

L3

L3 COURTYARD

COURTYARD

L2

L1

L2

BUILDING L

N 0

L1

BUILDING L 5m

M1 ? L3 L2

L1

Figure 15. Building Complex L-M: LM IIIC plan (top, left), schematic plan (top, right), bonding analysis diagram (bottom, left; bonding corners indicated with circles), and perspective reconstruction (bottom, right; view from south).

FIGURE 16

I4

I4

bench stand

platform

I3

platform

stand

oven bench

base

I2

I3

hearth

stand

I2

oven bench

I2

hearth

I1

bin

bench stand

bin

I1

I5

base

I5

I5

I3

I3

I4

I4

phase 1

I5

I1

phase 2

phase 1 phase 2 hearth

0

2m

state plan state plan

visual visual connectivity connectivity

visual visual clustering coefficient clustering coefficient

schematic plan schematic plan

justified justified access graphs access graphs

visual integration visual integration

visual entropy visual entropy

visual control visual control

controllability visualvisual controllability

Figure 16. Building I: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan of architectural phases 1 and 2, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs.

FIGURE 17

bench

bench

E1

E1

hearth

hearth

E2

E4

E4

E1

E4

E3 E6 0

2m

statestate planplan

visualvisual connectivity connectivity

visual clustering coefficient visual clustering coefficient

schematic plan

schematic plan

justified justified access access graph graph

visual visualintegration integration

visual entropy visual entropy

visual control visual control

visual controllability visual controllability

Figure 17. Building E West House: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan, justified access graph, and visibility graphs.

FIGURE 18

D5 D1

hearth

phase 1

bin

bin

D4

hearth

bench

hearth

blocked doorway

D1

D3

D1

base D1 base

D2

platform

bin

D2

D2

platform

bin

phase 2

D3

D3

phase 1 phase 2 hearth

0

2m

stateplan plan state

visual connectivity visual connectivity

visual clustering coefficient visual clustering coefficient

schematic schematic planplan

justified justified access graphs access graphs

visual integration visual integration

visual entropy visual entropy

visual control visual control

visual controllability visual controllability

Figure 18. Building D: LM IIIC plan, schematic plan of architectural phases 1 and 2, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs of House D1–D3.

FIGURE 19

D5

hearth bin

D4

D2 hearth

bench

D1 D2

D3

D4

D1

D5

platform

bin

D3 0

2m

schematic plan: 3 3 schematic plan:phase phase

visual connectivity visual connectivity

visual clustering coefficient visual clustering coefficient

justified justified access graph access graph

visual integration visual integration

visual entropy visual entropy

visual control visual control

visual controllability visual controllability

Figure 19. Building D, after addition of Rooms D4 and D5: schematic plan of architectural phase 3, justified access graph, and visibility graphs.

FIGURE 20

D5

hearth bin

D4

D2

bench

hearth

blocked doorway

D4

D3

D5

D1

D1 D2

platform

bin

D3 0

2m

schematic plan: phase phase 4 4 schematic plan:

visualvisual connectivity connectivity

visual clustering coefficient visual clustering coefficient

justified justified access graphs graphs access

visual integration visual integration

visual entropy visual entropy

visual control visual control

visual visualcontrollability controllability

Figure 20. Building D, phase 4 (final) with two houses (D4-D5 and D1–D3): schematic plan, justified access graphs, and visibility graphs (separated to emphasize that each house has been analyzed individually).

FIGURE 21

0

5

10 m

Figure 21. Vronda, schematic plan of the LM IIIC settlement.

FIGURE 22

0

5

10 m

Figure 22. Plan of final phase of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement highlighting building entrances, courtyards and open areas, and hypothetical access routes.

FIGURE 23

0

5

10 m

Figure 23. Plan of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement with initial architectural units of each building complex indicated.

FIGURE 24

B5 P11

D1 P2

E1 P106

EN P38

I2 P3 EC P6

N1 P29

EC P83

GR17 P10

EC P7

EC P88

AE P21

EC P8

EC P82

EC P11

EC P14

EC P10

EC P15

EC P16

EC P90

EC P22

EC P1

EC P9

EN P19

C2 P2

EN P7

I5 P1

EN P2

E2 P2

EN P6

Figure 24. Prepalatial pottery: FN–EM I (B5 P11, D1 P2, E1 P106, EN P38, I2 P3, N1 P29, GR17 P10); EM IIB Vasiliki Ware (EC P6, EC P10, EC P83, EC P7, EC P8, EC P9, EC P11, EC P82, EC P16, I5 P1, EC P14, EC P15, EC P19, EN P2); EM II fine wares (EC P88, EC P22, C2 P2, E2 P2, AE P21, EC P1); EM III fine wares (EN P6, EN P7); EM medium-coarse ware (EC P90). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 25

EC P48

E3 P3

EC P43

EC P99

EC P37

EC P44

B7 P15

EC P34

E1 P27

E2 P15

EC P70

EC P71

EC P32

EC P97

EC P40

I4 P16

P P52

EC P74

EC P33

E3 P2

EC P96

EC P42

EC P46

EC P41

EC P47

E1 P28

EC P35

EN P37

P P78

EC P75

EC P76

EC P78

Figure 25. Prepalatial pottery: cooking (EC P48, EC P99, EC P32, EC P33, E3 P3, EC P37, EC P97, E3 P2, EC P42, EC P41, EC P43, EC P44, EC P40, EC P96, EC P46, EC P47, B7 P15, EC P34, I4 P16, E1 P28, EC P35, E1 P27, E2 P15, P P52, EN P37, P P78), and pithos (EC P70, EC P71, EC P74–EC P76, EC P78) wares. Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 26

EC P65

E1 P121

CE P20

B5 P10

I1 P3

EC P64

EC P67

E2 P1

EC P26

EC P27

B5 P9

E1 P44

AE P45

Figure 26. Prepalatial pottery: coarse wares (EC P65, CE P20, B5 P10, E1 P121, I1 P3, EC P64, EC P67, E2 P1, B5 P9, EC P26, E1 P44, EC P27, AE P45). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 27

EN P36

B4 P1

EN P9

B3 P1

EN P8

J1 P2

P P2

CS P6

E1 P14

P P22

CE P1

AE P65

EC P84

C1 P4

EI P15

CE P2

EI P16

E1 P63

AE P23

E4 P2

C1 P2

B4 P2

AE P66

P P14

B8 P1

AE P8

CE P3

P P19

P P18

EC P79

AE P61

AE P64

AE P26

EN P11

CE P7

C2 P1

AE P62

P P20

J3 P14

Figure 27. Protopalatial fine pottery: carinated cups (EN P36, B4 P1, B3 P1, CE P1, P P2, C2 P1, EN P9, EN P8, CS P6, AE P65, AE P64), straight-sided cups (E1 P14, EC P84, AE P26, P P22, C1 P4, E1 P15, EN P11, C1 P2, AE P8), tumblers (J1 P2, CE P2, E1 P16, B4 P2, AE P66, CE P3), conical cups (E1 P63, CE P7, P P14, P P19), rounded cups (AE P23, B8 P1, P P18, E4 P2, EC P79, P P20), and Barbotine Ware (AE P61, AE P62, J3 P14). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 28

P P13

P P23

AE P20

E1 P93

AE P68

AE P69

E1 P12

P P34

D3 P7

EC P86

E1 P11

AE P60

P P69

E1 P92

E2 P9

E1 P10

AE P70

B5 P2

E1 P9

E1 P19

EC P89

AE P22

L-M P4

Figure 28. Protopalatial pottery: fine bowls (P P13, P P23, EC P86), jugs (AE P20, E1 P93, AE P69, AE P70, AE P68, E1 P12, E1 P11, P P34, AE P60, E1 P92, E1 P9), jars (D3 P7, P P69, E2 P9, B5 P2, E1 P19), amphora (E1 P10), basin/jar (EC P89), and tripod vessels (AE P22, L-M P4). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 29

EN P39

P P47

D1 P4

P P46 P P50

EN P14

P P53

CE P14

CE P13

EC P50

P P55

AE P41

I3 P3

AE P6

CE P40

P P10

B5 P4

P P54

AE P42

P P11

C3 P3

AE P38

AE P40

P P12

P P61

P P51

EN P17

AE P5

EN P18

EC P57

P P57

EC P55

EC P56

EC P58

EC P107

Figure 29. Protopalatial pottery: cooking plates (EN P39, P P47, D1 P4, P P46), cooking dishes (P P50, P P51, AE P38, B5 P4, EN P14), cooking bowls (AE P40, P P54), cooking pots (P P12, AE P42, P P53, P P11, CE P14, AE P41, CE P13, P P55, AE P6, I3 P3, EC P50, CE P40, EN P17, P P10, AE P5), and tripods (EN P18, P P61, EC P57, EC P55, EC P56, C3 P3, P P57, EC P58, EC P107). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 30

P P40

AE P7

P P74

E1 P20

P P42

AE P49

E1 P21

AE P51

AE P50

AE P29

P P73

P P81

P P44

E1 P129

P P43

AE P52

AE P71

P P45

P P77

CE P11

AE P31

EN P31

P P75

AE P30

P P70

P P71

CE P7

E1 P22

E1 P127

E1 P50

Q2 P5

P P76

AE P54

P P79

CE P33

Figure 30. Protopalatial pottery: medium-coarse cups (P P40, E1 P20, P P42, E1 P22, CE P7), coarse conical cups (AE P7, AE P49, E1 P21, P P73, P P75, P P43, P P74, AE P51, AE P50, P P81, P P44, E1 P129, AE P52), coarse bowls (AE P29, AE P30, P P70, AE P71, P P71, P P45, P P77, P P76), coarse trays (CE P11, E1 P127), and fruitstands/braziers (AE P31, E1 P50, P P79, EN P31, Q2 P5, AE P54, CE P33). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 31

EN P26

EC P59

EN P13

EN P24

AE P34

CE P19

EN P40

I3 P5

EN P30

EC P113

CE P30

EN P3

CE P37

I3 P16

AE P37

C4 P8

C1 P7

CE P27

C5 P7

E1 P56

E1 P55

EN P28

Figure 31. Protopalatial pottery: coarse jars (EN P26, EC P59, EN P13, AE P34, EN P24, CE P19, EN P40, I3 P5, I3 P16, EN P30, CE P30, EC P113, EN P3, AE P37, CE P37, C4 P8, C1 P7, CE P27, C5 P7, E1 P56, E1 P55, EN P28). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 32

EN P23

EN P12

E1 P107

CE P28

EN P25

CE P23

AE P57

EC P69

EN P27

AE P72

CE P18

EC P29

EN P41

CE P43

CS P5

EN P29

E4 P3

EC P61

E2 P19

AE P56

E1 P51

CE P32

P P67

EC P110

P P85

AE P46

B5 P6

EN P22

Figure 32. Protopalatial pottery: coarse jar/basins (EN P23, EN P12, EC P69, E1 P107, EN P25, EN P27, CE P18, CE P28, CE P23, AE P57, AE P72, EC P29, EN P41), basins (CS P5, EN P29, E4 P3, CE P43, CE P32, EC P61, P P67, AE P46, E2 P19, EC P110, B5 P6), vats (AE P56, E1 P51, P P85), and jug/amphora (EN P22). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 33

E1 P59

EC P118

B5 P8

EC P114

E1 P60

EN P33

EN P32

EN P34

EC P128

EC P115

B5 P7

EC P117

EN P35

CE P42

P P86 E1 P61

B3 P23

E1 P62

EN P42

B6 P20

Figure 33. Protopalatial pottery: large jars and pithoi (E1 P59, EC P118, B5 P7, EC P114, B5 P8, EN P32, E1 P60, EN P34, EC P117, EC P128, EC P115, EN P35, CE P42, EN P33, P P86, E1 P61, B3 P23, E1 P62, EN P42, B6 P20). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 34

AW P2

E1 P2

AW P6

A1 P2

E1 P6

AW P1

E1 P98

E1 P97

E1 P3

AW P4

E1 P81

E1 P1

EC P120

AW P5

E1 P99

AW P3

E1 P100

AE P58

E1 P7

CE P4

E1 P8 B6 P6

B4 P34

E1 P13

E4 P1

Figure 34. Neopalatial pottery: fine cups (AW P2, E1 P2, E1 P3, AE P58, AW P6, E1 P6, AW P4, E1 P81, EC P120, A1 P2, AW P1, E1 P1, E1 P99, AW P5, E1 P98, E1 P97), bowls (AW P3, E1 P7, E1 P100, CE P4, B6 P6), and jugs (E1 P8, B4 P34, E1 P13, E4 P1). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 35

CS P2

B6 P11

E1 P110

B6 P17

E1 P29

AW P16

E1 P42

CE P41

AW P20

E1 P32

AW P17

E1 P75

E1 P33

E1 P112

E1 P74

AW P18

Figure 35. Neopalatial pottery: cooking dishes (CS P2, B6 P11, E1 P110), cooking trays (B6 P17, E1 P29), tripod cooking pots (AW P16, E1 P42, E1 P75), and cooking pots (CE P41, E1 P33, AW P20, E1 P112, E1 P32, E1 P74, AW P17, AW P18). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 36

E1 P71

E1 P70

E1 P36

E1 P72

E1 P40

CE P13

E1 P31

AW P23

E1 P34

AW P19

AW P22

E1 P39

AW P15

CE P12

Figure 36. Neopalatial pottery: cooking pots (E1 P71, E1 P70, E1 P36, E1 P72, E1 P40, CE P13, E1 P31, AW P23, AW P22), cooking bowls (E1 P34, E1 P39, AW P19, AW P15), and cooking jug (CE P12). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 37

AW P28

B6 P21

E1 P66

E1 P105

B6 P14

B6 P15

AW P13

A1 P1

AW P9

E1 P46

AW P34

E1 P124

B6 P8

AW P31

E1 P48

AW P35

AW P12

CE P9

CE P21

E1 P103

E1 P104

AW P32

B6 P9

AW P11

B6 P7

AW P7

AW P8

AW P36

E1 P122

E1 P125

E1 P123

E1 P126

Figure 37. Neopalatial pottery: coarse and medium-coarse cups (AW P28, B6 P21, A1 P1, B6 P7, E1 P103, E1 P66, E1 P105, AW P9, E1 P104, B6 P8, B6 P14, B6 P15, E1 P46, AW P32, AW P31, E1 P48, AW P13, B6 P9), tripod cups (AW P34, AW P35), goblet (AW P7), and bowls (AW P11, AW P12, AW P8, CE P9, AW P36, CE P21, E1 P122–E1 P126). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 38

A1 P6

E1 P45

E1 P25

E1 P57

EC P111

E1 P69

AW P37

AW P10

AW P39

Figure 38. Neopalatial pottery: coarse basins (A1 P6, E1 P45), jug (E1 P25), jars (E1 P57, EC P111, E1 P69, AW P37, AW P10), and pithos (AW P39). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 39

B7 P12

N5 P22

O3 P5

N2 P8

N3 P1

E1 P80

J2 P3

I3 P6

L1 P5

IC1 P7

N2 P7

B4 P3

B7 P1

N1 P1

B4 P11

B7 P2

B7 P3

Figure 39. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: conical cups (B7 P12, N5 P22, O3 P5, N2 P8, J2 P3), cups (N3 P1, I3 P6, E1 P80, L1 P5, IC1 P7, N2 P7, B4 P3, B7 P1, N1 P1), and champagne cups (B4 P11, B7 P2, B7 P3). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 40

B7 P4

B7 P5

B4 P13

N2 P1

B4 P12

B4 P14

B7 P6

B7 P21

WS P3

O2 P1

E1 P84

E1 P96

IC1 P21

E1 P83

E1 P101

C4 P5

K4 P2

N2 P3

Figure 40. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine deep bowls (B7 P4, B4 P13, N2 P1, B7 P5, B4 P12, B4 P14, B7 P6, B7 P21, WS P3, O2 P1, E1 P84, E1 P96, IC1 P21, E1 P83, E1 P101, C4 P5, K4 P2, N2 P3). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 41

B4 P12

B7 P6

B4 P14

L1 P4

B4 P17

B7 P7

IC1 P8

J4 P2

B4 P13

B7 P5

E2 P3

I3 P25

O2 P2

B7 P4

B7 P5

E7 P2

IC2 P5

IC2 P38

E2 P6

L2 P4

B4 P18

B7 P21

IC1 P12

B4 P16

N4 P1

Figure 41. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: motifs on deep bowls and deep bowls/cups. Scale 1:4.

AE P59

Q2 P8

FIGURE 42

B7 P7

K3 P2

J3 P9

IC1 P8

E1 P86

B4 P16

L1 P4

N5 P1

O3 P3

I3 P8

J3 P3

WS P4

J1 P5

K4 P10

IC2 P33

I3 P11

D5 P3

O1 P12

B4 P21

IC1 P4

IC1 P5

IC1 P13

IC2 P20

E1 P88

B7 P14

E7 P3 LW P6

I5 P3

B4 P22

L2 P1

Figure 42. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine deep bowls/cups (B7 P7, K3 P2, J3 P9, E1 P86, N5 P1, IC1 P8, B4 P16, L1 P4, I3 P8, WS P4, O3 P3, IC1 P4, J3 P3, J1 P5, IC2 P33, D5 P3, IC1 P5, IC2 P20, K4 P10, I3 P11, O1 P12, IC1 P13, E1 P88), bowls (E7 P3, B4 P21, B7 P14, LW P6, I5 P3, B4 P22), and amphoriskos/krateriskos (L2 P1). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 43

B3 P6 B3 P3

E1 P89

J1 P14

B3 P4

B3 P5

J2 P2 E2 P7

B3 P7

K3 P10

Figure 43. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine kylikes (B3 P6, B3 P3, E1 P89, J1 P14, B3 P4, B3 P5, E2 P7, J2 P2, B3 P7, K3 P10). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 44

B4 P25

N3 P2

N3 P3

D1 P10

AE P18

LW P4

E7 P4

D2 P4

K1 P3

J1 P15

IC2 P23

J3 P5

Figure 44. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine kraters (B4 P25, N3 P2, N3 P3, D1 P10, AE P18, LW P4, E7 P4, D2 P4, IC2 P23, K1 P3, J1 P15, J3 P5). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 45

IC1 P16

B4 P23

N2 P6

IC2 P7

IE P2

O1 P13

N3 P4

B7 P13

D1 P11

Figure 45. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine basket kalathoi (B4 P23, IC1 P16), tankard (N2 P6), fine basins (IC2 P7, IE P2, O1 P13), and fine lids (N3 P4, B7 P13, D1 P11). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 46

J3 P8

B7 P11

B7 P10

B4 P28

B4 P29

D1 P1

D4 P13

B4 P30

B4 P31

L2 P24

E1 P151

Figure 46. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine stirrup jars (B4 P28, J3 P8, B7 P11, B7 P10, B4 P29, B4 P30), fine jugs (D1 P1, B4 P31, D4 P13, L2 P24), and fine juglet (E1 P151). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 47

K4 P12 E1 P132

NW P2

N5 P18 B3 P13

D1 P12

I3 P15

C4 P2

I3 P12

O1 P14

IC2 P42

IE P3

O1 P17

N3 P5

K1 P7

Figure 47. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: fine (K4 P12) and coarse (E1 P132) thelastra, rhyton (B3 P13), fine (NW P2, N5 P18, I3 P12, O1 P14, IC2 P42) and medium-coarse (D1 P12, I3 P15, C4 P2) pyxides, open pyxides or bowls (O1 P17, IE P3), and hut urns (K1 P7, N3 P5). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 48

N5 P8

B4 P41

E1 P109

KI P11

O1 P3

O1 P2

J4 P30

C5 P3

N5 P10

D5 P4

KI P13

I4 P10

CDW P1

Figure 48. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking dishes (N5 P8, B4 P41, E1 P109, KI P11, O1 P3, J4 P30, O1 P2, C5 P3, N5 P10, D5 P4, KI P13, I4 P10, CDW P1). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 49

B4 P42

N5 P20

N1 P19

LW P10

IC1 P25 B4 P43

L2/3 P7

N5 P13

D4 P6

L2 P19

ISE P2

IC1 P19

WS P1

I3 P20

O2 P15 N1 P18

O4 P3

Figure 49. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking trays (B4 P42, N5 P20, LW P10, N1 P19, IC1 P25), tripod cooking trays (B4 P43, L2/3 P7), and cooking lids (N5 P13, D4 P6, L2 P19, ISE P2, IC1 P19, WS P1, O2 P15, I3 P20, N1 P18, O4 P3). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 50

M1 P16

J2 P1

J1 P22

K3 P21

N4 P2

N1 P26

I4 P11

E7 P7

E7 P6

O4 P1

I3 P17

C2 P5

E7 P8

I5 P7

Figure 50. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: tripod cooking pots (M1 P16, J2 P1, J1 P22, K3 P21, N4 P2, N1 P26, I4 P11, E7 P6, I3 P17, E7 P8, E7 P7, O4 P1, C2 P5, I5 P7). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 51

E3 P5

O2 P8

M1 P17

O3 P10

D3 P3

N5 P12

C2 P6

N1 P15

E1 P111

C5 P4

J1 P33

I5 P5

WS P6

ISE P1

Figure 51. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: cooking jar (E3 P5), possible cooking jar (M1 P17), cooking pots (O2 P8, O3 P10, D3 P3, N5 P12, C2 P6, N1 P15, E1 P111, C5 P4, J1 P33), and cooking jugs (I5 P5, WS P6, ICE P1). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 52

B3 P14

E2 P18

B4 P52

B4 P53

B3 P15

B3 P18

N3 P7

L1 P2

B3 P19

B3 P16

AE P53

E7 P10

L-M P6

CE P22

D5 P6

IC3 P1

B7 P18

E1 P128

E2 P20

Figure 52. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse kalathoi (B3 P14, E2 P18, B4 P52, B4 P53, B3 P15, B3 P18, N3 P7, L1 P2, B3 P19, B3 P16, AE P53, L-M P6) and scuttles (E7 P10, CE P22, IC3 P1, D5 P6, B7 P18, E1 P128, E2 P20). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 53

E1 P115

WS P7

N1 P11

O3 P8

B8 P4

IC1 P20

IC2 P43

O1 P15

L2 P13

C4 P7

O3 P9

N5 P14

J4 P17

Figure 53. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse kraters (E1 P115, WS P7, N1 P11, O3 P8, B8 P4, IC1 P20, IC2 P43, O1 P15, L2 P13, C4 P7, O3 P9, N5 P14, J4 P17). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 54

D4 P4

J2 P4

J1 P28

N5 P16

M1 P21

KI P27

E7 P11

N2 P11

N5 P15

I3 P14

B4 P37

L3 P4

N1 P32

CDW P4

CS P3

E1 P116

Figure 54. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse lekanai (D4 P4, J2 P4, J1 P28, N5 P16, M1 P21, KI P27, E7 P11, N2 P11, N5 P15, I3 P14, B4 P37, L3 P4, N1 P32) and basins (CDW P4, CS P3, E1 P116). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 55

J3 P10

E2 P17

B8 P7

KI P28

N5 P6

C2 P4

AE P32

N2 P15

CS P4

E3 P6

IC2 P6

N2 P17

Figure 55. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse fenestrated stands (J3 P10, E2 P17, N5 P6, B8 P7, C2 P4), cylindrical stands (KI P28, AE P32), vat (N2 P15), strainer (C5 P4), lid (E3 P6), and stoppers (IC2 P6, N2 P17). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 56

K3 P19

O1 P16

E1 P117

O1 P5

E1 P119

B4 P38

N3 P6

KI P22

D1 P14

N1 P31

EC P127

O1 P11

O2 P7

E1 P120

B8 P8

E7 P5

L2/3 P12

N2 P9

J1 P32

Figure 56. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse stirrup jars (K3 P19, O1 P16), jugs (B4 P38, D1 P14, E1 P117, N3 P6, N1 P31, O1 P5, KI P22, EC P127, O1 P11, O2 P7), and amphorae (E1 P119, E1 P120, B8 P8, N2 P9, J1 P32, E7 P5, L2/3 P12). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 57

N5 P7

E1 P131

IC2 P36

AN P1

L2/3 P14

E1 P133

N3 P8

WS P9

J4 P35

L2/3 P13

E7 P14

B8 P10

J4 P32

E2 P21

J1 P40

Figure 57. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse jars (N5 P7, EI P131, IC2 P36, AN P1, L2/3 P14), and pitharakia (E1 P133, N3 P8, WS P9, J4 P35, E7 P14, L2/3 P13, B8 P10, E2 P21, J4 P32, JI P40). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 58

E7 P15

E7 P20

E7 P16

E7 P17

E7 P18

N5 P17

D4 P5

B4 P56

KI P25

N2 P14 E7 P19

Figure 58. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: coarse pithoid jars (E7 P15, E7 P20, E7 P16, N5 P17, E7 P17, E7 P18, B4 P56, D4 P5, KI P25, N2 P14, E7 P19). Scale 1:8.

FIGURE 59

B7 P26

B3 P20

B3 P21

J1 P29

Figure 59. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: pithoi (B7 P26, B3 P20, B3 P21, J1 P29). Scale 1:16.

FIGURE 60

I3 P22

I5 P9

N2 P18

E1 P143

B3 P22

E4 P5

E1 P141

I5 P10

Q2 P21

N3 P9

E5 P3

E1 P142

Figure 60. Late Minoan IIIC pottery: pithoi (I3 P22, I5 P9, N2 P18, N3 P9, E1 P143, B3 B22, E5 P3, E4 P5, E1 P141, E1 P142, I5 P10, Q2 P21). Scale 1:16.

FIGURE 61

R1 P4

J1 P31

E1 P149

R1 P2

R1 P1

R1 P3

F P3

F P4

D5 P7

LW P8

Figure 61. Venetian pottery: fine (R1 P4, J1 P31, E1 P149), cooking (R1 P1–R1 P3), and coarse (F P3, F P4) wares; Ottoman to Modern pottery (D5 P7, LW P8). Scale 1:4.

FIGURE 62

D1 F1

GS F1

Figure 62. Vronda bovine figurines: D1 F1 right side, front, left side, back; GS F1 right side, top, front, left side. Drawings R. Docsan. Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 63

C4 F1

F F1

K1 F1

C5 F1

C5 F2

D1 F2

Figure 63. Vronda bovine figurines: C4 F1 right side, left side; F F1 front, top, left side; K1 F1 right side; C5 F1 right side; C5 F2 right side. Vronda horse figurine D1 F2 right side, left side. Drawings R. Docsan except drawing F F1 D. Faulmann. Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 64

D1 F3

VN F1

Figure 64. Vronda horse figurines: D1 F3 right side, left side; VN F1 right side, front, left side. Drawings R. Docsan. Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 65

HM 1119

HM 1150

Figure 65. Patsos bull figurines: HM 1119 right side, front, left side, back; HM 1150 right side, front of muzzle, left side. Drawings R. Docsan. Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 66

HM 1129

HM 11058

Figure 66. Patsos horse figurine HM 1129 right side, front of leg, front of muzzle, top of head, left side. Karphi horse figurine HM 11058 right side. Drawings R. Docsan. Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 67

N5 ST9

N1 ST1

N5 ST3

D1 ST13 K3 ST6 IC2 ST1

K3 ST1

E7 ST4 LW ST1

B3 ST1

EN ST1 O3 ST1 N1 ST7

Figure 67. Stone tools: Type 1 (N5 ST9, N1 ST1, N5 ST3, K3 ST6, IC2 ST1, D1 ST13, N5 ST13, K3 ST1, B3 ST1, E7 ST4, LW ST1, N1 ST7, EN ST1, O3 ST1). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3.

FIGURE 68

VN ST1

I3 ST13

N5 ST6

I3 ST15

I5 ST1

I5 ST4

K3 ST7

I3 ST3

O2 ST7

D1 ST18

N1 ST4

I3 ST10 E1 ST4 M1 ST1

Figure 68. Stone tools: Types 2 (VN ST1, I3 ST15, I3 ST3, I3 ST13, I5 ST1, O2 ST7, N5 ST6, I5 ST4, D1 ST18) and 4 (I3 ST10, K3 ST7, N1 ST4, M1 ST1, E1 ST4). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3.

FIGURE 69

N3 ST3 NW ST2

LW ST10

I4 ST6

NW ST1

E2 ST5

C2 ST3

D3 ST4

N5 ST15

D1 ST2

B4 ST4

Figure 69. Stone tools: Types 3 (N3 ST3, NW ST2, LW ST10, I4 ST6, E2 ST5, NW ST1, C2 ST3) and 10 (D3 ST4, D1 ST2, N5 ST15, B4 ST4). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3.

FIGURE 70

J1 ST2

I3 ST12 L-M ST3

LW ST4

E7 ST3

J1 ST4

I3 ST7

EC ST1

B3 ST2

N5 ST2

I2 ST1

D1 ST1

D1 ST9

B7 ST2

B6 ST3

E1 ST1

OS ST2

C5 ST4

Figure 70. Stone tools: Types 5 (J1 ST2, L-M ST3, I3 ST12, LW ST4, E7 ST3, J1 ST4, I3 ST7, D1 ST9, EC ST1, N5 ST2), 9 (B6 ST3), 11 (B3 ST2, B7 ST2), 13 (I2 ST1, D1 ST1), and 14 (E1 ST1, OS ST2, C5 ST4). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3.

FIGURE 71

O2 ST10

N1 ST5

N5 ST14

D5 ST3

B8 ST1 (1:4) O3 ST4

L-M ST1

EN ST5

O1 ST4

Figure 71. Stone tools: Type 6 (N1 ST5, O2 ST10, N5 ST14, D5 ST3, O3 ST4) and miscellaneous ground stone tools (B8 ST1, L-M ST1, EN ST5, O1 ST4). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3, unless otherwise indicated.

FIGURE 72

N5 ST10

D4 ST2

B4 ST2

N5 ST5 D3 ST2 I4 ST5

C2 ST4

I3 ST11 E1 ST6 I5 ST3 N1 ST3 LW ST3

IC1 ST3

D1 ST14

E2 ST3

abraded? abraded

C2 ST5

D1 ST12

N5 ST7 E2 ST2

Figure 72. Stone tools: Types 7 (N5 ST10, D4 ST2, B4 ST2, N5 ST5, C2 ST4, I4 ST5, D3 ST2, I5 ST3, E1 ST6, I3 ST11) and 8 (IC1 ST3, D1 ST14, LW ST3, N1 ST3, E2 ST3, C2 ST5, N5 ST7, E2 ST2, D1 ST12). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:3.

FIGURE 73

J1 ST5 (1:8)

D1 ST3

I5 ST2

I3 ST8

E2 ST1

D1 ST15

D4 ST3

Figure 73. Stone tools: Type 15 (J1 ST5, D1 ST3, I5 ST2, I3 ST8, E2 ST1, D1 ST15, D4 ST3). Drawings H. Dierckx. Scale 1:4, unless otherwise indicated.

FIGURE 74

N3 ST5

D5 ST5

O3 ST2 N1 ST6 J1 ST1 L-M ST4

O3 ST5

I4 ST2

O1 ST7 O2 ST1

I2 ST3

I2 ST2

N5 ST8

O2 ST8

I3 ST14

Figure 74. Stone tools: Type 12 (D5 ST5), Type 16 (O3 ST2, N3 ST5, N1 ST6, J1 ST1), and miscellaneous ground stone tools (L-M ST4, O3 ST5, O2 ST1, O1 ST7); scale 1:3. Chipped stone tools (I4 ST2, I2 ST3, I2 ST2, N5 ST8, I3 ST14, O2 ST8); scale 1:1. Drawings H. Dierckx.

FIGURE 75

Figure 75. Distribution of stone implements (roofing material to floor deposits) in Building Complexes C-D, E, J-K, and I-O-N.

FIGURE 76

C4 TC1

J2 TC1

O3 TC1

N1 TC1

WS TC2

EN TC1

N2 TC1

C3 TC1 E4 TC2

IC1 TC2

E2 TC1

N1 TC3

C4 TC2

WS TC3

K3 TC1

L2/3 TC1

Figure 76. Terracotta objects: beads or spindle whorls (N2 TC1, C4 TC1, J2 TC1, O3 TC1, N1 TC1, WS TC2, EN TC1); scale 1:2. Loomweights (E2 TC1, E4 TC2, C3 TC1, N1 TC3, IC1 TC2, C4 TC2, WS TC3, K3 TC1, L2/3 TC1); scale 1:3.

FIGURE 77

P TC1 (1:1)

R1 TC1

E4 TC1 (1:2)

O2 TC1 (1:2)

N1 TC2

I5 TC1

J3 TC1

K3 TC2

Figure 77. Terracotta objects: nodulus (P TC1), stoppers (E4 TC1, O2 TC1), disks (N1 TC2, I5 TC1), tiles (R1 TC1, J3 TC1), and “trivet” (K3 TC2). Scale 1:4 unless otherwise indicated.

FIGURE 78

I3 S1

VW S1

L1 S1

WS S1

C4 S1

V S1

L-M S2

K2 S1

E1 S1

O1 S1

D3 S1 (1:1)

L-M S1

N3 S1

E7 S1

WS S3

E7 S2 (1:1)

CS S1

C5 S1

Figure 78. Stone vessels: blossom bowl (I3 S1), lid (L1 S1), block vase (WS S1), bowl fragments (C4 S1, V S1, L-M S2, E1 S1, E7 S1), bore cores (VW S1, K2 S1), and disks (O1 S1, WS S3); scale 1:3. Stone beads (D3 S1, E7 S2, L-M S1, N3 S1, CS S1, C5 S1); scale 1:2 unless otherwise indicated.

FIGURE 79

R1 M1

Q2 M1

WS M1

E2 M1

LW M1

NW M1

J4 G1

Figure 79. Metal objects: iron (R1 M1, WS M1, LW M1) and lead (Q2 M1, E2 M1, NW M1). Glass object (J4 G1). Scale 1:2.

FIGURE 80

Figure 80. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Prepalatial material in gray.

FIGURE 81

Figure 81. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Protopalatial material in gray.

FIGURE 82

Figure 82. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Neopalatial material in gray.

FIGURE 83

Figure 83. Plan of Vronda showing locations of Venetian–Modern material in gray.

Plates

PLATE 1

Kastro



Vronda

Plate 1A. View of Vronda and Kastro from Pacheia Ammos (west). Photo K.T. Glowacki.

Plate 1B. View of Vronda and Kavousi from the harbor of Pseira (north). Photo K.T. Glowacki.

PLATE 2

Plate 2A. View of Vronda from Azoria (northeast). Photo K.T. Glowacki.

Plate 2B. View of Vronda from Kastro (east). Photo K.T. Glowacki.

PLATE 3

Plate 3A. View of Vronda ridge from the southeast. Photo K.T. Glowacki.

Plate 3B. View of Vronda from the south. Photo K.T. Glowacki.

PLATE 4

Plate 4A. View from Vronda west slope (Building I Courtyard) looking southwest/west across the northern Isthmus of Ierapetra and Gulf of Mirabello. Photo M. Eaby.

Plate 4B. View from Vronda summit looking northwest/north. Photo M. Eaby.

Plate 4C. View from Vronda summit looking north/northeast. Photo M. Eaby.

PLATE 5

Plate 5A. Aerial view of Vronda (north at top). Photo J. Wilson and E. Myers.

Plate 5B. Building B, Room B7, view of north wall (Wall C) from the south.

Plate 5C. Building D, Room D1, view of east wall (V 4606) from west.

PLATE 6

Plate 6A. Building D, Room D1, aerial view of east wall (V 4606 at right).

Plate 6B. Building D, Room D4, aerial view of east wall (V 5001, at right) and bench (V 5006).

Plate 6C. Building O, aerial view of wall between Rooms O1 and Building I, Rooms I3 and I5 (to east/right).

Plate 6D. Building O, wall between Room O1 (downhill/ below) and Building I, Rooms I3 and I5 (uphill/top).

Plate 6E. Building C, Room C1, east wall (V 11901) from west.

Plate 6F. Building A, Room A1, aerial view of east wall (V 2805).

PLATE 7

Plate 7A. East Terrace Wall, from the east. Photo K.T. Glowacki.

Plate 7B. Southern end of East Terrace Wall, from the northeast.

Plate 7C. Northern portion of East Terrace Wall, from the east. Photo K.T. Glowacki.

Plate 7D. West Terrace Wall, from the west. Photo K.T. Glowacki.

PLATE 8

Plate 8A. Building B, Room B3, paved floor surface, from the north. 0

5 cm

Plate 8B. Building K, Room K4, possible pivot stone (V92.49).

0

5 cm

Plate 8C. Building K, Room K1, pivot stone. Top view, left; three-quarter view, right.

0

5 cm

Plate 8D. Building B, Room B5, possible pivot stone (V83.18). Photo Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

0

5 cm

Plate 8E. Building Q, Room Q2, possible pivot stone (V87.30).

PLATE 9

0

5 cm

Plate 9B. Building C, Room C2, clay fragment from oven in C2, possibly from upper surface, with lip/rim and horizontal finger grooves on exterior.

Plate 9A. Building C, Room C2, oven, from the northwest.

Plate 9C. Building C, Room C4, oven, from the west.

0

Plate 9D. Building C, Room C5, oven, from the east.

5 cm

Plate 9E. Building C, Room C5, clay fragment from superstructure of oven with curving edge. Profile (left) and top (right).

PLATE 10

0

Plate 10A. Building I, Room I3, oven after excavation of clay lining on western side, from the south.

5 cm

Plate 10B. Building I, Room I3, joining clay fragments from superstructure of oven, possibly from the upper surface. View from above showing crudely finished rim and partially preserved diameter.

Plate 10C. Building O, Room O3, oven, from the south.

0

5 cm

Plate 10D. Building O, Room O3, clay fragment from oven, possibly part of a flue. Profile (left) and view of inner, concave surface (right).

0

5 cm

Plate 10E. Building O, Room O3, large clay section from superstructure of oven, possibly from the upper surface. View from above (top) and from side (bottom).

PLATE 11

a

0

5 cm

b

c

Plate 11. Building N, Room 5, hearth and oven: (a) view from south; (b) profile view of clay fragments from superstructure of oven; (c) view of oven from south, showing pieces of clay superstructure fitted against western slab.

PLATE 12

Plate 12. Aerial view of digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement, from the south. Visualization by S.K. Dafedar.

PLATE 13

a

b

Plate 13. Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement: (a) view from the south; (b) view from the southeast. Visualizations by S.K. Dafedar.

PLATE 14

a

b

Plate 14. Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC Vronda settlement: (a) view from the northwest; (b) view from the southwest. Visualizations by S.K. Dafedar.

PLATE 15

a

b

Plate 15. Digital 3D model of the LM IIIC settlement showing the courtyard between Buildings C-D and J-K: (a) view from the northeast; (b) view from the northwest. Visualizations by S.K. Dafedar.

PLATE 16

a

b

c

d

Plate 16. Pithos B7 P26: (a) showing hole in base; (b) lower part of pithos showing beveled join of fragments; (c) position of chevron band beneath scoring for coil join; (d) edge of fragment showing scored lip added to make a secure join between coils. Photos S. Chlouveraki.

PLATE 17

a

b

Plate 17. Pithos B7 P26: (a) showing two joining pieces from rim (left) and same pieces joined together (right); (b) showing neck join and handle fragment (left) and joined neck and body fragments along with handle fragment with chevron impressions (right). Photos S. Chlouveraki.

PLATE 18

D1 F1

GS F1

C4 F1 0

5 cm

Plate 18. Vronda bovine figurines: D1 F1 right side, front, left side, back; GS F1 right side, front, left side, back; C4 F1 right side, front, left side. Photos K. May.

PLATE 19

F F1

C5 F1

K1 F1

C5 F2

D1 F2

0

5 cm

Plate 19. Vronda bovine figurines: F F1 front; K1 F1 right side; C5 F1 front, right side; C5 F2 left side. Vronda horse figurine D1 F2 right side, front, top, left side, back. Photos K. May.

PLATE 20

D1 F3

VN F1

HM 1119 0

5 cm

Plate 20. Vronda horse figurines: D1 F3 right side, front, left side, back; VN F1 right side, front, left side, back, top. Patsos bull figurine HM 1119 right side, front, left side, back. Photos K. May, except HM 1119 left side by R. Docsan and front, right side, and back by Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 21

HM 1150 0

5 cm

Plate 21. Patsos bull figurine HM 1150 right side, front, left side, top, bottom. Photos Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 22

HM 22392

HM 22389

HM 22394 0

5 cm

Plate 22. Hagia Triada bull figurines: HM 22392 right side, front, left side, back, bottom; HM 22389 right side, left side, bottom. Hagia Triada cow figurine HM 22394 right side, left side, bottom, back. Photos Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 23

HM 22465 0

5 cm

Plate 23. Hagia Triada HM 22465 right side, front, left side, back, top, bottom. Photos Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 24

HM 1129

HM 1166 0

5 cm

Plate 24. Patsos horse figurine HM 1129 right side, front, left side, back. Patsos animal figurine HM 1166 right side, front, left side, back. Photos Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 25

0

5 cm

HM 11058

Plate 25. Karphi horse figurine HM 11058 left side, top, front, hooves from bottom, back. Photos Ch. Papanikolopoulos.

PLATE 26

E4 TC2

E2 TC1

E4 TC1

Plate 26. Terracotta objects: loomweights E4 TC2 and E2 TC1 (two views); stopper E4 TC1.

PLATE 27

a

b

c

d

e

g

f

i

h 0

j 5 cm

Plate 27. Plant remains: (a) Triticum aestivum (bread wheat); (b) Vitis vinifera (grape); (c) Olea europaea (olive); (d) Amygdalus communis (almond); (e) Pistacia atlantica (pistachio); (f) Ficus carica (fig); (g) Vicia ervilia (bitter vetch); (h) Lathyrus cicero (grass pea); (i) Pisum sp. (pea); (j) Aethusa cynapium (fool’s parsley). Photos S. Hamilton.

PLATE 28

Plate 28. Aerial photo of the Vronda area, showing the location of Vronda Tholos IX and Vronda Tholos X, the Xerambela farmstead, and the Byzantine church. Photo J. Wilson and E. Myers.

PLATE 29

a

b

c

d

e

f

Plate 29. Construction of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) construction of stone enclosure; (b) the stone enclosure; (c) clay lining of floor; (d) construction of doorway; (e) clay oven before finishing; (f) smoothing clay top to create lip. Construction M. Maniadakis; photos N.L. Klein.

PLATE 30

a

b

c

d

e

Plate 30. Construction of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) top with clay lip and channel; (b) completed oven before drying and use; (c) oven with plakas over door and top; (d) fire during use of oven; (e) cooking within and on top of oven. Construction M. Maniadakis; photos N.L. Klein.

PLATE 31

a

b

c

Plate 31. Gradual disintegration of the Vronda experimental oven: (a) 1997; (b) 1999; (c) all clay gone in 2012. Photos N.L. Klein.