Kaqchikel Chronicles: The Definitive Edition 9780292735231

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KAQCHIKEL

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CHRONICLES

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Kaqchikel Chronicles THE DEFINITIVE E D I T I O N

with translation and exegesis by Judith M. Maxwell and Robert M. Hill II

U N I V E R S I T Y OF TEXAS P R E S S , A U S T I N

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Publication of this book was aided by the generous support of the University of Texas Press Advisory Council. Copyright © 2006 by the University of Texas Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First edition, 2006 Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to: Permissions University of Texas Press P.O. Box 7819 Austin, TX 78713-7819 www.utexas. edu/utpress/about/bpermission.html For reasons of economy and speed Part Two of this volu m e has been printed from camera-ready copy furnished by the authors, who assume full responsibility for its contents. ISBN 978-0-292-73523-1 (library e-book)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Annals of the Cakchiquels. English Kaqchikel chronicles : the definitive edition / with translation and exegesis by Judith M. Maxwell and Robert M. Hill II. — 1st ed. p. cm. Translation of Mayan documents known as Annals of the Cakchiquels and Titulos de Xpantzay (Xpantzay cartulary). Includes bibliographical references. iSBN-13: 978-0-292-71270-6 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN-IO: 0-292-71270-7 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Cakchikel literature—History and criticism. 2. Annals of the Cakchiquels—History and criticism. 3. Titulos de Xpantzay—History and criticism. 4. Cakchikel Indians—History—Sources. 5. Cakchikel language—Texts. I. Maxwell, Judith M. (Judith Marie), 1948- . II. Hill, Robert M., 1952- . III. Titulos de Xpantzay. English. 2006. IV. Title. PM3576.Z77A513 2006 497'.42208—dc22 2005024865

ISBN 978-0-292-78822-0 (individual e-book)

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CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgments vii Key to the Abbreviations of Grammatical Categories Used in the Interlinear Glosses ix PART O N E . Introduction

and Linguistic

Commentary

i

82

The "Annals" 1 Xajil Chronicle 1 Pakal Documents 464 Q'ebut Genealogy 489 Q'eqak'uch Genealogy 495 The Don Pedro Ellas Martin Chronicle 508 Accounts of Disputes, 15 8os-i 591 5 40 Contribution Records 571 Marriages of Francisco Diaz 576

2. The Documents 11 Indigenous Writing Tradition 11 Annals of the Cakchiquels 13 Xpantzay Cartulary 17

Chapter 3. Linguistic Commentary 23 The Writing System 23 Translation Format 23 Tropes of the Maya Literary Canon 25 Lexical Change 37 Colonial Kaqchikel Grammar 45 Nahuatl Influence 62 Conclusion 67 Chapter 4. The Translation Project and Politics Limitations of Earlier Translations 69 Ideology of Translation 70 Mechanics of This Translation Project 72 Fruits of the Collaboration 73

81

Spanish Map of Xpantzay Lands

Chapter 1. Background 3 The Kaqchikel and Mesoamerica 3 Composition of the Iximche / Polity 4 The Kaqchikel and Their Neighbors 6 Rulers 7 After the Invasion 8 Chapter The The The

PART T W O . The Chronicles

The Xpantzay Cartulary 581 Lands and Boundaries of the Xpantzay 581 Origins and Lands of the Xpantzay 592 The Complaint 609 The Xpantzay Genealogy by Alonso Perez 6 The Xpantzay Genealogy by Felipe Vasquez Wars of the Sotz'il and the Tuquche' 658 69

Charts 74 1. Ajpo Xajil 74 2. Ajpo Sotz'il 75 3. Aj aw Xpantzay 7 5 4. Combined Rulers 76 5. Kaqchikel Winaq 76 Bibliography

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PREFACE A N D

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The seed for this translation project was planted in 1992 at the University of Texas Maya Hieroglyphic Workshop "Origins." Maxwell was in a study group working with the text of Memorial de Solold: Anales de los cakchiqueles y Titulo de los senores de Totonicapdn, by Adrian Recinos (1950). With the exception of one student, the group all had some fluency in modern spoken Kaqchikel and some exposure to colonial documents. The group chose a short section to work on, one describing the sacrifice of Tolk'om above Lake Atitlan, and soon discovered that the Kaqchikel of the early colonial period was not transparent to modern speakers. Many words were no longer used; others, though still in use, had radically altered their reference. Basic morphology was different; the tense-aspect system of the colonial document was more flexible and more varied than that of the modern language. The ergative/absolutive pronoun system showed alternations not currently exploited. Basic syntactic constructions had altered. But as the group pieced the meanings together, members became aware that their emergent translations were much different from those offered by Recinos. The group felt, however, that it was close to understanding the original text. The collaboration of native-speaker linguists and U.S. linguists and anthropologists allowed a richly textured interpretation to emerge. As Maxwell continued her research on discourse structures in Kaqchikel, working with Kaqchikel Cholchi' (the Kaqchikel branch of the Academia de las Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala) and with Oxlajuj Aj (the Tulane summer program in Kaqchikel language and culture), she became even more aware of the importance of the extant colonial documents for the process of language and culture revitalization in Guatemala. She witnessed mining of the colonial dictionaries and published "titulos" for words to be revived, filling in domains usurped by Spanish. She was painfully aware of the mistranslations and interpretations from the Anales, filtered through a non-Mayan cultural lens, being reabsorbed with skewed connotations and semantic loadings. The experience of the Texas workshop had convinced Maxwell of the need for a fresh translation of the "Annals" (actually a collection of diverse documents) and of the other major collection of colonial Kaqchikel documents, the Xpantzay Cartulary. She also saw the

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value of collaboration and of situating the texts in Kaqchikel cultural practice. Hill had taken a position at Tulane in 1994. He and Maxwell were now colleagues at the same institution. By that time Hill had been working with colonial records for many years, studying those pertaining to town in the Kaqchikel region for some seven years. Results of his efforts included archaeological and ethnohistorical studies of the Chajoma, or eastern Kaqchikel (1989); a paper concerning colonial-period writing by highland Maya people (1990); another on colonial-period change in social organization (1989); and a historical ethnography documenting the responses of the seventeenth-century Kaqchikel to colonial rule (1992). Accordingly, the m o m e n t was also right for Hill to delve into the most basic sources by and about the Kaqchikel. Maxwell and Hill brought complementary strengths to the project. Maxwell brought the perspective of historical linguistics; ten years of studying and teaching Kaqchikel; and an understanding of Proto-Maya, other Mayan language families, Proto K'iche'an, and the interrelations among the languages of the K'iche'an group. Hill brought an understanding of the late preconquest archaeology, the workings of the colonial regime and Kaqchikel responses to it, and his experience in paleography. Funding for the project was generously provided through a collaborative research grant (RZ-020214-97) from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Hill went to Guatemala to study the seventeenth-century litigation in which the Xpantzay Cartulary was presented as evidence. His concern was to understand the dispute, determine its outcome, and evaluate the authenticity of the accounts contained in the documents. He also took study photos of the cartulary documents for later study, transcription, and translation by other members of the project. Edward F. Fischer generously accompanied Hill to Tecpan for the purpose of locating "on the ground" the lands that had been the subject of the litigation and some of the key landmarks that had served to delimit them. We had devised a research/translation plan that included the expertise of native speakers and cultural practitioners. We were greatly aided by receiving from Kab'lajuj Tijax a working copy of the Annals as transcribed by Wenceslao Serech. We obtained a microfilm copy of the original document and checked the tran-

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scription, amending it as needed. We then began the massive project of parsing the text, word by word, morpheme by morpheme, and building a culturally nuanced translation. In 1997-1998, we were aided by Wankar (Mynor Fredy Chacach) and Oxlajuj Ajmaq (Mario Esduardo Guajan); in 1999, by M m Nik'te' (Carmela Rodriguez Quiej) and Sergio Romero (Kanek). In the later stages of translation, we had much help in checking the transcription and proposed translations. Mareike Sattler donated her time generously in going over the Xpantzay first draft. Rob Hamrick (Kaji; Aj), Timothy Smith (Kot Umiil), and Rainbow Willard (Ixxokoq'a') spent many hours with Maxwell discussing alternative grammatical analyses and possible parsings. Timothy Smith, then doing his dissertation fieldwork in Tzolola', site of much of the later action of the Xajil Chronicle, was especially diligent in locating place-names and noting continuances of colonial government structures in the current alcadia indigena. He was also adept at tracking the Aj dates in the Annals section of the Xajil documents. All these people are fluent in modern spoken Kaqchikel and have become steeped in the colonial language as well. Their insights have helped hone this translation. In addition, two patient Tulane students, Nina Muller-Schwarze and Amalia Hernandez, have checked and rechecked the text for typos and read the "free" translation to test its ability to stand alone, away from the indigenous prototype it seeks to emulate.

VIII

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The translations offered here are the product of the active interchange among Kaqchikel scholars. Where ambiguities in the language of the document arise, we have tried to disambiguate them in accord with the ethnohistoric evidence for the events recorded. The text is heavily footnoted to make our argumentation for particular readings transparent. As can be seen from the number of participants, the translation process was a collaborative and interactive one, as Maxwell had originally intended. The final product, however, is the result of a myriad of decisions, both great and small, made jointly by Maxwell and Hill. Of the introductory material, Hill prepared Chapters 1 and 2, while Maxwell wrote Chapters 3 and 4. We wish to thank all those who gave so freely of their expertise to help make this translation culturally grounded, historically accurate, and linguistically exact. Final decisions on glossing are of course ours, as are mistakes that might slip through. To the Kaqchikel Amaq': Maty ox chiwe xiya' q'ij yojk'oje' chi ik'ojol. Xqetamaj jub'a' chrij ri ib'anob'al, ri ik'aslemal, ri tzij, ri tz'ib' xkitz'ib'aj kan ri iwati't, imama'. Nqasiij re samaj re' richin ta man nik'is ta el ri ketamab'al, kina'oj, ri rejqalem ri kipixa', kik'utb'al. J.M.M. R . M . H . II

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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KEY T O T H E A B B R E V I A T I O N S OF G R A M M A T I C A L C A T E G O R I E S U S E D IN THE I N T E R L I N E A R GLOSSES

I

iA iAp iE iEp 2

2A 2Ap 2E 2Ep 3 3A 3Ap 3Dp 3E 3EP adj AG AP cnj CS D e EX F G H I IM int IP irr

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first person first person absolutive first person plural absolutive first person ergative first person plural ergative second person second person absolutive second person plural absolutive second person ergative second person plural ergative third person third person absolutive third person plural absolutive third person deictic plural third person ergative third person plural ergative adjective agentive antipassive conjunction causative deictic epenthetic exclamation future gentillic hortative instrumental imperfect intensive intransitive verb from a positional root irrealis

IV 1 MP MS N neg P P PA PD PP PR PRS PS PV Q r rd RP sf TC tf tp TP TV VR VT

intransitive verb ligature, compounding element middle passive measure nominalizer negative plural positional partitive proximal deictic past participle preposition present tense past tense passive question, interrogative repetitive reduplication recent past stem formative trace time forward time past transitive verb from a positional root thematic vowel versive transitive verb

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CHAPTER I BACKGROUND

Many of the topics normally presented in an introduction to the translation of these documents have been covered in Recinos' Spanish (1950) and English (1953) editions. These have enjoyed such long and wide distribution that it seems unnecessary to recapitulate all the information he provided. Instead, we have confined ourselves primarily to topics where our knowledge has increased substantially since Recinos' time, or where our translation leads to new interpretations.

THE K A Q C H I K E L A N D M E S O A M E R I C A

"Kaqchikel" is the name used to refer to one member of the K'iche'an group of highland Maya languages. It has western and eastern variants, remnants of the division between two precontact polities; the western one centered on Iximche' (home to the groups that prepared the Chronicles), the eastern one referred to as the Chajoma'. Today, there are in the neighborhood of half a million Kaqchikel speakers, more than have ever existed before at one time in their history. Most of them live in fortyeight municipalities in the Guatemalan departments of Solola, Chimaltenango, Sacatepequez, and Guatemala. Many Kaqchikel also live and work in the capital, Guatemala City. Foreign tourists who have visited Antigua Guatemala (the colonial capital), or who have traveled to Lake Atitlan or Chichicastenango, have been in or passed through the heart of Kaqchikel country.

Prehistory, Ancestors,

and the Tula

Tradition

The archaeology of the Kaqchikel is not well developed beyond two of their latest and largest precontact centers, Iximche' and the site officially (but incorrectly) known as Mixco Viejo (a Chajoma' center), both of which are popular tourist destinations today. A few other late precontact centers are known from surveys or limited excavations (Fox 1978; Bras well 1998; Hill 1996). The more remote prehistory of Kaqchikel ancestors remains to be explored. Still, the most recent interpretation of the archaeological evidence suggests a continuous, detectable ancestral presence of K'iche'an peoples in the highlands since Early Classic times (ca. 300-600 AD) (Popenoe de Hatch 1998). They were thus full participants in Classic Mesoamerican civilization.

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Based on our current knowledge, however, the Kaqchikel only appear as archaeologically distinct near the end of the Late Postclassic period (ca. 1250-1524 AD). By this time, Mesoamerican civilization was a continuous tradition stretching back several millennia. One notable feature of this tradition was its succession of cities called "Tollan" or "Tula" ("Place of Cattails"), each a major center of political power and cultural preeminence. Teotihuacan of the Early Classic in central Mexico was the earliest of these. Epigraphic evidence from the lowland Maya region indicates that it was known as Place of Cattails and that it may well have usurped power from indigenous Maya elites in a number of the latter's cities (Stuart 2000). Long after its demise, Teotihuacan was replaced by the Early Postclassic (1000-1250 AD) city of the "Toltecs" known as Tula, in the state of Hidalgo, Mexico. Finally, the Nahuatl-speaking Mexica were well along in the process of establishing their own city, Tenochtitlan, as the latest political and cultural center, though their efforts were cut short by the Spanish conquest. In both central Mexico and the Guatemala highlands, politically ambitious peoples attempted to legitimize their aspirations and enhance their prestige by claiming ties to a Tollan/Tula. Such claims seem to have been an ancient practice, extending back to Teotihuacan times. The claims that have come down to us from late precontact central Mexico are less ambitious. They are concerned primarily with establishing legitimacy back to Early Postclassic "Toltec" times, based on marriages to and descent from presumptive "Toltec" survivors (Gillespie 1989). Whenever and wherever Tollan/Tula was, it was distant from the Maya highlands, and claims of legitimacy based on marriage or direct descent realistically could not be made. Instead, Tollan/Tula became a place of origin and investiture, where the Kaqchikel (and related highland Maya peoples) claim to have received their mandate and from whence they departed on the long journey that eventually would lead to the formation of their own polity. Along the way, they acquired agriculture and other attributes of settled, civilized life, culminating in the receipt of kingly regalia. Did they actually make such a journey? Given the present state of our archaeological knowledge, it is impossible to tell. However, the fact that so many other Mesoamerican peoples (including the Mexica) struc-

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tured their remote histories as a journey from a place of origin suggests that we are dealing with a widespread trope or convention. Nahua histories also have the people beginning in a hunter-gatherer condition, only later gaining knowledge of the arts of civilization. The Mexica are the last people to enter the Valley of Mexico, yet destined to rule over it. The Kaqchikel likewise portray themselves as late arrivals in the highlands and the "younger brothers' 7 to related peoples like the K'iche', w h o m they will eventually surpass.

C O M P O S I T I O N OF THE I X I M C H E ' P O L I T Y

The authors of both the Annals and the Xpantzay Cartulary were members of groups that composed the indigenous polity centered on the site of Iximche', and m u c h of what they describe for the precontact period concerns their relationships with the other groups that composed that polity and its neighbors. Accordingly, some basic information on the composition and structure of the Iximche' polity is necessary in order to understand much of both documents. Most of what we know of the Iximche' polity is based on the Chronicles themselves. There is little in the way of independent corroboration of the information they contain. Accordingly, we must interpret the Chronicles carefully, especially the terms used to refer to the different kinds of groups that composed the polity. Interpretations of late precontact highland Maya political organization have only recently begun to emerge from the long shadow of earlier generations of scholars who (perhaps subconsciously) imposed an essentially tribal model of organization on the peoples of the region. Thus, the earlier translations by Brinton and Recinos refer to "tribes" and "chiefs" as though the Kaqchikel were some generic "Indian" tribe from North America. At the same time, earlier translators had trouble confining themselves to this tribal model in translating at least some Kaqchikel terms. So, "kings," "princes," and "princesses" appear alongside "tribes" and "chiefs," with no apparent concern for the incongruous juxtaposition of the monarchical and tribal models. More recently, it has become abundantly clear that the terms used by the Kaqchikel to describe their sociopolitical groups cannot justifiably be rendered according to either a simplistic tribal model or an equally simplistic monarchical one. Much of the data and argument for what follows have been presented elsewhere. Our main concern here is to outline the structure of the Iximche' polity, two of whose component groups composed the Chronicles. 4

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The

Chinamit

The chinamit was the basic unit of late precontact, highland Maya sociopolitical organization above the level of the family. The term itself is of Nahuatl origin, and chinamitl was used in some parts of central Mexico synonymously with another term, calpulli. From the time of Adolph Bandelier in the 1870s until recently, generations of scholars have interpreted the calpulli/chinamit of central Mexico as some kind of kinship-based unit, most commonly a clan (Bandelier 1877, 1878, 1880; Monzon 1949). Accordingly, the highland Maya chinamit was also long assumed to have been a kin unit as well, though here the term "lineage" was most commonly applied (Carmack 1977, 1981). However, investigations and interpretations in both the Mexican and highland Maya areas strongly indicate that calpulli/chinamitl/ chinamit were not kinship units but territorial units (Carrasco 1971; Hicks 1986; Hill 1984; Hill andMonaghan 1987). Among the Kaqchikel, each chinamit was led or governed by an individual drawn from the aristocratic family which dominated the chinamit. Other members of the chinamit were commoners who worked the lands held by the group and supported the aristocratic family with goods and services.

The

Amaq'

Two or more chinamits (we shall use this admittedly awkward plural for convenience) commonly confederated themselves in an amaq'. The exact basis of such confederations is unclear, though intermarriage among the aristocratic families of the component chinamits was probably of primary importance. The chinamits of an amaq' also seem to have occupied contiguous territories, making peaceful alliances practical and beneficial. In the case of the Kaqchikel, these associations were retained even when the entire population moved, and amaq' affiliations probably had a strong influence on each chinamit's choice of a new territory.

The Winaq A winaq was the highest level of late precontact sociopolitical organization in the Maya highlands. The term means "people," but its use in the Chronicles indicates that it referred to a unit that could best be rendered in English as "a people" or "nation." It was basically an alliance or confederation of two or more amaq's. In indigenous terms, then, the polity centered on Ix-

BACKGROUND

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imche 7 was a winaq which originally consisted of three amaq 7 s (see Chart 5). After the expulsion of the Tuquche 7 Amaq 7 from the polity in 1493, it was composed of two amaq 7 s, each containing four chinamits. The Kaqchikel proper were one amaq 7 , whose leading chinamit--the Xajil-composed the Xajil Chronicle. The other three were the B7ak7ajola7, Q 7 eqak 7 uch, and Sib'aqijay. The other amaq 7 was the Sotz7il Amaq 7 . Its leading chinamit was presumably also named the Sotz7il (since the leader of the amaq 7 was titled the Ajpo Sotz7il, like his counterpart, the Ajpo Xajil of the Kaqchikel Amaq 7 . In other words, it seems that the pattern was to add title ajpo[p] to the name of the leading chinamit in the amaq 7 ; see below). The Xpantzay (the group responsible for our other chronicles) were joined by the Poroma 7 and Ch 7 ikb 7 al as the other chinamits in that amaq 7 .

Ranks and Titles Precontact Kaqchikel society, like Mesoamerican societies generally, was aristocratic in the sense that some lines of descent were considered inherently somehow better than others. Thus, members of such lines of descent were entitled to special prerogatives and to rulership (see Goldman 1970, xvi-xxi). Much more is known about the ideological basis of the Aztec aristocracy, that is, the nature of "better" (see Lopez Austin 1988, 1:388394). Given what we know about Kaqchikel self-concepts, they seem to have had parallel beliefs (see Hill and Fischer 1999). Members of the aristocracy in general merited the use of the term a)aw. The pattern of its use in the Chronicles is analogous to the use of the Spanish term "don." Accordingly, when used alone it is a reverential term, not a specific office. Our best approximation in English is "lord." When (as frequently happens) it occurs with a specific, named group such as "Ajaw Xpantzay," it is an office that is referred to, the "Lord of the Xpantzay," the head of the Xpantzay Chinamit. As noted above, an amaq' represented a higher level of organization composed of two or more chinamits. It is clear that the component chinamits were not all of equal status, since only one of them provided the ajpop ("he of the mat"). For example, the Xajil Chinamit supplied the ajpop of the Kaqchikel Amaq 7 , while the leading chinamit of the Sotz 7 il Amaq 7 (which we think was called the Sotz 7 il Chinamit; see above) provided its ajpop. By comparison, the heads of the other chinamits were simply ajaws. Other amaq's that were not part of the Iximche 7 polity clearly had their own ajpops, and their names are recorded in the Chronicles. They in5

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clude the Tuquche 7 and Raxonijay. The amaq 7 seems to have been normally the highest level of organization, the winaq or nation being new and rare. Accordingly, there was no term for the head of such a unit, a sovereign, even if one individual actually exerted disproportionate power over it. In the case of the Kaqchikel Winaq, authority seems to have been shared between the two ajpops. Even powerful K7iche7 figures like Q 7 ukumatz and K7iqab were, first and foremost, ajpops of their N i m a K7iche7 Amaq 7 , and there were two other amaq 7 s in their polity. Many other terms seem to be titles, though we do not know which of them might have been ascribed and which achieved. The term achij literally refers to "companion, 77 though its use in the Chronicles clearly indicates that "warrior 77 is the best English rendering. Of course, "companions" have been elite troops in other contexts, such as in the Macedonian army at the time of Philip and Alexander. Because of its reference to a bird of prey, the term ak'anima'q ("great hawk77) may refer to an even higher level of warrior elite. The significance of other titles is even harder to discern. The ajpop achi' may have been an assistant to the ajpop, or a member of a council which advised him. A nima'q achi' may have been an individual who achieved noble status through exceptional service to his ajpop. The title of q'al achi' or q'alel achi' seems to refer to a crown or circlet of some kind. However, it is unclear if this badge of rank was limited to one individual or a group. A k'ulpatan was most probably a tribute collector, as the name implies, though still of noble status.

Population Precontact chinamit populations probably varied considerably, yet most of our information on this topic comes from postcontact documents, after war and imported diseases had decimated the population and after Spanish resettlement programs had split up some of the larger chinamits and/or forced many to relocate far from their original homes. Such information as we do have indicates that a late sixteenth-century chinamit might have contained from only a few score to well over 500 (and perhaps as many as 1,000) people (Hill 1992, 3 8 42). Yet these represented only the remnants of the precontact populations. While scholars have long argued over the extent of population loss due to the Spanish invasion in different parts of Mesoamerica, a loss rate of some 80 percent is probably a justified estimate for the Kaqchikel region. If so, then a large, precontact chinamit would have numbered over 2,500 people, perhaps as

COMPOSITION OF THE IXIMCHE 7 POLITY

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many as 5,000. If we assume for the moment that all of the Iximche' polity's chinamits were this large, then the polity would have boasted something on the order of 20,000-40,000 people.

THE K A Q C H I K E L A N D T H E I R N E I G H B O R S

The Kaqchikel Winaq was one of the major powers of late precontact highland Guatemala. Only two other groups are consistently referred to as winaqs in the Chronicles. One of these is the K'iche' Winaq, a confederation of three amaq's, with separate but neighboring capitals near present-day Santa Cruz del Quiche. Under the aggressive leadership of a series of rulers (and with the active military support of the Kaqchikel) the K'iche' came to dominate much of the western highlands during the 1400s (Carmack 1981). The other winaq was referred to as the "Aqajal" in the Annals and as the "Akul" in the Popol Wuj of the K'iche'. Their name for themselves was "Chajoma'." Also Kaqchikel speakers, they occupied the region just east of the Iximche' polity, encompassing most of the present-day municipio of San Martin Jilotepeque and the northern third of the present-day Department of Guatemala. Their main center was the site popularlybut incorrectly-known as "Mixco Viejo" (Hill 1996). The Kaqchikel claim to have defeated and subordinated the Chajoma' during the reigns of Oxlajuj Tz'i' and Kab'lajuj Tijax (probably in the 1480s). However, the Chajoma' put up their own resistance to the Spaniards in the 1520s, even after the destruction of Iximche', suggesting that they retained a significant degree of self-determination. Their precontact relationship to the Iximche' polity was probably one of tribute payment rather than abject subordination. The southern part of the Department of Guatemala was occupied by three relatively small, Poqomamspeaking polities. On the northern edge of the Valley of Guatemala was that of Mixco. The Petapa polity occupied the eastern part of the Valley, and the Amatitlan polity occupied the southern part. In the later sixteenth century, the Mixco people claimed precontact alliances with the K'iche' (Zuckerkandel-Borie 1982, 67). This would have been one way to protect themselves from incursions by the Kaqchikel and Chajoma'. The Tz'utujil speakers were neighbors of the Kaqchikel to the southwest, along the southern side of Lake Atitlan. They were dangerous, traditional enemies of the Kaqchikel, but the Tz'utujil do not seem to have been organized at the winaq level. At least they are not

6

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referred to as such in the Chronicles. One Tz'utujilspeaking polity (probably an amaq') is referred to as the Aj Tz'ikinijay. The Tz'utujil proper were probably another amaq'. Mention is also made of one more Tz'utujilspeaking polity at a place called Malaj (probably on the Pacific piedmont), whose ruler made a marriage alliance with the K'iche' ruler Q'ukumatz. A large portion of the Pacific Coast of Guatemala was dominated by the Nahuat-speaking Pipil people, whose major center in the late precontact period was Escuintla (referred to as Atakat by the Kaqchikel). K'iche' leader K'iqab' failed in his attempt to subjugate Atakat, probably in the mid-1400s. The Kaqchikel fought with these Pipil people in 1520. Also, a Xajil ancestor, Chopena' Tz'ikin Uk'a', reportedly died fighting against Atakat, probably in the late 1400s. Peaceful interactions are not attested to by the sources. Other Pipil settlements extended into El Salvador and beyond, though the center of gravity seems clearly to have been in western El Salvador. The "province" of Cuscatlan was the object of Alvarado's campaign after conquering the K'iche' and destroying Atakat. His obsessive demands for gold from the Kaqchikel began after failing to find sufficient loot farther south. The question of the origin and arrival of these Nahuat-speaking peoples is significant for understanding the pre- and protohistory of Central America, as well as the many linguistic and other borrowings by the Kaqchikel and other highland Maya groups. Architectural and pottery styles very similar to central Mexican (Teotihuacan) prototypes appear in the site known as Kaminaljuyu' (which dominated the Valley of Guatemala) in Early Classic times. However, linguists and archaeologists continue to debate the linguistic affiliations of the Teotihuacanos and the significance of their traits in Kaminaljuyu'. It remains possible that the Teotihuacanos were Nahuat-speaking people and that the traits documented at Kaminaljuyu' represent an early Nahuat presence in Central America. By Late Classic times, we are on firmer ground both archaeologically and linguistically. Though many archaeologists remain coy, it seems likely that Nahuatspeaking people (perhaps from the Gulf Coast region) were responsible for the spectacular remains on the Pacific Coast of Guatemala, collectively referred to as "Cotzumalhuapan" (centered as these remains are around the town of Santa Lucia Cotzumalhuapa). In Late Postclassic times, we have evidence of direct contact between the Aztecs and Kaqchikel in the form of the embassy sent by the emperor Moctezuma to Iximche', to give notice of the Spaniards7 arrival.

BACKGROUND

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RULERS

One of the main topics of both the Xajil Chronicle and the Xpantzay Cartulary is the succession of rulers, back to perhaps as far as the 1300s. Unfortunately, the Kaqchikel did not adopt a calendar that we can correlate with our own until after their internal fight with the Tuquche' in 1493. Attempts have been made, most notably by Wauchope (1949), to delineate the line of succession for the Ajpo Xajil and Ajpo Sotz'il, twin rulers of the Iximche' polity. Presented here is a revised version of Wauchope's sequence, along with the succession of the ajaws of the Xpantzay Chinamit. This information is also presented graphically in Charts 1-4. It is generally assumed that Iximche' was founded about 1470. The exact date is not known, but the event coincided with an internal struggle by certain factions of the K'iche' Winaq against their great ruler K'iqab' toward the end of his reign (see also Carmack 1981). Attempts to date the reigns of prior and subsequent rulers primarily involve estimates as to the average length of their reigns, sometimes supplemented with archaeological data.

Ajaw

Xpantzay

The ajaws of the Xpantzay span eight generations, down to the early 1600s. The first Ajaw Xpantzay mentioned is Chimal Akat. He is credited with founding the town of Ochal and with marrying a woman from the neighboring (and potentially hostile) Aqajal (Chajoma') Winaq. Ochal has been positively identified as an archaeological site in present-day San Martin Jilotepeque (Fox 1978; Braswell 1996). Radiocarbon evidence from Bras well's excavations in part of the site indicate that construction began around 1100 AD. This would seem far too early for the first of only eight generations of Xpantzay rulers,even at an average of 30 years per reign, this would place the eighth ruler at only the mid-1300s. A likely explanation is that these earlier constructions at Ochal represent an occupation by some other group, who were ultimately displaced or absorbed by the Xpantzay, perhaps under the leadership of Chimal Akat, probably in the later 1300s. The second ajaw was named Xpantzay No'j. We have no idea when he was born or when he succeeded as ajaw. However, he is credited with committing his people to the service of the K'iche' ruler Q'ukumatz (father

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of K'iqab'). Based on Carmack's (1981) reckoning of the succession of K'iche' rulers, this would have occurred around 1400 AD. Xpantzay Ajmaq was the third ajaw. Again, details as to his birth and ascension to office are lacking. He is credited with serving as ajaw at the time when the Xpantzay arrived at their penultimate home, Chi Awar. This occurred during the reign of K'iqab', determined by Carmack to have begun around 1425. The fourth ajaw, Julajuj Kan, is said to have been born at Chi Awar and to have been ajaw when the Xpantzay moved with the rest of the Kaqchikel to Iximche', around 1470. Trouble in the succession began with his son and the fifth ajaw, Kaji' Aqb'al. In addition to the four children by his wife (who was of the Porom Chinamit), he also fathered a son by a woman who is referred to by the Xpantzay as a "slave." The son was named Atunal and he became the sixth ajaw. He ruled at the time of the conquest, in 1524. Competition between the legitimate and bastard lines of Kaji' Aqb'al continued after the conquest. Atunal was succeeded as ajaw by one of Kaji' Aqb'al's legitimate descendants, Don Juan Mesa Pusul. He was ousted by Archbishop Marroquin (probably in the mid-15 40s) and replaced by another legitimate descendant, Don Alonso Perez Xpantzay, who appears to have died in 1554. The last recorded Ajaw Xpantzay was one of Atunal's descendants, Don Francisco Ordonez. He was alive at the time Felipe Vasquez Xpantzay wrote his "Xpantzay Genealogy" in 1602 (see below).

Ajpo

Sotz'il

The Sotz'il almost certainly had a written history like the Xajil and Xpantzay, though it has not come down to us. Accordingly, we can only reconstruct their leaders 7 succession through references in the documents of the other two groups. Nine rulers are mentioned, though these extend back only to the founding of Chi Awar which, as noted above, seems to have occurred after 1425.

Xikitzal is mentioned first as a cofounder of Chi Awar. He was succeeded by Jun Toj, who reigned at Chi Awar. Lajuj Aj was the third Ajpo Sotz'il and was a cofounder of Iximche' around 1470. He was succeeded by Kab'lajuj Tijax (late 1400s?) and then Lajuj No'j (early 1500s). Kaji' Imox became Ajpo Sotz'il in 1521 and was executed by Alvarado in 1540. He was succeeded by Don Francisco, who died in 15 5 7, and by Don Lucas, the last Ajpo Sotz'il mentioned in the documents.

RULERS

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Ajpo Xajil The Xajil Chronicle provides detailed information not only on the succession of the Xajil rulers but on their wives and children as well. The record begins with a pair of rulers named Q7aq7aw?tz and Saktekaw. The latter seems to have died without issue. Q 7 aq 7 awitz 7 s sons; Ka7i7 No'j and KaY B7atz7 are reported to have been small at the time of their father's death, around 1410 AD by Wauchope 7 s reckoning (Wauchope 1949, 20-21). Two usurpers imposed themselves at this time, claiming the titles of Ajuchan Xajil and Q'alel Xajil. They ruled until Ka7i7 No7j and KaT B7atz7 had married (both to Tz 7 utujil women) and come of age in the service of the Kaweq leader, Tepew/Q'ukumatz. The usurpers were then hanged and the two brothers assumed the leadership of the Xajil. Probably in an effort to avoid usurpation in the future, KaT No'j and KaT B7atz7 mandated the offices of Ajuchan Xajil and Q 7 alel Xajil be occupied by their eldest sons, Sitan K7atu7 and K7otb7al Kan, respectively. Thus, the text notes, the Xajils had four lords, a system that seems to have endured for another generation, into the reign of K'iqab 7 (probably post-1425 AD). When KaT No7j and KaT B7atz7 died, their eldest sons, Sitan K7atu7 and K7otb7al Kan, automatically moved up into the ajpop and ajpop k'amajay positions. With the death of Sitan K7atu7, the lordly offices "went away from among" the fathers and grandfathers of the Xajil. While the details are cloudy, these offices were filled by a succession of individuals from groups allied with, or subordinate to, the Xajil. This arrangem e n t lasted long enough that Sitan K7atu7s son, Sitan Tijax Kablaj, did not rule. Instead, the office of Ajpo Xajil finally returned to Sitan K'atu's grandson, Wuqu 7 B7atz7 (who later was cofounder of Iximche 7 ). He was succeeded by his son, Oxlajuj T z T , and his grandson, fun Iq7. B7eleje7 K7at reigned at the time of the Spanish invasion and had died by 1529. Yet the office of ajpop long survived the conquista and seems to have been merged with the Spanish office of town governor. As a replacement for B7eleje7 K7at, Alvarado installed Don forge Kablajuj Tijax (who was probably a son of B7eleje7 K'at, though this is not specifically stated in the document) in 1532. He survived the loss of his first wife, Dona Catalina, to remarry in 15 61. He died in 1565 and seems to have been replaced as governor (if not as ajpop) by one Don Hernando (at least in 1578). In 1580 Don Pedro Solis (grandson of fun Iq7 through Ajmaq) be-

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came ajpop and governor. Upon his death in 1584, Don fuan Hernandez (son of Don forge Kab'lajuj Tijax) became ajpop but, in a documented break with precedent, not governor. The latter office went instead to Don Pedro Ellas Martin, a member of the Q 7 eqak 7 uch Chinamit who had very pro-Spanish attitudes (see below). He held the governorship until 1604. Meanwhile, Don fuan Hernandez had died in 1585. He was succeeded as head of the Xajil by his nephew, Don Ambrosio de Castellano. By 1604 Don Ambrosio seems also to have assumed the governorship.

AFTER THE I N V A S I O N

There is little Spanish documentation concerning the disposition of the Iximche 7 people after the invasion. What little there is, combined with the evidence of the Chronicles themselves, allows us at least to sketch the major developments. The major Spanish civil program of the mid to late sixteenth century was called congregation. The intent of the program was to found Indian towns that conformed to a Spanish model from the remnant Indian groups that had dispersed during the fighting. Another Spanish objective was to break up the larger polities, thus reducing their potential for coordinated revolt. In the case of the Iximche 7 polity, the result was that the Kaqchikel Amaq 7 —half the polity— was divided among new towns. Most members of the amaq 7 went to Solola. Other members of the amaq 7 (numbering over 1,000 in 1562) and perhaps half the members of the Xajil Chinamit (more than 500 in 1562) were sent to Chimaltenango and San Pedro Sacatepequez (Hill 1992, 40-41). Accordingly, it was the Sotz 7 il Amaq 7 that remained behind to form the new town of Tecpan. The four chinamits became four barrios in the new town. One of these barrios was named "Ispansay,77 another Poroma, indicating that the traditional chinamit organization continued in the new town setting (Guillemin 1977, 246). Spanish policy dictated that Indian towns conform organizationally to lines laid down in the Laws of the Indies. The Audiencia of Guatemala was the ruling tribunal of the region. The president of this tribunal had ultimate responsibility for its administration. For each town, the Audiencia annually appointed an Indian governor. In the sixteenth century this was typically one of the high-ranking aristocrats who had survived the conquest. In Solola, down through the 1580s the governor seems perennially to have been the Ajpo Xajil. The governor's main responsibilities were ensuring that tribute

BACKGROUND

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was delivered on time and the maintenance of order in his town. Beneath the governor was the town council, elected annually by and from among the town's adult male population. The council, or cabildo, was composed of two alcaldes, or magistrates, and from two to four regidores, or councilmen, depending on a town's population. Collectively, they were often referred to as the town's justicias. Other functionaries included at least one scribe and a number of alguaciles. The latter's functions probably included the apprehension of criminals and errand-running for the cabildo. It is clear from the Annals that alguaciles mayores were important figures in sixteenth-century Solola, while regidores are mentioned sporadically. An Indian town fell within an administrative subdivision of the Audiencia called a corregimiento, each overseen by its Spanish corregidor. This was the Spanish official most frequently encountered by the Indian cabildo, as he was entrusted with tribute collection and

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with punishing criminals. His periodic visitas, like those of other officials and ecclesiastics, were not homey visits but formal inspections. Much of the Spanish crown's justification for its New World conquests was the spread of Christianity among "pagan" peoples. The task of converting and ministering to indigenous peoples in present-day Guatemala was entrusted to the religious orders, especially the Franciscans and Dominicans. After some initial jockeying between these orders for the most populous regions of Guatemala, a compromise was reached. Both Tecpan and Solola fell within the Franciscan zone and both soon became sites of Franciscan conventos, each home to a small community of friars under the authority of a senior friar or guardian. Each convent was subordinate to the main Franciscan house in Santiago (present-day Antigua) and its provincial, the head of the order in the region.

AFTER THE INVASION

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CHAPTER 2 THE DOCUMENTS

THE I N D I G E N O U S W R I T I N G

TRADITION

Was there a precontact Kaqchikel writing tradition? No original documents surviving from the immediate precontact period have come down to us from any highland Maya group, so direct physical evidence is lacking. However, convincing indirect evidence of a precontact writing tradition consists of the highland Maya chronicles themselves, as well as the eyewitness statements of sixteenthand seventeenth-century Spanish colonial writers. Put simply, it is unlikely that works as long and detailed as the Popol Wuj or the Xajil Chronicle were purely oral literature until they were finally committed to writing in the late 1500s to early 1600s. In the case of the Popol Wuj, there are statements that have been interpreted as references to some kind of pictorial text which, at the time of the initial transcription using Spanish characters, had become partly illegible: Because there is no longer A sight of the Book of Counsel, A sight of the bright things come From beside the sea, The description of our shadows, A sight of the bright life, as it is called. There was once a manuscript of it, And it was written long ago . . . Great was its account And its description Of when there was finished The birth Of all of heaven And earth . . . (Edmonson 1971, 7) Colonial witnesses such as Las Casas and Fuentes y Guzman agree that the highland Maya had precontact writing systems and provide valuable descriptions of both the symbols and the kinds of documents that were traditionally produced. Las Casas is the more valuable source, since he wrote before the middle of the sixteenth century (he resided in Guatemala between 1536 and 1544). In a chapter devoted to the "laws and religious traditions" of Guatemala, he further notes the existence of specialized chroniclers in highland Maya society and the kinds of writings they produced.

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. . . in all the republics of those great lands and kingdoms of New Spain and the others, among the other offices and officials that they had were those who served as chroniclers and historians . . . [Translations from Spanish are by Robert M. Hill II unless otherwise identified.] . . . en todas las republicas de aquellas grandes tierras y reinos de Nueva Espana y las demas, entre otros oficios y oficiales que habia eran los que Servian de cronistas e historiadores . . . There was never a dearth of these chroniclers, because the office passed from father to sons and it was a much esteemed office of the republic. [He (the father)] always instructed two or three brothers or relatives of that family as to what the histories discussed and made them practice with them while he still lived, and they came to him when they were in doubt about some articles or historical events. Estos cronistas nunca faltaban, porque este oficio de padre a hijos se derivaba y era oficio de republica muncho [sic] estimado. Siempre instruia este dos o tres hermanos o parientes de aquella familia en lo que a las historias tocaba y hacialos ejercitar en ellas mientras vivia, y a el ocurrian cuando en algunos articulos o pasos historiales dudaban . . . These chroniclers . . . had no writing like ourselves, they had instead figures and characters that signified everything they wanted to, and of these their great books, by such clever and subtle artifice, that we could say that our letters would be of no great advantage to them. A few of our religious have seen these books and even I saw part, which were burned on the advice of the friars, as it seemed to them, for what they discussed in terms of religion, at this time at the beginning of their conversion so that it should not harm them. Estos cronistas . . . no tenian escriptura como nosotros, tenian empero sus figuras y caracteres que todas las cosas que querian significaban, y destas sus libros grandes, por tan agudo y sotil artificio,

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que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello no les hicieron muncha ventaja. Destos libros vieron algunos nuestros religiosos, y aun yo vide parte, los cuales se han quemado por parecer de los frailes, pareciendoles, por lo que tocaba a la religion, en este tiempo y principio de su conversion quiza no les hiciese dano. (Las Casas 1958, 346) According to Las Casas, Mesoamerican people used this writing system to record both historical and esoteric information. These [chroniclers] had notice of the origins of everything, equally that which touches on religion and gods and the worship of them as well as the foundations of their towns and cities, how the kings and lords and their territories began, and the modes of their election and succession, of how many and which lords had passed, of their works and exploits and memorable deeds, of how they governed well or badly, of the great men and vigorous, valiant captains, of the wars they had had and how they had distinguished themselves in them. Also, of the first customs of those who first populated and how these changed for better or worse, and all of that which pertains to history so that there should be an account and record of past things. Estos [cronistas] tenian noticia de los origenes de todas las cosas, asi tocante a la religion y dioses y cultu dellos, como de las fundaciones de los pueblos y ciudades, como comenzaron los reyes y senores y sus sefiorios, y modos de sus elecciones y sucesiones,- de cuantos y cuales senores habian pasado,- de sus obras y hazafias y hechos memorables,- de como bien o mal gobernaron,- de los grandes hombres y buenos esforzados capitanes y valerosos; de las guerras que habian tenido y como en ellas se senalaron. Item, de las primeras costumbres de los que primero poblaron, y como se mudaron despues en bien o mal, y todo aquello pertenece a historia para que hubiese razon y memoria de las cosas pasadas. These chroniclers [also] had count of the days, months, and years . . . Estos cronistas [tambien] tenian cuenta de los dias, meses y anos . . . (ibid., 346) Elsewhere, Las Casas (borrowing from Toribio de Benavente) defines five kinds of books kept by the pre-

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THE

contact Mexicans and, by extension, other Mesoamerican peoples. There were five [kinds of] books of figures and characters by which, like our letters, they understood [the contents], and by the figures of animals, [as] the Egyptians [did]. The first [kind] had the description and count of the ages and of the years. The second [kind] gave notice of the solemn and festive days of each year. The third [kind] spoke of dreams and auguries and the superstitions they had about this. The fourth [kind] treated of their baptism and name that they gave the children, according to their custom. The fifth [kind] was of the rites and ceremonies they had in their weddings when they married, and perhaps of the sacrifices and the gods they worshiped. Habia, pues, cinco libros de figuras y caracteres por las cuales, como nosotros por nuestras letras, entendian, y por las figuras de los animales, los egipcianos. El primero contenia la historia y cuenta de los tiempos y de los anos. El segundo daba noticia de los dias solemnes y fiestas de cada un ano. El tercero hablaba de los suefios y de los agiieros y supersticiones que cerca desto usaban. El cuarto tractaba de su baptismo y nombre que ponian a los ninos, segun que lo acostumbraban. El quinto era de los ritos y cerimonias que tenian en los matrimonios cuando se casaban, y quiza de los sacrificios y dioses que adoraban. (Las Casas 1958, 2:341) As has been noted elsewhere, "a similar, if not identical range of 'books 7 and other documents was clearly produced by the Kaqchikel, since at least three of these types survived the conquest and continued to be produced well into the Colonial period" (Hill 1991, 285). These include the histories (such as the Xajil Chronicle), as well as calendar books and divinatory manuals (ibid., 285-292,- see also Edmonson 1997). Fuentes y Guzman, whose service as a royal official and in the municipal government of the colonial capital gave h i m access to the archives of both the Audiencia and the city dating back to the founding of the colony, observed in the late seventeenth century: . . . and so they did not want for writers who, using the knowledge of figures, committed to the record, like historians, the most famous deeds of their lords and captains, or well-sculpted in stone or on unrottable wood or the preserved skins of deer and other

DOCUMENTS

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animals: from which they later translated them to our letters, with the mandate of the first evangelical ministers; of which today we enjoy some information, although scarce, either because their manuscripts are few, or because they conceal them from us, not wanting to lose them from the memory of their descendants. . . . y si bien no carecian de escritores que, usando la inteligencia de figuras, recomendaban a la memoria, como historiadores, los hechos mas famosos de sus senores y capitanes, o bien esculpidos en piedras y en maderos incorruptibles, o pieles adobadas de ciervos y otros animales: de donde despues trasladaron a nuestras letras, con orden de los primeros ministros del Evangelio,- de que hoy gozamos algunas noticias, bien que escasas, o porque sus manuscritos sean pocos, o porque los recaten de nosotros, desconfiando perderlos a la memoria de sus sucesores. (Fuentes y Guzman, 1972 2:86) In addition to "books," there is compelling evidence that a genre of large-format map (called a "lienzo" when painted on cloth and measuring as much as 2.5 x 3.5 meters) was also part of the Kaqchikel record-keeping inventory. Actually, " m a p " is an inadequate term for such pictorial documents. Boone (1996, 193; also see below) uses the term "cartographic history" to describe them. Typically, events are presented sequentially as the viewer of such a history follows a painted road or footprints on a route through geographical space, from one important, named location to another. As we shall see, part of the Xajil Chronicle was likely redacted from such a document, while one of the documents submitted by the Xpantzay to the Spanish court was likely also a lienzo.

THE A N N A L S OF THE C A K C H I Q U E L S

We know almost nothing about the conditions which prompted the redaction/transcription of the documents collectively dubbed the "Annals of the Cakchiquels" by Brinton. The Annals is definitely a transcription of a collection of documents,- only one hand is represented, despite the fact that several people composed them. The transcriber is commonly thought to have been a Franciscan friar. The document was discovered among the records of that order, and the handwriting is impeccably neat and regular, quite unlike the hurried scrawl typical of town scribes. The transcription that has come down

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to us is incomplete. It is a manuscript fragment of 48 folio pages, written on both sides, and appears to be of the seventeenth century. As Mengin (1952, 11) has noted, the sheets were originally separate. They were bound together at some u n k n o w n point, after first pasting strips of paper to the edges to be sewn. The manuscript lay unrecognized until 1844, when it was discovered by Guatemalan scholar Juan Gavarrete in the Archive of the Convent of San Francisco in Guatemala City. The document was acquired by the French antiquarian and prelate Brasseur de Bourbourg, who prepared a partial French translation of the portion we have designated the Xajil Chronicle (see below). After Brasseur's death in 1874, the manuscript eventually was acquired by the American philologist Daniel G. Brinton. He also prepared a translation of part of the Xajil Chronicle, down to the year 1560 (Brinton 1885). As part of Brinton's personal collection, the manuscript ultimately was donated to the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. It is currently housed in the University Library, from which a microfilm copy was obtained for this translation. Given the importance of the Xajil Chronicle for understanding both precontact and early colonial times, parts of it have been translated a number of times. Brinton's translation served as the basis for Villacorta's (1934) Spanish edition, which also reproduced additional portions of the Kaqchikel text without translation. Georges Raynaud (1928) prepared a French translation of part of the text, later rendered in Spanish by Asturias and Gonzalez de Mendoza (1937). Teletor (1946) attempted a Spanish translation of some hitherto untranslated portions with the help of native Kaqchikel speakers. Recinos' (1950) translation into Spanish, followed by an English version (1953), has achieved the widest distribution. Mengin (1952) published a photographic reproduction of the entire text. While previous translators have recognized the Annals as a collection of documents and have focused on those sections dealing with precontact and early colonial history, they have not fully considered the types of indigenous documents that the manuscript accounts were most likely based on. Recent advances in our understanding of Mesoamerican historical genres provide valuable insights into the probable nature of the collection. At the same time, translators have tended to ignore the other, later sections dealing with colonial period issues. Here again, we can gain a fuller understanding of the collection as a whole.

THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUELS

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The Xajil Chronicle: A Redaction of Precontact Documents! The Xajil Chronicle is by far the longest component of the Annals collection. The structure, content, and style of the Xajil Chronicle all strongly suggest that the information it contains was redacted from two kinds of precontact pictographic documents: cartographic histories and continuous year-count annals. As defined by Boone (1996, 193) cartographic histories "present events sequentially on a geographic foundation, often in the form of a map." Accordingly, they are an obvious and natural genre for recounting migration histories (ibid., 198). As already noted, such histories are well known from other parts of Mesoamerica and can contain a massive amount of information (see, for example, the Lienzo de Zacatepec, reproduced in Smith 1973; an even denser content can be seen in the early postcontact Lienzo de Quauhquecholan, reproduced in Asselbergs 2002). Indeed, the very quantity of information contained in the Xajil Chronicle (innumerable places, many speeches, much dialog, and other details, along with a long story line) presupposes some kind of memory aids to prompt a reader or reciter. Continuous year-count annals, as defined by Boone (1996, 192), "are structurally founded on the presentation of all the sequent years, generally in a line, and this year-count serves as an armature around which events are placed." Boone sees this as a specifically Aztec/ Tenocha genre, reflecting their desire as a newly preeminent polity to structure all history around a starting date of basic importance to that polity. As Boone notes, "By developing the annals format, the Aztecs placed the[ir] empire, through its capital at Tenochtitlan, naturally and solidly in a central position with a past, present, and assured future that could be destroyed only by a halting of the years" (Boone 1996, 204) (published examples of this format include the Codex Mexicanus [1952], and the Tira de Tepexpan in Robertson [1959]). Manuscript pages 18 to 59 of the Xajil Chronicle recount the origins of the Kaqchikel and other peoples from their legendary beginnings at Tula through the establishment of their own polity at Iximche'. Many central Mexican peoples claim to have endured long migrations to the locations where they lived at the time of the Spanish conquest (the Mixtecs are an important exception, claiming always to have occupied the places where the Spaniards found them). Some short, late precontact migrations can be documented (Hill 1996, 65). However, this "migration tradition" generally can be considered a cultural convention or trope for the presentation of Mesoameri-

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can peoples' remote histories. In any case, it is clear that people believed in the veracity of such histories and that the genre was well developed, including statements of and conversations between important figures. Given the structure and function of cartographic histories as outlined above, the emphasis on named locations and movements for providing sequential structure for events in this section of the Xajil Chronicle is highly significant. It strongly suggests that the material was taken from an indigenous cartographic history (or perhaps a series of them). Indeed, much of the organization of this first section can be interpreted as the transcription of such a cartographic history (or series of them). The subsections of the manuscript in these pages, introduced with a title of the incident in large letters and the word wa'e' "here," could be interpreted as a performative deictic, replacing a reciter literally pointing to a section of a large lienzo. Within these headings, the smallest portions of text, set off by serifs resembling paragraph markers, might represent specific episodic loci within the larger pictographic matrix. Boone (1998, 193) notes an analogous and less ambiguous convention in the equivalent colonial Nahua historical texts: Throughout the early alphabetic annals and histories there are references to older pictographic manuscripts from which the alphabetic texts are derived. The translators note that "here is painted," "here it is noted," "as it is shown in . . ." The textual histories are oral explanations of the paintings, transcribed alphabetically, but the chroniclers know they are merely copying and filling in. (Boone 1998, 193) A significant, fundamental change in the format of the text occurs after the late-fifteenth-century Tuquche' revolt on Eleven Aj. Henceforth, down to the final entries in the early seventeenth century, all events are organized according to the year they occurred after the revolt. This is the essential feature of the continuous year-count annal pictographic history. By 1493 the Xajil found themselves in a situation analogous to that of the Aztecs sometime earlier. They too were newly preeminent, at least within their own relatively small new polity. They also felt the need to justify their position. Adopting a historical genre used by the most powerful and prestigious polity of their time was a logical tactic. If Boone is correct about the Aztec development of this genre, then the continuous year-count annal format of some two-thirds of the Xajil Chronicle must be interpreted as a borrowing by the Xajil from the preeminent contemporary polity of the entire region. A more funda-

THE DOCUMENTS

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mental question is how the Xajil became familiar with this genre. Certainly, borrowing need not imply control. While Boone sees the presence of such continuous yearcount annals in many central Mexican polities as the result of Aztec domination, her main indicator of actual Aztec control over such polities is the incorporation of key Aztec historical events in the latter's annals. Such dates are lacking in the Xajil Chronicle, the only mention of Aztec affairs being the arrival of an ambassador from Tenochtitlan in 1509. Alternatively, the year-count annals may not be a specifically Aztec genre but an older, more widespread form of history. In central Mexico, the Aztecs were able to insert themselves into other polities 7 histories. The Kaqchikel were too distant for this. The general brevity of the entries for the years down through the conquest and into the early years of the colony suggests that the pictographic year-count annals format continued to be used. Some sections, especially the account of Alvarado's arrival, have the location/ movement structure strongly suggestive of cartographic histories. One is led to the hypothesis that these different historical genres were used contemporaneously and were selected, at least in part, according to the kind of information to be recorded. At some point, the change to alphabetic writing began, though the moment is not readily detectable in the surviving text. The section describing Alvarado's arrival and later activities (whether a cartographic document or part of a continuous year-count annal) probably was rendered pictographically, since he is consistently referred to by the Nahuat name Tonatiw, which presumably could easily have been rendered as a pictographic sign. The first missionary friars did not arrive until 1541, so formal instruction in alphabetic writing could not begin until that time. Relatively accurate phonological rendering of Kaqchikel would have been rendered by the Parra symbols (named after their developer, Fray Francisco de la Parra), which only appeared in the early 1550s (Acufia, in Coto 1983, xxiv). Spanish-language names and terms in the text multiplied quickly after the arrival of Governor Cerrato in 1548. Perhaps these were given in rebus form, as happened in other parts of highland Mesoamerica down to the late sixteenth century (Lockhart 1992, 332-334). However, recent studies indicate that Mesoamerican peoples 7 transition to alphabetic writing was not an event but a process, and one that we cannot be sure was ever entirely completed in the Xajil Chronicle (see Boone 1998; Lockhart 1992, 345-364; Terraciano 2001, 57-63). Conceivably, Spanish words could have been added gradually to a pictographic text, without the former ever entirely displacing the latter.

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The rendering of these diverse texts into the at least partially alphabetically written Xajil Chronicle appears to have been the work of Francisco Hernandez Arana (b. ca. 1500, d. 1587). He maintained the continuous yearcount annals entries down to 1582 and was replaced in the role of chronicler down through the early 1600s by Pakal Francisco Diaz. The Pakals seem to have been members of the Xajil Chinamit, though subordinate to the ruling line and seemingly unrelated to it. Accordingly, it remains a mystery as to why the authorship of the chronicle should have passed to Don Francisco. A more basic question would be why the chronicle was continued at all. As Hill has noted elsewhere: [T]he intent of both authors was clearly nativistic. Theirs was a conscious attempt to preserve and perpetuate the memory of a glorious past by attaching an ongoing account of postconquest events to the end of a traditional, preconquest Mesoamerican family history, using the same basic format, chronological reference points, and system of computing time and including much of the same kind of information, despite the fact that the Xajil no longer enjoyed anything like their former preeminent social position. Indeed, it was precisely because of this declining status that the chronicle was undertaken. We are looking at one aspect of an aristocratic family's almost desperate efforts to maintain a social status that the conquest and colonial society had rendered obsolete. (Hill 1991, 287)

The Accounts

of Disputes

Francisco Diaz was also responsible for the creation of the part of the collection referred to here as "The Accounts of Disputes." To the extent that we can date them, the disputes in these accounts seem to begin in the early 1580s, during the brief governorship of Don Pedro Soils (1580-1584), and continued into the term of Don Pedro Elias Martin. They may represent attempts by the Xajils to continue to settle disputes by virtue of their own traditional authority, especially since their hold on the governorship had been lost.

Marriages of Francisco

Diaz

Finally, Diaz left an account of his three marriages, in 1583, 1594, and 1600.

THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUELS

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The Pakal

Documents

Diaz' grandfather, Diego Lopez Ch 7 uti Pakal, was a chronicler in his own right and left a small collection of writings we refer to as "The Pakal Documents/ 7 Included here are two genealogies, a will, and a list of landholdings. The genealogies indicate that the Pakal family was prominent in the Xajil Chinamit, with various members attaining the status of Nima Winaq or Rutz 7 am Chinamit. Undoubtedly, these documents became part of the total collection when Francisco Diaz took over the Xajil Chronicle.

Genealogies Two additional genealogies are part of the corpus. One is "The Q 7 ebut Genealogy/ 7 a family about which we otherwise know very little. The other is "The Q 7 eqak 7 uch Genealogy/ 7 The Q 7 eqak 7 uch were a chinamit of the Kaqchikel Amaq 7 who made the move to Solola along with the Xajil. It seems likely that these documents were also redactions of pictographic documents. Such pictographic genealogies were common in central Mexico (Boone 1996, 1998, 2000). The presence of such genealogies in the Annals collection reinforces the idea that each chinamit had a corpus of documents, though only some of these have come down to us.

The Don Pedro Elias Martin

Q 7 alels of the lordship [that] I carry forth, but I displace them. Thus I displace from the hearts of the people the sheer blindness, the sheer blackness, of those who know not Christianity. Just thus [was] the status of the ancient people; let it just be buried forever in the past! Don Pedro seems to have been sincerely pro-Spanish, or at least pro-Church, and he documented his efforts to complete the construction of his town's church, as well as to furnish it sumptuously with a retable, lamp, and bell. He also recounted his problems with the native aristocrats, including the Xajils. Effectively, he seems consciously to have created a counterchronicle to the Xajil document, one that contains much significant and otherwise unobtainable information as a powerful insider's view of town formation and factionalism in the late sixteenth century. However, in 1591 Don Pedro was caught up in his own scandal, centering on the use of vast (for the time and place) sums from the community coffer to furnish the church. In his chronicle, Don Pedro was careful to try to shift ultimate responsibility to the resident friar. The use of this tactic suggests that the scandal had already broken and that his chronicle was written, in part, as a defense against the charges brought against him. None of the documents contain much detail about the investigation. Still, they do record the fines, loss of office, and banishment imposed on Don Pedro and other town officials.

Chronicle The Contribution

With the death of Don Pedro Solis in February 1584, The Xajils and other prominent people from Solola petitioned the Audiencia that Don Pedro Elias Martin, a member of the Q 7 eqak 7 uch Chinamit, be named as governor. He was duly appointed in the same month. He seems initially to have been intended by the Xajils and others to serve as a "fall guy77 in a misuse of royal tribute scandal that was about to come to light. However, at the end of an official Spanish investigation the true culprits were identified and punished. This left Don Pedro Elias Martin as governor, interrupting the hold of the Xajil Ajpops on that office until 15 91. He created a record of his activities that we will refer to as the "Don Pedro Elias Martin Chronicle. 77 He seems to have had little use for the surviving precontact aristocracy and religion. As he himself states: Here I am recording the sign, the account. It is not from the reign of the ancient people, nor in the name of the old lordship, nor the counselors, the l6

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Records

The documents referred to here as "The Contribution Records 77 seem to be just that: simple records of the contributions in money and kind made by individuals or groups for various purposes. They are not a separate section of the collection, nor do they form a sequence, but date from the 1560s to the 1590s. They reflect the comm o n colonial practice of raising funds through collections among the residents of a town, one of its component parcialidades, or cofradia membership. The Kaqchikel terms for such collections were nut or kuchum. The former originally referred specifically to a donation of cacao beans to help defray the costs of a wedding or to pay the fine of someone in jail (Hill 1992, 42). These records document the fact that contributions in cacao continued at least through the end of the sixteenth century. Spanish officials employed the terms realero or pesero for such collections, depending on the amount to be collected from each contributor—a real or a peso (ibid., 114).

THE DOCUMENTS

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Sermon

Fragment

Completely out of place in the collection is a fragment of a sermon quoting Saint Bernard. One can only guess that it was on one side of a piece of paper, the other side of which had been used to record some other part of the collection.

Assembling

the

Collection

How did such a diverse collection of documents come to be transcribed together in a single hand? This is one of the most nagging questions concerning the Annals and one that we can do little to answer beyond informed speculation. The very diversity of the types of documents and groups or individuals represented suggests that either (i) a common repository existed in the town of Solola; or (2) someone with a historical or antiquarian interest (probably the transcriber) made an effort to collect as many texts as possible. It is difficult to choose between these two alternatives. During the colonial period, important documents frequently were kept in cabildos (town offices), especially if they contained any information on land possession and boundaries. Such documents were collectively termed titulos and over time acquired an almost sacred quality that ensured their continued care and preservation. One can imagine a well-liked friar gaining the town authorities 7 permission to study and copy their titulos as a means of learning about his charges 7 history or perfecting his knowledge of their language, or as a favor, in order to reproduce the deteriorating documents. Alternatively, documents of various kinds were also kept by chinamits and families. In the colonial period these included wills (as a kind of titulo, since land was the key component of anyone's estate), bills of sale for land (called cedulas), as well as historical documents in the precontact tradition (such as the Xpantzay Cartulary, see below). Our anonymous friar might for the same reasons have assembled the collection document by document, gaining access from the various groups, families, or individuals who possessed them.

THE XPANTZAY CARTULARY

The documents we call collectively the Xpantzay Cartulary have been known now for half a century, from the time they were first described by Heinrich Berlin (1950). Recinos (1957) prepared translations of three of the documents ("A," "D, 77 and "E,7/ see below) for his sampling 17

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of indigenous chronicles. As with the Annals, the Xpantzay Cartulary is not a single text but a collection of five distinct documents, most of which are entirely within the range of traditional, precontact historical writings. In 1659 these documents (along with a complaint, also written in Kaqchikel) were presented by members of the Xpantzay family in a successful effort to regain lands of their chinamit that had been under Spanish control for almost a century. They have been bound along with the rest of the records of this seventeenth century litigation and are now housed in the Archivo General de Centro America, where photographs of the originals were taken for this study. The documents were designated "A77 through "F77 by Berlin, following the order in which they came to be numbered in the litigation file. We have renamed them here in order to give an idea of their respective subject matter. Three distinct hands are represented: Document

A B C D E F

Hand Author/Title/Purported Date of Composition

I

Anonymous. "The Origins and Lands of the Sotz'il Amaq'." "1524" (late sixteenth century). II Felipe Vasquez. "Xpantzay Lands and Boundaries." 1581. I Anonymous. "The Complaint." Undated, but litigation began in 1658. III Alonso Perez. "The Xpantzay Genealogy." 1554. III Felipe Vasquez. "Xpantzay Genealogy." 1602. III Anonymous. "The Wars of the Sotz'il and Tuquche'." 1554.

The fact that the same hand wrote both "A77 and "C 77 means that "A77 cannot be an original but a copy. Internal evidence indicates that the original of document "A77 could not have been composed prior to 1544. Among the purported signatures at the end of document "A77 is that of Don Pedro de Alvarado. This is not the conquistador but the Christian name of Kaji7 Imox, the Ajpo Sotz 7 il at the time of the invasion who ultimately was executed by his Spanish namesake in 1540. Other signatories include the Ajpo Xajil, Don Jorge Kab7lajuj Tijax, as well as the heads of the Ch 7 ikb 7 al, Porom, and Xpantzay Chinamits. The document claims that all of these men were baptized by Friars Toribio de Benavente/Motolinia and Pedro de Betanzos. If true, this event could not have happened prior to 15 44, the year of the friars7 arrival in Guatemala. Accordingly, Kaji7 Imox could not have been baptized by these friars,- he would have been dead for four years. The next four signatures (those of Don Lucas, Don Diego, [Don] Bernabe, and Ajaw Alonso) seem to represent the next generation of leaders in the Sotz 7 il Amaq 7 . Similarly, the final four sig-

THE XPANTZAY CARTULARY

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natures seem to represent yet another generation of leaders. If this interpretation is correct, three generations of leaders were placed as signatories to document "A." Accordingly, the original document could not have been written until the later sixteenth century and perhaps as late as the early seventeenth century (though later generations of leaders could have added their signatures to an original; see the description of the Xpantzay Lienzo below). Hand II appears only once in the collection, in document "B." It is a tiny, neat hand, as is often the case with highland Maya documents written in the sixteenth century. The paper on which it was written bears a shield and cross watermark, which was also common in the sixteenth century (Sanchez de Bonfil 1993, 98-99). Accordingly, this sequential boundary description probably does date to 15 81 and represents the physically oldest document in the collection. Based on the sequential movement from boundary marker to boundary marker in the text, it seems likely that that this document also represents a redaction of a lienzo (see below). Hand III wrote the remaining three documents, meaning that "D" and "F" cannot be original sixteenth century documents but later transcriptions. The fact the "D," "E," and "F" are all very clean and well preserved suggests that they all were transcribed specifically for the purpose of the 1658 litigation and thus preserved in the Spanish archives.

Redactions of Pictorial Documents* As with the Xajil Chronicle, the structure and content of four of the six documents in the Xpantzay Cartulary strongly suggest that the originals were redacted from pictographic texts, specifically cartographic histories. 'The Origins and Lands of the Sotz'il Amaq7,77 "The Xpantzay Genealogy" of 1554, and "The Wars of the Sotz'il and Tuquche777 all exhibit the same structuresequential movement to named places where something occurs-as the early portion of the Xajil Chronicle. As noted before, this emphasis on the sequence of places in the structure of the account appears to reflect the organization of precontact cartographic histories. In "The Xpantzay Genealogy," Alonso Perez suggests that he is the redactor with the statement "As I am seeing it, thus I will write it down." Significantly, in Kaqchikel the verb "to see"//-tz7et// is distinct from the verb "to read"//-sik7ij//. Like the Nahua practice noted above by Boone, such wording strongly suggests that Don Alonso was looking at something like a lienzo rather than referring to an alphabetic text as he composed the 18

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genealogy. Since "The Wars of the Sotz7il and Tuquche7" was set down in the same year, it is likely that Alonso Perez redacted it as well from another lienzo. Felipe Vasquez7 "Xpantzay Lands and Boundaries" of 15 81 also has qualities that suggest it was redacted from a lienzo, though perhaps one with a simpler format than a full cartographic history. One example of such a simple boundary map comes from the Chajoma7, Kaqchikel-speaking neighbors to the east of the Iximche7 polity (see "The Kaqchikel and their Neighbors," in Chapter 1 above). The Chajoma7 map dates to 1550 and retains a precontact format, with boundary markers represented by rectangles arranged along the edge of the paper (reproduced in Hill 1996, 66). However, pictographs have already been replaced with alphabetically rendered names of the 34 individual boundary markers. The map was intended to be read in a clockwise sequence around the edge of the paper. An additional alphabetic document listed the boundaries in sequence and is very similar in organization and content to the Felipe Vasquez document. Parenthetical details in the "Xpantzay Lands and Boundaries77 list also suggest that Felipe Vasquez worked from some source. For example, he refers to the boundary as proceeding "from the center of the buildings all the way to the ravine, the precipice, from which the fornicators [and] thieves were thrown by the lords, the judges." Said location might have been rendered pictographically with an individual being thus thrown or otherwise falling. His ancestors "bent" the stone at Salik7ajol. Kotb7a K7uwal is the place to which the leader of the B7ak7ajol Chinamit brought the "Drum-Jewel" (see below). Significantly, such details are not essential to a simple, sequential listing of boundary markers, but they are just the kind of information that a cartographic history or shorter pictographic map would contain. All of this suggests that Felipe Vasquez based his list of boundaries on a map, perhaps the lost Xpantzay Lienzo (see below). If these interpretations are accurate, they could indicate that all the chinamitales in the Iximche7 polity possessed and maintained such pictographic documents. Perhaps even all prominent highland Maya groups had them, though few were redacted and none of the originals have survived.

The Litigation Why were the documents of the Xpantzay Cartulary presented when they were? Perhaps more properly, why were they not presented until 1659? The litigation fo-

THE DOCUMENTS

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cused on the practices of one Francisco de Argueta, his mother, and his siblings, particularly their introduction of cattle to an estancia located between Tecpan and Patzun, at the foot of Saqtz'ikinel or Tototepeque Hill, and the damage that they did to surrounding Indian milpas. Ultimately, the Arguetas produced documentation to prove that the estancia was originally a royal grant, or merced, some six caballerias in extent (about 700 acres), granted to Alonso Gutierrez de Monson (one of the original conquistadores) in 1569. Gutierrez is first mentioned by Fuentes for the year 1536 (Fuentes y Guzman, 2:272). He served as a regidor of the capital city, Santiago, as late as 1574 (ibid., 3:352). Their claim should have been unassailable. The Xpantzay presented their documents in 1659 specifically to prove that the lands in question were theirs by right of prior possession. Why had they not been presented a century before to forestall or rescind the original granting of the merced? This is the most nagging problem with the Xpantzay History. If the documents are (largely) authentic, why were they not used earlier to protect or reclaim the lands? Unfortunately, we may never be able to answer this question. It may well be that, as part of their punishment for the unsuccessful 1526 uprising, the Xpantzay were stripped of the part of their lands that ultimately became the Argueta estancia. Yet why were these lands not officially granted to Gutierrez de Monson until 1569? Perhaps Gutierrez had occupied the land from the time it was used by Alvarado's army in 1526 (see below). Unfortunately, apart from this litigation, the colonial records pertaining to Tecpan are extremely sparse,- probably most have been lost. Thus, we cannot say for certain that the Xpantzay History was never used before, only that there is no record of it. However, we can explain why the documents were presented in 1659. The year before (1658), the Tecpan people had registered their first documented complaint concerning the damage being caused by the Arguetas' cattle. Evidently, they had only just recently begun to run cattle on the estancia where hitherto only sheep had been kept. The Indians requested an investigation. It was so ordered, but there is no record that it was ever carried out. The next year (1659), o n e of Tecpan's two alcaldes was none other than a leading Xpantzay, 50-year-old Pedro Lopez Xpantzay. Through his Spanish solicitor he spearheaded a new effort, not just to make the Arguetas stop running cattle, but to regain the whole of the estancia for his chinamit! He submitted the Xpantzay documents as part of this initiative. The Audiencia ordered the documents translated into Spanish, and these were made available to counsel for both parties. Predictably, the Ar19

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guetas' solicitor dismissed the Xpantzay documents as false, without legal basis, and, in any event, not pertinent to the lands in question. The Audiencia ordered a vista de ojos (official site inspection) on September 5, 1659, and there matters rested officially until 1661. In January of that year, people from Tecpan (presumably mostly members of the Xpantzay Chinamit) occupied parts of the estancia, extending their milpas right up to the house and its outbuildings. In July, violence broke out when an altercation occurred between Francisco de Argueta and some Indians, including Pedro Lopez Xpantzay. He and others were even jailed temporarily, though they were released when reliable witnesses to the fight could not be found or induced to testify. The increasing level of the dispute probably spurred the authorities finally to conduct the vista de ojos in September of the same year. Analysis of the toponyms recorded in the vista de ojos and in Xpantzay Document "B" shows the latter to be highly pertinent to the case, despite the claims of the Arguetas 7 solicitor. The estancia occupied the heart and best of the Xpantzay lands. Pedro Lopez Xpantzay served again as alcalde in 1662 and pressed the litigation anew. By February 1663, the Audiencia had decided the case in favor of the Indians. Unfortunately, the Spanish officials never bothered to establish formally the authenticity of the Xpantzay documents. Nor did they figure prominently in the ultimate disposition of the case. For the Audiencia, the case turned on a legal technicality. The original merced of 1569 had been granted on the specific condition that only ganado menor (sheep) be run on it, evidently with the intent of avoiding damage to the milpas of the surrounding Indian communities. Since the Arguetas had violated that condition, caused the anticipated problems, and thereby precipitated a bothersome litigation, they were to lose the dispute and be expelled from the estancia, though they would be paid 100 pesos by the Tecpan people for improvements they had made. The land, officially of 6 73 caballerias in extent (about 700 acres), was purchased as ejidos (commons) in 1663 by the town of Tecpan from the Spanish crown through the composicion (land purchase) process for 80 pesos. As part of the process, the land was measured by Spanish surveyors, who also produced a map (see plate 1). At the bottom (west side) of this map there is a most unusual figure: that of surveyor Bartolome de Santiso leaning far over in the saddle from the back of a horse to scribe a line on the ground. We interpret this as a joking, visual reference to the horse and cow figures on the Xpantzay Lienzo described by Fuentes y Guzman (see below), which they must have seen or had in their possession.

THE XPANTZAY C A R T U L A R Y

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An Xpantzay

Lienzol

Were there other documents submitted that did not become permanent parts of the official record? The available evidence indicates that a cloth map or lienzo was also submitted at some point (perhaps as late as 1663, see below) and that it eventually found its way into the hands of the colonial chronicler Fuentes y Guzman. As suggested above, this map may well have served as a basis for the "Xpantzay Lands and Boundaries" penned by Felipe Vasquez in 15 81. It also seems to have inspired the otherwise odd depiction in the map, referred to above, prepared by Spanish surveyors when the Xpantzay finally secured their lands through purchase from the Spanish crown (see below). Buried in a chapter in which he discusses Pipil writing, Fuentes digresses to provide a lengthy description and interpretation of a "manta" (large cotton cloth, or lienzo) which came into his hands after having been brought to the capital by some "Indians of the Quiche" as part of a land litigation. Based on other evidence presented below, it is hard to doubt that Fuentes, writing in 1686, misidentified the origin of the lienzo which he probably acquired a quarter-century earlier. There came into my hands a manta that was drawn on one side with ancient images, that was brought to this city of Goathemala, on account of a land litigation of the Indians of the Quiche [sic], and thusly its content showed a variety of mountains and valleys with inscriptions in their [the Indians'] style: there were three figures of Indians in different clothing and drawn with different hands spread out among those places as the lords and owners of them; and their clothing and devices of their finery indicated their [lordly] descent; but in the center or middle of the manta, that would be about a vara and a third square, a meeting in a circle of all those personages represented in those sites: which meant to indicate an agreement and pact they made among them, concerning the division of that territory. But in one part, that, by its style, was very close to ours, bearing towards the south, there was contained in a round valley, seated in a chair, a figure like a royal personage, since it was crowned with a kind of gold-colored garland, with some little points above the upper part of the band: and it was [drawn] thus because it [the round valley] was the territory pertaining to a great cacique,- and it is noteworthy that, after the Spaniards arrival they [the Indians] 20

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THE

added to and augmented this map with some things by those who first knew to understand and write our letters: and especially in that which is shown there: this valley that Don Pedro de Alvarado marked out for pasturing the horses of the army, has a horse painted (this is an addition), with a tiny scrap of paper superposed, and written on it Alvarado; and in the same place, more to the lower part of that valley, as though to indicate a later time, is painted a cow, and another little paper that says thusly Argueta. Because later it passed to the possession of someone named Argueta. Vino a mis manos una manta, que era plana de sus figuras antiguas, que se trajo a esta ciudad de Goathemala, con ocasion de un pleito de tierras de los indios del Quiche [sic], y asi su contenido demonstraba una variedad de montes y de valles, con inscripciones a su modo: que tres eran unas figuras de indios en trajes diversos, y con unas diferentes manos, esparcidos por la distancia de aquellos sitios, como senores y duefios de ellos,- y las vestiduras y divisas de su adorno manifestaban sus generaciones: pero en el centro, o medio de la manta, que seria como de vara y tercia en cuadro, una junta en torno a todos aquellos personajes se hizo entre todos, para el repartimiento de aquella tierra. Pero a una parte, que, asi en la demostracion de su estilo como muy conforme al nuestro, denotaba ser su situacion al rumbo de mediodia, se contenia como en un valle redondo, sentado en una silla, una figura al parecer de real personaje, por tener cenida la cabeza con una manera de guirnalda de color de oro, con algunas puntas pequenas sobre la parte superior del cintillo: y era asi por ser el territorio perteneciente a gran cacique,- y es de notar que, despues que vinieron nuestros espanoles, afiadieron y acrecentaron a este mapa algunas cosas en los que primero supieron entender y firmar nuestras letras; y en especial en aquel que alii se demuestra: este valle que senalo Don Pedro de Alvarado para pastar los caballos del ejercito, tiene un caballo pintado (esto es de lo anadido), con una virutita de papel sobrepuesto, y en ella escrito asi: Alvarado; y en el mismo paraje, mas a lo inferior de aquel vale, como dando a entender que fue despues, pintada una vaca, y otro papelito de inscripcion que dice asi: Argueta. Porque despues paso a ser posesion de fulano de Argueta. (Fuentes y Guzman 1972, 2:72) As we have seen, the dispute that resulted in the Xpantzay documents being presented to the Spanish au-

DOCUMENTS

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thorities was occasioned by the introduction of cattle by members of the Argueta family into their estancia at the foot of the hill that they and other Spaniards called by a Nahuatl name, Tototepeque ("Bird Hill"). However, the Kaqchikel of Tecpan called it Saqtz'ikinel Juyu7, or "White Bird Hill." If that accounts for the cow and the word "Argueta," what about the horse and the word "Alvarado"? This question is answered independently by another colonial chronicler, the Franciscan friar Francisco Vazquez. He describes the campaign Alvarado fought against the Kaqchikel in 1526 when, in his absence, the latter had finally revolted against the extortion of tribute and slaves by their supposed Spanish allies. Vazquez relates that as part of an effort to start negotiations with the Kaqchikel, Alvarado moved his army's camp close to the Iximche' capital. He further states: He [Alvarado] made his camp in the plains that are before the hill called Tzaktzikinel, where he made them construct huts . . . Sento su real en los llanos que estan fronteros del cerro llamado Tzaktziquinel, donde hizo que se hiciesen rancherias . . . (Vazquez 1937, 1:76) Clearly then, the two additions to the lienzo described by Fuentes coincide with two important events in the history of Xpantzay occupation of their land: its use by Alvarado as a camp in 1526, and the introduction of cattle by the Arguetas, precipitating the 1659 litigation. The Xpantzay had continued to update their lienzo/cartographic history well into the seventeenth century! It was not a relic. Rather, it was still a basic, dynamic repository of their history!

Bak'ajol Chinamit, which was part of the Kaqchikel Amaq'. Fuentes goes on to state that the verdicts of this court were confirmed or reversed depending on a "black, transparent stone, like glass, but of finer and more precious material than chay (obsidian)." Fuentes tells us that three messengers were sent by the judges to consult the stone. They went down a steep ravine to the north of Iximche', in which there was something like a chapel in which this divining stone was kept. From Fuentes 7 perspective, the devil then presented to the messengers the correct resolution to the case. If this confirmed the judges 7 verdict, their sentence was carried out immediately, even torturing the offender atop the Drum-Jewel. If there was no change in the stone's appearance to confirm guilt, the accused was set free. Fuentes also states that the divining stone was consulted on military matters. Campaigns reportedly were begun or delayed depending on the stone's appearance or figure. Clearly, Fuentes is describing the practice of scrying—a form of divination widespread in Mesoamerica at the time he wrote—in which diviners seek information by gazing into transparent or semitransparent surfaces (crystal-ball gazing is also a form of scrying). Typically, however, only a diviner with a special ability can detect meaningful patterns in such surfaces. Accordingly, Fuentes 7 messengers must have been such specialist diviners. Their agreement concerning the messages contained in the divining stone would have served as a check on h u m a n decision-making, both in jurisprudence and military affairs. Finally, Fuentes states that sixteenth-century archbishop Francisco Marroquin ordered that the divining stone be cut square. After consecrating it, he reportedly had the stone set in the main altar of the church in Tecpan. In this form, Fuentes reports that the stone was half a vara long (approximately half a yard, or 18 inches).

The "Drum -Jewel" of Ixim che' Fuentes y Guzman also helps clarify some phrases that have remained obscure in previous translations. The place named K'otb'a' K'uwal in these chronicles seems to be the name of an important hill that Fuentes described as lying a quarter of a league west of Iximche 7 . Atop its flat summit was a low, circular wall. In the center stood a pedestal "as lustrous as glass," perhaps quartz crystal. This pedestal is undoubtedly the Tapunawas K 7 uwal ("Drum-Jewel") mentioned in Berlin's " D . " Fuentes states that the judges of Iximche' sat in session around the Drum-Jewel when deciding both civil and criminal cases. The Xpantzay make it clear that the Drum-Jewel had been brought to K'otb'a K'uwal by the 2 1

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THE XPANTZAY

From said ditch [at the entrance to Iximche 7 ] there goes out a street, broad and spacious, that enters from the gate to the temple, and this [former] goes towards the west; its length is almost a quarter of a league, and it comes to a stop at a hillock overlooking the settlement [of Iximche'], which has, [on] a level spot at its peak and highest point, a circular construction in the manner of the curb-stone of a well which has been built round to a perfect state. Admire also all its pavement, bitumened [plastered] in the same way as that of the settlement: there rises in the center a socle or pedestal, lustrous like glass, and it is not fathomable or known of what material it might be, even should the desire to

CARTULARY

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investigate it exist. This curb-stone was the court of justice or consistory for these Kaqchikel Indians, where not only was public audience given but [also] were executed the sentences of these judges; who, sitting around the curb-stone, attended to justice in the civil and criminal; but after having pronounced the sentence in consequence, they resorted to another procedure for its confirmation or revocation, which was for three messengers of those same judges to go out from there, like their deputies, and these would walk to a deep ravine which is to the north of the Palace [at Iximche'], where in a very decorous and adorned place there was, in something like a chapel or temple, an oracle of the devil, which was a black stone, transparent like glass, but of finer and more precious material than the stone [known as] Chay [obsidian]; in its transparency the devil represented to the deputies the resolution they should take: and if confirming the sentence, immediately it was carried out at court, atop the pedestal, where they also tortured the criminal; and if the contrary was presented, or if nothing appeared in the transparency of the stone, he went free. And this oracle was also consulted in all the military movements that occurred: prosecuting war or not according to the aspect or figure of the oracle [stone]; of which today old Spaniards and Indians give account. But, as in those early times of our beginnings these notices arrived to our Reverend Bishop Don Francisco Marroquin, of clear memory, he ordered [it] cut curiously square, he consecrated it and intended it for an altar, as it serves today in the main altar of the convent of San Francisco de Tecpangoathemala and it is a jewel of singular beauty and value. This stone has a length of fully half a vara. De la referida zanja sale una calle bien ancha y desenfadada, [junto a la calle Real o Mayor,] que entra de la puerta del templo, y va hacia el Oeste,- cuya longitud casi es de un cuarto de legua, y va a parar a un cerrillo predominante a la poblazon, que tiene en la cumbre y eminencia que hace parte de llanura un edificio redondo a la manera de un brocal de pozo que se levanta en torno cosa de un estado perfecto. Admirase tambien todo su pavimento betunado del mismo genero de la poblazon: levanta en me-

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THE

dio un zocalo o peana lustrosa como un vidrio y que no se rastrea ni conoce de que materia sea, bien que el deseo de investigarlo exista. Este brocal era tribunal o consistorio destos indios Cachiqueles, donde no solo se daba audiencia publica, pero se ejecutaban las sentencias de aquellos jueces,- los cuales, sentados a la redonda del pretil, oian en justicia en lo civil y criminal; pero despues de haberse pronunciado la sentencia que alii era como en vista, restaba otra diligencia para su confirmacion o revocacion, que era salir de alii tres mensajeros de aquellos mismos jueces, que eran como deputados, y estos se encaminaban a una barranca profunda que esta hacia la parte Norte del Palacio, donde en lugar muy decente y adornado estaba en una como ermita o adoratorio un oraculo del demonio, que era una piedra negra y transparente como el vidrio, pero de mejor y mas preciosa materia que la piedra Chay; en cuya diafanidad les representaba el demonio a los deputados la resolucion que se debia tomar: y si era confirmando la sentencia, luego se ejecutaba alii en aquel tribunal sobre aquella peana, donde tambien se le habia dado tormento al reo; y si en contrario se representaba, o no se figuraba en el diafano de la piedra alguna cosa, quedaba libre. Y este oraculo era tambien consultado en todos los movimientos militares que se ofrecian; ejecutandose o no la guerra segun el aspecto o representacion del oraculo, de que hoy dan razon espafioles y indios muy ancianos. Pero como en aquellos tiempos primitivos de nuestras fundaciones llegasen estas noticias a reverendo obispo don Francisco Marroquin, de clara memoria, mando cortarla curiosamente a esquadra, lo consagro y aplico para ara, que hoy sirve en el altar mayor del convento de San Francisco de Tecpangoathemala, y es presea de singular hermosura y valor. Tiene de largo esta piedra media vara cumplida (Fuentes y Guzman 1969, 1:334-335). John Lloyd Stephens (1841, 2:148-151) recounted his tale of viewing the "sacred stone" when he passed through Tecpan in 1840. However, the plain, unremarkable stone he was shown makes one suspect that the real divining stone had long since been removed by the townspeople, who put an ordinary flagstone in its place.

DOCUMENTS

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CHAPTER 3 L I N G U I S T I C COMMENTARY

THE W R I T I N G SYSTEM

The Annals and the Xpantzay Cartulary are written in the Latin alphabet as adapted by the Franciscan friar Francisco de Parra. 1 This orthography represents the phonemic consonants of Kaqchikel quite well. Occasionally, the scribes overrepresent, using a final h to show that a nonnasal sonorant devoices. This phonetic alternation is subphonemic; word-finally /w, y, r/ and / l / become voiceless. The voiceless variants are sometimes written in the texts as uh, ih/yh, or lh. Rh does not appear, though /r/ does occur word-finally within the text. The scribes of both documents were very careful. There are few errors in orthography. In the later sections of the Annals there are a few examples of a copyist losing his place within the text and picking up words from a line further in the text. These copying errors were caught in the original, the anticipated line crossed out, and the correct sentential complement supplied. It should be noted that while contemporary K'iche' documents, including the renowned Popol Wuj, show raging inconsistencies in the representations of the postvelars and of glottalized consonants, 2 the scribes of these documents clearly distinguished the consonantal phonemes of their language and represented them appropriately. However, the Parra alphabet does not provide enough vowel symbols to represent the distinctions of Kaqchikel. The modern spoken dialects of Kaqchikel vary widely in the number of contrasts surviving. Some dialects retain the original ten,- others have simplified the system down to five. At the time these documents were written, most Kaqchikel dialects would have still had ten vowel phonemes. The scribes, however, regularly use only five vowel symbols. Glottal stop is generally underrepresented, though in word final position these scribes often double the final vowel, or in the case of a final / i / write iy to indicate the syllable closing glottal: /a'/ > aa, / e ' / > ee, / i ' / > ii or iy, / o ' / > oo, /u'/ > uu. In writing the K'iche' place-name Qumarkaaj, the scribes use a double vowel syllable internally; this apparently represents the vowel length of K'iche' rather than a vowel + glottal stop sequence. 3 A sequence of vowel + y may represent one syllable, where the front glide closes the syllabic nucleus, or two syllables, where the second is /i ~ i'/: chay is written for /Icay/ "obsidian"; cay is written for /ka'i'/ "two." When Spanish names and titles begin to appear in

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the Annals account, these are often rendered in the standard Spanish spellings of the epoch: c represents a nonretroflex voiceless dental fricative. This has become simply c in modern Spanish orthography. Sometimes, however, accommodation to the phonological system of Kaqchikel is evinced, /d/, a voiced dental phoneme of Spanish not found in Kaqchikel, may become t, its voiceless counterpart and a part of the autochthonous system: e.g., Presitente < Presidente, Tiaz < Diaz, Bernantino < Bernardino, Rotriguez < Rodriguez. Inversely, some Spanish /t/s are hypercorrected to /d/: Cordes < Cortez. Spanish /f/, a voiceless labiodental fricative, is not in the Kaqchikel native inventory of phonemes (though it is an allophonic variant of / w / in some dialects); p occasionally replaces /f/ in Annals spellings: piscal < fiscal. Spanish trilled /r/, represented in the Spanish orthography by rr, often becomes simple r in these texts: Barientos < Barrientos, k'oregitor < corregidor. Saints' names and the title sancto/a retain Latinate spellings: e.g., Joseph (cf. modern Jose), Thomas (cf. Tomas), Sanctiago (cf. Santiago), Ju° Bauptista (cf. Juan Bautista), Anna (cf. Ana), Matheo (cf. Mateo), Sancta Maria Assumption (cf. Santa Maria Asuncion), Rap(h)ael (cf. Rafael), and Pelliphe (ms. p. 83/42^ h is metathesized from the etymologically correct location, following the initial p; also Peliphe [cf. Felipe]). Cristobal is abbreviated with the Greek X, a shorthand for christos: Xpo°°ual. Many abbreviations are standard in the text. Most of these reflect Spanish scribal practice: D 1 = Diego, P e = Padre, P° = Pedro, Al° = Alonso, Mr°°n = Martin, a°s = anos, Fran co = Francisco, gor = gobernador "governor," alpes = alcaldes, J° = Juan, ts° = toston (unit of Spanish currency).

TRANSLATION

FORMAT

The text is laid out in sets of four lines. The first line is a transliteration from the colonial orthography to the current official Kaqchikel. The second line provides a morpheme-by-morpheme breakdown. The third line glosses each morpheme, providing translations of the core semantic range of the roots and grammatical descriptions of the affixes. The fourth line provides a free translation. In providing a "free" translation, we have stayed as close as grammatically possible to the original

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Kaqchikel word ordering. This often involves long introductory adverbial phrases that might often be split between sentence initial and final locations in colloquial English and inversion of the subject and the verb. The Kaqchikel practice of putting the conjunction after one or more particles dictated by person-tracking in the discourse has not been emulated. The syntax of "just he, and, left" would be too tortured in English to be intelligible. Where clarifying elements have been added to the free translation line, these are set off by square brackets. Similarly, elements that are required by English syntax, but not Kaqchikel syntax—elements such as copula verbs—are shown in square brackets. Couplets abound in the document. 4 Some of these are adpositioned nouns. These we have separated with commas on the transliteral line. On the free translation line, we have sometimes added an and in brackets. When the couplet forms can be interpreted as naming a single category, especially as represented by its prime exemplars—e.g., qaway, quk'ya' lit., "our tortillas, our drink; our sustenance," qak'ajol, qamam lit., "our sons, our grandchildren; our descendants"—or when the couplet can be read as two descriptors in an appositive relationship—e.g., Alay Tern, Alay Ch'akdt "birther of the bench/throne; birther of the chair; king-maker"—no [and] has been added. The English text follows the Kaqchikel text as closely as English syntax and intelligibility allow. In providing the morpheme gloss line, we have striven to give a single-word translation for each root. However, as roots encompass a range of meanings, a mechanical one-to-one relationship of Kaqchikel form to English gloss is not possible or desirable. Where the context highlights different ranges of meaning for a Kaqchikel root, the gloss line will reflect the change. Thus, mama' may sometimes mean "grandfather," sometimes "ancestor," sometimes "elder," sometimes "great, large." Moreover, it is part of the Kaqchikel literary canon that words are often meant to be read as having multiple meanings even within a single context; this literary punning is also seen in glyphic contexts. These puns are often not capturable in the English gloss line. We elucidate them in footnotes as they first appear. We have transliterated the Kaqchikel text of the manuscript into the official Kaqchikel alphabet ratified by the Guatemalan National Congress in 1987. This orthography is morphophonemic. All the consonantal contrasts are represented, though word-initial glottal stop is not written. All ten vowels of Kaqchikel are represented. Where words no longer used appear and the vowel quality (tense vs. lax) is not reconstructible from

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syntactic or morphological information, 5 vowels are written as tense, i.e., without dieresis. For the most part, vowel quality is reconstructible and has been represented. Lax vowels, while underlyingly part of many morphemes, both roots and affixes, are only realized as lax in final syllables. Nonfinal syllables of a word all have tense vowels. In the first line of text, that transliterating the manuscript, the vowel quality of the word is written as pronounced. In the second line, the morpheme breakdown line, the constituent morphemes are shown with the vowel qualities that they possess in underlying form. Thus, the morpheme //k'ut-// "point, show" has an underlying lax vowel. This vowel is pronounced as lax in such forms as xink'ut "I pointed at it, I showed it." However, when another syllable follows the root, its lax vowel becomes tense: takutu' "Point! Show it!" In addition to this phonological process of tensing vowels in nonfinal syllables, morphological processes may affect vowel length. Root transitive verbs have the following canonical shape: consonant-lax vowel-consonant. 6 Passive voice involves the demotion of the agent, deleting the preferential pronoun prefix from the verbal complex, and tensing the root vowel. Compare xatintz'et "I saw you" and xatz'et "you were seen." In creating the morpheme breakdown line, the passive forms would be shown with the underlying lax vowel; the actual vowel quality invoked by the passive voice would appear on the transliteral line: xatintz'et x-at-in-tz'et PS 7 -2A-iE-see I saw you

xatz'et x-a-tz'et PS-2A-see You were seen

Similarly, some nouns have lax vowels in their nonpossessed (absolutive forms) but have tense vowels in their possessed forms. Sometimes this is an artifact of the phonological rule prohibiting pronunciation of lax vowels in nonfinal syllables: cf. wachaj "face" and nuwach "my face." Sometimes the noun class alone triggers the switch: ch'akat "chair" vs. nuch'akat "my chair"; tz'ib'ab'dl "pencil" vs. nutz'ib'ab'al "my pencil." Not all noun stems with lax vowels shift under possession: ch'ab'dl "language" vs. nuch'ab'dl "my language." The shift is a property of the noun class to which a form is ascribed. In representing these forms we follow the same strategy: the transliteral line has the actual pronunciation; the morpheme breakdown shows the underlying vowel quality.

LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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wachaj wach-aj face-N face

nuwach nu-wach iE-face m y face

ch'akat ch'akat chair chair

nuch'akat nu-ch'akat i E-chair my chair

In some places in the extant manuscript, marginalia have been added. They appear to be later additions, in a different hand from the sections in which they appear. Such notes summarize in Spanish the action of the paragraph beside which they were added. E.g., ms. 79, H 1, the side note remarks "Jubileo a 18 de enero"; ms p. 92, ^ 1 is encapsulated in the side note "castigo de los fiscales." As these notes redundantly repeat the content of the Kaqchikel text and are not original to the document, we have not intercalated them. Our transliteration line includes only the words of the original Kaqchikel scribes. Punctuation is largely absent in the manuscript, except in separating items in a list and introducing new section headings. Section heading serifs have been represented with the closest symbol available on the keyboard: % represents section openers. Some lists start each line with a check / . Some list items have more elaborate introducers: ¥. Crosses often co-occur with the name Cruz. In the Xajil Chronicle, our page 123, one section is headed by an illustration of a shield and an arrow fitted to a bow. Such illustrations are described in footnotes. Sometimes, phrases are completed with a line, . These lines do not indicate a section end, nor, even necessarily, the end of a sentence or clause. We have preserved these lines in the transliteration line but not the free translation line. Similarly, names in lists may be followed by double slant lines. These are shown in the transliteration line but not elsewhere. Capitalization is not consistent in the Kaqchikel document. We have capitalized proper nouns. In the modern standard orthography, the Kaqchikel are capitalizing the names of Mayan language groups. We follow that officially sanctioned practice. Similarly, modern Kaqchikel does not capitalize titles such as ma "Mr." We have followed this practice as well. We do capitalize the title a jaw "lord" when it appears with a lineage name. We also capitalize ajpo "he of the mat, ruler" when it appears with amaq' or winaq designations. We

tz'ib'ab'al tz'ib'-a-b'-al letter-TV-I-N pencil

nutz'ib'ab'al nu-tz'ib'-a-b'-al iE-letter-TV-I-N m y pencil

capitalize the Spanish title rey and its English translation. Capitalization in the free translation line follows standard American academic practice. Capitalization in the transliteration line follows the guidelines established by Kaqchikel Cholchi' (the Kaqchikel branch of the Academia de las Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala) and PRONEBI (Programa Nacional de Educacion BilingiieIntercultural).

TROPES OF THE MAYA LITERARY C A N O N

Parallelism Maya writings have long shown parallelism in structure. The Mayan Codices are replete with repetition. A set of registers may show one figure, a Chac (Rain Deity), in a variety of poses. The accompanying texts will share a syntactic form, varying perhaps one content word, a noun or a verb. But the substitute words will have the same inflection as the originals. Such close parallelism appears in modern spoken language in the most formal genres, particularly public prayer. As the formality of the speech decreases, so does the strictness of the parallel structure (Maxwell 1990, 1997). The Annals offer a variety of levels of formality. The sections that deal with the early Kaqchikel migrations, their settlement at Iximche', the Tuquche' uprising, and the arrival of Alvarado are highly structured, elaborately constructed, with much parallelism. The sections dealing with colonial plagues and changes of succession are also formal; however, much of the colonial relation recounts yearly events with single statements or short paragraphs, in terse almost journalistic fashion. The Xpantzay Chronicles again show the most formal, hence most highly parallel, structures in the account of their early history. The parallelism may be manifest at the level of morphology, syntax, or semantics.

(1) Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Wob'ixir 6q, waq'ejer 6q katapon tik'oje' rukem xoq'ojaw! wob'-ix-ir 6q waq'-ej-er 6q k-at-apon ti-0-k'oj-e' five-tp-VR when six-tp-VR when H-3A-arrive H-3A-be-IP Five or six days after you arrive, let the xoq'ojaw become pregnant!

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ru-kem 3 E-weaving

xoq ojaw lady

TROPES OF THE MAYA LITERARY CANON

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The introductory adverbial phrase evinces morphological and syntactic homology. Each phrase consists of a verb, built from a numeral root, with a suffix indicating time past and a verbalizing suffix, followed by the con-

junction 6q "when, then." The words are formed with like strategies, the phrases are built on the same syntactic model, and the semantic notions are closely linked, building a tight parallelism of form and function.

(2) Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Ri toq xepaxin ki', ri q'eqal xeb'e je'. ri toq x-e-pax-in k-i' ri q'eq-al D when PS-3Ap-smash-AP 3Ep-self D black-N Then they dispersed themselves; into darkness they went.

In this example the two clauses are parallel in structure, but the morphological equivalence is less strict. There is an introductory deictic particle, ri' indicating definite reference, followed by a time adverb, toq "when/then" or q'eqal "darkness, night," and a verb phrase. The verb phrase consists of an intransitive verb in the past completive, but these verbs do not have identical derivations, as do those in example 1. Here the first verb is a derived intransitive. The antipassive construction has been used to make the agent/subject the only argument of the verb. In the second clause, the verb is a root intransitive. These verbs have the same subject and tense/ aspect markers. Each is followed by a pronoun. The complement of xepaxin is ki' "themselves/' an object complement needed semantically to specify the scope of the action. The verbal base expresses an inherently transitive action; it has been morphosyntactically manipulated to leave it inflected for only one actor, but the complement remains, both semantically and explicitly. The verb of the second clause, xeb'e, is inherently in-

x-e-b'e PS-3Ap-go

je' D3P

transitive. It does not require or accept a complement. The pronoun following the verb here je' refers back to the subject; explicit independent pronouns are not required in Kaqchikel. The optional subject pronoun appears here to balance the complement pronoun of the first clause. Moreover, the subject pronoun form has been carefully chosen to mirror as closely as possible the first proform. The citation form of the independent pronoun is rije'-, here a shortened variant je' is used, so that both clauses will have monosyllabic pronoun complements. Though the clauses are not as closely linked as those of example 1 using exactly the same derivational and inflectional morphology as a complement to the syntactic congruity, they still show a high degree of correspondence in inflection (though not derivation) and in syntactic positioning, though not in thematic roles, of the arguments. Sometimes the parallelism is established more by repetition of semantic themes and/or lexemes than by close morphosyntactic shadowing.

(3) Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Ruma tan kikam, ke re' xtinkanaj wi kan wa'e' nutestamento, r-uma tan k-i-kam ke re' xt-0-in-kan-aj 3E-cause IM PRS-iA-die D D F-3A-iE-remain-VT Because I am dying, thus I will leave this, my testament, ruma tan kikam, in m a m a ' chik. r-uma tan k-i-kam in 3E-cause IM PRS-iA-die iA because I am dying, I am already old.

mama' old

These two lines unite four clauses, two of which are exact repetitions. The semantics of the assertion of age

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wi TC

kan remain

wa'-e' PD-D

nu-testamento iE-testament

chik r

and its concomitant concerns link the nonidentical units of the couplet.

LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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(4) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xtzalo kochoch, xtzalo k'a kitz'i', kak' ; x-o-tzal-o k-ochoch x-o-tzal-o PS-3A-fight-AP 3Ep-house PS-3A-fight-AP Their houses fought, their dogs, their turkeys fought;

k'a ki-tz'i' D 3Ep-dog,

k-ak' 3 Ep-turkey

xtzalo konojel kawaj, x-0-tzal-o k-onojel k-awaj PS-3A-fight-AP 3Ep-all 3Ep-animal all of their domestic animals fought. These three clauses are linked by a repetition of structure: an antipassivized verb with its subject. The verb is identical. The subjects are similar in structure, all show third person plural possessive, but there is a progression from single lexeme [kochoch "their houses"), to juxta-

posed conjuncts [kitz'i', kak'), to noun phrase [konojel kawdj "all their domestic animals"). Again, in example 5, repetition, here with manipulations of the clausal structure, provides semantic parallelism.

(5) Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Wa'e' qulew rumal nuq'atal; je k'a nuq'atal ruk'in. wa'-e' q-ulew r-umal nu-q'at-al je PD-D iEp-land 3E-cause iE-count-P D3P This [is] our land by my count; this is my count of it.

Deictic particles introduce both clauses,- these are followed by possessed nouns and then relational noun phrases, which function much like prepositional phrases in English. The syntax is equivalent at the phrasal level. There is lexical repetition. Nuq'atal appears in both clauses, but in the first it is the complement of the

k'a D

nu-q'at-al iE-count-P

r-uk'in 3 E-with

relational noun rumal in the second it is the main predicate noun, itself modified by the complementary relational noun phrase ruk'in. Coupleting may be semantic even if the syntax lacks strict parallelism.

(6) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xa k'a ja ri che' rutunum ri'. Ja ri' tiqitz'itz' pa k'echelaj. xa k'a ja ri che' ru-tun-um ri ja ri ti-0-qitz'-itz' just D D D tree 3E-drum-PP D D D PRS-3A-creak-rd It was just the trees drumming. It was the creaking in the forest.

The first sentence begins with a set of particles which serve as deictics, a "subject" noun, and a participial predicate. The second also begins with deictics, but here the verb is a fully inflected intransitive and, rather than an explicit subject noun phrase, the verb has a locative prepositional phrase as its complement. However, the meanings of the sentences are closely linked, each giving an explanation of the noises made by the trees to

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T R O P E S OF T H E MAYA L I T E R A R Y

pa PR

k'echelaj forest

fool the Kaqchikeles, The syntactic homology has been relaxed, but semantic parallelism persists.

Chiasmus Parallelism is also evinced in the use of chiasmus. Chiasmus involves the syntactic inversion of elements,

CANON

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so initial parts of one line become the final elements of the next. In example 7 we can appreciate the ex-

tended parallelism and chiasmus of the listing of instruments.

(7) Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles fe k'a molan k'oj kitrompeta, k'oj kicheremiyax. je k'a mol-an k'oj ki-trompeta k'oj 3 Dp D gather-PP be 3Ep-trumpet be There gathered together were their trumpets, their oboes. k'oj kiplaute, kixul, kib'ix je molan. k'oj ki-flauta ki-xul ki-b'ix je be 3Ep-flute 3Ep-recorder 3Ep-song 3Dp Their flutes, their recorders, [and] their songs were gathered.

The initial line of the couplet has the phrase that includes the subject pronoun and the adjectival deverbal predicate as initial elements, followed by existential clauses, naming two instruments, each possessed by third person plural; the second line of the couplet inverts the two parts of the construction, placing the existential first and the subject pronoun plus the deverbal predicate last. The parallelism within the inversion is not perfect. The second conjunct here has three nouns with their

ki-chirimia-s 3Ep-chirimiya-p

mol-an gather-PP

third person plural possessors, while the first conjunct has only two. The second conjunct maps the existential particle k'oj across all three arguments—"flutes," "recorders" and "songs"—rather than providing each noun with an existential predicate as in the first conjunct, so that the mora count of the two phrases is similar. Note too that the first line is "heavier" in that the nouns are trisyllabic, quadrisyllable with their possessors, while the second line has shorter nouns but one extra. Another use of chiasmus can be seen in example 8.

(8) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Oj 6j k'o qiqa'n: ri k'uk'um, sajkab', ch'a', pokob', achkayupil. 6j 6j k'o q-iq-a'n ri k'uk'-um sajkab' ch'a' pokob' iAp iAp be iE-bear-N D down-N white/clay arrow shield We had our burden: the down, white clay, arrows, shields, cotton armor. Xqak'iit k'a wi k'oj x-0-qa-k'iit PS-3A-iEp-show We displayed what

ri' chi kiwach konojel. k'a wi k'oj ri chi DTC be DPR was there before everyone.

6 j nab'ey xojwiqo qi' 6) na-b'ey x-oj-wiq-o iAp first-time PS-iAp-adorn-AP We first adorned ourselves

ki-wach 3Ep-face

k-onojel 3Ep-all

q-i' iEp-self

chi ch'a', chi pokob', chi achkayupil, chi k'uk'um, chi sajkab'. chi ch'a' chi pokob chi achkayupil chi PR arrow PR shield PR cotton/shield PR with arrows, shields, cotton armor, down [and] white clay.

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achkayupil. cotton/armor

k'uk'-um down N

chi PR

sajkab' white/clay

LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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Here the chiasmus does not include the entire set of clauses and phrases, but is internal to the listing of "burdens " and "adornments/' Each list is divided in two sections: "arrows, shields, and cotton armor" in one section,- "down and white clay" in the other. These two

sections switch places in the chiasmus, though the order of elements within each section is invariant. The inversion may also be of elements syntactically defined as equivalent rather than lexically identical.

(9) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Je k'oj chuchi' palow, pa juku' e k'oj wi. je' k'oj ch(i r)u-chi' palow pa juku' e 3Dp be PR 3E-edge sea PR boat 3Ap They were at the seashore, in boats they were.

k'oj wi be TC

Here each clause is divided in two parts, an existential particle with its subject pronoun and a prepositional locative phrase. In the first conjunct of the chiasmus, the existential phrase comes first followed by the prepositional phrase,- in the second the prepositional phrase initiates the clause and the predicate follows. The trace

particle wi is necessitated by the inversion of the locative phrase. Here the prepositional phrases are not lexically identical, though they are semantically linked. The structural identity is at the level of phrasal constituency. Semantic inversions are also used.

(10) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle K'oj xb'e chi kaj, k'oj xqa pan ulew. k'oj x-0-b'e chi kaj k'oj x-0-qa pan ulew be PS-3A-go PR sky be PS-3A-descend PR earth Some [of us] went up into the sky, some [of us] descended into the earth. K'oj xxule', xjote' chi qichin qonojel. k'oj x-0-xul-e' x-0-jot-e' chi q-ichin be PS-3A-descend-IP PS-3A-ascend-IP Some of us descended, some of us ascended.

q-onojel PR iEp-belong

The syntax of this set of coupleted phrases is carefully constructed to create parallelism. The first line consists of two clauses, introduced by the existential particle k'oj. After k'oj comes an intransitive verb of movement, followed by a prepositional locative phrase. In the second line, k'oj again initiates and is followed by intransitive verbs, but here the prepositional phrase follows both verbs and is partitive rather than locative. The inversion of the chiasmus is not syntactic,- the structure (existential, verb, prepositional phrase) is maintained though the conjuncts are slightly arranged; rather, the inversion comes in the directionality of the intransitive verbs of motion. In the first line, the fleeing warriors first ascend into the sky and then descend into the earth; in the second line, the descent comes first, followed by the ascent. 29

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iEp-all

In chiasmus and coupleting, parallelisms and inversions may focus on different structural levels; morphemes may be lexically or grammatically identical; identity may not be at the morphological level but at the syntactic level; equivalence may be shifted out from the syntactic level to the semantic. Lines may be paired to balance the weight of syllables as well as the content. The Kaqchikel authors exploit the full range of the grammatical potential of the language in creating the parallel tropes of formal exposition.

Metaphor Metaphor also appears as a figurative trope in these documents of colonial Kaqchikel. Metaphors are more com-

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mon in the sections relating origins, migrations, and early histories, than in the later year summaries. Many of the metaphors are themselves couplets. Among the most common are: (a) juyu', taq'aj "hill, vale," (b) qate', qatata' "our mother, our father," (c) qatata', qamama' "our father, our grandfather," (d) ctia', pokob' "arrow/ bow, shield," (e)pus, nawal "divining power, transforming power," (f) q'aq'al, tepewal "power, majesty." The metaphor juyu' taq'aj "hill, vale" and its derivatives is routinely used to refer to lands held by a group, its territory. The intimate relationship of the people to their lands is evidenced grammatically by the appearance of the //-al// suffix when the base is pos-

sessed, e.g., qajuyub'al qataq'ajal "our hills, our vales." This kind of suffixal augmentation is reserved for the class of nouns which have inherent associations with their possessors, such as the blood and bones of one's body, or one's identification documents: cf. wuj "paper, book" > nuwuj "my paper, my book" > nuwujil "my birth certificate, passport, or license"; b'aq "bone" > nub'aq "my bone (e.g., one I found in my stew)" > nub'aqil "my bone, one in my body"; k'ik "blood" > nuk'ik "my blood (e.g., blood from a steer that I am using to make blood sausage)" > nuk'ikel "my blood, that circulating through my veins."

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle majani 6q tilaq'ab'ex wa'e' juyu', taq'aj . . . ma-ja-ni toq ti-0-laq'a-b'-ex wa'-e' juyu' taq'aj neg-D-D when PRS-3A-settle-I-PV PD-D hill plain when these hills and vales were not yet settled .

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja 6q qi xkilaq'ab'ej juyu', taq'aj. ja 6q qi x-0-ki-laq'a-b'-ej juyu' taq'aj D when true PS-3A-3Ep-settle-I-TV hill plain So it was when, truly, they settled the hills and vales.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, showing the possessed form Ojix k'a, tiwila' ijuyub'al, itaq'ajal! oj-ix k'a t-0-iw-il-a' i-juyub'-al H/go-2Ap D H-3A-2Ep-fmd-TV 2Ap-mountain-N Go forth, and find your mountains, your valleys!

i-taq'aj-al 2Ap-valley-N

K'a chi la', k'a ch'aqa' palow, k'o wi ijuyub'al, itaq'ajal, ix nuk'ajol. chi la k'a ch'aqa' palow k'o wi i-juyub'-al PR D D across sea be TC 2Ep-mountain-N Yonder, across the sea, lie your mountains, your valleys, you, my sons.

Qate', qatata' lit., "our mothers, our fathers"; fig., "our progenitors" is still in common usage. Note that the women are mentioned first in the

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i-taq'aj-al 2Ep-valley-N

ix 2Ap

nu-k'ajol iE-son

couplet. This ordering is also seen in derived verbs of engendering: xeme'alan, xek'ajolan "they sired daughters, they sired sons."

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xeme7alan, xek7ajolan k7a rije7 nab7ey winaq. x-e-me'al-an x-e-k7ajol-an k7a ri-je' PS-3Ap-daughter-AP PS-3Ap-son-AP D D-3Dp These first people engendered daughters and begot sons.

na-b7ey winaq first-time people

These verbs only apply to male subjects; if women are the engenderers, the begetters, then the verb form would be xe'alan.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle ^Toq xpixa7 k7a qate7 qatata7. k7a qa-te7 Toq x-0-pixa7 when PS-3A-counsel D iEp-mother Then our mothers and our fathers were counseled.

qa-tata7 iEp-father

The phrase qatata', qamama' "our grandmothers, our grandfathers" metaphorically extends to all ancestors, but especially male ancestors. In the Xajil Chronicle and

the Xpantzay Chronicles many genealogical sections mention the male engenderers only,

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle fe ri nab7ey kitata7, kimama7; xeb7oso aj Kejayi7. je ri na-b7ey ki-tata 7 ' ki-mama x-e-b'os-o aj Kejay-i D D first-time 3Ep-father 3Ep-grandfather PS-3Ap-sprout-AP G Kejay-p They were their first fathers, their grandfathers; they engendered those of Kejay.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xeb7oso chik Sotz'il winaq, kitata7, kimama7 ri Ajpo Sotz7il. x-e-b76s-o chik Sotz7il winaq ki-tata7 ki-mama7 ri ajpo Sotz7il 7 PS-3Ap-sprout-AP r Sotz il people 3Ep-father 3Ep-grandfather D ajpo Sotz7il They engendered the Sotz'il people, the fathers, the grandfathers of the Ajpo Sotz'il. Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles fa k7a Xpantzay Tojin xk7ajolan. ja k7a Xpantzay Tojin D D Xpantzay Tojin Xpantzay Tojin engendered [sons].

x-0-k7ajol-an PS-3A-engender/son-AP

The couplet ch'a', pokob' "arrow, shield77 extends metaphorically to include all war paraphernalia. These accoutrements are among the bundles brought by the Kaq31

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chikel from Tulan. During armed conflict, the contestants test these weapons,

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Tijunamaj k'a ich'a', ipokob'; t-0-i-jun-am-aj k'a i-ch'a' H-3A-2Ep-one-adj-VT D 2Ep-arrow May you test your arrows, your shields;

i-pokob' 2Ep-shield

This metaphor may be extended using descriptors as paraphrases of ch'a\ pokob'. The small circular shield

pokob' is described as setesik che'"rounded wood"; ch'a' "arrows" are rendered as q'i'om a) "straight cane."

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle A k'a ri ajlab'al xa ruyon ch'a', pokob'; a k'a ri aj-lab'al xa ru-yon ch'a' D D D AG-war just 3E-alone arrow As for the warriors [they received] just arrows [and] shields;

pokob' shield

xa setesik che', xa q'i'om aj riqa'n 6q xpe Pa Tulla. xa set-es-ik che' xa q'i'-om aj r-iqa'n 6q x-0-pe just round-rd-adj wood just straight-adj cane 3E-burden when PS-3A-come just rounded wood, just straight cane was their burden when they came from Pa Tulan.

Notice that in this example the order of the elements is inverted in the second phrase, so that the shield/

paTula[n]. PR Tulan

rounded wood precedes the arrow/straight cane, creating a chiasmus.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle fa ruma ri' xtiwiqaj re': ja r-uma ri' xt-0-iw-iqaj re' D 3E-cause D F-3A-2Ep-carry D Therefore, you all will bear these [things]: setesik che', q'i'om aj ; ch'a', pokob'; k'uk'um, sajkab'. set-es-ik che' q'i'-om aj ch'a' pokob' round-RD-adj wood straight-adj cane arrow shield rounded wood, straight cane; arrows, shields; bright feathers, white clay. Pus, nawal "divining power, transforming power" refers in general to the spiritual force of Kaqchikel leaders. While everyone is born with a spirit pair, only those

k'uk'um bright/feather

sajkab' white/clay

with great power can transform themselves into their animal pairs. Divining requires spiritual purity and the gift of sight.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Qitzij tixib'in rupus, runawal, ruq'aq'al, rutepewal. qi-tzij ti-0-xib'-in ru-pus ru-nawal ru-q'aq'-al true-word PRS-3A-fright-AP 3E-power 3E-companion/spirit 3E-fire-N In truth, his divining power, his nawal, his power and his majesty are frightening. 32

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ru-tepew-al 3E-majesty-N

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xa ruma ri/ nim kipus, kinawal, xa r-uma ri nim ki-pus ki-nawal just 3E-cause D big 3Ep-divining/power 3Ep-transforming/power Just because great was their divining power, their transforming power, je7 na wi pe je7 iqayom, ri ch7a7, pokob 7 . je7 na wi pe je7 iq-ay-om ri ch7a7 3Dp still TC come 3Dp carry-AP-PP D arrow it was they who were the bearers of the arrows, the shields. One section of the Xajil Chronicle describes the defeat of the Kaqchikel and allied amaq 7 s by the people, buildings, and domestic animals of Suywa 7 . The routed war-

pokob 7 shield

riors fled in the guise of their transforms, and the lineage groups took their epithets from their refuges.

K7oj xb7e chi kaj, k7oj xqa pan ulew. chi kaj k7oj x-0-qa pan ulew k7oj x-0-b ; e be PS-3A-go PR sky be PS-3A-descend PR earth Some [of us] went up into the sky, some [of us] descended into the earth. K7oj xxule 7 , xjote7 chi qichin qonojel. k7oj x-0-xul-e ; x-0-jot-e 7 be PS-3A-descend-IP PS-3A-ascend-IP Some of us descended, some of us ascended.

chi q-ichin PR iEp-belong

q-onojel iEp-all

Ja 6q xuk 7 iit runawal, rujaleb'al ronojel ajlab7al. ja 6q x-0-u-k'iit ru-nawal ru-jal-e-b7-al r-onojel aj-lab7al D when PS-3A-3E-SI10W 3E-spirit/power 3E-change-e-I-N 3E-all AG-war Then, all the warriors manifested their nawal power, their transforming power.

The K7iche7 saved themselves by going into the sky as lightning; their patronal deity is Tojojil, lord of lightning and thunder. The Tz'utujil saved themselves by hiding in the beak of a macaw, their patron. Another group saved themselves by descending into the water, where their patron, Q'ukumatz "plumed serpent/ 7 protected

them. The Aqajal people took refuge with the "wasps' 7 in the wasps 7 nest, aqaj, earning their name from this transformation. One of the founders of the Kaqchikel, Q 7 aq 7 awitz, was so powerful as to have more than one transform.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Toq xpe k7a Q 7 aq 7 awitz chuwi 7 juyu 7 Pujujil, Raxone 7 , toq x-0-pe k7a Q 7 aq 7 awitz ch(i r)u-wi 7 juyu 7 Puj-uj-il 7 7 PR 3E-top hill pus-rd-N when PS-3A-come D Q aq awitz When Q'aq'awitz came, then, to the summit of the hills Pujujil [and] Raxone7,

Raxon-e 7 Raxon-p

xa jun chi raxon rujaleb 7 al. . . xa jun chi rax-on ru-jal-e-b7-al just one D green-N 3E-change-e-I-N he was in the transform of a raxon [a green trogon]. 33

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Kani xemakamo' ruchinamit 6q xik'o chi kaj Q'uq'ukot rujaleb'al. kani x-e-makamo' ru-chinamit 6q x-0-ik'o chi kaj Q'uq'-u-kot ru-jal-e-b'-al soon PS-3Ap-frighten 3E-chinamit when PS-3A-pass PR sky quetzal-1-eagle 3E-change-e-I-N Immediately, his chinamit was frightened when he passed through the sky as the transform of Quetzal Eagle.

Q'aq'al, tepewal "power, majesty" is an interesting trope, in that the second conjunct is a borrowing from

Nahuatl, //tepeuh-//, combinatory stem of the word for "hill, mountain."

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xtinya' el iq'inomal iwajawarem; xtinya' el iq'aq'al, itepewal. . . xt-0-in-ya' el i-q'inom-al iw-ajaw-ar-em xt-0-in-ya' el i-q'aq'-al F-3A-iE-give leave 2E-wealth-N 2E-lord-VR-N F-3A-iE-give leave 2Ep-fire-N I will mete out your wealth, your lordship; I will mete out your power, your majesty . . .

i-tepew-al 2Ep-hill-N

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ruma k'a rupus, runawal, ruq'aq'al, rutepewal xelajib'ax wi. r-uma k'a ru-pus ru-nawal ru-q'aq'-al ru-tepew-al x-0-elaj-i-b'-ax wi 3E-cause D 3E-divining 3E-transform 3E-fire-N 3E-majesty-N PS-3A-promise-TV-I-PV TR Because of his divining power, his transforming power, his glory and his majesty he was promised as a sacrifice there. Other derivations of these roots extend the metaphor: Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja kixq'aq'ar,- kixtepewar wi! ja k-ix-q'aq'-ar k-ix-tepew-ar wi D H-2Ap-fire-VR H-2A-majesty-VR TC Indeed, may you become powerful, may you become exalted!

The association of "heat" and warriors carries beyond this couplet. Those acquiring power are gaining heat; those who are being eclipsed are losing it.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ke re' k'a xb'e wi chi rij ajaw ri' ruma K'eche' winaq, xa xkichup kiq'aq'al. ke re' k'a x-0-b'e wi chi r-ij ajaw ri' r-uma K'eche' winaq xa x^0-ki-chup ki-q'aq' 8 -al DDD PS-3A-go TCPR3E-back lord D 3E-cause K'eche'people only PS-3A-3Ep-put/out 3Ep-fire-N Therefore, the lord was opposed by the K'eche' winaq, since they [Nima'q Achi's] extinguished their K'eche' winaq's glory. HJe' k'a ka'i' ruk'ajol ajaw tan keq'aq'ar. je k'a ka'-i ru-k'ajol ajaw tan k-e-q'aq'-ar DDtwo-CN 3E-son lord IM PRS-3Ap-fire-VR There were two sons of the lord who were becoming powerful.

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ke re7 k7a xk'am wi ajawarem, q7aq7al, kuma achij a7, ri jumaj chi amaq 7 , ke re k7a x-0-k'am wi ajaw-ar-em q7aq7-al k-uma achij-a7 ri ju-maj chi amaq 7 ODD PS-3A-take TC lord-VR-N fire-N 3Ep-cause warrior-p D one-set PR amaq 7 In this way, the lordship [and] power were taken by the warriors, by a group from among the amaq', Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Oq xchup q7aq7al K7iche7 . . . 6q x-0-chiip q7aq7-al K7iche7 when PS-3 A-extinguish fire-N K7iche7 Then the glory of the K'iche' was extinguished . . . Toq xk 7 am q7aq7al chi amaq 7 ojer, ix qak7ajol! toq x-0-k'am q7aq7-al chi amaq 7 ojer 7 long/ago when PS-3A-carry fire-N PR amaq Then, long ago, the power was brought to the amaq7, you our sons!

ix qa-k7ajol 2Ap iEp-son

Heat is expressed as anger and disposition to fight. Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Je7 q7aq7 chik; kani k7a xupopoj rutzij K7eche7 winaq. je7 q7aq7 chik kani k7a x-0-u-pop-oj ru-tzij 3Dp firer soon D PS-3A-3E-mat-TR 3E-word They were already angry; quickly the K ; iche ; people held council.

K7eche7 winaq K7eche7 people

Powerful personages are heated. Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja rumal ri7 qitzij e q7aq7alaj achij, ajaw Jun Toj, Wuqu 7 B7atz7. ja r-umal ri7 qi-tzij e q7aq7-alaj achij ajaw Jun Toj Wuqu 7 B7atz7 D 3E-cause D true-word 3Ap fire-int warrior lord Jun Toj Wuqu 7 B7atz7 7 Therefore, in truth, the most powerful warriors were Jun Toj [and] Wuqu B'atz'.

Indeed, Pedro de Alvarado was known by his Nahuatl sobriquet, Tonatiw, "heated one.77 Verbs also are used metaphorically. The verbs //-war// "sleep 77 and its inverse pair //-yakatdj// "get up,

awaken and arise,77 //-k 7 ase 7 // "come alive, awaken 77 are used metaphorically to refer respectively to defeat and success in war.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Mani kixwar wi; kixch'akataj wi ; mani kixyeq 7 etaj wi, ix nuk 7 ajol! ma-ni k-ix-war wi k-ix-ch 7 ak-ataj wi ma-ni k-ix-yeq 7 -etaj neg-neg H-2Ap-sleep TC H-2Ap-win-MP TC neg-neg H^Ap-humiliate-MP Don't be caught sleeping; don't be defeated; don't be humiliated, you, my sons!

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wi TC

ix 2Ap

nu-k 7 ajol iE-son

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ke re' k'a xek'ase' wi ri' ruma Tepew. ke re' k'a x-e-k'as-e' wi ri' r-uma D D D PS-3Ap-alive-IP TR D 3E-cause Thus they were elevated by Tepew.

Tepew Tepew

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Xenimajayin chi ri' k'a. Ja k'a toq xeyakataj pe. x-e-nim-a-jay-in chi ri' k'a ja k'a toq x-e-yak-ataj PS-3Ap-big-l-house-I PR D D D D when PS-3Ap-arise-MP There they founded great houses then. Thus it was when they arose.

When the Kaqchikel Amaq' "sleeps," it loses battles and/or lands. When it "arises," it wins and increases in

pe come

stature and the respect of others. These verbs are often paired with explicit, rather than metaphoric, verbs:

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Mani kixwar, kixch'akataj wi, ix nume'al, ix nuk'ajol! ma-ni k-ix-war k-ix-ch'ak-a-taj wi ix nu-me'al neg-neg H-2Ap-sleep H-2Ap-win-e-MP TC 2Ap iE-daughter Do not sleep, do not be defeated there, you, my daughters, you, my sons!

ixnu-k'ajol 2Ap iE-son

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xa pe kani xqowar, xqoch'akataj! xa pe kani x[k]-qo-war x[k]-qo-ch'ak-a-taj just come soon F-iAp-sleep F-iAp-beat-e-IM Instead, soon we will sleep, soon we will be beaten! Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Xewar k'a kan ; xech'akataj k'a kan kuma. x-e-war k'a kan x-e-ch'ak-ataj PS-3Ap-sleep D remain PS-3Ep-win-MP There they slept; they were defeated there by them.

Another verb which is used metaphorically is -ya'dr "to water, to become water, to dissolve." Losers in battle are said to "dissolve in death." One might suggest that the root, rather than being water //ya'// with a versive

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k'a D

kan remain

k-uma 3Ep-cause

suffix, is the transitive verb //-ya'//. However, root transitives do not take //-ar// suffixes. Moreover, the metaphor of wetness in death is extended with the verb // ch'ub'-// "soak."

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Qitzij xya'ar chi kamik. wa-e qi-tzij x-0-ya'-ar PD-D true-word PS-3A-water-VR Truly, they were dissolved unto death.

chi kam-ik PR die-N

Xch'ub' winaq chi kamik; ronojel amaq' xyab'ix wi. x-0-ch'iib' winaq chi kam-ik r-onojel amaq' x-0-ya-b'-ix PS-3A-soak people PR die-N 3E-all nation PS-3A-sick-I-PV People were extinguished in death; all the amaq's became sick.

These figures of speech recur throughout the text, serving as standard metaphors. Others appear in single

wi TC

passages. When the enemy warrior Tolk'om is abasing himself, he says:

"In ral ch'ab'aq, niknik." in r-al ch'ab'aq nik-nik i A 3E-son mud silt-rd "I am the child of mud, of muck."

Bested, the powerful opponent Saqik'oxol gives up his accoutrements:

jalism xajpota kik', xajab'ikik', rukamisab'al Saqik'oxol. jal-ism xajpota kik' xajab'-i-kik' ru-kam-is-a-b'-al change-hair breastplate blood sandals-1-blood 3E-die-CS-TV-I-N a wig, a breastplate of blood, sandals of blood, Saqik'oxol's weapons.

Nonce metaphors and routinized tropes alike contribute to the careful construction of formal prose. The metaphors themselves are often expressed as paired constructions, couplets of verbal or nominal phrases. The degree of parallelism of these couplets varies with the formality of the section, being most strict in the legendary sections and most lax in the late historical annals. Chiasmus appears as a tool that conserves the parallelism of the structures while inverting the order of adjuncts, providing a counterpoint to the rhythmic pattern of repetition.

LEXICAL C H A N G E

As is to be expected, over the past several hundred years, Kaqchikel has also undergone some lexical shifts. Some words have fallen completely out of use,- others have undergone semantic changes, widening or narrowing their 37

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Saqik'oxol Saqik'oxol

scope. Examination of three semantic domains will illustrate the nature of many of these changes.

Titles As we discussed above, these documents have a number of Kaqchikel titles for political offices and social ranks, including rutza'm chinamital, k'amajay, nimak'amajay, atzi), nimawinaqil, ajaw, ajtz'aldm, k'ulpatan, ak'anima'q, rajpop achi, and k'ulelay achija'. None of these titles is currently in use with politico-social meanings. The offices and ranks they denote no longer exist. Ajaw is still in use, but now refers simply to "owner"— cf. rajawri ch'ich' "the owner of the car"—or as an epithet for God. The colonial title ajtij "teacher, role model," though still occasionally heard, has largely been replaced by the agentive formation, based on the antipassive stem of the verb "teach" //tij-// > //-tijon// > ti-

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jonel "teacher." Samajel which normally denoted "messenger, ambassador" in colonial Kaqchikel, has lost this reading. It is now interpreted as the regular agentive noun formed from the intransitive verb //-samaj// "work" > samajel "worker." Achij, "warrior" in colonial Kaqchikel, now refers simply to "having male gender." This term is applied mostly to animals. A h u m a n male is usually referred to by the specific noun that denotes his age category, ala' "young man," achin "adult male." A woman's normal term for referring to her child is simply al "child," a word which does not specify the gender of the offspring. If she wishes to distinguish between male and female children, she adds the terms xtdn "young woman," ala' "young man": e k'o ka'i' wal: jun wal xtdn, junch wal ala' "I have two children: one girl child, one boy child." If the term achij is applied to h u m a n males today, it denotes chauvinistic male behavior. Applied to meat, it means "tough." Q'anawindq, which meant "witness" in colonial documents, has been reintroduced into the language, but with a different semantic base. The continents were named for the "color" of their predominant ethnic groups. Thus, Africa was named q'eqasetul "black region"; Europe became saqasetul "white region" and Asia is now designated q'anasetul "yellow region." The major peoples of these regions are designated in the same manner, with windq "people," replacing setul "region." So today q'anawindq refers to peoples of Asia. Teleche' and kana' "war captive" have also dropped out of usage. However, the former, along with alab'itz and

mun, which mean "slave," were reintroduced into the language in 1995 with the translation of the Accord on Indigenous Identity and Rights into Kaqchikel. The words were used with the original meanings, in sections which outlaw slavery. A couplet of abstract nouns based on teleche' and alab'itz was coined to express the concept "exploitation": telechanem, alab'il. With the demise of the social distinctions denoted by Kaqchikel titles, most of these have disappeared. The few that remained in use have shifted reference. Samajel generalized from "messenger, ambassador" to "worker"; achij lost its specific reference, while keeping attributes of maleness, such as toughness and stubbornness. Other words have been reintroduced, some with readings based on their colonial meanings, others newly coined.

War Another domain which shows semantic shift over the intervening years is that of warfare. The Kaqchikel when they came from Tulan with the seven amaq's of K'iche'an peoples formed the military arm of the K'iche'an macropolity. Much of the early section of the Xajil Chronicle recounts the migrations and armed conflicts of the Kaqchikel. There is a rich vocabulary to describe war and its tactics. "War" was designated with the term lab'al The warriors themselves were ajlab'al They arrayed themselves for battle:

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle ^Re k'a tiwokesaj: e ch'a', pokob', achkayupil, k'uk'um, sajkab', Re k'a t-0-iw-ok-e-s-aj e ch'a' pokob' achkayupil k'uk'um D D H-3A-2Ep-enter-TV-CS-VT 3Ap arrow shield cotton/armor bright/feather "May you don these: the arrows, the shields, cotton armor, bright feathers, [and] white clay,

sajkab' white/clay

rachya'ik k'a pe ri q'awonon, q'asital, xoq'ol, q'eqal jab', sutz', moyew.". . . r-ach-ya'-ik k'a pe ri q'a-wonon q'a-sital xoq'ol q'eq-al jab' sutz moyew 3E-accompany-give-N D come D arm-bee arm-wasp mire black-N rain clouds fog and the accompanying gifts: the sting of the bee, the sting of the wasp, mire, constant rain, clouds, and fog." . . 6 q xwiqon k'a chi ch'a', chi pokob', chi to'j, chi tunatiw q'uq', 6q x-0-wiq-on k'a chi ch'a' chi pokob' chi to'j chi tuna-tiw q'uq' when PS-3A-decorate-AP D PR bow PR shield PR spear PR heat-VR quetzal Then they bedecked themselves with bows, with shields, with spears, with quetzal battle-plumes,

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LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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chi tunatiw k'ubul, chi k 7 alwach pwaq, ab'aj. chi tuna-tiw k 7 ub 7 ul chi k'al-wach pwaq ab'aj PR warm-VR cloth/leaf PR circlet-face precious/metal stone with battle armor, [and] with crowns of precious metal [and] gems. Another item of war paraphernalia, the breastplate, is listed in the gear stripped from the defeated enemy Saqik'oxol: Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle 6 q xuya 7 pe ri rokesam: pe ri r-ok-es-am 6q x-0-u-ya 7 when PS-3A-3E-give come D 3E-enter-CS-PP Then he gave up what he was wearing: jalism xajpota kik 7 , xajab7ikik7, rukamisab 7 al Saqik'oxol. jal-ism xajpota kik' xajab'-i-kik' ru-kam-is-a-b'-al change-hair breastplate blood sandals-1-blood 3E-die-CS-TV-I-N a wig, a breastplate of blood, sandals of blood, Saqik'oxol's weapons. Several battles are vividly recounted. When the Kaqchikel met the forces of Nonowalkat (a southern Nahuatl appellation from the Veracruz area) and Xulpit, they quickly defeated them, then took the enemy boats

Saqik'oxol Saqik'oxol

and crossed over to the home communities of Suywa 7 , where even the earth and the domestic animals rose up to successfully oppose them:

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Oq xpe ul chukojol jay. 6q x-0-pe ul ch(i r)u-kojol when PS-3A-come earth PR 3E-between Then an avalanche fell amid the houses.

jay house

Qitzij tnVirb'ot; xpalej poqlaj 6q xpe ul. qi-tzij ti-0-b 7 ir-b 7 -ot x-0-pa7-l-ej poqlaj 6q true-word PRS-3A-tremble-rd-I PS-3A-stand-P-I dust when In truth, there was trembling, dust rose up, when the avalanche came. Xtzalo kochoch, xtzalo k'a kitz'i', kak 7 ; x-0-tzal-o k-ochoch x-0-tzal-o PS-3A-fight-AP 3Ep-house PS-3A-fight-AP Their houses fought, their dogs, their turkeys fought;

k7a D

ki-tz 7 i 7 3Ep-dog

x-0^pe PS-3A-come

ul earth

k-ak' 3Ep-turkey

xtzalo konojel kawaj. x-0-tzal-o k-onojel k-awaj PS-3A-fight-AP 3Ep-all 3Ep-animal all of their domestic animals fought. Xa juyeq7, xa kayeq 7 xqab 7 an ; oj xojpaxin qi7. xa ju-yeq7 xa ka-yeq ; x-0-qa-b'an oj just one-step just two-step PS-3A-iEp-do iAp We made just one step, just two steps; we shattered. 39

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x-oj-pax-in PS-iAp-shatter-AP

q-i7 iEp-self

LEXICAL CHANGE

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A major event in the history of the Kaqchikel people was the revolt of the Tuquche' lineage group. This revolt yujuj is described in great detail, including initial ceremonies with women warrior surrogates and tactics

of battle: the Tuquche' attack on the town, the confrontation at the foot of the bridge, the first casualties, the pincer movement that cut off the Tuquche' forces.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja k'a xramon ri rajpop achi, Sinajitoj, aj Xe' Chi Peqen. ja k'a x-0-ram-on ri r-aj-pop achi Sina'j-i-toj D D PS-3A-cut-AP D 3E-AG-mat man Scorpion-1-toj The Rajpop Achi', Sinajitoj, of Xe ; Chi Peqen, cut [them] off. UToq xpe k'a ramonel chi rij Tuquche', toq x-0-pe ram-on-el chi when PS-3A-come cut-AP-AG PR Then the flanker came up behind the Tuquche7,

r-ij

3 E-back

kani k'a xukajmaj; mani chik xk'ulela'an. kani k'a x-0-u-kaj-maj ma-ni chik r soon D PS-3A-3E-blanch-TV neg neg immediately they paled; they fought no more.

The deverbal noun ramonel "flanker, one who cuts off by pincer action, in battle" is no longer used. Its verbal base //ram// is now used to refer to cutting things into

aj xe' chi peq-en G base PR cacao-N

Tuq-u-che' oak -1-tree

x-0-k'ul-el-a'-an PS-3A-meet-AG-N-AP

sections. This uprising set the base date for a calendar used by the Kaqchikel up through the arrival of the Spanish people.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle 0 Chi wajxaqi' Aj xel juna' yujuj. chi waqxaq-i' Aj x-0-el PR eight-CN Aj PS-3A-leave On eight Aj fell the anniversary of the revolt.

jun-a' one-year

Nevertheless, the word yujuj is no longer in the active vocabulary.

yujuj revolt

In relating the resistance to the Spanish, further tactics are related.

Toq xek'ulelax k'a kastilan winaq ruma Kaqchikel winaq. toq x-e-k'iil-el-ax k'a kastilan winaq r-uma then PS-3Ap-meet-AG-PV D Spanish people 3E-cause Then the Spanish people were opposed by the Kaqchikel people. Xb'an je k'otoj, xb'an k'a jul kej, simaj xekamisab'ex. x-0-b'an je k'ot-oj x-0-b'an k'a jul kej PS-3A-do 3Dp dig-N PS-3A-do D hole horse Trenches were dug, pitfalls for horses were made with stakes to kill them.

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Kaqchikel winaq Kaqchikel people

simaj stake

x-e-kam- is-a-b'-ex PS-3Ap-3Ep-die-CS-TV-I-PV

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Xa qi lab'al chik xb'an ruma winaq. xa qi lab'al chik x-0-b'an only true war r PS-3A-CI0 In truth, war was waged again by the people.

r-uma 3E-cause

winaq people

Je k'a k'iy kastilan winaq xekam, ke re7 k'a kej xkam pa Jul kej. je k'a k'iy kastilan winaq x-e-kam ke re' k'a kej x-0-kam D D many Spanish people PS-3Ap-die D D D horse PS-3A-die Many Spanish people died, and so too did many horses die in the pitfalls. However, with the calming of the armed resistance to the Spanish, the vocabulary of war, its accoutrements and strategy, passed out of active usage. The recent 35year genocidal war did not reactivate any of the old vocabulary of armed conflict. The Kaqchikel referred to the war as ri k'ayewal "the difficulty" or ri oyewal "the anger." During the fighting when groups of guerrillas and troops of government soldiers alternated infiltrating and occupying the countryside surrounding Kaqchikel towns, inhabitants referred, in hushed tones, if at all, to the combatants that threatened their lands and lives as k'oyi' "monkeys." The term ajlab'al reappeared in the Peace Accords, above the signatures of the guerrilla military leaders. Though the fact of armed conflict did not

pa PR

Jul hole

kej horse

disappear from Kaqchikel lives, the active vocabulary for its discussion did. Religion Modern Kaqchikel generally practice some form of Christianity. The evangelical mission of the early fathers was carried out with zeal. One section of the Xajil Chronicle details the works of Don Pedro Elias Martin. Among these figure largely his improvements to the Church. His active support of the Church and his status as a true Christian formed part of the basis for his appointment as governor, irrespective of the traditional family-based descent of rulership.

Excerpt from the Don Pedro Elias Martin Chronicle Ke re7 na'eq xa nuqupuj chuk'u'x ri xax mawach, ri xa b'osal chi winaq, ke re' na'eq xa nu-qup-uj ch(i) (r)u-k'u'x ri xax ma-wach D D although just iE-steal-N PA 3E-heart D inherent neg-face Thus I displace from the hearts of the people the blindness, the blackness, mani reta'am cristiano'il k'ojlem. ma-ni r-eta'-am cristiano-il neg-neg 3E-know-AP Christian-N of those who know not Christianity.

nxa D just

b'os-al black-N

chi winaq PA people

k'oj-1-em be-P-N

Xa ke re' ojer winaq ruk'ojlem,- xa qi jupalik timuqun kan chi rij. xa ke re' ojer winaq ru-k'oj-1-em xa qi ju-p(a')-al-ik ti-0-miiq-un just D D ancient people 3E-be-P-N just true one-stand-P-ADJ H-3A-bury-AP Just thus [was] the status of the ancient people; let it just be buried forever in the past. Mani reta'am ri 6q xul rutzij qanima'ajawal Dyos ma-ni r-eta'-am ri 6q x-0-ul ru-tzij neg-neg 3E-know-AP D when PS-3A-arrive 3E-word It [Christianity] was unknown when the word of our great Lord God arrived

kan remain

qa-nim-a-ajaw-al iE-big-L-lord-N

chi r-ij PR 3E-back

tyox god

ruk'in xul rutzij qanima'ajawal Rey wawe' Kaqchikel Guatemalan. r-uk'in x-0-ul ru-tzij qa-nim-a-ajaw-al rey wa-we' Kaqchikel Guatemalan 3E-with PS-3A-arrive 3E-word iE-big-L-lord-N king PD-D Kaqchikel Guatemala and the word of our great lord, the King, arrived here to the Kaqchikel in Guatemala. 41

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LEXICAL CHANGE

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Xtuche'ex chuwi' na wi pe K'iche', Tz'utujil, Rab'inal, chi ronojel amaq' Tecpan. xt-0-uche'-ex ch(i) (r)u-wi' na wi pe K'iche' Tz'utujil Rab'inal chi r-onojel amaq' Tecpan F-3A-name-PV PR 3E-top still irr come K'iche' Tz'utujil Rab'inal PR 3E-all nation Tecpan It will be proclaimed over them and the K'iche', the Tz'utujil, the Rab'inal, and to all the amaq's of Tecpan.

The zeal with which Christianity was proclaimed and instated drove out the open practice of Mayan ritual. It has only been in the last 20 years that Mayan daykeepers have performed ceremonies in the public sphere. There has been a reorientation of belief and practice during this period. Many modern daykeepers actively study the old writings for information on the old usage. Some incorporate the names of the creator forces and the first beings as cited in the Popol Wuj into their invocations. Courses offered by Linda Scheie, Nicolai Grube, and Federico Fahsen on the glyphic inscriptions (particularly the calendrics), along with the multiple Web sites offering birth date correlations, have been extensively used to reacquaint daykeepers with the intricacies of the calendar. CEDIM/NORAD/FAFO (2000) has just published El Libro de la Cuenta de los Nawales, which provides the cholq'ij (tzolk'in) correlations (birth day sign, day sign for the day of conception, and day sign for

one's guardian entity) for birthdates from January 1, 1900, through December 31, 2020. This work is based on lowland correlations and effectively provides a unified calendar for the highland daykeepers—whose calendars had diverged significantly during the colonial eras due to separate dates of "freezing"—through adopting a single date in the Maya ab' "year" to serve as January first. See Edmonson (1988) for a detailed discussion of this correlation and adaptation of the Mayan calendars. Of the highland calendars, only that of the Chuj continued to run unfrozen through to 1978, when the last daykeeper in San Mateo Ixtatan died. Despite renewed familiarity with the cholq'ij (tzolk'in, or 260-day ritual calendar), the Kaqchikel " m o n t h " names of the ab' have not returned to common use. Though not a common unit of time reported in the Kaqchikel Chronicles, reference is occasionally made to a month when a specific festival was to be held:

Xa k'a ch'olloj Takaxepewal riqa'n K'eche' winaq. xa k'a ch'6l-oj Taka-xepew-al r-iqa'n K'eche' winaq just D flay-N person-flay-N 3E-burden K'iche' people The flaying [ritual] of Tlacaxipehualistli was the burden of the K'eche' people.

Takaxepewal is a month name borrowed into Kaqchikel from Nahuatl. This month name was in use through the mid-iyoos. Modern daykeepers do not make reference to the Kaqchikel months. When the Academia de las Lenguas Mayas' Kaqchikel branch, Kaqchikel Cholchi', created neologistic month names for use in bilingual schools, rather than choose 12 from among the 18 20-day months (plus intercalary 5-day period) and peg these to the European 28-, 30-, and 31-day months, they simply numbered the periods: nab'ey ik' "first month," raka'n ik' "second month," rox ik' "third month," and so on. Though modern daykeepers are actively mining the colonial documents, they have not actively exploited the resources of the Kaqchikel Chronicles. The founding fathers, Q'aq'awitz and Saqtekaw, are seldom mentioned. The lineage heads Chimal Akat, Ka'i' No'j, Ka'i' B'atz', Xpantzay No ; j, Xikitzal, Jun Toj, Wuqu' B'atz',

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even the famous leader K'iqab', have not joined the K'iche' founders in invocations. The patronal spirits of each lineage as detailed in the Xajil Chronicle are not invoked. Tojojil of the K'iche', Kaqix Kan of the Sotz'il, Chi Taq'aj of the Kaqchikel are not actively addressed. While there is still a general belief that at birth each person has a spirit pair, a nawal born at the same time and with an interlinked destiny, most people do not know what their nawal is. Nor do they generally know their dayname. Rather than use calendar names as given names, children are christened with Spanish or English first names. Indeed, until the Constitution of 1985, government registrars would not record a Maya given name in the official birth registry. The Kaqchikel Chronicles recount how various groups of warriors and leaders took the form of their nawah.

LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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xa jun chi raxon rujaleb'al. xa jun chi rax-on ru-jal-e-b'-al just one D green-N 3E-change-e-I-N he [Q'aq'awitz] was in the transform of a raxon. The transform of B'ak'ajol was Quetzal Eagle. Rani xemakamo' ruchinamit 6q xik'o chi kaj Q'uq'ukot rujaleb'al. kani x-e-makamo' ru-chinamit 6q x-0-ik'o chi kaj Q'uq'-u-kot ru-jal-e-b'-al soon PS-3Ap-frighten 3E-chinamit when PS-3A-pass PR sky quetzal-1-eagle 3E-change-e-I-N Immediately, his chinamit was frightened when he passed through the sky as the transform of Quetzal Eagle. B'akaj had a cicada nawal. Xa wi B'akaj, xa jun chi lol rujaleb'al. xa wi B'akaj xa jun chi lol just TC B'akaj just one PR cicada As for B'akaj, his transform was a cicada.

ru-jal-e-b'-al 3E-change-e-I-N

The scout sent out with him could transform into a weasel. 6q xtaq k'a el ri chikop saqb'im,- xb'etz'eto kichin. 6q x-0-taq k'a el ri chikop when PS-3A-command D leave D animal Then the animal, weasel, was sent out; it went to see them.

The ability to transform into one's nawal is more restricted today. Witches, however, may assume the form of their animal pairs. Moths that enter houses, especially at night, are commonly believed to be witches in animal guise. Some enchantments require that the witch see her intended victim; hence, the need to assume the

Saqb'im Weasel

x-0-b'e-tz'et-o PS-3A-go-see-AP

k-ichin 3Ep-belong

form of the nawal. Few daykeepers claim to be able to transmogrify into their spirit pair, but many do carry tokens of their nawals, to which they may appeal for aid and insight. The common couplet pairing for nawal in the Kaqchikel Chronicles is pus "divining power."

Qitzij wi k'a k'oj chik kipus, kinawal ri ajaw Jun Toj, Wuqu7 B'atz'. qi-tzij wi k'a k;oj chik ki-pus ki-nawal ri ajaw Jun Toj Wuqu7 B'atz7 truth-word TR D be r 3Ep-divining/power 3Ep-transforming/power D lord Jun Toj Wuqu7 B7atz7 In truth, the lords Jun Toj [and] Wuqu' B'atz' still had their divining power, their transforming power. Derived forms of this dyad also abound: ruma k'a rupus, runawal, ruq'aq'al, rutepewal xelajib'ax wi. r-uma k'a ru-pus ru-nawal ru-q'aq'-al ru-tepew-al x-0-elaj4-b'-ax wi 3E-cause D 3E-divining power 3E-transform 3E-fire-N 3E-majesty-N PS-3A-promise-TV-I-PV TR because of his divining power, his transforming power, his glory and his majesty, he was promised as a sacrifice there.

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LEXICAL CHANGE

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Though many methods of divining are still in active use— crystal gazing, pulsing, counting ch'um beans, fire and muscular spasm reading—the term pus no longer appears. Other elements of the old belief system have been replaced or overlaid. K'abowil is identified by Coto

(1983, 168) as "divina cosa . . . nombre del dios q[ue] adoraban [divine thing . . . name of the god that they adored]." In the Kaqchikel Chronicles, k'ab'owil is variously associated with the sky, heaven, the zenith; with places; or with figures.

As Zenith jun chi wi k'a chi k'ab'owil jun chi[k] wi k'a one r TC D another came from the zenith

chi PR

k'ab'owil heaven

As Place-Name Associated with the Sacrificed Enemy Hero, Tolk'om Xk'oje' kan chi ri' xetzaqo wi ki' ; x-0-k'oj-e' kan chi ri' x-e-tzaq-o wi k-i' PS-3A-be-IP remain PR D PS-3Ap-throw-AP TC 3Ep-self She remained there where they cast them [the pieces of Tolk'om]; ja ri tza'm K'ab'owil Ab'aj rub'i'. ja ri tza'm K'abowil Ab'aj D D point divine stone this is the point named K'ab'owil Ab'aj.

ru-b'i' 3E-name

As a Patronal Spirit Image Xk'is pe ronojel ajawa'; xpe k'a kikab'owil, ri Tojojil. x-0-k'is pe r-onojel ajaw-a' x-0-pe PS-3A-finish come 3E-all lord-p PS-3A-come After all the lords had come forth, then came their god-image, Tojojil.

Coto (1983, 502-503) suggests that k'abowil may be derived from the deverbal noun //k'ajb'// "sacrifice, the being killed as a sacrifice/' but he notes that the transliteration //k'ajb'// is, according to de Varea, an error for //tz'ojb'// "pierce, sacrifice." De Varea (ms.) has an entry for the form k'ab'owil; he defines it as an idol to whom prayers were offered for more captives to sacrifice. Current images are not available,- figures held by families or identified in museums are not known by this term. The word k'ab'owil has fallen out of popular usage. On the other hand, k'axtok, which in the Xajil Chronicle refers to a war leader who arose to oppose Pedro de Alvarado while he held the Iximche' rulers hostage, was interpreted early on by the Spanish priest/linguist/translators as demonio "demon." Translations of the gospels are among the most widespread publications

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k'a ki-kab'owil D 3Ep-image

ri Toj-oj-il D Toj-rd-N

available in Kaqchikel, and all use k'axtok with this meaning. This is the only meaning of the term in current use. When speakers refer to the devil, it is with the word k'axtok or with descriptors such as ri itz' "the evil one," ri keq "the red one," ri ajuk'a' "the horned one." An interesting side note is that k'oxtum, now "temple, sacred site," was not a religious term in colonial Kaqchikel. It referred simply to "wall" or "tower." However, as recognized precontact Mayan archaeological sites are now imbued with the spiritual force of their founders and early inhabitants, they are now sacred. Such sites are collectively referred to as k'oxtum, and the standard translation offered in Spanish for the term is templo "temple." As might be expected after 500 years of evangelization in Guatemala, much of Mayan spiritual practice has

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changed. The recent resurgence of public ritual, the rapid increase in numbers of ajq'ija' " day keepers/ 7 and the legal protection afforded by the Peace Accords has led to exploration of earlier rites by the practitioners. The Popol Wuj is heavily consulted. The Classic Mayan period tzolk'in of the lowland archaeological sites and codical documents provides the basis for the transposition of daynames and their associated Gregorian calendar dates into highland languages. The Kaqchikel Chronicles have not been mined for ethnographic information on ritual. The common spoken language has lost the terms for "divining power" and "divine thing." Some daykeepers still recognize the term nawal, though many learned it via Spanish. Few retain the ability to transform. Most daykeepers seek to be accommodating in their practices and teachings, existing alongside Christianity. At a conference held on March 26, 2002, nine Iq', in Chimaltenango, daykeepers debated whether their ideologies, rites, and customs constituted a religion or spirituality. Most opted for the latter term, citing the divisive nature of religions and the need to unify the Maya people.

Summary

of Lexical

Shift

The kinds of semantic change exemplified by the lexemes in these three domains are normal. As terms lose their referents, they either acquire new meanings or fall out of use. No one today knows who the rutza'm chinamital was, nor what his duties might have been. The title is no longer in use. Q'anawinaq, on the other hand, no longer refers to "legal witness" but to "Asian, person of Asiatic descent." As the most salient member of a named domain changes, so does the name's default reading. Achij has lost the reading "warrior," but still means "male, tough, chauvinist." While k'oxtum may be said to have undergone amelioration, moving from "wall" to "temple," k'axtok has suffered the ultimate pejoration, having become the common name for the devil.

COLONIAL KAQCHIKEL GRAMMAR

The grammar of colonial Kaqchikel differs in several aspects from that of modern spoken Kaqchikel. These differences have contributed to the difficulty modern speakers have in interpreting the text as written and some misconstruals in earlier translations. The principal differences are (a) extensive use of introductory particles that serve the function of conjunctions and modal operators, (b) adverbials, negatives, and time phrases inflected

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as verbs, with third person singular absolutive subjects, (c) word order for arguments of the verb, (d) honorific usage, (e) undermarking of plural agreement, (f) incorporation of auxiliary verbs within verb phrases, (g) tense/aspect system in which the //t~k// indicates present tense, as well has hortative usage, and the additional paraphrastic markers //b'a// "vetative," //tan// "incompletive" and / / m i / / "completive" in use, (h) and differential use of ergative allomorphs as transitive verb subjects.

Introductory

Particles

Modern Kaqchikel has greatly simplified the array of particles that may introduce a sentence or clause. In vernacular Kaqchikel, borrowings from Spanish, particularly the conjunctions entonces (with its allomorphs to and tons), y, and pew, commonly provide interclausal coherence. These forms have not yet replaced the indigenous counterparts in the Chronicles. Rather, series of particles provide the connection between clauses. N e w sections are introduced with wa'e' "here, at this point in the narrative, in the document." This deictic is text internal, pointing to the narrative m o m e n t of relation, rather than to a place in the real world. This deictic is no longer used in Kaqchikel. It has been replaced by wawe' "here," which refers to "here, at this place." Wawe' now is used for reference to this point in time, this place in the physical world, and this narrative moment. Time reference may be established by general deictics, such as wakamin "now," or by dates. The dates are given in a variety of formats. The early part of the Xajil Chronicle has only general time associations, ojer "long ago" or 6q xepe pa Tulan "when they came from Tulan." After the Tuquche' revolt, subsequent sections up to the arrival of the Spanish are dated in years since the uprising. Once the Spanish are on the scene, dual dating in Mayan dates and Spanish days, months, and years appears. Time reference is preserved by a series of particles: ja 6q "that is when, then," majani oq "when not yet," and k'a oq "until when, until then." K'a "then, when, until" is one of the most frequent particles, alone or in combinations: xa wi k'a "just irrealis then," k'ate k'a oq "suddenly then when," k'ate k'a "suddenly then," xa k'a "just then," a k'a ri' "indefinite deictic, then, this," ja k'a ri' "this then this," k'a runaj k'a "until later then." In sections of the Xpantzay Chronicles, these introductory time statements are extensively elaborated:

COLONIAL KAQCHIKEL GRAMMAR

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Wakami chupam waqlajuj chi q'ij ik' febrero, wa-kami ch(i) (r)upam waq-laj-uj PD-D PR 3E-inside six-ten-unit Now on the sixteenth day of the month of February

chi q7ij ik' PR day month

ja ri juna' de mil y quinientos y ochenta y quatro anos, ja ri jun-a' de mil y quinientos D D one-year of thousand and five hundred in the year 15 84,

y ochenta y cuatro and eighty and four

chupam k'a rujunab'il ja 6q mixjalk'atij rajilab'al juna' ch(i) (r)u-pam k'a ru-jun-ab'-il ja toq mi-x-0-jal-k'atij PR 3E-inside D 3E-one-year-N D when RP-PS-3A-change-I the year in which the year count was changed. Lajuj chik chi q'ij maki xril, maki xtz'aqat Laj-uj chik chi q'ij ma-ki x-0-r-il ten-unit r PA day neg-neg PS-3A-3E-find Ten days before the exact date

ma-ki neg-neg

toq xik'owisax ruq'ij nuestra senora Purificacion Candelario, toq x-0-ik'o(w)-is-ax ru-q'ij nuestra senora when PS-3A-pass-CS-PV 3E-day our lady of the passing of the day of Nuestra Senora Purificacion, Candelaria,

febrero February

anos years

r-ajil-a-b'-al 3E-count-TV-I-N

jun-a' one-year

x-o-tz'aq-at PS-3A-create-I

Purificacion Candelaria Purification Candelaria

chupam k'a rujunab'il 6q mixkam q'etzam Don Pedro de Solis Gor. ch(i) (r)u-pam k'a ru-jun-ab'-il 6q mi-x-0-kam q'etzam Don Pedro de Solis Gobernador PR 3E-inside D 3E-one-year-N when RP-PS-3A-die deceased Don Pedro de Solis Governor in the year when [he] died, the late Don Pedro de Solis, Governor.

Once the time frame has been set by an introductory phrase, subject coherence is maintained by initial je'

"they" reference, or by ja "he, she, it," or by le "this, these."

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle IWa'e' xtinutz'ib'aj jalal kitzij je nab'ey qatata' qamama', Wa'-e' xti-0-nu-tz'ib'-aj jal-al ki-tzij je na-b;ey PD-D F-3A-iE-write-TV change-N 3Ep-word 3Dp first-time Here I will write some of the words of our first fathers and our first grandfathers,

qa-tata7 iEp-father

qa-mama' 1 Ep-grandfather

je ri xeb'oso' winaq ojer. je ri x-e-Vos-o' winaq ojer 3Dp D PS-3Ap-engender-AP person long/ago they [are] those who engendered the people long ago. Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja k;a Tz'utujnV ri nab;ey wuqamaq', oq xpe Pa Tulan. Ja k7a Tz'utujil-e7 ri na-b'ey wuq-amaq; 6q x-0-pe pa DD Tz'utujil-p D first-time seven-amaq7 when PS-3A-come PR It was the Tz'utujils who were the first [of] the seven amaq's, when they came from Pa Tulan. 46

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Tulan Tulan

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Re' k;a inab'eyal e'," xuche'ex ri K'eche' winaq. re' k'a i-na-b'ey-al e' x-0-uche'-ex D D 2Ep-first-time-N D PS-3A-call-PV ["]These, then, are your elders," the K'iche' people were told.

ri K'eche' winaq D K'eche' person

Locative continuity is shown with chi ri' "there," or chi la' "yonder," often in combination with k'a.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Chi ri' k'a xojalax wi u l . . . chi ri' k'a x-oj-al-ax PR D D PS-3Ap-bear-PV There we were born . . .

wi

TC

ul arrive

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle K'a chi la', k'a ch'aqa' palow, k'o wi ijuyub'al, itaq'ajal, ix nuk'ajol. chi la k'a ch'aqa7 palow k'o wi i-juyub;-al PR D D across sea be TC 2Ep-mountain-N Yonder, across the sea, lie your mountains, your valleys, you, my sons.

Ke re' "thus" links clauses logically; it often combines with k'a "then," and with na wi pe, "literally, still irrealis coming, which has the force of and." The phrase na wi pe, though, serving the structural function of

i-taq'aj-al 2Ep-valley-N

ix 2Ap

nu-k'ajol iE-son

"and," i.e., coordinating phrases or clauses, typically does not introduce the clause it links; rather, it is the second element.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Je na wi pe qi k'o kitzij. je na wi pe 3 Dp still TC come And these, truly, are their words.

qi true

k'o be

ki-tzij 3Ep-word

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles 6j na wi pe aj Israyel. 6j na wi pe aj iAp first TC come AG And we [are] those of Israel.

Israel Israel

Xa "just" and its variant xe "just, root, base" are also frequent clause-initial connectives. These particles may co-occur, producing nuanced introductory phrases.

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We ta k'a introduces "if" clauses, conditionals, and contrary-to-fact statements.

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle We ta k'a mixiwiqaj xit, pwaq, q'uq', raxom . . . we ta k'a mi-x-0-iw-iqaj xit pwaq irr irr D RP-PS-3A-2Ep-carry jade precious/metal If you would carry jade, precious metal, quetzal [and] raxom feathers . .

With the exception of na wi pe, which has been replaced in colloquial speech today by \i\ borrowed from Spanish y "and," these particles are all still available in modern Kaqchikel. However, they are used more sparingly, combined less often into strings of introductory particles, and supplemented by Spanish loans.

Adverbials

q'uq 7 quetzal

rax-om green-N

Inflected as Verbs

Words which in modern Kaqchikel are clearly adverbial appear in these early texts inflected as intransitive verbs. Mani "never, not, not yet" does appear as in modern spoken Kaqchikel as a preverbal negation:

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Mani kixwar wi; kixch'akataj wi; mani kixyeq'etaj wi, ix nuk'ajol! ma-ni k-ix-war wi k-ix-ch'ak-ataj wi ma-ni k-ix-yeq'-etaj neg-neg H-2Ap-sleep TC H-2Ap-win-MP TC neg-neg H-3Ap-humiliate-MP Don't be caught sleeping; don't be defeated; don't be humiliated, you, my sons!

wi TC

ix nu-k'ajol 2Ap iE-son

However, at times mani is inflected for past tense and a third person absolutive subject:

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Kan tib'e q'ij, tib'e saq, xmani tisach wa'e' tzij, in Alonso Perez! kan ti-0-b'e q'ij ti-0-b'e saq x-0-ma-ni ti-0-sach wa'-e' tzij remain H-3A-go day H-3A-go white PS-3A-neg-neg H-3A-lose PD-D word Though days pass, though light passes, may these words not be lost, I, Alonso Perez!

Other negatives such as majani "not yet, never," manaq "not, not" and ma(n) "not" do not show this alternation in usage. Similarly, myer "earlier, recently, a little while ago"

in Alonso Perez i A Alonso Perez

is a simple adverb in modern Kaqchikel. It is sometimes combined with the deictic la in a compound lamyei, with the same meaning. In these early texts, it occasionally occurs with verbal inflection.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xmyer 6q k'a tipe wuqamaq'; x-0-myer 6q k'a ti-0-pe PS-3A-before when D PRS-3A-come Earlier came the seven amaq's;

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wuq-amaq seven-amaq'

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xmyer 6q k'a titiker rupetik ajlab'al. x-0-myer 6q k'a ti-0-tiker PS-3A-before when D PRS-3A-begin earlier the warriors began to come.

ru-pe-t-ik 3E-come-e -N

Other time adverbs do not show this category transition; they do not inflect for tense or person. Word Order for Arguments

of the Verb

In colonial Kaqchikel the object tended to immediately follow the verb, with the subject noun phrase trailing. Preposing the object noun did not change the verbal morphology but simply served to highlight, or focus, the verbal complement. Preposing the subject noun phrase triggered the focus antipassive, which intransitivized the verb, leaving the agent/subject as the only argument

aj-lab'al AG-war

with pronominal concordance marked on the verb. Modern Kaqchikel, while it still allows these possibilities—indeed, requires the antipassive when the subject inversion is due to questioning or relativization—has relaxed the requirement of antipassive for subject preposing, perhaps under the influence of subject-initial Spanish word orders. In the colonial texts, while verbinitial word orders are the norm, special sections such as genealogies tend to emphasize the role of the ancestor, the begetter. This agent is then preposed, triggering the focus antipassive and giving surface word orders with the subject first:

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Qati't, qamama' ri Julajuj Kan, ja xk'ajolan qatata' . . . q-ati't qa-mama' ri ju-laj-uj iE-grandmother iEp-grandfather D one-ten-unit Our ancestor Julajuj Kan begat our father . . .

Kan Kan

ja x-0-k'ajol-an D PS-3A-son-AP

Ja k'a ri nuchaq', Pablo Perez, xa wi mixk'ajolan, xa wi je kaji' ruk'ajol. ja k'a ri nu-chaq' Pablo Perez xa wi mi-x-0-k'ajol-an xa DDD i E-youngest/brother Pablo Perez just TC RP-PS-3A-son-AP only As for my younger brother Pablo Perez, he also begat sons, he also had four sons.

wi TC

je D

qa-tata' iE-father

kaj-i' four-CN

ru-k'ajol 3E-son

It should be noted that even within these marked domains, verb-initial orders still regularly occur.

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles mixojk'ajolan 6j ka'i'. . . mi-x-oj-k'ajol-an 6j ka'-i' RP-PS-iAp-son-AP i A two-CN The two of us begat sons . . .

Whereas modern K'iche' has developed a formal second person pronoun, //laa// > you singular formal 7 and //alaq// > you plural formal', Kaqchikel has not. Nonetheless, the colonial documents do show special honorific constructions. They are not, however, based on sec-

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ond person pronoun distinctions; rather, singular actors are given plural agreement on verbal forms in all persons, similar to an extension of the royal " w e " to a royal "you" and a royal "they."

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Xesokotaj Pe kumal Sanctiago, secretario, kuk'in achija', capitan spanol. x-e-sok-otaj Pedro k-umal Santiago secretario k-uk'in achij-a' ja capitan espafiol PS-3Ap-cut-MP Pedro 3Ep-with Santiago secretary 3Ep-with warrior-p D captain Spanish The Padre was wounded by the scribe, Santiago, the soldiers, and a Spanish captain.

There is only one Padre here, but the pronominal reference to him on the verb is //-e// "third person plural absolutive," an honorific usage.

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles /Ja k'a ri Don Francisco tzijom kan kik'ojlem. ja k'a ri Don Francisco tzij-om kan DDD Don Francisco word-PP remain It was Don Francisco who explained his birth status.

ki-k'oj-1-em 3Ep-be-P-N

Another construction that indicates respect is the use of reflexive constructions for volitional acts, so that the agent is said to act upon himself.

Don Francisco here is a single individual, but the possessive pronoun for k'ojlem ''birth status/' though coreferent, is marked as plural, an indication of deferential treatment.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Chi ri7 xetzaqo wi ki' Pan Pati', Pa Yan Ch'okol rub'i'. chi ri' x-e-tzaq-o wi k-i' pan pat-i' PRD PS-3Ap-cast-AP TR 3Ep-self PR hut-p Where they were cast is named Pan Pati', Pa Yan Ch'okol.

Here the defeated but highly esteemed foe, Tolk'om, has been quartered, and his pieces are thrown from a crag. Respect for Tolk'om's prowess is shown in the construction, which makes the pieces the agent of the verb "cast" and takes a reflexive object, ki' "themselves." Nahuatl systematically uses self-causatives, where the agent of a verb acts upon himself, as an honorific construction. While not frequent in Kaqchikel, constructions such as the one above are used to denote esteem.

(ia) Xusach ri' ri alaj taq umul. x-0-u-sach r-i' ri PS-3A-3E-lose 3E-self D The little rabbits got lost.

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alaj small

taq P

pa yan ch'ok-ol PR be straddle-P

ru-b'i 3E-name

"Undermarking" of Plural Agreement While modern Kaqchikel does allow for plural number to be marked only once per clause, as in example ia below, plural marking often spreads and may appear as in examples ib-d.

umul rabbit

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(ib) xkisach ki' ri alaj taq umul. x-0-ki-sach k-i' PS-3A-3Ep-lose 3Ep-self The little rabbits got lost.

n D

alaj small

umiil rabbit

taq P

(ic) xkisach ki' ri alaj taq umuli'. x-0-ki-sach k-i' ri PS-3A-3Ep-lose 3Ep-self D The little rabbits got lost.

alaj small

(id) xkisach ki' ri kokoj taq umuli'. ri x-0-ki-sach k-i7 PS-3A-3Ep-lose 3Ep-self D The little rabbits got lost.

ko-k-6j small-rd-p

umiil-i' rabbit-p

taq P

In colonial Kaqchikel, spreading of the number marking is not common. A single indication of plurality is suffi-

taq P

umiil-i' rabbit-p

cient, even for highly animate subjects, which in modern Kaqchikel tend to acquire number agreement.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Oxlajuj achi' kajlajuj k'a ixoq xux. Xk'oje' ruwi'. ox-laj-uj achi' kaj-laj-uj k'a ixoq x-0-ux x-0-k'oj-e' three-ten-unit man four-ten-unit D woman PS-3A-occur PS-3A-be-IP Thirteen men and fourteen women came into being; there was an extra [woman].

In this example both achi' " m a n " and ixoq " w o m a n " are semantically plural. The explicit numbers, "thirteen" and "fourteen," make this clear; however, the nouns are not inflected for plural, though they belong to the class of nouns that do have plural forms, achi'a' "men," ixoqi' "women."

ru-wi 3E-remainder

Similarly, in this example from the Xajil Chronicle, the preposed subject noun Tz'utujile' is explicitly marked as plural, with the //-e'// suffix. However the verb xpe has a third person singular subject. Plurality is not marked on the verb; number concordance is not required. A single marking suffices.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja k'a Tz'utujile' ri nab'ey wuqamaq', 6q xpe Pa Tulan. pa Tulan Ja k'a Tz'utujil-e' ri na-b'ey wuq-amaq' x-0-pe oq PR Tulan D D Tz'utujil-p D first-time seven-amaq' PS-3A-come when It was the Tz'utujils who were the first [of] the seven amaq's, when they came from Pa Tulan.

Number marking and concordance are still flexible in modern Kaqchikel, but there is an increased tendency to indicate plurality of animate actors, in all their thematic roles, in noun phrases and in verbal agreement.

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Incorporation

of Auxiliary

Verbs within Verb Phrases

In modern Kaqchikel the transitive verb word may contain the following elements: tense/aspect marker + ab-

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solutive pronoun + verb of motion (//o// "come" or //b'e// ''go") + ergative pronoun + verbal stem. An intransitive verb may contain the same elements, minus the ergative pronoun. In colonial Kaqchikel the structure of this verbal complex was more fluid. More verbs

could be inserted after the absolutive pronouns. The additional verbs included //k'is// "finish/' //raj// "to desire, or to almost accomplish," //k'oj// "be," //kanaj// "remain," a n d / / u l / / "arrive here."

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle with //k ; is// Maki xtik'isqaq'ajartisaj, xa nanoj xqab'i'ij. ma-ki xti-0-k'is-qa-q'ajar-t-is-aj xa na'-(a)n-oj neg-neg H-3A-end-iEp-exalt-e-CS-VT just appoint-AP-N Lest our exaltation end, we proclaimed our territory.

x^-qa-bT-ij PS-3A-iEp-say-VT

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle with //raj// "desire, almost do" Xrajqamestaj ri qach'ab'al. X-0-raj-qa-mest-aj ri qa-ch'a-b'-al PS-3A-want-iEp-forget-TR D iEp-speak-I-N We were about to forget our language. Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle with //kanaj// "remain" Tikanajnutija' na! na ti-0-kanaj-nu-tij-a ; H- 3 A-stay-1 E-show-TV still Let me stay and try it yet! Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle with //ul// E kaji' ajch'amiya' mixinulachb'ilan. e kaj-i' aj-ch'ame'y-a' mi-x-in-ul-ach-b'-il-an 3Ap four-CN AG-staff-p RP-PS-iA-arrive-accompany-I-N-AP There are four staff-carriers in whose company I arrived.

In addition to these verbs, the particle //k'a// could be inserted before the ergative pronoun or the verb stem, if intransitive.

Insertion before the ergative in the Xajil Chronicle Toq xb'ek'arutz'eta' ri Tolk'om; xapon. toq x-0-b'e-k'a-ru-tz'et-a' ri Tolk'om x-0-apon when PS-3A-go-D-3E-see-TV D TohVom PS-3A-arrive Then he went to see Tolk'om; he arrived.

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle K'i xrajk'arutij chik ajaw K'iqab' ruq'ilik rukamik Sotz'il, Tuquche'. k'i x-0-raj-k'a-ru-tiij chik ajaw K'iqab' ru-q'il-ik ru-karn-ik D PS-3A-want-D-3E-try r lord K'iqab' 3E-stop-N 3E-die-N The lord K'iqab' tried to stop the death of the Sotz'il [and the] Tuquche ; .

Though k'a is the most common particle inserted within the verb word, two others appear in these documents,

Sotz'il Tuquche' Sotz'il Tuquche'

taj "irrealis, negative" and na'eq just, only."

"though,

although,

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles xrajna'eqkich'ak ki' x-0-raj-na'eq-ki-ch'ak k-i' PS-3A-want-3Ep-win 3Ep-self they were just gambling among themselves Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Tib'etajqaqasaj tinamit Koja'!" tan cha ajaw. ti-0-b'e-taj-qa-qa-s-aj tinamit Koja' tan cha H-3A-go-irr-iEp-descend-CS-VT town IMsay Koja' ["]Let us not go raze the town of Koja'!" a lord was saying.

Modern Kaqchikel does not allow such particles within the verb word, though they may precede or follow the verbal forms within the verb phrase. K'a remains in active use, as does taj and its common modern allomorph, ta; but na'eq has fallen into desuetude.

Changes in the Tense/Aspect

System

Modern Kaqchikel marks tense by a set of prefixes: //y~n// for "present," / / x / / for "past," and //xt~xk// for "future." The present tense has incompletive aspect associations, and similarly / / x / / is linked to completive,- however, in modern Kaqchikel explicit aspect markers do not co-occur with tense markers. When a verb is inflected for aspect, no initial tense marker occurs. Aspect is marked by suffixes: //-on// for transitive verbs and //-inaq// for intransitives, the completive vs. incompletive ascription is contributed by context, and the absence of a time-anchoring tense

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ajaw lord

marker allows flexibility. 3a,b; and 4a,b,c. (2a) xatintz'et (2b) at nutz'eton (3a) xuchap ri wuj (3b) ruchapon ri wuj (4a) xinel (4b) in elenaq yan el (4c) in elenaq chik toq xoqa rija'

Compare examples 2a,b;

I saw you I have seen you She grasped the book She is holding the book Heft I'm just leaving I had already left when he arrived

This system was not yet in place during the period when these documents were written. The tense/aspect system of the colonial period instead included two prefixes, // tan// "incompletive" and / / m i / / "completive, recent past." These prefixes preceded the tense-marking prefixes but were compatible with them, tan co-occurring with the present tense marker, then //t~k//, and mi appearing with the //x-// past tense markers.

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle HJe' k'a ka'i' ruk'ajol ajaw tan keq'aq'ar. je k'a ka'-i' ru-k'ajol ajaw tan k-e-q'aq'-ar DDtwo-CN 3E-son lord IM PRS-3Ap-fire-VR There were two sons of the lord who were becoming powerful.

There is no longer an inflectional counterpart of //tan//, the incompletive aspect. Modern Kaqchikel tends to let the present tense, with its incompletive connotation, stand alone for indicating ongoing actions, but when the

(5) Najin jab' (6) Yinajin ninsik'ij ri wuj

It is raining I'm reading the book; I'm in the process of reading the book

durative nature of the event needs to be made explicit, speakers have recourse to a paraphrastic construction with the verb //-ajin// "to be in progress, to be happeni n g / ' Compare examples 5 and 6.

Colonial mi has been replaced in modern Kaqchikel by a derived adverbial form myer or lamyer.

Excerpt from Xpantzay Chronicles Mik'axepe. mi-k'a-x-e-pe RP-D-PS-3Ap-come They had just come.

Colonial Kaqchikel also had a vetative mood, a negative imperative. This mood marker preempted any tense aspect marking, appearing as the initial verbal prefix.

Excerpt from Xpantzay Chronicles b'ak'ojk'a'iwuche'ej ik'u'x. b'a-0-k'oj-k'a-iw-uche'-ej H/neg-3A-be-D-2Ep-call-VT Let it not trouble your hearts.

i-k'u'x 2Ap-heart

Modern Kaqchikel lacks this vetative inflection. Negative imperatives are formed by preposing the negative / / m a n / / or its stronger relative //mani// to the predi-

cates negated. This strategy coexists alongside the vetative in the colonial texts.

Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Wa'e' tzij mani sachinaq! wa'-e' tzij ma-ni sach-inaq PD-D word neg-neg lose-PP Let not these words be lost! 54

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The imperative mood, the positive counterpart of the vetative, has also changed since the writing of these documents. In both the Xpantzay Chronicles and the Xajil Chronicle, the //t~k// marking did double duty as a present tense/incompletive aspect marker and as an

imperative mood marker. The /t/ allomorph occurs before the third person singular absolutive, "he, she, it" as subject of intransitive verbs and "him, her, it" as object of transitive verbs.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, /t/ as imperative Ja k'a chi wuqu' Ajmaq tinb'an!" xcha' achi, ri k'axtok', chi ke ajawa'. ja k'a chi wuq-u' Ajmaq t-0-in-b'an x-0-cha' achi ri k'axtok' chi k-e DDPR seven-CN Ajmaq H-3A-iE-do PS-3A-say man D k'axtok' PR 3E-being Let it be on the day Wuqu7 Ajmaqthat I do this!" said the man, the k'axtok' to the lords.

ajaw-a' lord-p

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, /t/ as present/incompletive tense/aspect Tutzin ri ch'a'oj. t-0-utz-in ri PRS-3A-good-AP D The dispute is resolved.

ch'a'oj dispute

The /k/ allomorph occurs before the other personal pronouns.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, /k/ imperative Ke'el k'a el ajawa' ch'aqa ya'! k-e'-el k'a el ajaw-a' H-3Ap-leave D leave lord-p Let the lords go across the river!

ch'aqa across

ya' water

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, /k/ present tense HJe' k'a ka'i' ruk'ajol ajaw tan keq'aq'ar. je k'a ka'-i' ru-k'ajol ajaw tan k-e-q'aq'-ar DDtwo-CN 3E-son lord IM PRS-3Ap-flre-VR There were two sons of the lord who were becoming powerful. Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, /t/ and /k/ as present tense markers with their respective person markers following Qitzij tixib'in ke'achijir. qi-tzij ti-0-xib'-in k-e-achij-ir truth-word PRS-3A-scare-AP PRS-3Ap-warrior-VR They were in truth awesome warriors, [lit.: Truly, it was frightening (how) they were becoming warriors.]

The modern Kaqchikel tense/aspect/mood system and that of colonial Kaqchikel are significantly different. Table i summarizes the differences.

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COLONIAL KAQCHIKEL

GRAMMAR

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TABLE I . MODERN KAQCHIKEL

COLONIAL

present tense/incompletive //y~n//

present tense //k ~ t//

0

incompletive aspect //tan//

past tense/completive aspect //x//

past tense //x//

independent adverbial //myer ~ lamyer//

completive aspect, recent past / / m i / /

future //xt~ xk//

//xt~xk//

imperative mood //k ~ t//

affirmative imperative //k~t//

0

negative imperative, vetative //b'a//

aspect participial //-inaq ~ on//

aspect participial //-inaq ~ on//

Variant forms of the first person ergative with transitive verbs In modern spoken Kaqchikel, the first person ergative pronoun in its function as subject of transitive verbs has two allomorphs: /inw/ before vowel-initial stems and /in/ before consonant-initial stems. The first person ergative pronoun in its function as possessor of nouns also has two allomorphs: /nu/ before consonants and /w/ before vowels. In colonial Kaqchikel the prenominal forms were the same. The preverbal forms had an additional allomorph, however. In addition to /in/, /nu/ sometimes appears as the subject of consonant-initial transitive verbs. Having noticed this variant in the older text,

some purists have sought to simplify the ergative paradigm, generalizing /nu/ to all the preconsonantal environments. Some articles written with this simplified schema have appeared in Kaq Wuj, the magazine of the Kaqchikel branch of the Academia de las Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala. The Kaqchikel purists who advocate this "return" did not chart out the distribution of /nu/ as a subject pronoun,- the uniform usage they suggest does not, in fact, reflect the earlier pattern. In the both the Xajil Chronicle and the Xpantzay Chronicles, there are slightly more occurrences of the / in/ variant (total = 5 1 ) than the /nu/ (total =39) allomorph. Both occur with all the tense/aspect/mood prefixes. Many verbs appear with both variants,- see Table 2.

TABLE 2.

VERB ROOT

FORMS WITH / N U /

FORMS W I T H / i N /

-b'an "do, m a k e "

mixnub'an, mik'axnub'an,

mixinb'an, xinb'im, xtinb'an, tinb'an

xb'enub'ana', xtinub'an -k'am "bring, carry"

mixnuk'am, xnuk'am

mik'axink'am, xtink'am

-tz'et "see"

mixnutz'et

mixintz'et, tintz'et

;

-ya' "give"

mixnuya , xtinuya'

xinya 7 , xtinuya', tinya'

-tz'ib'aj "write"

mixnutz'ib'aj, xtinutz'ib'aj

xtintz'nVaj

-kol "save, safeguard"

xnukol, xb'enukolo'

xinkol

-loq' "buy"

xenuloq', xnuloq'

xinloq'

-tij "test, prove"

mixrajnutij

mixintijala 7

-kamisaj "kill"

xkatnukamisaj

tinkamisaj

The non-overlapping verbs do not suggest separate semantic fields. The verbs of Table 3 have /nu/ subject markers.

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TABLE 3. F O R M INFLECTED W I T H / N U /

VERB R O O T

-kiiy " forgive" -tik ''plant, sow

mixnukuy 77

mixnutik

-ye'ej ''hurry, urge speed"

mixnuye'ej

-kiich "collect"

xnukiich

-k'utuj "ask for"

xnuk'utuj, xb'enuk'utuj

-kanoj "look for, search for, hunt"

tib'enukanoj

-mol "gather, meet"

tib'enumolo'

-qiip "wrest from"

xnuqiip

-poroj "burn"

katnuporoj

-mulukij "unite, gather"

kenumulukij

-jitz'aj "hang, strangle"

katnujitz'aj

Table 4 shows the transitive verbs inflected for first person singular subjects that occurred only with /in/. TABLE 4.

VERB ROOT

FORM INFLECTED W I T H / I N /

-k'ajolaj "for a man to engender sons"

mixink'ajolaj

-ch'olij "punish, scold"

xinch'olij

-tzeqonisaj "continue"

xintzeqonisaj

-k'ojb'a' "cause to be, put, place, create"

xtink'ojb'a'

-ch'ob' "think of something, express"

xtinch'ob'

-miiq "bury, cover"

mixinmiiq

-k'ayij "sell"

mixink'ayij

-qasaj "lower, raze"

tinqasaj

-q'osij "strike, smite"

tinq'osij

-k'amb'ej "use to bring, use to carry"

tink'amb'ej

-q'alajisaj "make clear"

tinq'alajisaj

-q'aq'aj "make fiery, to exalt"

tinq'aq'aj

-b'ij "say"

xinb'ij

Since there is no semantic division between verbs that inflect with /nu/ and those that inflect with /in/, the authors are free to utilize their alternation to achieve parallelism without strict repetition. In the section of Xa chi kaj xb'enukolo 7 wi wi ; ," xcha. xa chi kaj x-0-b'e-nu-kol-o' wi w-i ; just PR sky PS-3A-go-iE-save-TV TC iE-self "Just into the sky, I went to save myself," he said.

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the Annals that recounts the failure to take Suywa' and where each winaq took refuge, the K'iche' 's patron spirit replies:

x-o-cha PS-3A-say

COLONIAL KAQCHIKEL GRAMMAR

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Later, the Aqajal's patron replies: Xcha chik Aqajal Winaq: "Xa xinkol wi 7 chupam aqaj," xcha. x-0-cha chik Aqajal winaq xa x-0-in-kol w-i' ch(i r)u-pam aqaj x-0-cha PS-3A-say r Aqajal people just PS-3A-iA-save iE-self PR 3E-inside wasp/nest PS-3A-say Then the Aqajal people said: "I just saved myself inside a wasps' nest," he said.

Between these two statements come reports of the other winaqs. Most of the verbs of their reports have been rendered formally intransitive by use of antipassivization,

though the reflexive object wi' "myself" remains within the clause; see, for example, the report of the Kaqix Kan:

"Xa xik'oje' kan chi ri ; . Xa xikolo wi' pa ruchi' kaqix," xcha. xa x-i-k'oj-e' kan chi ri' xa x-i-kol-o w-i' pa just PS-iA-be-IP remain PR D just PS-iA-save-AP iE-self PR "I just remained there. I just saved myself in the beak of the macaw," he said.

No foregrounding or emphasis is related to the use of /in/ or /nu/ as the ergative for the fully transitive verb forms. The use of one form may be followed by the oth-

ru-chi' 3E-mouth

kaqix macaw

x-0-cha PS-3A-say

er, offering variety of form while maintaining syntactic symmetry, but it need not be. Compare examples 7 and 8 with 9 and 10.

(7) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Wakami chupam ruvispras San Jorge wa-kami ch[i] [r]u-pam PD-PD PR 3 E-inside Now on the eve of San Jorge

ru-visperas 3E-eve

mixintijala' n u m u ' e n pa raxaj, mi-x-0-in-tij-ala' nu-mu'en pa RP-PS-3A-iE-test-int iE-fruit PR I tested various fruits in the fertile ground,

San Jorge San Jorge

rax-aj green-N

pa rulew Simon Q'inom chi rutzij. pa r-ulew Simon Q'inom chi ru-tzij PR 3E-land Simon Q'inom PR 3E-word on the land of Simon Q'inom by his permission. Mixnutik ruk'in peq, pullantanos, aji'j. Mi-x-0-nu-tik r-uk'in peq platanos RP-PS-3A-iE-plant 3E-with cacao plantain I planted it with cacao, plantain, and cane corn.

aj-i'j cane-maize

(8) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja k'a 6q xenuloq' ka'i' nukej: ja k'a 6q x-e-nu-loq' DD when PS^Ap-iE-loq 7 This was when I bought two horses: 58

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ka'-i' two-CN

nu-kej iE-horse

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jun xinloq' ruk'in Martin, rumoco Don Carlos, k'o chi manderoso . . . jun x-0-in-loq' r-uk'in Martin ru-mozo Don Carlos k'o chi manderoso one PS-3A-iE-buy 3E-with Martin 3E-worker Don Carlos be PR foreman I bought one from Martin, the worker of Don Carlos, who is the foreman . . . (9) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle URoxmolaj chi k'a nusamaj, nupatan xnub'an, r-ox-mol-aj chi[k] k'a nu-samaj nu-patan 3E-three-group-MS r D iE-work iE-responsibility In the third phase of my work, my burden which I was discharging,

x-0-nu-b'an PS-3A-iE-do

xb'enub'ana' concierdo ruk'in jun espanol Martinez rub'i', b'anol organo. x-0-b'e-nu-b'im-a' concierto r-uk'in jun espanol Martinez ru-b'i' PS-3A-go-iE-make-TV agreement 3E-with one Spaniard Martinez 3E-name I went to make an agreement with a Spaniard named Martinez, an organ maker.

b'an-6l make-AG

organo organ

(10) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja ri' wulew q'awach wulew mixink'ayij; nimanik'aj mixel wi wuma. ja ri7 w-ulew q'a-wach w-ulew mi-x-0-in-k'ay-ij nim-a-nik'aj mi-x-0-el wi w-uma D D iE-land hand-face iE-land RP-PS-3A-iE-sell-TR big-1-half RP-PS-3A-leave TC iE-cause It is my land, my inherited land [that] I recently sold; the greater part of it is gone because of me. Ke re7 k'a xtink'ojb'a' wi kan nutzij . . . ke re7 k'a xt-0-in-k / oj-b , a / wi kan D D D F-3A-iE-be-TP TC remain Therefore, I will set down my words . . .

nu-tzij iE-word

In examples 7 and 8, the first verb of the linked clauses uses one allomorph of the first person singular ergative, the next uses the other. In example 7, the verb //tijala'// "to test many times, in many ways" is inflected with / in/, while in the next sentence, where the exact crops planted as the tests are specified, the /nu/ variant appears. Similarly, in example 8 the first occurrence of the verb //-loq'// "to buy" is inflected with /nu/; the second clause, specifying the horse bought, is inflected with / in/. While the grammar allows the possibility of this alternation, it does not require it. The verbs of both clauses of example 9 are inflected with /nu/, and the transi-

tive verbs of the two sentences in example 10 are both inflected with /in/. Nonetheless, in this sample there do seem to be some differences in distribution of the two variants. The /in/ only occurs when the patient marked on the verb is third person singular absolutive, //null//. While /nu/ also occurs in this environment, it also co-occurs with third person singular plural objects/patients, //e//, and second person singular, //at//. Examples 8 above and 11 following show instances of /nu/ with / / e / / " t h e m " as the object pronoun.

( n ) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Tan k'a kenumulukij konojel. tan k'a k-e-nu-miil-u-kij IMD H-3Ap-iE-collect-TV-VT Let me make a record of all of them.

k-onojel 3Ep-all

Examples 12 and 13 illustrate /nu/ with //at//.

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(12) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle "Tawajo' pe katnuporoj, katnujitz'aj?" xe'uche'ex ajawa'. t-o-aw-ajo' pe k-at-nu-poroj k-at-nu-jitz'-aj PRS-2A-want come PRS-2A-iE-burn PRS-2A-iE-hang-VT "Do you want me to burn you, to hang you?" he said to the lords.

x-e'-uche'-ex PS-3Ap-say-PSV

ajaw-a' lord-p

(13) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Chi naq katux? Wakami xkatnukamisaj." chi naq k-at-iix wa-kami xk-at-nu-kam-is-aj PR Q PRS-2A-be PD-today F-2A-iE-die-CS-TR "Who are you? Now I will kill you."

Another context in which only /nu/ appears in these documents is after incorporated auxiliary verbs. The verbs //b'e// "go" and //raj// "want to, almost do, be

about to do" co-occur with first person singular ergative subjects in these texts,

(14) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, the Don Pedro Elias Martin Chronicle xb'enub'ana' concierdo ruk'in jun espanol Martinez rub'i', b'anol organo. x-o-b'e-nu-b'an-a' concierto r-uk'in jun espanol Martinez ru-b'i' PS-3A-go-iE-make-TV agreement 3E-with one Spaniard Martinez 3E-name I went to make an agreement with a Spaniard named Martinez, an organ maker.

b'an-6l make-AG

organo organ

(15) Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle, the Don Pedro Elias Martin Chronicle Ja ri K'eche' winaq mixrajnutij chik lab'al chi rij nusiwan, nutinamit. ja ri K'eche' winaq mi-x-o-raj-nu-tij chik lab'al chi r-ij D D K'eche'people RP-PS-3A-want-iE-try r war PR 3E-behind With the K'eche' winaq I just waged war, behind my ravine, my town.

In modern spoken Kaqchikel /in/ has replaced /nu/ in these two environments, having generalized to replace /nu/ in its preverbal subject function. In slow speech,

nu-siwan iE-ravine

nu-tinamit iE-town

one can distinguish the full /in/ morpheme; however, in rapid speech, reductions occur, especially postvocalically.

TABLE 5.

third person plural absolutive

CAREFUL SPEECH

NORMAL SPEECH

xe'intz'et "I saw them"

xentz;et "I saw them"

xke'inq'ejela' "I will greet them

xkenq'ejela' "I will greet them

xbVinloq'o' "I went to buy it"

xb'enloqV "I went to buy it"

xo'inb'ana' "I came to do it"

xonb'ana7 "I came to do it"

+ first person singular ergative third person plural absolutive + first person singular ergative //b'e// "go" + first person singular ergative I loll "come" + first person singular ergative

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/Nu/ still exists in modern spoken Kaqchikel as an allomorph of the first person singular ergative, but only as a possessor of nouns. As in colonial Kaqchikel, /nu/ is the only appropriate allomorph of the ergative as a possessor of nouns that begin with consonants. It is not clear whether the purists7 drive to reintroduce /nu/—indeed, to have it replace /in/ in the ergative paradigm— will be successful. It should be noted that Poqomam, a distantly related language of the greater K7iche7an group, has simplified its ergative pattern in just this way.

Summary The grammar of colonial Kaqchikel differed in significant ways from that of the modern language. There are differences in the pronominal system. The first person singular ergative retained the allomorph /nu/ in a verbal function. This variation has been leveled out. The tense/aspect/mood system was more elaborated. The imperative mood was marked by a negative as well as an affirmative inflectional prefix. Today the affirmative prefix has generalized, and negation is shown by simply preposing a negative adverbial. Plurals were less redundantly marked in the colonial language. A single marking of plural suffixed for a clause, thus verbs did not need to agree with their subject or object noun phrases. While number marking is still less extensive in modern Kaqchikel than in European languages, there is a greater tendency for verbs to show plural agreement with their subjects and, to an extent, with their object complements. This tendency is more pronounced for highly animate subjects, such as human beings and spirits. In colonial Kaqchikel, authorities were afforded respect grammatically by being marked as agents of reflexive verbs (causing themselves to do actions) and by being inflected as plural, though semantically singular. While modern K7iche7 and its affiliated language Achi;, close kin of Kaqchikel, have developed a second person formal verbal inflection, Kaqchikel has not. Modern spoken Kaqchikel no longer uses plural marking as a signal of respect, nor does it use reflexive constructions to suggest that honored actors "cause themselves" to act. Respect is shown in modern Kaqchikel by the use of vocative titles of respect. The titles used for adult men and women are found in the colonial texts,- the male title ma accompanies many male names, while the female title Ix appears as the prefix //x-// on female names, such as Xnimapam, Xq'ujay. The modern respect titles for unmarried youths—//a// "unmarried male" and

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//xta// "unmarried female"—do not appear in the colonial documents. The current respect titles //ya// and I ltd 11 "respected elder woman" do not appear with these readings in the early writings. Respect is an important concept for modern speakers of Kaqchikel; it is one of the attributes of their culture that they value highly and which they believe sets them apart from non-Mayan society, but grammatical marking of this trait has shifted from inflection to paraphrasis, from verbal syntactic constructs to title plus name nominal phrases. In colonial Kaqchikel, the verb usually preceded its arguments. If an argument, agent, or patient was preposed to the verb, this lent it special emphasis. Focusing on the patient by preposing it did not alter the verbal morphology,- focusing on the agent, however, did. Preposed agents triggered antipassivization of the verb. The verb became formally intransitive, inflected only for the agent, though the erstwhile object remained in its original postverbal position. Now, however, agents commonly precede the verb with no change in verbal morphology. Any confusion with passivization is minimized by contextual and semantic cues. Where preposing the patient might create confusion, passivization may occur to disambiguate. Antipassive is still maintained to show agent preposing in question and relative constructions. In colonial Kaqchikel, some time adverbials, particularly //myer//, could be inflected for tense/aspect (always past/completive) and for a third person singular absolutive subject: xmyer "it happened a little while ago." In modern Kaqchikel, //myer// is an uninflectable adverbial particle,- it may be combined with the deictic //la 7 // "that" > //lamyer// "shortly, in a little while." Similarly, the negative particle //mani// "not, never" was sometimes inflected for past/completive, with a third person singular absolutive subject as well. The resulting //xmani// "it was not, it was never" no longer appears in the language,- //mani// is now uninflectable. One of the most marked differences is in the colonial language's use of introductory particles to connect clauses, sentences, paragraphs, and episodes. Long strings of introductory particles could lead into the predicate construction. These strings have been greatly shortened and Spanish conjunctions have been added to the repertoire. The colonial KaqchikePs introductory phrases were not limited to particles,- they often included time adverbials and dates. Once the Tuquche7 revolt was put down and that date became the base date for the new Iximche7 calendar, whole sentences were devoted to fixing the dates for the annual history entry.

COLONIAL KAQCHIKEL GRAMMAR

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Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Chi b'eleje' Aj k'a xel jumay jula'uja' yujuj. Chi b'elej-e' Aj k'a x-0-el ju-may PR nine-CN cane D PS-3A-leave one-twenty On the day nine Aj9 elapsed thirty-one years since the revolt. TIChupam juna' chik wa'e' xa wi tan titajin lab'al ruma kastilan winaq Ch(.i) (r)u-pam jun-a' chik wa-e' xa wi tan ti-0-t-ajin PR 3E-inside one-year r PD-D only TC IM PRS-3A-e-be In this year again, while war was raging because of the Spanish people

This care to fix the date and give calendar information is reminiscent of the attention given to the calendrical portion of precontact writings, on stelae and in almanacs. While the changes in the grammar of Kaqchikel are few, several are radical enough to obscure passages for the modern speaker/reader. The introductory particles, though linking the clauses explicitly, are not transparently parsible to the modern Kaqchikel. The order of verbal arguments is sufficiently different to obscure at times the relationship of actor and acted upon, resulting in inconsistencies in translations. The change in the optionality of plural agreement and in the use of plurals as honorifics further obscures who is doing what to whom. The changes in the tense aspect system mask mood and time distinctions within the text. The modern language can express the same modulations of meaning, but does

H 6q xkam chi k'a Yaki1, aj Xiwiku'. . . 6q x-0-kam chi(k) k'a Yaki' when PS-3A-die r D Yaki/I0 Then the Yaki, those of Xiwiku', died . . .

ju-la'uj-a' one-ten-year

lab'al war

r-uma 3E-cause

yujuj.

revolt

kastilan Spain

winaq people

so in ways different enough to make the colonial homologies not readily recognizable or recognized.

NAHUATL INFLUENCE

The Kaqchikel and the Nahuatl of central Mexico had trade relations. There were communications between the two groups and occasional conflicts before the arrival of the Spanish. The Kaqchikel Chronicles record some of the interchanges. The fight with the Nonowalkat mentioned above is one such instance. Later, in the first five years following the Tuquche' revolt, the Kaqchikel under Oxlajuj Tz'i' were consolidating their rule; in the fifth year, they defeated the Yaki (Mexicans) of Xiwiku'.

aj Xiwiku7, G Xiwiku7

In 1509 the Xajil Chronicle records an emissary of many Mexicans, Nahuatl-speakers from Kuluwakan, now Culhuacan, a suburb of the Distrito Federal de Mexico.

They are identified as ambassadors of Moctezuma, whose name is given with the Nahuatl honorific suffix //-tzin//.

Je k'a xe'ula'an Yaki1, aj Kuluwakan, ri ajaw Jun Iq', Lajuj No'j je k'a x-e-ul-a'-an Yaki7 aj Kuluwakan ri ajaw fun Iq' Laj-uj No'j D D PS-3A-arrive-N-AP Yaki1 G Kuluwakan D lord Jun Iq' ten-unit No'j The lords Jun Iq' [and] Lajuj No'j received the Yaki', those of Kuluwakan, as guests. Chi Jun Toj xe'ul Yaki' rusamajel ajaw Moteksumatzin, rajawal aj Mexiku. chi jun Toj x-e-ul Yaki' ru-samaj-el ajaw Moteksumatzin r-ajaw-al aj Mexiku. PR jun Toj PS-3Ap-arrive Yaki 3E-work-N lord Moteksumatzin 3E-lord-N G Mexiku On one Toj the Yakis arrived, the ambassadors of the Lord Mocteczumatzin [II], the lord of those of Mexico.

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UK/a ja k7a qi xqatz'et ri7 oqi xe7ul ri Yaki7, aj Kuluwakan. K7a ja k7a qi x-0-qa-tz7et ri7 6q [q]i x-e7-ul ri Yaki7 aj Kuluwakan D D D true PS-3A-iAp-see D when true PS-3Ap-arrive D Yaki7 AG Kuluwakan 7 And this, truly, we saw, when indeed the Yaki , those of Kuluwakan, arrived. Je k7iya Yaki7 xe7ul ojer, ix nuk7ajol, je k7iy-a Yaki7 x-e7-ul ojer ix nu-k7ajol D much-p Yaki PS-3A-arrive ago 2Ap iE-son 7 There were many Yaki who arrived long ago, you, my sons, tan tajawar qamama7 Jun Iq7, Lajuj No7j. tan t-o-ajaw-ar qa-mama7 Jun Iq7, Laj-uj No7j IM PRS-lord-VR iE-grandfather one wind ten-unit thought while our grandfathers, Jun Iq7 [and] Lajuj No'j, were reigning.

Though the Spanish arrived in Guatemala accompanied by Nahuat troops and interpreters, their presence as allies of Tonatiw, Pedro de Alvarado, is not noted in the Chronicles. However, the Chronicles do relate the expedition of Alvarado into Cuscatlan, El Salvador, against

the Pipils, speakers of a related Nahuat language. The Kaqchikel participated in this raid. Notice that the Pipils as well as the Nahuat-speaking inhabitants of Atakat (modern Escuintla) are referred to as Yaki7.

Oq xb7e Tunatiw Kuskatan. 6q x-0-b7e Tunatiw Kuskatan then PS-3A-go Tunatiw Cuzcatlan Then Tunatiw went to Cuscatlan. Xik7okam apon Atakat. x-0-ik7o-kam apon Atakat PS-3A-pass-die arrive Atakat The Atakat died as he passed through. Ja chi Ka7i7 Kej xkam Atakat ruma kastilan winaq. ja chi ka7-i7 Kej x-0-kam Atakat r-uma kastilan winaq D PR two-CN Kej PS-3A-die Atakat 3E-cause Spanish people On the day two Kej, the Atakat died because of the Spanish people. Ronojel k7a achija7 xeb7e ruk7in Tunatiw kamisay richin Yaki. r-onojel k7a achij-a7 x-e-b7e r-uk7in Tunatiw kam-is-ay r-ichin Yaki 3E-all D warrior-p PS-3Ap-go 3E-with Tunatiw die-CS-PV 3E-for Yaki All the warriors went with Tunatiw to kill the Yaki. HJa k7a chi lajuj Junajpu7, xul chik 6q xpe Kuskatan. Ja k7a chi laj-uj jun-Ajpu7 x-0-ul chik 6q x-0-pe 7 D D PR ten-unit one-Ajpu PS-3A-arrive r when PS-3A-come On the day ten Junajpu7, he came back, he returned from Cuscatlan.

With all this interaction, it is not surprising that a number of Nahuatl words show up in colonial Kaqchikel. These Nahuatl words substitute /t/ for the Nahuatl pho63

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Kuskatan Cuzcatlan

neme /tl/. This may not be an adaptation of Nahuatl to Kaqchikel phonological patterns. Though the Nahuas of the Valley of Mexico, with whom much

NAHUATL INFLUENCE

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TABLE 6. EXAMPLES OF NAHUATL BORROWINGS IN THE KAQCHIKEL CHRONICLES BORROWING

KAQCHIKEL

NAHUATL SOURCE, IN COLONIAL ORTHOGRAPHY

Month Place names

Takaxepewal Xiwiku' Atakat 2 Nonowalcat Kuskatan Kulwakan Tullan 4 Teosakwanku Tapku Oloman Xe Amatal < Xe "below" + Nahuat (amatl) + //-al// "N" Xilistan Sunpanco Tekpalan Tepustan Sukitan Teyokuman Kupilkat B'elej Kwijay < b'elej "nine" Nahuatl (kwi) + jay "house" Mixku' Tepepullxtayul Tzupam Jay < Nahuatl (tzompan) + jay "house" Xuchipillan Sakatan Saqtekaw < saq Awhite + tekaw (prob. Nahuatl) Tzanat Totomay < Nahuatl(tot\o-) + may "twenty, tobacco" Nakxit Tisinpuwal Taxuch Tepew Ikxiw Chikumkwat Amullak Tonatiw Tetzaw

Tlacaxipehualistli Xihuico1 At(l)acatfl) Nonohualcatl 3 Cuzcat(l)an Colhuacan Tullan Teotzacuanco Tlapco Oloman Amat(l) "paper, papertree"

Personal names

Common nouns

tepewal "majesty" < (prob. Nahuatl) + al "N" nawal achkayupil "cotton armor" tekpan "palace, capital" chinamit tinamit "town"

Xilist(l)an Tzompanco Tecpalan Tepost(l)an Soquit(l)an Teocoman Copilcat(l) Guatemalan Cui "grasp" Mixco Cuauhtemallan Teptepolixtay Otzompan- "skull rack" Xochipillan Sacatan /-tekw/ tecu- "lord" Tzanatl "grackle" /toto/ "bird" Nacxihuit(l) Cenpohual Te Xochit(l) Tepeuh Icxiuh Chicomcoat(l) Amollac Tonatiuh "the heated one, Pedro de Alvarado" Tetzauh(teotl) Awesome (god), nickname for Huitzilop\ochtli tepeuh "hill" nahual- "power, correct, spirit pair" ichcayupil "cotton armor" tecpan "palace" chinamitl "lineage based, co-residence/work unit" tenamitl "walled town"

^n Classical Nahuatl [o] and [u] are allophones of a single phoneme,- they occurred in free variation. The phoneme /k/ is spelled c before the vowels a, o, u and as qu before i and e, following standard Spanish spelling conventions. 2 The //-ca(tl)// suffix is a gentillic in Nahuatl, but these forms are used as place names in Kaqchikel. When the people of these towns are referenced, the Kaqchikel gentillic prefix is used, cf. a) Kupilkat. 3 In Classical Nahuatl orthography /w/ is represented by uh or hu. 4 It is interesting that Tullan, the storied first home of the K'iche'an peoples, whence they journeyed forth until they reached their destined lands in Guatemala, is spelled in the Nahuatl fashion, with a double /l/. This cluster does not occur in Kaqchikel; moreover, Kaqchikel tends to simplify geminates. 64

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LINGUISTIC COMMENTARY

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of this interchange is recorded, speak a /tl/ variant of the language, there were several groups of speakers of related varieties living in close proximity to the Kaqchikel, in communities within Guatemala and in El Salvador. These speakers, including the Pipil, speak a /t/ dialect of Nahuatl, usually identified as Nahuat. So if the words were borrowed from local varieties, they would have had /t/ in the donor language as well. Examples of borrowings include month names, place-names, and personal names, as well as some general vocabulary. The number of Nahuatl borrowings decreases with decreasing time depth. Several early lords, including the cofounder Saqtekaw, have Nahuatl names or morphemes within their names. Kaqchikel leaders of the middle period tend to have names that are parsible completely in Kaqchikel. Once baptism was introduced, the Kaqchikel names quickly fell out of use. The first lords baptized were sometimes identified by both their Christian and Mayan names, but this practice was rapidly discontinued. Nahuatl place-names abound in the text, and the towns so identified had Nahuat-speaking inhabitants. Kaqchikel towns are designated with their Mayan names, even though most of the large communities are now known officially by their Nahuatl sobriquets. Thus, the Kaqchikel Chronicles speak of leaders from Chi Xot, modern Comalapa. The Nahuatl name, Comalapa, captures the concept of the Kaqchikel name. Chi Xot means "at the comal, the griddle"; in this case, "the griddle" xot is the name of a river that runs through the town. The Nahuatl name parses as: comal "griddle" + a "water" + pa "at." Most large cities in Guatemala are now

listed with the Nahuatl variant of their names; many are nearly translations of the original Mayan names. The common nouns borrowed into the Kaqchikel of the Chronicles hint at the nature of the interaction of the Nahuat(l) and Kaqchikel peoples. The nouns tepewal, tekpan, and nawal deal with spiritual and political power. Achkayupil, the Nahuatl synonym of k'ub'ul, refers to the cotton armor worn by warriors of both groups. The chinamit was a basic unit of the social organization, and tinamits were major political/residential units. Of these words, only nawal and tinamit have survived into modern Kaqchikel. Nawal has undergone a meaning shift, with the rediscovery and redefinition of Mayan spiritual practices. Tinamit is generalized as the word for "town," the requirement for a fortifying city wall being no longer in force. Other words of Nahuatl origin are current in spoken Kaqchikel, though they do not yet appear in the Chronicles, suggesting that some contact with Nahuat(l) speakers persisted. Some of the influence may have been indirect, as in the Spaniards' adoption of Nahuatl placenames for the major cities of Guatemala, including the viceroyalty itself. Other borrowings indicate direct interchange. Masat "deer" offers an interesting example. The native Kaqchikel word for "deer" was kej. This referred both to the animal and to the day in the 260-day ritual calendar named for it. However, when the Spanish introduced horses into Kaqchikel communities, a new, large, hoofed mammal came on the scene. In a section recounting court cases and community fund expenses, purchases of animals with community funds refer to these animals via borrowings from Spanish: botija < Spanish pothca "filly" and yewas < Spanish yegua "mare."

Excerpt from Contributions fun botija xloq' chi re coresidor,- ruchajin Tzikraxon. jun botija x-0-loq' chi r-e corregidor ru-chaj-in one filly PS-3A-buy PR 3E-being corregidor 3E-keep/care-N One filly was bought for the Corregidor [by] his subordinate, Tzikraxon.

Tzik-raxon point-plume

Excerpt from Contributions . . . k'a xuk'am chi el gor ri kominidad, a k'a ri' jun yevas. k'a x-0-u-k'am chi el gobernador ri comunidad D PS-3A-3E-bring PR leave governor D community . . , until the governor took it from the community [coffer] for a mare.

By the later sections of the Xajil Chronicle and in the Xpantzay account of the dispute with Argueta that had 65

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a k'a ri jun yegua D D D one mare

taken place recently, the word kej had passed in noncalendrical contexts from "deer" to "horse."

NAHUATL INFLUENCE

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Excerpt from the Xpantzay Chronicles Xa wi ke re' qakej tan keqa pe ruk'in. xa wi ke re' qa-kej tan k-e-qa just TC D D iEp-horse IM PRS-3Ap-descend Thus it is that our horses come down here with him.

pe come

r-uk'in 3 E-with

Tan kesamajib'ex kumal rumozo. tan k-e-samaj-i-b'-ex k-umal ru-mozo IM PRS-3Ap-work-e-I-PV 3Ep-cause 3E-employee They [the horses] were worked by his employees.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Ja k'a 6q xenuloq' ka'i' nukej: ja k'a 6q x-e-nu-loq' DD when PS-3Ap-iE-loq' This was when I bought two horses:

ka'-i' two-CN

nu-kej iE-horse

jun xinloq' ruk'in Martin, rumoco Don Carlos, k'o chi manderoso,jun x-0-in-loq' r-uk'in Martin ru-mozo Don Carlos one PS-3A-iE-buy 3E-with Martin 3E-worker Don Carlos I bought one from Martin, the worker of Don Carlos, who is the foreman;

k'o chi manderoso be PR foreman

rucasta Franco Coroy, rucasta P° Santez. ru-casta Francisco Koroy ru-casta Pedro Sanchez 3E-breed Francisco Koroy 3E-breed Pedro Sanchez [from] the stock of Francisco Coroy, [and] the stock of Pedro Sanchez. Though kej has replaced "horse" as the general word, the discussion of casta or breed of the stock still requires the use of Spanish loans. Given the semantic shift of kej in quotidian contexts, Kaqchikel needed another word for "deer." They borrowed masat from Nahuatl masdt(l). This late borrowing indicates that well into the colonial period there was active interchange between Kaqchikel speakers and

their Nahuat(l) neighbors. As noted in the above discussion of grammatical change, the Kaqchikel of these colonial documents has an honorific usage, which consists of a reflexive verb used to show that an honored personage causes himself to act or acts upon himself. The salient example of the quartered body of Tolk'om is repeated here for convenience.

Excerpt from the Xajil Chronicle Chi ri' xetzaqo wi ki' Pan Pati', Pa Yan Ch'okol rub'i'. chi ri' x-e-tzaq-o wi k-i' pan pat-i' PR D PS-3Ap-cast-AP TR 3Ep-self PR hut-p Where they were cast is named Pan Pati', Pa Yan Ch'okol. The verb //-tzaq// "cast, throw" is transitive. The form //-tzaqo// is antipassive, formally making the verb intransitive, with the agent as subject. Ki' "themselves" is the object of this verb, even though the verb is grammatically intransitive. Literally the pieces of the body cast themselves into the water from Pan Pati', Pa Yan 66

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pa yan ch'ok-6l PR be straddle-P

ru-b'i 3E-name

Ch'okol. Tolk'om was such a respected warrior/opponent that he was sacrificed and his body so revered that it acted upon itself to disperse. In another section, the leader Q'ukumatz speaks of himself with this elevated form.

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Tiwajo' tinqasaj wi', in Q'ukumatz. t-0-iw-ajo' t-0-in-qa-s-aj PRS-3A-2Ep-want PRS-3A-iE-lower-CS-VT You want that I descend, I, Q'ukumatz.

w-i' iE-s

Q'u-kumatz quetzal-serpent

Here Q'ukumatz literally states that he "lowers himself" in order to say that he "descends." The verb here is changed from the intransitive //qa-// "descend" to the causative //-qasaj// "cause to descend." Q'ukumatz causes himself to descend. The classical Nahuatl known from the colonial period made heavy use of honorifics. One grammatical strategy utilized in it was structurally equivalent to

the Kaqchikel usage. A respected agent was said to cause himself to act or to act upon himself to perform an action. In example 16 below, the action is described in the unmarked, non-honorific usage. In example 17 the agent is revered and the honorific, reflexive is used. The verb is further derived to make it transitive, so the subject can act upon the reflexive object: himself.

(16) Qu\iza. "He leaves." (17) MoquMxtia. "He causes himself to leave. He (honorii

leaves."

Though the verb formation in Nahuatl is different (the reflexive in Nahuatl is a prefix, while it is paraphrastic in Kaqchikel), the pragmatico-semantic notion of the revered agent being the author of the action and its consequent is shared. That Nahuatl may be the source of this trait is suggested by the relative prevalence of this formation in Nahuatl. While the construction appears in few places in the Chronicles, it is common in formal Nahuatl. Modern Nahuatl still makes use of the reflexive honorific; it has fallen out of use in Kaqchikel.

Summary of Nahuatl Influence We know that there were Nahuat(l) communities throughout the highlands from the Valley of Mexico south through northern El Salvador (Cuscatlan). There was trade and interchange, perhaps even intermarriage between the Kaqchikel and the Nahuat(l). The use of Nahuatl names by early Kaqchikel leaders suggests either foreign origin or borrowing. In addition to allusions to proper names of people, the Chronicles make frequent reference to places with Nahuat(l) names. In the Chronicles, places so named appear to be Nahuatl settlements. With the arrival of the Spanish, accompanied by their Nahuat(l) allies and translators, the major Mayan cities of the highlands received place-names based on the saints of the Roman Catholic calendar and the Nahuat(l) geonym, e.g., San Juan Comalapa. In addition to the proper names of places and people, colonial Kaqchikel had borrowed common nouns as well. Most of these words had 67

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in 1A

to do with social and political organization, with warfare, and/or with calendrics and calendrical celebrations. Contact with Nahuat(l) speakers continued during the colonial period. Many Mayan communities had Nahuat(l) enclaves. Many had Nahuatl scribes, and archives of some Kaqchikel communities contain Nahuat(l) documentation. Borrowings of common nouns continued during the colonial period, though the Nahuat(l)-speaking populace underwent drastic demographic reduction. The lexical influence of Nahuatl on colonial Kaqchikel is clear. There may have been some syntactic impact as well. Colonial Kaqchikel made limited use of a reflexive honorific construction; this syntactic mechanism was prevalent in Nahuat(l) of that period.

CONCLUSION

The language of the Xajil Chronicle varies from document to document within the collection of papers. The early historical sections use elevated forms, replete with parallelism, chiasmus, and metaphors. Later sections use simpler language with less repetition. Nahuatl placenames and personal names appear frequently in the relation of early migrations and conflicts, but virtually disappear once the Spanish arrive. As might be expected, Spanish borrowings are almost nil in the early part of the narrative. They become more frequent in the colonial period, but the number of borrowings remains low. Most of these early borrowings were social and political office titles: licenciado "five-year university title holder," alcalde "mayor," escribano "scribe," rey "king." Religious

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titles also appear: obispo "bishop," fray "brother," dios "god." However, many religious titles found ready translation in Kaqchikel: tata' "father," qaloq'tata' lit., "our holy father, the Pope." Some church accoutrements appear in Spanish: campana "bell," retabla "retable," missa "mass." But the church itself is referred to as rochoch A]aw, "the house of God." Not only are the documents written in a formal Kaqchikel with minimal Spanish incursions, the spelling is nearly perfect. Few scribal errors occur. Most of those which appear were caught at the time of transcription, crossed out, and corrected. Spellings are standardized. The Parra alphabet clearly marks the distinctions between velars and postvelars, globalized and simple. The scribes of the Kaqchikel Chronicles applied this alphabet consistently. Only a few names appear with more than one spelling. This is in sharp contrast to the scribe of the K'iche' manuscript of the Popol Wuj, who varied spellings, particularly those with /k/, /k'/, /q/, /q7; / t z 7 / a n d /ch'/ randomly. Similarly, the language of the Xpantzay Chronicles is most formal and alive with tropes in the early sections of the historical narrative. Once contemporary issues are taken up, the language becomes more prosaic. In these documents too there are relatively few borrowings from Spanish, but more mundane vocabulary has been adopted, including lexicon for livestock and some property holdings, e.g., xolar < solar "houselot," simyento < cimiento "house foundations." Again, the Xpantzay scribes are adept in the use of the Parra alphabet. The spelling is consistent and there are no copy errors. These documents provide us with a picture of the

:

T h e de Parra refinements include representations for the glottalized consonants and the voiceless postvelar stop of K'iche'an (and other highland Mayan) languages: /t'/ > tt; /$'/ > 4/ ~ q, ; At 7 > 4h ~ qh ; /k'/ > 4 ~ q; /q/ > k ; /q'/ > 3. /c/, a phoneme in Mayan languages as well as Nahuatl and other languages of Mesoamerica, was represented in this writing practice as tz. 2 As an example, on a single facsimile page "K'iqab'" is spelled "K'iqab', Kiq'ab', Q'ikab', and Q'ik'ab'." 3 Not only is this a testament to the accuracy of the scribal practice, but also it is an indication that the differentiation of the vowel systems between Kaqchikel and K'iche' was complete by the 1500s. Both Kaqchikel and K'iche' have canonical ten-vowel systems; however, the K'iche' system uses a length distinction to differentiate vowels that share height and backing specifications; Kaqchikel uses a tense/lax distinction. 4 I will discuss the syntax and semantics of these in more detail below—J.M.M. 5 For example, the vowel + /l/ suffix of positional roots always consists of a lax vowel counterpart of the root vowel:

68

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Kaqchikel language of the period: one rich in imagery, with a well developed literary canon and with grammatical constructions that develop textual coherence (notably the focus antipassive) and indicate reverence (honorifics both through use of plural reference for singular actors and through reflexive). The chronicles also give us an insider view of the culture and the historical events, providing important insights for ethnography, ethnohistory, and anthropology. This translation injects as little of the "Western" worldview as possible in order to let the text speak for itself. Whenever possible, original word orders have been retained, since English, like Kaqchikel, gives privileged position to sentence-initial position. The images which emerge are vibrant and evocative. The origins sections speak vividly of the emergence of the Kaqchikel nation and the lineages whose stories are highlighted. In the Xajil Chronicle, the account of the plagues that presaged the arrival of the Spanish, following the trail of devastation caused by their germ pool, is stark and compelling; ruling houses are exterminated, bodies accumulate and cannot be properly interred. Individual strategies of accommodation and resistance, of adoption of new forms of civil and religious life, stand out in the relation of the arrival of the Spanish and the subsequent period of colonial rule. The relatively mundane passages concerning contributions for community funds and the distribution of goods through wills provide poignant views of daily life achike and death. Tisik'ij el re wuj re7: tawetamaj xkib'ij kan, xkiq'awachij ri ati% mama'aj! "Read this book: learn what the grandmothers, the grandfathers passed down orally, what they left as inheritance!"

//tzuy-// "seated" + /til/ "positional adjective" > tzuyiil, //jeb'// "pretty" + //el// "positional adjective" > jeb'el. Similarly, transitive verb roots that do not end in /'/ have lax vowels. Lax vowels can only occur in word-final syllables, but when a transitive verb is normally inflected for tense and person the markers are prefixed, so that the root does appear last and the lax vowel is evident: //x-// "past" + //in-// " i A " + //a-// 2E + // + //tz'et// "see" > xinatz'et "you saw me." 6 When the final consonant is glottal stop, the vowel of root transitives is not lax. 7 See the list of abbreviations for an exegesis of these grammatical category labels. 8 //-q'aq'al//, the abstract noun derived from "fire," lit., "fieriness," is routinely used for "power, glory." 9 This nine Aj date falls on May 2, 1527. 10 Though there is an indigenous group in the modern country of Mexico denominated yaqui, in colonial Kaqchikel the term seems to have more generally referred to peoples of Mexico. Coto (1983, 347) gives yaqui as the gloss of Mexicana persona.

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CHAPTER 4 THE TRANSLATION PROJECT AND

POLITICS

L I M I T A T I O N S OF EARLIER T R A N S L A T I O N S

There are two widely known previous translations of the Xajil Chronicle: Brinton (1885) and Recinos (1950, 1953). Brinton was an avid collector of indigenous texts. He had a broad knowledge of the language of the Xajil Chronicle, gleaned largely from colonial sources, rather than from the spoken language. In fact, he published a grammar of Kaqchikel (Brinton 1884) prior to bringing out his translation of the Xajil Chronicle as The Annals of the Cakchiquels. His understanding of the lexicon was good. In his Annals translation, he generally parsed the largely unpunctuated text into reasonable sentences, though in doing so he often shifted adverbial phrases between clauses. Formal genres of Kaqchikel, particularly in colonial documents, tend to have long strings of introductory particles serving adverbial and discourse functions. Brinton often ignored these phrases in his translation or assigned them to the wrong clauses. Brinton captured most of the subtleties of the tense aspect system, though he ignored auxiliary verbs that co-vary with flexion. He understood that there were variations in the pronominal system not found in nominativeaccusative languages, such as English and Spanish, but he did not work out the ergative-absolutive variation, nor the contexts determining the variant forms of each. This resulted in an inability to consistently determine the subject of the verb, with the result that some agents are characterized as patients and vice versa. The genealogical section is indeed muddied by nontypical word order patterning. The most telling limitation of the Brinton translation, however, is its fragmentary nature. Brinton did not undertake to translate the entire set of papers,- rather, he picked those passages that he found to be of most interest, which, disappointingly for modern scholars, did not include the bulk of the postcontact material. Recinos (1950, 1953) provides the more complete set of documents. His translation is amply annotated with reference to historical figures identified from Hispanic colonial sources, with geographic information, and with dates. Recinos refers to some of the dating inconsistencies in the text but does not catch the source of the error—a later scribe's reinterpretation of waqaqi' "six"—nor does he note the correction within the text, which keeps the dates running accurately. Recinos, despite his fluency in the language, like Brinton fails to

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take into account voice shifts (active to passive, active/ transitive to instrumental) within the text. This again results in incorrectly ascribing actions to their actors. It also misses the shift in accountability—stances of the author with respect to responsibility and blame for the events being recorded. Since the translation is not lineally tied to the original text, it is at times difficult to see how some interpretations were devised, but it seems that morphology was often ignored, so that verbal forms were reinterpreted as nouns and used as subjects for other predications, often with the result of recasting the set of events. Moreover, these loose translations allowed happenings to be recounted in line with a preset vision of the society. A telling passage is that of the sacrifice of Tolk'om, in which Recinos casts the children as future sacrificial victims, rather than as role players in reenactments honoring this event. Recinos' version resonates with a conception of Mayan culture that glorifies human sacrifice and exalts its practice-a vision shared and elaborated by Michael Coe (1999). This vision, however, is not shared by the Maya themselves, lay or academic. Nor is it borne out by the text, which does recount the sacrifice of a respected enemy and his consequent veneration, but this veneration is through flower-bedecked dancing with children shooting arrows at a twig target, not by replicating the sacrifice with child victims. Recinos also found himself ascribing several difficulties in the text to pervasive scribal error. In fact, there are very few scribal errors in the document. There are under a dozen instances of text that has been scratched out and recopied. Examination of the crossed-out words indicates that the scribe was recopying from another document; he was jumping ahead a line to another occurrence of the word just written, and copying down a few more words from the following line before noting that he had skipped text. The "foreshadowed" line was then marked through and the proper line finished. The foreshadowed text occurred in its proper position. We did find an instance in the yearly annals section where the scribe misinterpreted a day count, confusing the archaic waqaqi' "six" (cf. modern waqi') with waqxaqT "eight." This confusion was clearly a copying error, as the date calculation was not thrown off; subsequent year-initial dates were correctly counted from six rather than eight Aj. However, these copying errors seldom include phonemic mistakes; one grapheme does not substitute for another. This contrasts sharply with the generalized conflation of the glot-

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talized vs. simple and the velar vs. postvelar distinctions present in other colonial writings, such as the Popol Wuj (Ximenez 1952). We found just two cases of "missing" cedillas. These serifs change the value of the Kaqchikel graphemes. Cuartillo, a stylized 4 often transliterated as q, takes on another phonemic value when subscripted by a cedilla. The cuartillo represents /k'/, a voiceless globalized velar stop,- the cuartillo with cedilla is /tz'/, a globalized dental affricate. Recinos, however, attributed many more errors to the scribe, thus finessing difficulties in interpretation but, in fact, inventing translations that often were at odds with the purport of the text as well as the literal meaning. In addition, Recinos7 ability to locate the majority of the sites named in the text was severely curtailed by the state of Guatemalan archaeology at the time of his writing. Many Kaqchikel sites had not been identified. The intense surveys and classification of sites carried out by William Swezey, Eugenia Robinson, and Geoffrey Braswell, and by Marion Poponoe de Hatch and students of the Universidad del Valle de Guatemala, had not yet been undertaken. Kaminaljuyu' was the only major highland site excavated. Iximche' had not yet been mapped by George Guillemin. The tzompantli structure at Iximche' had not yet been discovered, so reference to it in the text in Kaqchikelized Nahuatl remained understandably obscure. Recinos was able to identify mostly contemporary, continuously inhabited locations. We have a much richer tapestry of known habitation sites now against which to plot the movements of the Kaqchikel people as detailed in the manuscripts. We can trace the borders of the Xpantzay lands. We have located the Kotb'al Kwal mentioned in the text with the help of Pakal B'alam Rodriguez Guajan, linguist and scholar resident in modern Tecpan. The extent of Kaqulew "Kaqchikel territory" is much better understood now, which allows us to more closely situate the action related in these documents. In addition to these pioneering works by non-Maya, Maya scholars have also taken an interest in making these texts, particularly the Xajil Chronicle, available to the Maya community. Rather than simply modernize the Kaqchikel, changing idioms and vocabulary as well as orthography, they have chosen to provide Spanish glosses, thus making the material available to more than one linguistic community. One such transliteration and annotation of the chronicle was completed in 1999 as part of the quincentenary celebrations. That effort, like this one, was collaborative. Simon Otzoy provided a transliteration into the current official orthography, Martin Chacach and Narciso Cojti' provided initial Spanish glosses for the Kaq70

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chikel text. Jorge Lujan Munoz standardized the Spanish. This effort provided crucial insights into modern Kaqchikel interpretations of the text and the language used. The cultural annotations of Chacach and Cojti' indicate clearly which of the colonial and precolonial practices have survived. They do not, however, deal with those institutions that have disappeared, or have changed their makeup and responsibilities. Nor do they deal with the ideology reflected in colonial glossing sources such as Coto and de Varea. Skilled linguists, Chacach and Cojti' recognize that their language differs from that of the colonial text, but they give modern interpretations wherever possible, with concomitant obscuring of some passages. Lack of explicit links to the Kaqchikel lines being glossed makes it difficult to assess the basis of many interpretations. The retranslation under the guise of standardizing their translation further removes the final glossing from the original text. Nonetheless, the autochthonous flavor of this translation, with its cultural annotation tracing clear continuities of tradition, makes it a suiting tribute to the quincentenary. The Academia de las Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala published another version in 2003, translated into Spanish by Wankar Mynor Fredy Chacach and M m Nik'te' Rodriguez Guajan; their work, though based on the collaborative work done for this project, was re-edited and differences from the Recinos translation were eliminated. This insistence on the Recinos translation as canonical in the face of native insights into the language, linguistic training, and experience with the text underscores the necessity of an independent scholarly work to reset the canon.

I D E O L O G Y OF T R A N S L A T I O N

Any act of translation involves interpretation. Languages are not like parallel trains, whose cargos can simply be off-loaded from one boxcar to another. Some noncongruences are lexical, a question of different-sized boxcars. A concept that is encapsulated in a single word in one language may require a phrase in another language: Kaqchikel raq'arik "for something vaguely cylindrical to be leaning against something"; kaxlan way "bread." Some typical or productive notions may be represented not by independent roots but by bound affixes, deriving other forms in one language, while another language does not privilege these ideas, expressing them not as adhering parts of a word but as concepts linked paratactically. Kaqchikel regularly indicates if an action is repetitively or frequently performed. The suffix //-Via'// is added to the verb stem: //k'iit-// "ask" > k'utula' "ask

TRANSLATION AND POLITICS

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a lot"; //tz'et-// "see" > tz'etela' "see often, see many things/people." These differences can be accommodated by adding modifiers to the target language, though some of the precision of the original may be lost. Harder to deal with are questions of connotation, especially affect. The word aj aw may be glossed as "lord, ruler, king, prince" or as the spirit owner of a day in the ritual calendar, or simply as "owner." Context may be used to select among these usages, just as it would for polysemic words in English sentences. This is somewhat complicated by the fact that Maya literary canons privilege polysemy. Often more than one reading is meant to be accessible for a given phrase. In presenting our translations, we have tried to acknowledge the most salient instances of intended polysemy. We supply a single gloss line in the interlinear translation, but footnoterelated readings, which are intended to be understood simultaneously, are also accessible to the reader. All language is embedded in culture. It reflects, indexes, creates, and reaffirms that culture. A translation must also provide enough cultural context for the reader to correctly interpret the nuances, the cultural content, of reported action. If, as in the Xajil Chronicle, a common woman physically defends herself against a "foreign" noble, we must know something about women's status, about the social hierarchy and relation among indigenous nations, to properly interpret her actions and the subsequent negotiations of the states, Kaqchikel and K'iche'. We must have an understanding of the culture at the time of the narrative, while recognizing that it is an understanding clouded by subsequent interpretations (both those of Spanish chroniclers, administrators, and priests, and of earlier translators), naturalizations (acceptance of the hegemonic worldview as the proper perspective), and modern indigenous idealizations and demonizatons of the past. Moreover, these documents constitute the richest corpus for establishing a model of the culture in which they are embedded. Sacrifice provides us an example of these conflicting lenses. The Xajil Chronicle includes several references to sacrifice. One of the most detailed is the sacrifice of Tolk'om. The Spanish viewed the indigenous peoples as savage idolators, with h u m a n sacrifice as a grisly symbol of their spiritual inferiority. Earlier translators of the Tolk'om passages have interpreted the participation of the children as early indoctrination into these bloodthirsty rites, placing the children as actors in the original sacrifice. Having emerged from behind this lens of interpretation, we can now notice that the reference to the children follows the detailed description of the killing of Tolk'om. Throughout the description, things done to honor him through his sacrifice are high71

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lighted: he is adorned, bedecked with flowers; warriors dance in his honor,- and a song is composed for him. After the sacrifice, a yearly festival in the m o n t h of U c h u m is established in his name. It is in the context of this festival that the children appear,- they are enjoined to shoot arrows at a tunay tree in commemoration of the sacrifice. Another telling example is that of k'axtok'. The early colonial priest lexicographer Fray Tomas de Coto defined k'axtok' simply as "demonio, diablo"; "enemigo" is also a gloss, but in the metaphoric sense in which Satan is the enemy of all Christians. This meaning was naturalized. Today Kaqchikel who still use this term use it to refer to the "devil," "Satan." However, etymologically the word can be related to the term for "war axe"; it would mean the wielder of such an axe. In the context of the Xajil Chronicle, this term appears when the Iximche' dynastic rulers have been imprisoned by Pedro de Alvarado. A k'axtok' appears and leads the people into the hinterlands to fight a guerrilla war. Both the colonial dictionary and modern glosses obscure the nature of this indigenous hero. Concepts from the narrative must be placed within their own temporal and social contexts. In the case of the Kaqchikel Chronicles, we are looking at a transchronic slice of Kaqchikel culture, so the contexts are not uniform throughout. The earliest narratives recount events before contact with the Spanish, the later ones detail outstanding incidents during the early colonial period. More than one scribe can be identified, and it appears that the scribal sources may include earlier lienzo documentation as well as simple recording of contemporary events. The compilations at hand appear to have been copied for presentation to Spanish authorities. It is conceivable that the intended audience influenced the presentation, some parts more than others. Don Pedro Elias Martin chronicles his good works in terms of institutions valued by the Spanish. He labels pre-Hispanic times as times of darkness before the light of Christianity illuminated the Kaqchikel, and details his adornment of the Church. Since the mid-1980s, Mayan activists in Guatemala have been working to revitalize their cultures. They are struggling to define a set of values and practices that will delineate their ethnicity positively, while aligning themselves solidly with material and technological progress. In seeking to systematize and reaffirm cultural values, they have actively sought to bring Mayan spiritual practice back to public spaces. Some practitioners have emerged from clandestine practice,- many others have newly discovered callings to become daykeepers, priests within the Mayan spirituality. A central point in

IDEOLOGY OF TRANSLATION

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this spirituality and in defining other cultural institutions to be reexamined and reclaimed has been the recognition of ancestors and ancestral practices. Colonial documents have been mined, usually in translation. In using the available translations, the interpretative lens has not been questioned. Indeed, when the Academia de las Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala sponsored the publication of a "new" translation of the Annals, employing speakers who had collaborated in the Kaqchikel Chronicles project, the editor rejected any translations that modified the view presented by Recinos, even when the issues in question were strictly grammatical, such as which noun phrase was the true subject of the sentence. The Kaqchikel Chronicles are a rich source of information on Kaqchikel culture, both pre- and post contact. But they must be interpreted in their own right, without reference to their subsequent translations.

M E C H A N I C S OF T H I S T R A N S L A T I O N P R O J E C T

This project was conceived as essentially collaborative. The documents, once translated, would be an excellent source of cultural and historical information for academics and for Kaqchikel and other indigenous culture brokers and practitioners. The collaboration began at the 1992 Texas Maya Meetings, when Kab'lajuj Tijax Martin Chacach, Waykan Benito Perez, Pakal B'alam Rodriguez Guajan, Helen Rivas, Kay Warren, and Judith Maxwell struggled toward a new understanding of the origins section of the Annals of the Kaqchikel. This group worked with Recinos 7 transliteration, rather than from the original manuscript. The diversity of the group proved a strength. Kab'lajuj Tijax brought an elder's understanding of the pragmatics of courtly, or elevated, Kaqchikel language use, being familiar with registers now seldom heard. Pakal B'alam brought linguistic sophistication and years of work with the document. Waykan, being a speaker of Poqom, brought some sensitivity to language change over time and across language families. Helen Rivas brought familiarity with crossreferencing. Kay Warren brought a critical understanding of the processes of culture change and cultural construction. Judith Maxwell brought the perspective of historical linguistics, understanding of Proto-Maya, other Mayan language families, Proto-K'iche'an and the interrelation of the languages of the K'iche'an group. The resulting understanding of the text was strengthened by context sensitivity, both to the production of the original text and to its position today as a major source of

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ethnic pride and sense of self. The cultural negativity of the Recinos translations inspired an urgent mandate to produce a new culturally nuanced interpretation of this text. Robert M. Hill obtained microfilm copies of the manuscript copy of the Kaqchikel Annals, as well as the Xpantzay Cartulary. He also obtained a photographic copy of the map outlining the Xpantzay territories. Having the original documentation available cleared up some problems in interpretation immediately. The scribes involved in producing these documents had been particularly meticulous. Very few scribal errors present themselves. In one or two cases, lack of translation fit suggests that a cedilla was omitted from a c or from a cuartillo; a few instances of line-jumping errors (skipping ahead to a like word in another line upon recopying) seem to have occurred, but all these were caught by the scribe and the error crossed out, with the proper line following. The first step in producing the translation, then, was simply one of transliteration. Kab'lajuj Tijax Martin Chacach supplied a keyboarded version of the text done by Wenceslao Serech. This version was then compared to the manuscripts and adjusted accordingly. At this point, two Kaqchikel collaborators were invited to join the translation team. Wankar Chacach segmented the lines into coherent phrases, basing his judgments on semantics and pragmatics of discourse presentation. As the translation proceeded, some of these parsings were changed as higher levels of organization were recognized, causing some elements to be grouped together as units. Oxlajuj Ajmaq Cajas provided preliminary glossings, based on his understanding of contemporary Kaqchikel. Oxlajuj Ajmaq consulted colonial dictionaries, particularly that of Tomas de Coto and Francisco de Ximenez, when his modern competence failed to produce an understanding of the text. He rapidly "learned" colonial Kaqchikel, so his ability to signal those parts of the text that would be difficult for modern culture practitioners to understand and interpret correctly rapidly increased. At each stage in this initial breakdown of the text, Judith Maxwell served as a sounding board for questions of plausibility and as an appeal for coherence of the work as a whole. At the second stage in the process, Ixim Nik'te' Rodriguez Quiej and Sergio Romero Kanek read through the text, attempting to understand the narrative as a whole, changing wording to be more intelligible to both the modern indigenous perspective and to that of Western academics. Again Maxwell interacted as an arbiter, offering insights on language structure and change over

TRANSLATION AND POLITICS

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time. At this point, earlier translations were consulted and contrasts noted. Usually, syntactic information was enough to privilege an interpretation; occasionally, historic setting was also needed. In the third stage, Maxwell and Hill worked through the text, paying particular attention to cultural congruence. The historical events recorded were used to separate the documents into separate sections and to achieve a reasonable relative order. The process of reinterpreting and reworking, moving conjuncts, reanalyzing paired phrases to follow canons of parallelism, recognizing active metaphors and their extension through passages, refining glossing through disambiguation of context, and settling within context was iterative. As more of the historical backdrop became clear, so did the rendering of the passages that recount the actions foregrounded therein. The glossings offered in the interlineal text were highly annotated through footnotes to elaborate both the linguistic and cultural understandings gleaned.

F R U I T S OF THE

COLLABORATION

A translation must reveal one culture and its expression to another in understandable terms. The close collaboration of modern Kaqchikel culture bearers has helped to ground the understanding of their ancestral cultural expressions that are being examined and reproduced. They continue to participate in the production and reproduction of their culture and cultural values. In the process of arriving at suggested gloss lines, the native speaker insight provided clear direction for disambiguation of polysemy. The Kaqchikel collaborators were also able to recognize idiomatic expressions not recorded by lexicographers, colonial or modern. They were also sensitive to the literary canons that have survived, insisting on the maintenance of couplet structures and recognizing syntactic parallelism as stylisti-

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cally necessary, thus arguing for straining the English a bit to preserve the poesy of the original. Particularly telling were instances where the colonial texts refer to cultural practices or institutions that are opaque to the modern culture bearers. Here the insights of Western academia into early Mayan practices proved invaluable in building a platform for understanding the text and interpreting the phraseology. The areas in which the Spanish cultural forms erased or replaced the Mayan forms are telling in the interpretation of processes of cultural change. The exercise of consulting prior translations as a separate step was also instructive for cultural sensitivity. Areas where the early translations provided interpretations that the Kaqchikel found offensive, impossible, or improbable highlight the need for indigenous perspectives and understanding in the interpretive process. The values preserved but still actively threatened were those most ardently defended, particularly those values of respect and cooperation. Most problematic was the issue of diachrony. Much within the text shows change. Linguistic change, which was relatively easy to deal with, was explained in terms of natural morphophonological and syntactic processes. Cultural change focused attention on the ongoing conflict of indigenous and ladino ethnicities in Guatemala. Changes which seemed to have been imposed by Spanish hegemony were often underacknowledged in draft translations. The negotiation of a clear representation of the co-culturation process required a recognition of the indigenous rejection of all things kaxlan as morally corrupt and a presentation of the narrative as its own record of the lived experience of Kaqchikel ancestors. The resulting text is strengthened by the technical linguistic, historical, and cultural knowledge of the U.S. academicians, the lived experience of the Kaqchikel culture bearers/language users, and the linguistic expertise of Mayan scholars.

FRUITS OF THE COLLABORATION

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CHART I

A J P O XAJIL

Q'aq'awitz I Ka'i' No'j

Saqtekaw (dies w/out issue) Ka'i' B'atz'

(d. ca. 1410 according to Wauchope)

Sitan Katu'

Kotb'al Kan

I Alinam

I Ixt'amer Sakentol

(Ajpop Xajil)

(Ajuchan Xajil)

(Ajpop K'amajay)

(Q'alel Xajil)

Chiyok Kej Ajq'uq' X i t a y u l Jax Rajamun

T'aj T'aj Aqb'al

Xulu' Katu 7

(in K'iqab' 's time)

(rules at Chi Awar, post 1425)

(contemporary with Xikitzal) S i t a n Tijax Kab'laj (does not rule) Wuqu' B'atz' (contemporary with Lajuj Aj, co-founders of Iximche' ca.1470)

-

.r :

;

1

'

1

1

1

1

1

Oxlajuj Tz'l' Kab'lajuj B'atz' Chopena' Tojin Chopena' Tz'ikin Uk'a' Chopena' Kej Nima Ajin Ajin Kawoq Katu' (d. 1508)

r^

Jun I q '

(d. 1521

1

Waqaqi 7 Ajmaq

Ajpop Achi= B'alam Ajmaq Tojin

D o n Pedro Solis (installed in 1580, d. 1584)

[unnamed] (governor in 15 91)

1

No'j

1

1

B'eleje' K'at

Imox

(1521-1529)

Francisco Ajpop Achi' Tz'i'an

Francisco Hernandez Arana (author of Annals, d. 1587)

1

No ; j

B'alam Ajtz'alam Junajpu' D o n Jorge Kab'lajuj Tijax (installed by Alvarado in 1532, d. 1565)

Don Juan Juarez (d. 1570)

D o n Ambrosio de Castellano (governor by 1602)

D o n Juan Hernandez (installed in 1584, d. 1585) (does not become governor as well) (has no issue) Don Juan Cortes

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CHART 2

A J P O S O T Z IL

Chuluk and Xitamal Xikitzal

(Cofounder of Chi Awar under reign of K'iqab', post 1425)

Jun Toj

(Supernatural birth, attended by Chimal Akat, rules at Chi Awar)

Lajuj Aj

(Cofounder of Iximche', ca. 1470)

Kab'lajuj Tijax

(ca. 1480-1493 according to Wauchope)

Lajuj No'j Kaji' Imox

(Elected in 1521, executed by Alvarado in 1540)

Don Francisco Ajpop Sotz'il

(d- 1555)

Don Lucas Ajpo Sotz'il

(later sixteenth century?)

CHART 3

AJAW XPANTZAY

i st generation

Chimal Akat

(founds Ochal, marries Aqajal woman)

2nd generation

Xpantzay No'j

(joins Kaweq under Q=ukumatz, ca. 1400)

3rd generation

Xpantzay Ajmaq

(at time of arrival at Chi Awar, post 1425)

4th generation

Julajuj Kan

(born at Chi Awar, makes move to Iximche', ca. 1470)

5 th generation

Slave

Kaji' Aqb'al

6 th generation

Atunal (Ahau Xpantzay

Jun Q'anel

Tojin

Xtzik (Porom chinamit)

Iyu'

9

i n 1524)

7 th generation

Ajtz'alam Tz'i'an

Alonso Perez X. (d. ca. 1554?)

8 th generation

Don Francisco Hernando Cristobal Ordonez

Don Juan Mexa Puzul (baptized in 1544 ?) Felipe Vasquez X (alive in 1602)

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CHART 4

Ajpo Xajil

C O M B I N E D RULERS

Ajpo Sotz'il

Q'aq'awitz Ka'i' No'j

Ka'i' B'atz'

Xitayul Jax

(Chi Awar period)

Xikitzal

Ajaw Xpantzay

(late 1300s?)

Chimal Akat

(ca. 1400)

Xpantzay No'j

(post 1425)

Xpantzay Ajmaq

Rajamun Jun Toj Julajuj Kan Wuqu' B'atz' Lajuj Aj (cofounders of Iximche', ca. 1470) Oxlajuj Tz'i'

Kab'lajuj Tijax Lajuj No'j Kaji' Aqb'al

Junlq' (d. 1521)

Kaji' Imox (d. 1540) (Arrival of Spaniards; 1524)

B'eleje' K'at (d. 15 31) D. Jorge Kab'lajuj Tijax (d. 1565)

Atunal D, Francisco Ajpop Sotz'il (d.1555)

D. Alonso Perez X.

D. Pedro Soils (1580-1584) D. Juan Hernandez (1584-1585)

D. Juan Mexa Pusul

D. Lucas Ajpo Sotz'il

D. Francisco Ordonez

D. Ambrosio de Castellano

CHART 5

Kaqchikel Amaq'

KAQCHIKEL WINAQ

Sotz'il Amaq'

Xajil chinamit

Sotz'il chinamit

B'ak'ajola' chinamit

Xpantzay chinamit

Q'eqak'uch chinamit

Poroma' chinamit

Sib'aqijay chinamit

Ch'ikb'al chinamit

Tuquche' Amaq ;

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CEDIM 2000 El Libro de la Cuenta de los Nawales. CEDIM//NORAD/FAFO: Guatemala. Chavez, Adrian Inez 199? Ki-che Zib: escritura Ki-che y otros temas. Libreria —, Guatemala. Chickering, Carol Rogers 1973 Flowers of Guatemala. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Coe, Michael 1999 The Maya. Thames and Hudson, New York. Cojti Macario, Narciso, Martin Chacach Cutzal, and Marcos Armando Cali 1998 Diccionario Kaqchikel. Proyecto Linguistico Francisco Marroquin. La Antigua, Guatemala. Coto, Tomas 1983 Thesaurus Verborum. Rene Acufia, ed. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City. de Varea, Fray Calepino en lengua kaqchikel. Ms. photocopy, courtesy of the Summer Institute in Linguistics, Guatemala. Dibble, Charles E. (ed.) 1963 Historia de la nacion mexicana (Codex Aubin). Ediciones Jose Porrua Toranzas, Mexico City. Edmonson, Munro S. 1965 Quiche-English Dictionary. Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University, Pub. 30., New Orleans. 1971 The Book of Counsel: The Popol Vuh of the Quiche Maya of Guatemala. Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University, Pub. 35., N e w Orleans. 1988 The Book of the Year : Middle American Calendrical Systems. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. 1997 Quiche Dramas and Divinatory Calendars. Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University, Pub. 66., New Orleans. Fox, John 1978 Quiche Conquest. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. 1987 Maya Postclassic State Formation. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gillespie, Susan D. 1989 The Aztec Kings. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Goldman, Irving 1970 Ancient Polynesian Society. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 78

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Fuentes y Guzman, Francisco Antonio de 1969-1972 Obras Historicas de don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman. 3 vols. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria, ed. Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. Guillemin, George F. 1961 Un entierro sefiorial en Iximche. Anales de la Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala 34: 227-264. 1977 Urbanism and Hierarchy at Iximche. In N. Hammond, ed., Social Processes in Maya Prehistory. Academic Press, London. Guzman, Pantaleon de 1984 Compendio de nombres en lengua Cakchiquel. Rene Acuria, ed. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City. Hellmuth, Nicholas 1987 Surface of the Underworld: Iconography of the Gods of Early Classic Maya Art in Peten, Guatemala. 2 vols. Culver City, CA: Foundation for Latin American Anthropological Research. Hicks, Frederic 1986 Prehispanic Background of Colonial Political and Economic Organization in Central Mexico. In R. Spores, ed., Handbook of Middle American Indians, Supplement 4, Ethnohistory. University of Texas Press, Austin. Hill, Robert M. II 1984 Chinamit and Molab: Late Postclassic Highland Maya Precursors of Closed Corporate Community. Estudios de Cultura Maya 15: 301-327. The Social Uses of Writing among the Colonial Cakchiquel Maya: Nativism, Resistance, and Innovation. Columbian Consequences, vol. 3, David Hurst Thomas, ed. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington. 1992 Colonial Cakchiquels: Highland Maya Adaptations to Spanish Rule, 1600-1 j00. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Fort Worth. 1996 Eastern Chajoma (Cakchiquel) Political Geography. Ancient Mesoamerica 7: 63-87. Hill, Robert M. II, and John Monaghan 1987 Continuities in Highland Maya Social Organization: Ethnohistory in Sacapulas, Guatemala. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. Hill, Robert M. II, and Edward F. Fischer 1999 States of Heart: An Ethnohistorical Approach to Kaqchikel Maya Ethnopsychology. Ancient Mesoamerica 10: 317-332. 1991

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Las Casas, Bartolome de 1958 Apologetica Histoha de las Indias. 2 vols. Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. Lockhart, James 1992 The Nahuas after the Conquest. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Lopez Austin, Alfredo 1988 The Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the ancient Nahuas, 2 vols. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. Lounsbury, Floyd G. 1973 On the Derivation and Reading of the "Benich" Prefix. In Elizabeth R. Benson, ed., Mesoamehcan Writing Systems, pp. 99-144. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Lujan Munoz, Jorge 1986 El reino pokomam de Petapa, Guatemala, hacia 1524. Anales de la Academia de Geografia e Histoha de Guatemala 60: 159-171. 1994 "Orfeberia." In Histoha General de Guatemala tomo II. Fundacion para la Cultura y el Desarrollo, Guatemala. Maxwell, Judith M. 1990 El discurso en Chuj. In Lecturas sobre la Linguistica Maya. Nora C. England and Stephen R. Elliott, comp. Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamerica, Guatemala. 1997 Discourse Strategies, Then and Now. In The Language of Maya Hieroglyphs. Martha J. Macri and Anabel Ford, eds. The Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute, San Francisco. Mengin, Ernst 1952 Memorial de Tecpdn-Atitldn (Solold). Einar Munksgaard, Copenhagen. Miles, Suzanne W. 1957 The Sixteenth-Century Pokom-Maya: A Documentary Analysis of Social Structure and Archaeological Setting. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society n.s. 47, part 4: 733-781. Monzon, Arturo 1949 El calpulli en la organizacion social de los Tenochca. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City. Orellana, Sandra 1984 The Tzutujil Mayas. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Otzoy C , Simon 1999 Memorial de Solold. With cultural and linguistic commentary by Martin Chacach and Narciso Cojti'. Spanish editing by Jorge Lujan Mu79

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Teletor, Celso Narciso 1946 Memorial de Tecpdn-Atitldn (ultima parte). Re Rahau, Guatemala. Terraciano, Kevin 2001 The Mixtecs of Colonial Oaxaca. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Vazquez, Francisco 1937-1944 Cronica de la provincia del Santisimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala, 4 vols. Sociedad de Gepgrafia e Historia, Biblioteca "Goathemala," Guatemala. Villacorta,}. Antonio 1934 Memorial de Tecpdn-Atitldn (Anales de los Cakchiqueles). Tipografia Nacional, Guatemala. Wauchope, Robert 1949 Las edades de Utatlan e Iximche. Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala 1(1): 10-22.

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Whittington, Stephen L., and David M. Reed 1998 Evidencia de dieta y salud en los esqueletos de Iximche. Mesoamerica, no. 35, pp. 73-82. Ximenez, Francisco de 1952 Popol-vuh : The Original Manuscript. Microfilm copy. University of Chicago Library: Chicago. 1985 Primer a parte del Tesoro de las tres Lenguas Cakchiquel, Quiche, y Zutuhil, en que las dichas Lenguas se traducen a la nuestra, espahola. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria, ed. Academia de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala, Pub. Especial No. 30, Guatemala. Zuckerkandel-Borie, Greta 1982 "Amaq': An Emic Model of Organization for the Highland Maya./; Unpublished MA thesis, Anthropology Department, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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* * * & * *

.•/»?'• * J

Mid-seventeenth-century Spanish map of the lands disputed by the Xpantzay and the Argueta family. North is to the reader's left. The town of Tecpan is in the upper left corner, Patzicia in the upper right, and Patzun in the lower right. See text for significance of the figure leaning down from the horse.

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Xajil Chrnniflp [The Xajil Chronicle]

t

[p. 18]

?Wa'e' xtinutz'ib'aj jalal kitzij je nab'ey qatata', qamama', Wa'-e' xti-O-nu-tz'ib'-aj jal-al1 ki-tzij je na-b'ey qa-tata' qa-mama' PD-D F-3A-lE-write-TR change-N 3Ep-word 3Dp first-time lEp-father lEp-grandfather Here I will write some of the words of our first fathers, our first grandfathers, je ri xeb'oso winaq ojer, je ri x-e-b'os-o winaq ojer 3Dp D PS-3Ap-engender-AP person long/ago those who engendered the people long ago, majani oq tilaq'ab'ex wa'e' juyu', taq'aj; ma-ja-ni toq ti-O-laq'a-b'-ex wa'-e' juyu' taq'aj neg-D-D when PRS-3A-settle-I-PV PD-D hill plain when these hills and vales were not yet settled; k'a ruyon oq umiil, tz'ikin, k'oj kecha. k'a ru-yon oq umiil tz'ikin k'oj k-e-cha. D 3E-alone when rabbit bird be PRS-3Ap-say when there were only rabbits [and] birds, they say. Ja oq qi xkilaq'ab'ej juyu', taq'aj. ja oq qi x-O-ki-laq'a-b'-ej juyu' taq'aj D when true PS-3A-3Ep-settle-I-TV hill plain So it was when, truly, they settled the hills and vales. Je k'a c^atata', qamama', ix nuk'ajol, pa Tulan. je k'a qa-tata' qa-mama' ix nu-k'ajol pa Tulan. D D lEp-father lEp-grandfather 2Ap IE-son PR Tulan They were our fathers [and] grandfathers, you, my sons, in Tulan. IXtinutz'ibaj k'a kitzij ri qi je nab'ey qatata', qamama'. Xti-O-nu-tz'ib'-aj k'a ki-tzij ri qi je nab'ey qa-tata' qa-mama' F-3A-lE-write-TR D 3Ep-word D true D first lEp-father lEp-mother I will write the words of those who, truly, were our first fathers, our first grandfathers.

lr

The meaning of the derived form //jalal// is not transparent from its parts. Jalal means "some, various"; with the diminutive //ok// it becomes "a few". The derived adjectival form //jalajoj// "various, different, some" is more commonly used in Modern Kaqchikel. 1

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Xajil Chronicle Q'aq'awitz rub'i'; Saktekaw rub'i' jun ch'ik. Q'aq'awitz ru-b'i' Saktekaw ru-b'i' jun ch'ik Q'aq'awitz 3E-name Saktekaw 3E-name one r Q'aq'awitz2 is one's name; Saktekaw3 is the name of the other. Je k'oj kitzij, kecha. "K'a ch'aqa palow xojpe wi. je k'oj ki-tzij k-e-cha k'a ch'aqa palow x-oj-pe wi 3Dp be 3Ep-word PRS-3Ap-say D across ocean PS-3Ap-come TC These are their words, they say. "From across the ocean we came. Pa Tulan rub'i' juyu' xojalax, xojk'ajolax wi pe Pa Tulan ru-b'i' juyu' x-oj-al-ax x-oj-k'ajol-ax wi pe PR Tulan 3E-namehill PS-lAp-child-PV PS-lAp-son-PV TC come Pa Tulan is the name of the hill4 where we were born, where we were begotten ruma qate', qatata', ix qak'ajol," r-uma qa-te' qa-tata' ix 3E-cause lEp-mother lEp-father 2Ap by our mothers [and] our fathers, you, our sons/'

qa-k'ajol lEp-son

kecha ri ojer tata', mama'. k-e-cha ri ojer tata' mama' PRS-3Ap-sayD yore father grandfather said the ancient fathers [and] grandfathers.

2

This name is not parsible in Kaqchikel. /fjuyu.'// is the Kaqchikel root for "hill, mountain". This root is shared with K'iche' and other languages of this branch of the Mayan family. //Witz// is the root for hill in other Mayan language groups, notably the Q'anjob'alan, Mamean, Yucatecan and Ch'olan branches. However, the later two lack post-velar stops. //Q'aq'// "fire" would be k'ak' in the lowland languages. 3

This name too seems to be nonTCaqchikel. //Saq// is the Kaqchikel root for "white". //Sak// in Kaqchikel means a "locust, grasshopper". However, as //tekaw// is not a meaningful morpheme in Kaqchikel either, it might be well to look beyond Kaqchikel for glosses. Some Mayan languages, including Yucatec and Chuj, lack the postvelar series; velars appear in the cognate forms. //Sak// in these languages does mean "white" and may be used metaphorically, for "pure", "first", "great". //Tekaw// is more difficult to gloss. This may be a Mayanization of the Nahuatl root //tekw// "leader, lord". 4

Juyu' may not be literal "hill" here, but may reference the townsite. In Nahuatl terminology altepetl "town" is literally, "water-hill". Hills were prime sites for centers. The term juyu' has within its scope the meanings "lands, territory".

2

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,

Xajil Chrnnicie

Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw kib'i', ri qi xepe pa Tulan. Q'aq'-a-witz Sak-tekaw ki-b'i' ri qi x-e-pe pa Tulan fire-1-hill white-lord 3Ep-name D t r u e PS~3Ap«come PR Tulan "Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw were the names of those who, truly, came from Pa Tulan. Je ka'i' chi achi' je ri xojb'oso 6j Xajila'." je ka'-i' chi achi' je ri x-oj-b'os-o 6j Xajil-a' D two-CN PA man D D PS-lAp-sprout-AP l A p Xajil-p They were two of the men who engendered us, we, the Xajils. f Wa k'a kib'i' rujay, ruchinamit e': Q'eqak'iich, Wa k'a ki-b'i' ru-jay ru-chinamit e' PD D 3Ep-name 3E-house 3E-chinamit D Here are the names of the houses, the chinamit:

B'ak'ajola', Sib'aqijay. Q'eq-a-k'iich B'a-k'ajol-a' Sib'aq-i-jay black-I-buzzard little-son-p rattanM-house Q'eqak'iich, B'ak'ajols, [and] Sib'aqijay.

l.K'atun, Ch'utiAj kib'i'xeb'oso B'ak'ajola'. 1 k'a-tun ch'uti aj ki-b'i' x-e-b'6s-o B'ak'ajol-a' 1 20-tun 6 small cane 3Ep-name PS-3Ap-sprout-AP B'ak'ajol-p l 7 . K'atun [and] Ch'uti Aj 8 are the names of those who engendered the B'ak'ajols. l.Tzanat, Q'uq'uchom kib'i'xeb'oso Q'eqak'uchi'. ki-b'i' x-e-b'os-o Q'eqak'iich-i' 1 Tzanat 9 Q'uq'-u-chom 1 grackle quetzal-1-shrimp 3Ep-name PS-3Ap-sprout-AP Q'eqak'uch-p 1. Tzanat [and] Q'uq'uchom are the names of those who engendered the Q'eqak'iichs. 5

Sib'aq is the pliable rattan used to tie up tamales.

6

The k'atun is a unit of measure in the calendrical system equal to 7,200 days. The tun, the preceding unit is 360 days. Kaqchikel has several words for twenty, varying with the entities counted, //k'a(l)// is the unit used in this compound, though "winaq" is the unit used in counting days and other periods of time. 7

This numeral rather than being a part of the name is a listing mechanism. (Hamrick, personal communication). 8

Ch'uti Aj is a calendrical name, with the numerical coefficient of the day Aj replaced by the adjective ch'uti "little, small, lesser". 9

Tzanatl "sanate, boat-tailed grackle" is a Nahuatl word. The Kaqchikel refer to this bird as chok. Though the numeral coefficient here, suggest the use of a birth date name, Tzanatl is not a calendrical day in the central Mexican Aztec calendars; Edmonson (1997) suggests that there is some regional variation. Terrence Kaufman (personal communication) suggests that in some modern Nahuatl variants tzanatl may have a more generalized referent, meaning "bird" in general, or bird of this body size and shape. The Central Mexican day names which are bird names are cozcacuahuitl "king vulture" and cuauhtli "eagle". In the Mayan calendar, tz'ikin some Modern Kaqchikel speakers use specific bird names in their given names, such as "five eagle" rather than use the strictly calendrical "five bird", since "bird" has heavy sexual overtones.

3

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Xajil Chronicle T'aki10 Ajaw, Ch'ajom Ajaw xeb'oso Sib'aqijayi'. T'aki Ajaw Ch'aj-om Ajaw x-e-b'os-o Sib'aqijay-i' T'aki lord wash-AG lord PS-3Ap-sprout-AP Sib'aqijay-p T'aki Ajaw [and] Ch'ajom Ajaw engendered the Sib'aqijays. Xa 6) kaji' chi chinamit 6q xojpe Pa Tulan, xa 6j kaj-i' chi chinam'it 6q x-oj-pe Pa Tulan just lAp four-CN PA chinamit when PS-lAp-come PR Tulan We were just four chinamit when we came from Pa Tulan, ri oj Kaqchikel winaq, ix qak'ajol," kecha. ri 6j Kaqchikel winaq11 ix qa-k'ajol k-e-cha D lAp Kaqchikel people 2Ap lEp-son PRS-3Ap-say we, the Kaqchikel people, you, our sons/' they say. K'a xk'amar k'a wawe' ri Kaweqi'. k'a x-0-k'am-ar k'a wa-we' ri Kaweq-i' D PS-3A-bring-VR D D-PD D Kaweq-p Then the Kaweqs were brought forth here [at Pa Tulan]. Totomay, Xurkaj kib'i' xeb'oso. Totomay Xurkaj ki-b'i' x-e-b'os-o 12 13 Xurkaj 3Ep -name PS-3Ap-sprout-AP Totomay Totomay [and] Xurkaj are the names of those who engendered them.

10

The manuscript here has Daqui. Daki is not a recognizable Kaqchikel word. Native Kaqchikel does not contain /d/ as a phoneme. This might be an orthographic attempt at /?/, which Coto occasionally writes as tt. Coto (p. 197) gives the root ttaquih /t'ak-ij/ as meaning "neck, to pummel with the fists". Yaki appears elsewhere in the text with generalized reference to Mexicans. Perhaps this is a foreign lord. n

//Winaq// is commonly used to mean "person" or, collectively, "people". It could also refer to the politico-social unit above the level of the amaq'. 12

This name does not parse easily in Kaqchikel. //Toto-//, however, means "bird" in Nahuatl. //May// is a Kaqchikel word for a twenty-year count. It is also associated with tobacco leaves. //Toton-// might be another source for the first part of the word, assuming the final nasal assimilates to the initial nasal of may and the geminate cluster simplifies, both regular phonological processes of Kaqchikel. //Toton-// again is Nahuatl, coming from the verbal root //ton-// "heat, warm", with an intensifying initial reduplication. 13

Again this name is not easily parsible in Kaqchikel. //xur-// does not appear in native compounds, //kaj// root of several words; the most likely nominal reading is "sky". As the text does not indicate tenseness of the vowels, this might be //kaj// "powder, finely ground grain, pigment, etc.".

4

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Xajil Chrnnicip Xa wi k'a xk'amar wawe' ri aj Kejayi'. xa wi k'a x-O-k'am-ar wa-we' ri aj Ke[j]-jay-i' just TC D PS-3A-bring-VR PD-D D AG deer-house-p And then those of Kejay were brought forth here [at Pa Tulan]. Xeb'oso14; Loch, Xet, kib'i' xeb'oso. x-e-b'6s-o Loch Xet ki-b'i' x-e-b'6s-o 15 PS-3Ap-sprout-AP PS-3Ap-sprout-AP strew mane 3Ep-name They engendered; Loch [and] Xet are the names of those who engendered them. Xa wi k'a xk'am ri aj Paq Telom. xa wi k'a x-0-k'am ri aj Paq Telom 16 justTC D PS-3A-bring D AG moss bear/on/shoulder-AG Next those of Paq Telom were brought. K'o Xajil, K'o B'aqil kib'i' xeb'oso. k'o Xaj-il k'o B'aq-il ki-b'i' x-e-b'os-o 17 3Ep-name PS-3Ap-sprout-AP revered dance-N revered bone-N 18 K'o Xajil [and] K'o B'aqil are the names of those who engendered them.

14

This word appears to have been struck through in the manuscript. The form is an antipassive. One grammatical trigger for antipassive is the preposing of agents before the verb. The next clause has the expected structure. 15

//Loch// is the root of the verb "to strew". Coto (p. 235) describes the action with respect to flowers: "to throw them from below upwards with the hands, as one who sprinkles or waters". 16

//Paq// is glossed by Coto (p. 305) as lama q[ue] se aria entre las piedras en el agua, o la que se aria en ladrillos o paredes "slime that grows between the stones en water, o that which grows on bricks or walls". The Kaqchikel example he gives ruq'uxil ab'aj, xan means "the moss of stones, walls". We gloss it hear as "moss", but it may be more accurately cyanobacteria, blue-green algae. 17

B'aqil means inherently possessed bone, bone of one's body. This might be a figurative name for progenitor, mirroring titles such as Sak B'ak "first bone" on Palenque stelae, though the Ch'olan/Yucatecan phrase sak b'ak is multiply ambiguous and could also be translated as "white bone, white heron, first heron". 18

These two progenitors are treated as a unit, with singular verbal agreement on ms. pages 24 and 25; they are treated as individuals, receiving plural agreement on ms. page 36.

5

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Yajil riirnnirlp Ke re' na wi pe ri Iqomaq'i'. ke re na wi pe ri Iq-om-[am]aq'19-i' D D still TC come D bear-AG-amaq'-p And thus, in turn, came the Iqomaq's. Xa wi k'a xk'amar je k'a kajch'ob' ri k'a xek'amar wawe' je amaq' . xa wi k'a x-0-k'am-ar je k'a kaj-ch'ob' ri k'a x-e-k'am-ar wa-we' je amaq' just TC D PS-3A-bring-VR 3Dp D four-division D D PS-3Ap-bring-VR PD-D 3Dp amaq' And so four divisions were brought; they were those who were brought forth here; they were the amaq's. Ue k'a k'oj kitzij ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw. Je k'a k'oj ki-tzij ri Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw 3Dp D be 3Ep-wordD Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw These are the words of Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw. Xe re k'a qi ruxe' kitzij wa'e'.. xe re k'a qi ru-xe' ki-tzij wa'-e' just D D true 3E-root 3Ep-word PD-D Just this is the true origin of their words here. Kecha k'a ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw: k-e-cha k'ari Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw PRS-3A-say D D Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw Then Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw say:

"Kaji' xpe wi winaq Pa Tulan: chi releb'al q'ij, jun Tullan; kaj-i' x-0-pe wi winaq pa Tulan chi r-el-e-b'-al q'ij jun Tulan four-CN PS-3A-come TC people PR Tulan PR 3E-leave-TV-I-N sun one Tulan "People came from four Pa Tulans: from the east, one Tulan;

19

Iqom is "bearer". There is a suffix //-a'q//, which forms plural adjectives. This would not ordinarily take a further plural. However, adjectives can sometimes be used pronominally and nouns used as lineage names take the animate plural markers. So this form would break down as //iq-// "bear" + //-om// AG + i' "plural". Alternatively it could be as given in the gloss line, //iq// "bear" + //-om// AG + //amaq'// amaq' (political unit)+ //-i// plural. This would require the simplification of the /omam/ sequence by haplology.

6

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Xajil Chrnniflp jun chi k'a chi Xib'alb'ay; jun k'a chuqajib'al q'ij, jun ch'i[k] k'a chi 20Xib'alb'ay jun k'a ch[i] [r]u-qaj-i-b'-al one r D PR Xib'alb'ay one D PR 3E-descend-e-I-N another from the nadir; another from the west,

q'ij sun

chi ri' k'a xojpe wi chuqajib'al q'ij chi ri' k'a x-oj-pe wi ch[i] [rju-qaj-i-b'-al q'ij PR D D PS-lAp-come TC PR 3E-descend-e-I-N sun thence came we, from the west; jun chi wi k'a chi k'ab'owil21. jun chi'[k] wi k'a chi k'ab'owil one r TC D PR heaven another came from the zenith. Ke re' k'a kaji' wi Tullan22 ri', ix qak'ajol," kecha. Ke re' k'a kaj-i' wi Tulan ri' ix qa-k'ajol k-e-cha D D D four-CN TC Tulan D 2Ap lEp-son PRS-3Ap-say Thus, there are four Tulans, you, my sons," they say. "Chuqajib'al k'a q'ij xojpe wi, pa Tullan; ch'aqa palow k'a k'o wi ri' Tullan. ch[i] [r]u-qaj-i-b'-al k'a q'ij x-oj-pe wi pa Tulan ch'aqa palow k'a k'o wi ri Tulan PR 3E-descend-e-I-N D sun PS-lAp-come TC PR Tulan across ocean D be TC D Tulan "From the west, then, we came, from Tulan; this Tulan is away across the ocean.

20

Xib'alb'ay is the underworld. Mayan cardinal points include three dimensions; in addition to north, south, east, and west, the central, vertical axis adds two (or one) points, zenith and nadir. In Pakal's tomb the direction "south" and "nadir" are interchanged. The cardinal points in this passage seem to be east, west and zenith, nadir. Morphemically this may break down into //xib'-// "frighten, scare", //-al// "N", Ilb'II "I", and //-ay// "AG". 21

K'ab'owil (Coto p. ccxxxvi) is referenced under the entry for "divine thing" as the name of the god that the Kaqchikel were said to adore. See also Coto p. 168. Paired with Xib'alb'ay as the netherworld, it may have a more general reference to the overworld. Or if Xib'alb'ay is more prosaically representing south, then K'abowil may be representing north. In Modern Kaqchikel the terms "up" //pa jotol// and "down" //pa xulan// are often used for "north" and "south", though in modern ritual speech "north" is also referenced by the phrase releb'al kaqiq' "the emergence place of the wind"; similarly "south" in these contexts is ruqajib'al kaqiq' "the descending place of the wind". 22

This spelling of Tulan is etymologically correct. In Nahuatl, //tul-// "reed" combines with the place suffix //-(t)lan// yielding tullan. Phonological processes in Nahuatl may optionally simplify the geminate cluster, but the double spelling (and possibly pronunciation) is often retain. Note that the 11 spelling in Castillian represents a palatal liquid / A/. The alternates which appear throughout this section of text, vary between Tullan and Tulan, reflecting native American practices rather than peninsular orthography.

7

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Xajil Chronicle Chi ri' k'a xojalax wi ul; chi ri' k'a x-oj-al-ax PRD D PS-3Ap-bear-PV There we were born;

wi ul TC arrive

xojk'ajolax wi pe ruma qate', qatata'/' kecha. qa-tata' k-e-cha. x-oj-k'ajol-ax wi pe r-uma23 qa-te' PS-3Ap-son-PV TC come 3E-cause lEp-mother lEp-father PRS-3A-say thence we were begotten by our mothers, our fathers," they say. Tan k'a talax ri chay ab'aj ruma RaxaXib'alb'ay, Q'anaXib'alb'ay. Tan k'a t-0-al-ax ri chay ab'aj r-uma rax-a-Xib'alb'ay q'an-a-Xib'alb'ay IM D PRS-3A-bear-PV D obsidian stone 3E-cause green-1-Xib'alb'ay yellow-1-Xib'alb'ay Then the Obsidian Stone is birthed by Raxa Xib'alb'ay [and] Q'ana Xib'alb'ay. Tan k'a titz'aq winaq ruma Tz'aqol B'itol; tan k'a ti-0-tz'aq winaq r-uma Tz'aq-61 B'it-61 IM D PRS-3A-create people 3E-cause create-AG perfect-AG Then people were created by the Creator, the Perfector; tzuqul richin ri chay ab'aj. tzuq-iil r-ichin ri chay ab'aj sustain-P 3E-for D obsidian stone [they were] the sustenance providers for the Obsidian Stone.

23

Notice the singular ergative pronoun possessor //r-// with the relational noun //-uma//, even though it is coreferent with the conjunct qate', qatata' "our mothers, our fathers". Strict number agreement was not necessary in classical Kaqchikel; though not pervasive in modern Kaqchikel number a slightly more salient characteristic today. Moreover, groups are often treated corporately for number agreement. The ancestors here qate', qatata' "lit. our mothers, our fathers" may be being treated corporately. 8

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Yajil C h r n n i r l p Oq xtz'aq ri winaq pan poqon. 6q x-0-tz'aq ri winaq pan poqom 24 when PS-3A-create D people PR suffering Then people were created into suffering. K'a xutzin winaq, xtijo che'; xtijo k'a xaqi'; k'a x-0-iitz-in winaq x-0-t'ij-o che' x-0-tij-o k'a xaq-i' D PS-3A-good-IV people PS-3A-eat-AP tree PS-3A-eat-AP D leaf-p When people were completed, they ate wood; they ate leaves; ruyon ulew xraj ok. ru-yon ulew x-0-raj 3E-alone dirt PS-3A-want they just wanted dirt alone.

ok dim

Mani k'a xch'a'o; mani xb'iyin. x-0-b'iyin ma-ni k'a x-O-ch'a'-o ma-ni neg-neg D PS-3A-talk-AP neg-neg PS-3A-walk They didn't speak; they didn't walk. Mani k'a rukik'el, ruti'ojil xiix," ma-ni k'a ru-kik'-el 25 ru-ti'oj-il x-0-ux neg-neg D 3E-blood-N 3E-flesh-N PS-3A-be They had no blood, no flesh," kecha e nab'ey qatata', qamama', i'x nuk'ajol. k-e-cha e na-b'ey qa-tata' qa-mama' ix nu-k'ajol PRS-3Ap-say D first-time lEp-father lEp-grandfather 2Ap IE-son say our first fathers, our first grandfathers, you, my sons.

24

The manuscript has the form poqon, with a final /n/. The underlying root has an /m/. The change of /m/ to /n/ word finally is one of the phonological processes that differentiates Kaqchikel for K'iche'. Though not complete at the time this document was written, form such as this show that the process was underway. Modern Kaqchikel linguists have chosen to standardize these forms with the underlying root form, showing the /m/, even when this is pronounced /n/. They hope this way to elucidate the morphophonemic alternation of these roots and to bring the written forms closer to that of their K'iche'an cousins. //Poqom// in its most literal meaning is "spicy, hot, picante", but has "suffering" as a normal part of its semantic field. To say "I suffer" one literally says "I eat picante (food)", nintij poqom. 25

Note that //kik'// "blood" belongs to the class of nouns that routinely take a suffix upon being inherently possessed. Nukik'el means "my blood", that in my veins, that which I inherently possess. Blood which I might have collected from an animal would not be inherently possessed, though it might still be "mine". This distinction in Kaqchikel would be shown as the root, possessed, but without suffix: nukik'. In this passage, it is the blood constituting the bodies, that is referenced, hence the inherent possession suffix, here glossed just as N "noun". 9

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Xajil Chronicle Mani k'a xkanay ri xok. ri xok ma-ni k'a x-0-kanay26 neg-neg D PS-3A-appear D hoe The hoe had not yet appeared.27 K'a runaj k'a xkanay ri xok. ri xok k'a ru-naj28 k'a x-0-kanay D 3E-far D PS-3A-appear Dhoe Later the hoe appeared. Xa e ka'i' chi chikop etamayon k'o wi ri echa. xa e ka'-i' chi chikop eta'm-ay-on k'o wi ri echa just 3Ap two-CN PR animal know-AG-PP be TC D food Just two animals knew where there was food. Pam Paxil rub'i' juyu' k'o wi. juyu' k'o wi Pam Pax-il29 ru-b'i' PR break-N 3E-name hill be TC Pam Paxil is the name of the hill where it was. Ja ri chikop utiw, qoch kib'i'. ja ri chikop utiw qoch ki-b'i' D D animal coyote crow 3E-name The animals were named Coyote [and] Crow.

26

//-kanay// (Coto p. c) means for something lost to appear, for something sought for to be found or reappear (Coto p. 265); or to obtain, to acquire, especially by work and sweat (Coto p. 14). The root //-kan// remain may be historically involved, but the reading is not transparent. 27

Notice that the hoe is used metonymically to stand for agriculture, especially maize cultivation.

28

K'a runaj is probably not semantically compositional today. It is taken as a lexeme rather than a phrase and means simply 'Tate", or "later". 29

//Pax// means "to break, crumble, shatter". Paxil is a nominative derivative of this. The verb "to break up tilled earth from clods into loose soil" is paxila', the frequentive verb form.

10

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Xajil Chrnnirle Xa k'a pa rachaq xkanay wi. xa k'a pa r-achaq 30 x-O-kanay wi just D PR 3E-ass PS-3A-appear TC Just in his ass it [corn] appeared. Toq xkamisax k'a ri chikop utiw, xpoch' el chupam ri' ixim. toq x-O-kam-is-ax k'a ri chikop utiw x-0-poch' el ch[i] [r]u-pam ri' ixim when PS-3A-kill-CS-PV D D animal coyote PS-EA-burst leave PR 3D-inside D corn When the animal, Coyote, was killed, the corn burst out of him. Tan k'a tib'ekanox yoq'b'al richin tan k'a t-i-0-b'e-kan-6x yoq'-b'-al r-ichin IM D PRS-e-3A-go-seek-PV knead-I-N 3E-belong Meanwhile something [liquid] with which to knead was being sought ruma chikop tiwtiw rub'i'. r-uma chikop tiwtiw 3E-cause animal sparrowhawk by the animal named Sparrowhawk.

ru-b'i' 3E-name

K'a chupam palow xpe wi ruma tiwtiw. k'a ch[i] [r]u-pam palow x-0-pe wi r-uma tiwtiw D PR 3E-inside ocean PS-3A-come TC 3E-cause sparrowhawk From inside the ocean it came because of Sparrowhawk. Rukik'el tixlikumatz xok xyoq'b'ex richin ri ixim. ru-kik'-el tixli-kumatz x-0-ok x-O-yoq'-b'-ex r-ichin ri ixim 3E-blood-N tapir-snake PS-3A-enter PS-3A-knead-I-PV 3E-belong D corn The blood of the tixlikumatz 31 became the kneading agent for the corn. Xtz'aqb'ex richin ruti'ojil winaq ruma Tz'aqdl, B'itol. x-O-tz'aq-b'-ex r-ichin ru-ti'oj-il winaq r-uma Tz'aq-61 PS-3A-create-I-PV 3E-belong 3E-flesh-N person 3E-cause create-N By this means was human flesh created by the Creator, the Perfector.

30

B'it-61 perfect-N

//achaq// means "buttocks, ass, asshole, and excrement".

31

Tixlikumatz is not a known snake. //Tixl// was the colonial name for "danta, tapir", //kumatz// is "snake, serpent, viper". In modern Kaqchikel tixli' means elephant. The semantic feature of large size may be what is referenced here, so the creature whose blood becomes the first kneading-agent for com dough is a giant snake. It should be noted that this creature is a ocean denizen; perhaps this is the Kaqchikel version of a sea serpent. 11

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Xajil Chronicle K'ajaqi etamayom k'a ja qi eta'm-ay-om D D true know-AG-AP Then truly the knowing one was [p. 19] ri Tz'aqol, B'itdl; Alom, K'ajolom. ri Tz'aq-61 B'it-61 Al-om K'ajol-om D create-N perfect-N bear-N son-N the Creator, the Perfector, the Birther, the Engenderer. Ja xetz'aqo winaq Tz'aq, kecha. Xutzin k'a winaq Tz'aq. winaq x-0-tz'aq k-e-cha x-0-iitz-in k'a winaq x-0-tz'aq ja x-e-tz'aq-o32 D PS-3Ap-create-AP person PS-3A-create PS-3Ap-say PS-3A-good-IV D person PS-3A-create So the people who were created were made, they say. Then the created people were completed. Oxlajuj achi', ox-laj-uj three-ten-unit Thirteen men

kajlajuj k'a ixoq xux; xk'oje' ruwi'. k'a ixoq x-0-ux x-0-k'oj-e' ru-wi' achi'33 kaj-laj-uj man four-ten-unit D woman PS-3A-be PS-3A-be-IP 3E-remainder [and] fourteen women came into being; there was an extra [woman].

K'ate k'a 6q xech'a'o, xeb'iyin; xk'oje' kikik'el, kiti'ojil. k'ate k'a oq x-e-ch'a'-o x-e-b'iyin x-0-k'oj-e' ki-kik'-el immediately D when PS-3Ap-speak-AP PS-3Ap-walk PS-3A-be-IP 3Ep-blood-N Immediately, they spoke, they walked; they had blood [and] flesh.

ki-ti'oj-il 3Ep-flesh-N

Xek'uluk'uxin k'a. Je k'a ka'i' rixjayil jun xlix. ixjayil jun x-0-iix x-e-k'ul-uk'-ux-in k'a je34 k'a ka'-i' PS-3Ap-marry-rd-PV-I D 3Dp D two-CN wife one PS-3A-be And so they married. As it happened there was one who had two wives.

32

This is an antipassive form. The patient has been demoted but the third person plural marking on the verb agrees with it. The hierarchy of persons dictate that third person plural will be marked over third person singular regardless of theta role. 33

//Achi'// "man" and //ixoq// "woman" are nouns that may take an animate plural marker, becoming achi'a' and ixoqi', respectively. However, here, they appear with no suffixes. The numeral suffices as a plural indicator for Classical Kaqchikel. 34

//je// "they" refers to the two women. They are the subject in the Kaqchikel sentence; the translation has inverted the grammatical relationship to preserve meaning.

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Xajil Clhrnnirlp Ke re' k'a xlaq'o wi winaqi' ri', kecha ojer winaq, ix qak'ajol. ke re' k'a x-O-laq'-o wi winaq-i' ri' k-e-cha ojer D D D PS-3A-join-AP TC person-p D PS-3Ap-say yore So were these people joined, say the ancient people, you, my sons.

winaq ix qa-k'ajol person 2Ap lEp-son

Xeme'alan, xek'ajolan k'a rije' nab'ey winaq. x-e-me'al-an x-e-k'ajol-an k'a ri-je' na-b'ey winaq PS-3Ap-daughter-AP PS-3Ap-son-AP D D-3Dp first-time people These first people engendered daughters, begot sons. Ke re' k'a rub'anik winaq ri'; ke re' k'a ru-b'an-ik winaq ri' D D D 3Ep-make-N people D Such was the making of these people; k e r e ' na wi pe rub'anik chayab'aj ri'. ke re' na wi pe ru-b'an-ik chay ab'aj ri' D D still TC come 3E-make-N obsidian stone D and also the making of the Obsidian Stone. Tz'apal k'a ruchi' ri Tullan xojpe wi. tz'ap-al k'a ru-chi' ri Tulan x-oj-pe wi closed-P D 3E-mouth D Tulan PS-lAp-come TC The entrance of the Tulan from whence we came was closed. Xa jun chi sotz' tz'apib'al ruchi' ri Tullan. xa jun chi sotz' tz'ap-i-b'-al ri ru-chi' ri Tulan just one PA bat close-e-I-N D 3E-mouth D Tulan Just a bat was the covering of the entrance to this Tulan. Xojalax wi ul, xojk'ajolax wi pe. x-oj-al-ax wi ul x-oj-k'ajol-ax wi pe PS-lAp-bear-PV TC arrive PS-lAp-son-PV TC come We were born thence, we where engendered thence. Xya' wi pe ri qiqa'n chi q'equm, chi aq'a', ix qak'ajol," x-0-ya' wi pe ri q-iqa'n chi q'eq-um chi aq'a' ix qa-k'ajol PS-3A-giveTC come D lEp-burden PR black-N PR night 2Ap lEp-son "Our burden 35 was given to us in the darkness, in the night, you, my sons/'

35

These burdens are emblematic bundles of sacred objects, denoting the status and responsibilities of the their guardians, their bearers. The contents of some of these bundles are detailed in the text below.

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Xajil Chrnnirlp xecha kan ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw, ix nuk'ajol. x-e-cha kan ri Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw ix nu-k'ajol PS-3Ap-say remain D Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw 2Ap IE-son said36 Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw, you, my sons. Xa k'a mani xkimestaj rutzijoxik, je k'iyaley chi e qamama'. xa k'a ma-ni x-O-ki-mestaj ru-tzij-ox-ik je k'iy-a-ley chi e qa-mama' just D neg-neg PS-3A-3Ep-forget 3E-word-PV-N 3Dp many-1-generation PA 3Ap 1 Ap-grandfather So they should never forget what was said, they [who are] the many generations of our grandfathers. K'oj kitzij ojer, taq chib'al k'a kichin wa'e'. k'oj ki-tzij ojer taq chi-b'-al k'a k-ichin wa-e'. be 3Ep-word ancient p word-I-N D 3Ep-belong PD-D These are their ancient words, here are their pronouncements. IToq xojpixab'ax k'a pe ruma qate', qatata'. toq x-oj-pixa-b'-ax k'a pe r-uma qa-te' qa-tata' when PS-lAp-advise-I-PV D come 3E-cause lEp-mother lEp-father Then we were counseled by our mothers, our fathers. Oxlajuch'ob' k'a wuqamaq', oxlajuj ch'ob' k'a ajlab'al, ox-laj-u-ch'ob' k'a wuq-amaq' ox-laj-uj ch'ob' k'a aj-lab'al three-ten-unit-division D seven-amaq' three-ten-unit division D AG-war There were thirteen divisions37 of the seven amaq's; thirteen divisions of warriors, 6q xojpe Pa Tullan, oq x-oj-pe Pa Tulan when PS-lAp-come PR Tulan when we came from Pa Tulan, chi q'equm, chi aq'a', 6q xya' pe ri qiqa'n. chi q'eq-um chi aq'a' oq x-0-ya' pe ri q-iqa'n PR black-N PR night then PS-3A-give come D lEp-burden in the darkness, in the night, when our burdens were bestowed.

36

The idiom -cha kan means to say for posterity, to decree, to leave recorded (as a history or a testament).

37

//Ch'ob'// here refers to a military unit. Later, in the colonial period, ch'ob' comes to refer to a large, amorphous unit, non-military.

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Xajil Chrnnirlp Toq xuk'am riqa'n wuqamaq', ajlab'al xojchole' na. r-iqa'n wuq-amaq' aj-lab'al x-oj-chol-e' na toq x-0-u-k'am38 when PS-3A-3E-bestow 3E-burden seven-amaq' AG-warrior PS-lAp-line-IP still When he bestowed the burdens on the seven amaq's, on the warriors, we were lined up. Chuxokon k'a Tullan xk'oje' wi ri wuqamaq'; ch[i] [r]u-xokon k'a Tulan x-0-k'oj-e' wi ri wuq-amaq' PR 3A-left D Tulan PS-3A-be-IP TC D seven-amaq' The seven amaq's were to the left39 of Tulan; Chi ri qiq'a' k'a Tullan xk'oje' wi ri', xchole' wi ajlab'al. chi ri qi-q'a' k'a Tulan x-0-k'oj-e' wi ri' x-0-chol-e' wi aj-lab'al PR D true-hand D Tulan PS-3A-be-IP TC E PS-3A-line-IP TC AG-war the warriors were to the right of Tulan; they were lined up there. Nab'ey na xuk'am riqa'n wuqamaq'. na-b'ey na x-0-u-k'am r-iqa'n wuq-amaq' first-time still PS-3A-3E-bestow 3E-burden seven-amaq' First, he bestowed the burden of the seven amaq's. K'ate k'a xuk'am chik riqa'n ajlab'al. k'ate k'a x-0-u-k'am chik r-iqa'n aj-lab'al immediately D PS-3A-3E-bestow r 3E-burden AG-war Immediately, then, he bestowed the burden of the warriors. Xa k'a ruyon xit, pwaq, q'uq'uraxon, k'ub'ul, chaktit xa k'a ru-yon xit pwaq q'uq'u-raxon k'ub'ul chaktit40 just D 3E-alone jade gold quetzal-feather trogon/feather red/feather Just jade, precious metal, quetzal feathers, trogon feathers [and] scarlet feathers ruk'in k'a tz'ib'ariik, k'otonik, kiyanik; r-uk'in k'a tz'ib'-an-'ik, k'6t-on-ik, kry-an-ik 3E-withD write-AP-N carve-AP-N weave-AP-N along with writings, carvings, weavings;

38

//xuk'am// is a transitive verb: "he brought it, he carried it, he bestowed it". The agent here has not been

specified. 39

In modern usage "to the left" can indicate "to the south", i.e. to the left of the path of the sun.

40

//Chaktit// is not transparent morphologically in Kaqchikel. //Chak// would mean "red" in Yucatecan languages or in Q'anjob'alan languages.

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Xajil Chrnnifle xul, b'ix; ch'olq'ij, mayq'ij; peq, kakow; xul b'ix ch'ol-q'ij may-q'ij peq kakow flute song order-day count-day cacao/ear cacao flutes, songs; 260-day calendars, solar calendars; cacao in ears, cacao as beans; xa ruyon q'inomal xriqaj pe Pa Tullan. xa ru-yon q'inom-al x-0-r-iq-aj just 3E-alone rich-N PS-3A-3E-carry-VT just riches were carried forth from Tulan.41

pe come

pa Tulan PR Tulan

A k'a ri ajlab'al xa ruyon ch'a', pokob'; a k'a ri aj-lab'al xa ru-yon ch'a' pokob' D D D AG-war just 3E-alone arrow shield As for the warriors, [they received] just arrows42 [and] shields; xa setesik che', xa q'i'om aj riqa'n oq xpe Pa Tulla43. che' xa q'i'-om aj r-iqa'n oq x-0-pe pa Tula[n]. xa set-es-'ik44 just round-rd-adj wood just straight-adj cane 3E-burden when PS-3A-come PR Tulan just rounded wood, just straight cane45 was their46 burden when they came from Pa Tulan.

41

These phrases concerning carrying forth the burdens are grammatically transitive in Kaqchikel with third person singular subjects, unspecified. They are rendered as passives in English for idiomaticity. 42

//Ch'a'// can refer either to "bow" or to "arrow". When cha' is taken to be the arrow, the bow is referred to as rute' ch'a', "the mother of the arrow"; when the bow is referred to as ch'a', the arrow becomes ral ch'a', " the child of the bow". ^Tullan appears here in the text without a final n. In colonial orthographic practice nasals were sometimes replaced by tildes, but no such serif is apparent here. 44

//Setesi'k// is a positional adjective. Such adjectives derive by reduplicating the vowel of the stem and the first consonant, followed by the suffix //-ik// in the singular, //-aq// in the plural. 45

There is a formal chiasmus here between the arrow and the shield of the first couplet and the shield and the arrows of the second line, though the second couplet describes these by their form rather than by the nominal referent. 46

The Kaqchikel has singular agreement of the possessor; this possessor is coreferent with the warriors. But notice that this noun is not a formal plural in Kaqchikel; put rather is treated as a corporate noun, similar to American English "Congress", plural members but singular agreement.

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Xajil Chronicle TTdq xpixa' k'a qate', qatata': Toq x-0-pixa' k'a qa-te' qa-tata' when PS-3A-counsel D lEp-mother lEp-father Then our mothers and our fathers were counseled: xcha k'a, "Ojix k'a, ix nuk'ajol, ix nume'al! x-0-cha k'a oj-ix47 k'a ix nu-k'ajol PS-3A-say D H/go-2Ap D 2Ap IE-son he said, "Go forth, my sons, my daughters!

ix nu-me'al 2Ap IE-daughter

Re' iwiqa'n e'; re' k'a itzuquj, iq'o'oj e'. re' iw-iqa'n e' re' k'a i-tzuq-uj i-q'o'oj e' D 2Ap-burden D D D 2Ap-nourish-N 2Ap-sustenance D This is your burden; This you must nourish, you must sustain. Xuche'ex k'a ri chay ab'aj. x-O-uche'-ex k'a ri chay ab'aj PS-3A-call-PV D D obsidian stone It is called the Obsidian Stone. Ojix k'a, tiwila' ijuyub'al, itaq'ajal! oj-ix k'a t-0-iw-il-a' i-juyub'48-al H/go-2Ap D H-3A-2Ep-find-TV 2Ap-mountain-N Go forth, and find your mountains, your valleys!

i-taq'aj-al 2Ap-valley-N

K'a chi la', k'a ch'aqa' palow, k'o wi ijuyub'al, itaq'ajal, ix chi la k'a ch'aqa' palow k'o wi i-juyub'-al PR D D across sea be TC 2Ep-mountain-N Yonder, across the sea, lie your mountains, your valleys,

nuk'ajol. i-taq'aj-al ix 2Ep-valley-N 2Ap you, my sons.

nu-k'ajol IE-son

47

The hortative of the verb "to go" is suppletive. In modern Kaqchikel, //jo'// "let's go" is the most common member of the paradigm. Jat "go! (second person singular) is rarely heard; this overt command is considered impolite in most circumstances. Ji'x ''Go, y'all" (second person plural) is even less common and is also considered a strong imperative. The form in the manuscript includes an initial /o/. Coto (p. 300) shows the forms with initial /o~u/ as allomorphs of the bare consonantal root //j~/A 48

Though the noun //juyu'// occurs with a final glottal in when not suffixed, there are morphemic alternations that indicate that the glottal is traceable to an "underlying" /b'/. There are several nouns in modern Kaqchikel that show an alternation between /'/ word finally and /b'/ in suffixed forms. Cf. juna' "year" vs. junab'ir "last year", nuq'a' "my arm" vs. q'ab'aj "arm, non-possessed".

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Xajil Chronicle K'a chi la' k'a tisa' wi ruwach re' iwiqa'n mixnuya' el, iq'inomal, iwajawarem!,/ k'a chi la' k'a t-0-i-sa' wi ru-wach49 re' iw-iqa'n mi-x-0-nu-ya' el 50 D PR D D H-3A-2E p-bear TC 3E-fruit D 2E-burden RP-P-3A-lE-give leave Yonder may your burden, which I gave you, bear fruit: iq'inomal, iwajawarem!" i-q'inom-al iw-ajaw-ar-em 2Ep-rich-N 2Ap-lord-VR-N your riches, your lordship!" Xe'uche'ex k'a ri oxlajuch'ob wuqamaq', oxlajuch'ob ajlab'al. x-e-uche'-ex k'a ri ox-laj-u-ch'ob' wuq-amaq' ox-laj-u-ch'ob' aj-lab'al PS-3Ap-call-PV D D three-ten-unit-division seven-amaq' three-ten-unit-division AG-war So then they were summoned, the thirteen divisions of the seven amaq's, the thirteen divisions of warriors. Oq xya' pe ri mich'b'al kichin, ri che' ab'aj; 6q x-0-ya' pe ri mich'-b'-al k-ichin ri che' ab'aj when PS-3A-give come D deceive-I-N 3Ep-belong D tree stone Then their artifice51, the stela, was given; xkiqaj pe Pa Tullan Xib'alb'ay. x-0-k-iqaj pe pa Tulan Xib'alb'ay PS-3A-2Ep-carry/burden come PR Tulan Xib'alb'ay they carried it hence from Pa Tulan Xib'alb'ay. K'a xya'o pe; ri che' ab'aj chi qichin, k'a x-O-ya'-o pe ri che' ab'aj chi q-ichin D PS-3A-give-AP come D tree stone PR lEp-belong And so he gave [it] forth; the stela was ours,

49

The semantic domain of //-wach// includes "face, surface" but also "fruit, vegetable (fruiting body of a vegetable)". 50

The idiom //-sa' -wach// here means "to be fruitful, to multiply, to bear fruit". That is that the gifts given should be used for the first time; thereby achieving and establishing pre-eminence for their new owners. Coto (p. cvi, 224 and 317) gives this idiom as "to achieve, to premier". The root //-sa'// in other constructions varies across the meanings "grill, sear, parch, bask". 51

//Mich'b'al// means an "art" as in an artifice, a deceit, an ingenious device. This may be a retroprojection of Christian values, belying the legitimacy of the stela.

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Xajil Chroniflp kecha ri je' nab'ey qatata', qamama', ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw. k-e-cha ri je' na-b'ey qa-tata' qa-mama' ri Q'aq'awitz PRS-3Ap-say D 3Dp first-time IE-father lEp-grandfather D Q'aq'awitz said our first fathers, our first grandfathers, Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw.

Saktekaw Saktekaw

Je qi xe'iqan pe. je qi x-e-iq-an pe. 3Dp true PS-3Ap-carry-AP come They, in truth, carried it forth. Je na wi pe qi k'o kitzij. je na wi pe qi k'o ki-tzij 3Dp still TC come true be 3Ep-word And these, truly, are their words. ^Wuqamaq' k'a nab'ey xpe ul pa Tullan, kecha. Wuq-amaq' k'a na-b'ey x-0-pe ul pa Tulan k-e-cha seven-amaq' D first-time PS-3A-come arrive PR Tulan PS-3Ap-say The seven amaq's first came here from Tulan, they say. K'a xamb'ey xojpe, 6j ajlab'al. K'a xam-b'ey x-oj-pe oj D last-time PS-lAp-come l A p Then last we came, we, the warriors.

aj-lab'al AG-war

Ruk'amom chi k'a riqa'n ronojel wuqamaq', ajlab'al. ru-k'am-om chi[k] k'a r-iqa'n r-onojel wuq-amaq' aj-lab'al 3E-bring-PP r D 3E-burden 3E-all seven-amaq' AG-war All the seven amaq's [and] the warriors were bringing their burdens . Toq xjaq k'a ruchi' Tullan. toq x-0-jaq k'a ru-chi' Tulan when PS-3A-open D 3E-mouth Tulan Then the entrance of Tulan was opened. Ja k'a Tz'utujile' ri nab'ey wuqamaq', 6q xpe Pa Tulan. pa Tulan Ja k'a Tz'utujil-e' ri na-b'ey wuq-amaq' dq x-0-pe52 D D Tz'utujil-p D first-time seven-amaq' when PS-3A-come PR Tulan It was the Tz'utujils who were the first [of] the seven amaq's, when they came from Pa Tulan.

52

Notice the verb has singular agreement, though Tz'utujile' is explicitly plural and the all the divisions of the wuq'amaq', ajlab'al are the presumed co-referents for the absolutive pronoun. Plurality need not be redundantly marked; i.e. number concordance is facultative; hence, stylistic.

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Xajil Chrnnirlp Xek'is na pe ri wuqamaq', x-e-k'is na pe ri wuq-amaq' PS-3Ap-finish still come D seven-nation When the seven amaq's had finished coming, k'ate k'a 6q xojpe, oj ajlab'al, kecha. k'ate k'a 6q x-oj-pe oj aj-lab'al k-e-cha immediately D when PS-lAp-come lAp AG-war PRS-3Ap-say immediately thereafter we came, we, the warriors, they say. Xcha k'a pe ri qate', qatata'; 6q xojpixab'ax pe: X-O-cha k'a pe ri qa-te' qa-tata' 6q x-oj-pixa'-b'-ax 53 D come D lEp-mother lEp-father when PS-lAp-counsel-I-PV PS-3A -say Then our mothers [and] our fathers spoke forth; then we were counseled hither:

pe come

"oj'ix k'a, ix nume'al, ix nuk'ajol! oj-'ix k'a ix nu-me'al ix nu-k'ajol go-lAp D 2Ap lEp-daughter 2Ap lEp-son "Go then, you, my daughters, you, my sons! Xtinya' el iq'inomal iwajawarem; xtinya' el iq'aq'al, itepewal, i-tepew^-al xt-0-in-ya' el i-q'inom-al iw-ajaw-ar-em xt-0-in-ya' el i-q'aq'-al 2Ep-hill-N F-3A-lE-give leave 2E-wealth-N 2E-lord-VR-N F-3A-lE-give leave 2Ep-fire-N I will mete out your wealth, your lordship; I will mete out your power, your majesty; ix muj, ix k'a q'alib'al. ix muj ix k'a q'al-i-b'-al 2Ap canopy 2Ap D throne-e-I-N you, the canopy; you, the throne.55

53

Notice again that this is singular number, though the subject is qate', qatata' "our ancestors, lit. our mothers, our fathers". In the direct quotation, the pronoun these ancestors use to refer to themselves is first person singular"; the ancestors are being referred and are speaking as a singular collective. 54

The stem //-tepewal// is based on the Nahuatl root //tepe-/A which means " hill, mountain". Recall that the Kaqchikel noun //juyu'// "hill, mountain" can be used in its abstract noun form, i.e. the form suffixed with //-a//, to indicate the lands or territory held. The inflected Nahuatl form means "majesty, illustriousness". 55

The "canopy and throne" muj, q'alib'al is metonymous for those who rule. The grammatical construction here is of equative sentences, not a possessive: "You who are the canopy and the throne" rather than "your canopy and your throne".

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Xajil Chronicle Jarumari' xtiwiqaj re': ja r-uma ri' xt-O-iw-iqaj re' D 3E-cause D F-3A-2Ep-carry D Therefore, you all will bear these [things]: setesik che', q'i'om aj; ch'a', pokob'; k'uk'um, sajkab'56. q'i'-om aj ch'a' pokob' k'uk'um set-es-ik che' round-RD-adj wood straight-adj cane arrow shield57 bright/feather rounded wood, straight cane; arrows, shields; bright feathers, white clay.

sajkab' white/clay

We ta k'a mixiwiqaj xit, pwaq, q'uq', raxom; we ta k'a mi-x-O-iw-iqaj xit pwaq q' u q' rax-om58 irr irr D RP-PS-3A-2Ep-carry jade precious/metal quetzal green-N If you would carry jade, precious metal, quetzal [and] raxom feathers; we ta k'a xtiwiqaj tz'ib'anik, k'otoriik, ch'olq'ij, mayq'ij; xul, b'ix, we ta k'a xt-O-iw-iq-aj tz'ib'-an-ik, k'6t-on-ik ch'ol-q'ij may-q'ij xul b'ix irr irr D F-3A-2Ep~bear-VT write-AP-N carve-AP-N order-day count-day flute song and if you will carry writings [and] carvings, 260-day calendars, solar calendars; flutes, [and] songs, b'ixyeq'etaj rumal! Xa wi k'a iwichin re' mixriqaj wuqamaq'. re' mi-x-O-r-iqaj wuq-amaq' b'[i]-ix-yeq'-e-taj r-umal59 xa wi k'a iw-ichin neg/H- 2A-disrespect-e-MP 3E-cause just irr D 2Ep-belong D RP-PS-3A-3E-carry seven-amaq' let you not be disrespected for that! Rather, that which the seven amaq's bore will be yours. [p. 20]

56

The spelling Sajkab' reflects a common pronunciation of //saqkab'//, a kind of white clay. Coto (p. 549) notes that this clay was used to strengthen women's thread for weaving. Today this clay is pressed into small cakes with embossed symbols and sold in the market, to be eaten or mixed with liquid and drunk. In Sta. Catarina Palopo cofradia ceremonies, it is moistened and served on green bay leaf to energize the participants, (reviewer, personal communication) 57

This couplet recalls the earlier reference to the weapons given, xa setesik che', xa q'i'om aj, "the rounded wood, the straight cane". Here this description of the forms is explicitly paired with the names of the objects, the shield and the arrows, so formed in a chiasmus. 58

Pantaleon de Guzman (p. 46) identifies raxom as a small green bird; then on page 103 he says further that this "green bird" is the "quetzal". This word in combination with the noun q'uq' "quetzal" forms a couplet, which Coto (p. 171) cites as a common metaphor used for a young woman to be given in marriage. He suggests it has the force of mi presea, mi joya "my precious, my jewel". 59

Rumal is the modern form of "because" in K'iche'. The final /l/ has been lost in Modern spoken

Kaqchikel.

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Xajil Clhrnnirlp K'a chila' tik'am wi! ix kixichinan! ix kixsa'o ruwach! k'a chi la' t-0-i-k'am wi ix k-ix-ichin-an ix k-O-ix-sa'-o ru-wach D PR D H-3A-2Ep-bring TC 2Ap H-2Ap-possess-AP 2Ap H-3A-2Ep-achieve-AP 3E-face May you carry it there! May you take possession of it! May you display it! Mani kajawarem mixnuya' el. ma-ni k-ajaw-ar-em, m-ix-0-nu-ya' neg-neg 3Ap-lord-VR-N RP-P-3A-lE-give I have not yet meted out their lordship.

el leave

Ja k'a ri' xtiwiqaj, qitzij nim ruq'ij. ja k'a xt-O-iw-iq-aj qi-tzij nim ru-q'ij D D F-3A-2Ep-bear-VT true-word big 3E-day Rather, you will bear it; truly great is its destiny. Mani kixyeq'etaj wi, ja k'a kixnimar wi! ma-ni k-ix-yeq'-e-taj wi, ja k'a k-ix-riim-ar wi neg-neg H-2Ap-disrespect-e-MP TC D D H-2Ap-big-VRTC May you never be disrespected; but rather may you become great! Re' setes'ik che', q'i'om aj. re' set-es-'ik che' q'i'-om aj D round-rd-adj wood straight-adj cane These [are] rounded wood, straightened cane. Mani kixwar, kixch'akataj60 wi, ix nume'al, ix nuk'ajol. ma-ni k-ix-war k-ix-ch'ak-a-taj wi ix nu-me'al ix nu-k'ajol neg-neg H-2Ap-sleep H-2Ap-win-e-MP TC 2Ap IE-daughter 2Ap IE-son Do not sleep, do not be defeated there, you, my daughters, you, my sons! Xtinya' k'a el iwajawarem, ixoxlajuj chi ajpopo'. xt-0-in-ya' k'a el iw-ajaw-ar-em ix ox-laj-uj chi F-3A-lE-give D leave 2Ap-lord-VR-N 2Ap three-ten-unit PA I will mete out your lordship, you, thirteen Ajpops.

aj-pop-o' AG-mat-p

60

The couplet //-war, -ch'akataj// is commonly used for suffering defeat. Sleeping seems to be associated with lack of preparedness, with decrease in fame (or no increase). Conversely, awakening //-yakataj// is used for readiness and increasing power, fame.

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Xajil Chronirlp Tijunamaj k'a ich'a', ipokob'; t-0-i-jun-am-aj61 k'a i-ch'a' i-pokob' H-3A-2Ep-one-adj-VT D 2Ep-arrow 2Ep-shield May you test your arrows, your shields; iwajawarem, iq'aq'al, itepewal; imuj, iq'alib'al. iw-ajaw-ar-em i-q'aq'-al i-tepew-al i-muj 2Ap-lord-VR-N 2A-fire-N 2Ep-hill-N 2Ep-canopy your lordship, your power, your majesty; your canopy, your throne!

i-q'al-i-b'-al 2E-throne-e-I-N

Re' k'a inab'eyal e," xuche'ex ri K'eche' winaq, re' k'a i-na-b'ey-al e x-O-uche'-ex ri K'eche' winaq D D 2Ap-first-time-N D PS-3A-call-PV D K'eche' person These, then, are your elders," the K'iche' winaq were told, Oq xpe ul oxlajuch'ob' chi ajlab'al Pa Tullan. 6q x-0-pe ul ox-laj-u-ch'ob' chi aj-lab'al pa Tulan when PS-3A-come arrive three-ten-unit-division PA AG-war PR Tulan Then, the thirteen divisions of warriors came hither from Pa Tulan. Jak'a nab'ey xpe K'eche' winaq. Ja k'a na-b'ey x-0-pe D D first-time PS-3A-come So, first came the K'iche' winaq.

K'eche' winaq K'iche' person

Xa k'a ch'olloj Takaxepewal62 riqa'n K'eche' winaq oq xpe ul, xa k'a ch'61-oj Taka^-xepew^-al r-iqa'n K'eche' winaq oq x-0-pe ul justD flay-N person-flay-N 3E-burden K'iche' people when PS-3A-come arrive The flaying [ritual] of Tlacaxipehualistli was the burden of the K'eche' winaq when they came hither,

61

//Junumaj// may mean "compare" or "agree" or "share", or to "even out". Here it seems the people are being enjoined to test their abilities and talents, their martial skills against one another. 62

Tlacaxipehualiztli is the tenth month in the Aztec calendar. This is the feast of Xipe Totec, the flayed god. During this ceremony a sacrificial victim is cut open and flayed. Officiants donned the flayed skins and skirmished among themselves. 63

//Taca-// is a Nahuatl root. This would have been //tlaca-// "person, man" in Classical Nahuatl. The southern dialects of Nahuatl, including those spoken in Guatemala and in El Salvador did not have the /tl/ phoneme; /t/ appears in these dialects where Classical Nahuatl and other Central Mexican varieties of have /tl/. 64

//xepe// is borrowed from Nahuatl //xipe// "flay".

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Xajil Chronicle rachb'ilam jetaq k'a rujay, ruchinamit, r-ach-b'-il-am je-taq k'a ru-jay 3E-accompany-I-N-adj 3Dp-p D 3E-house accompanied by the various houses, chinamit,

ru-chinamit 3E-chinamit

ruq'a' ramaq', ri jutaq ch'ob chi ajlab'al, ru-q'a' r-amaq' ri ju-taq ch'ob' chi aj-lab'al 3E-arm 3E-amaq' D one-each division PA AG-war branches of the amaq', [and] each division of warriors, toq xpe ul pa Tullan, dq xk'is k'a pe ronojel. 6q x-0-pe ul pa Tulan 6q x-0-k'is k'a pe r-onojel when PS-3A-come arrive PR Tulan when PS-3A-finish D come 3E-all when they came hither from Tulan, when they [the K'iche' winaq'] all had finished coming forth. T[Xpe Rab'inale'; xpe Sotz'il winaq; x-0-pe Rab'-in-al-e' x-0-pe Sotz'-il winaq PS-3A-come perish-AP-N-p PS-3A-come bat-N people The Rab'inals came; the Sotz'il winaq came; xpe Tuquche' ; xpe Tujalajay65 , Uchab'ajay , aj Ch'umilajay . x-0-pe Tuquche' x-0-pe Tuj-al-a-jay Uchab'ajay aj ch'umil-a-jay PS-3A-come purple-1-tree PS-3A-come sauna-N-1 -house Uchab'ajay AG star-1-house the Tuquche' came; the Tujalajay, the Uchab'ajay [and] those of the Ch'umilajay came. Xpe chik Lamaq'i' , Kumatz. x-0-pe chik Lamaq'66-i' Kumatz PS-3A-come r Lamaq'-p snake The Lamaq's [and] Kumatz came also. Xpe chik Aqajal winaq , Aj Tukuru'. x-0-pe chik Aqajal winaq Aj Tukur-u' PS-3A-come r wasp/nest-N people AG owl-p The Aqajal winaq [and] those of Tukur came also.

65

Tujal is the traditional name of Sacapulas in K'iche'. The Tujalajay were one of six parcialidades in Sacapulas in the early colonial period. The Lamaq', the Uchab'ajay, and the Kumatz mentioned here are also Sacapulas parcialidades (see Hill and Monaghan 1987:63-75). 66

This form is not immediately parsible in Kaqchikel. It may be another example of haplology from //lama'// "ficus cotinfolia" + //amaqV/ "amaq"'.

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Xajil Chronicle Xk'is ya pe ronojel ri'. x-0-k'is ya pe r-onojel ri' PS-3A-finish already come 3E-all D All this coming forth ended. Toq xpe chi k'a ri oxlajuj chi ajlab'al: Toq x-0-pe chi[k] k'a ri ox-laj-uj when PS-3A-come r D D three-ten-unit Then, the thirteen [divisions] of warriors also came: ri oj B'akaj Poq; oj B'akaj Xajil; ri oj B'a-kaj67 Poq oj B'a-kaj D lAp little-four earth lAp little-four we, the B'akaj Poq; we, the B'akaj Xajil;

chi aj-lab'al PA AG-war

Xajil dance-N

jun xnab'eyaj, jun k'a xxamb'eyaj chi qichin ri oj. jun x-0-na-b'ey-aj jun k'a x-O-xam-b'ey-aj chi q-ichin ri oj one PS-3A-first-time-IV one D PS-3A-last-time-IV PA lEp-belong D lAp one came first, the other, which belonged to us came last. Runab'ey B'akaj, B'akaj Poq, k'a nab'ey xpe. ru-na-b'ey B'akaj B'akaj Poq k'a na-b'ey x-0-pe 3E-first-time B'akaj B'akaj Poq D first-time PS-3A-come The first B'akaj, the B'akaj Poq, then came first. Oj, k'a xamb'ey xojpe, ri oj B'akaj Xajil, oj k'a xam-b'ey x-oj-pe ri oj B'akaj Xajil lAp D last-time PS-lAp-come D lAp B'akaj Xajil Then, we, came next, we, the B'akaj Xajil, kecha ri e qatata', qamama', ix qak'ajol. k-e-cha ri e qa-tata' qa-mama' ix qa-k'ajol PRS-3Ap-say D 3Ap lEp-father lEp-grandfather 2Ap lEp-son said those who are our fathers, our grandfathers, you, our sons. Xmyer 6q k'a tipe wuqamaq'; x-0-myer 6q k'a ti-0-pe wuq-amaq' PS-3A-before when D PRS-3A-come seven-amaq' Earlier came the seven amaq's;

67

B'akaj may be analyzable in other manners, //b'a// means variously "little", "no, vetative", "which, what". //Kaj// may also mean "sky".

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Xajil Chrnnirlp xmyeroqk'a titiker rupetik ajlab'al. x-0-myer 6q k'a ti-0-tiker PS-3A-before when D PRS-3A-begin earlier the warriors began to come.

ru-pe-t-ik 3E-come-e-N

aj-lab' al AG-war

Toq xojpe k'a, 6j, Kaqchekel winaq. toq x-oj-pe k'a 6j Kaqchikel winaq when PS-lAp-come D lAp Kaqchikel people Then we came, we, the Kaqchikel winaq. "Qitzij wi chi xamb'ey ch'ik xojpe ul Pa Tullan. qi-tzij wi chi xam-b'ey ch'ik x-oj-pe ul true-word irr PR last-time r PS-lAp-come arrive "It is true that we came hither from Pa Tulan last.

pa Tulan PR Tulan

Manijun ch'ik k'o kan, 6q xojpe/' kecha ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw. ma-ni jun ch'ik k'o kan oq x-oj-pe k-e-cha ri Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw neg-neg one r be remain when PS-lAp-come PRS-3Ap-say D Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw There was no one left, when we came/' said Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw. Xojpixab'ax chi pe: x-oj-pixa-b'-ax chi[k] pe PS-lAp-counsel-I-PV r come We were counseled then: "Je re'ajay, achinamit je," ke'uche'ex k'a ri Q'eqak'iich, B'ak'ajol, Sib'aqijay. je re' a-jay a-chinamit je k-e'-uche'-ex k'a ri Q'eqak'iich B'ak'ajol Sib'aqijay 3Dp D 2A-house 2A-chinamit 3Dp PRS-3Ap-tell-PV D D Q'eqak'iich B'ak'ajol Sib'aqijay "These are your houses, your chinamits," the Q'eqak'uch, the B'ak'ajol, the Sib'aqijay were told. "Re' k'a' iwajpopje: jun ajpop, jun k'a AjpoK'amajay chi kichinre'/' ka' iw-aj-pop je jun aj-pop jun k'a aj-pop k'am-a-jay chi k-ichin re' D 2E-AG-mat 3Dp one AG-mat one D AG-mat bring-1-house PA IE-belong D "These then are two of your Ajpops: one [the] Ajpop, the other [the] Ajpo K'amajay, for them," xe'uche'ex k'a ri Q'ekak'iich, B'ak'ajol, Sib'aqijay. x-e-uche'-ex k'a ri Q'eqak'uch B'ak'ajol Sib'aqijay PS-3Ap-call-PV D D Q'eqak'uch B'ak'ajol Sib'aqijay the Q'eqak'uch, [the] B'ak'ajol [and the] Sib'aqijay were told.

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Xajil Chronicip Ix kixk'ulu'68 iwajpop," xe'uche'ex. ix k-ix-k'ul-u' iw-aj-pop x-e-uche'-ex 2AP H-2Ap-receive-TV 2Ep-AG-mat PS-3Ap-call-PV May you receive your Ajpops/' they were told. Ke re' k'a je te'69, je nam wi ri ja k'a nab'ey. ke re' k'a je te' je nam wi ri ja k'a na-b'ey D D D 3Dp mother 3Dp in/law TC D D D first-time Thus, then, these are the mothers, these are the in-laws who were first. Ja k'a nab'ey xpe ri Sib'aqijay 6q xpe k'a ri B'ak'ajol; Ja k'a na-b'ey x-0-pe ri Sib'aqijay dq x-0-pe k'a ri B'ak'ajol D D first-time PS-3A-come D Sib'aqijay when PS-3A-come D D B'ak'ajol And so first came the Sib'aqijay, then came the B'ak'ajol, xpe chi k'a Q'eqak'iich. Nab'ey xepe chinamit. x-0-pe chi[k] k'a Q'eqak'iich na-b'ey x-e-pe PS-3A-come r D Q'eqak'iich first-time PS-3Ap-come then came the Q'eqak'iich. First came these chinami't. IK'ate k'a 6q xojpe 6j ajpop, K'ate k'a 6q x-oj-pe oj immediately D when PS-lAp-come lAp Immediately, when we came, we the Ajpops,

chinamit chinamitl

aj-pop AG-mat

toq xojpixab'ax chi k'a pe ruma qate', qatata': toq x-oj-pixa-b'-ax chi[k] k'a pe r-uma qa-te' qa-tata' when PS-lAp-counsel-I-PV r D come 3E-cause lEp-mother lEp-father then we were counseled hither by our mothers, our fathers:

68

Coto (p. 307) notes that //k'iil// can be used intransitively, with the suffix //-u'// as antipassive. In this context the //u'// might redundantly mark the hortative.. Even though the verb is morphologically intransitive the dative occurs without an oblique phrase. 69

//te'-// is the root for "mother". Normally in an absolutive context this root should occur with the suffix //-ej//. Likewise //nam// "in-law" that completes this couplet is given in reduced form. Normally this morpheme cooccurs with a gender specifier : -jinam "father-in-law" or -ixnam "mother-in-law". The complete couplet je te', je nam "they, the mothers; they, the in-laws" conforms to a model of couplet that denotes a category by naming polar elements, here perhaps "kindred, consanguineal and affinal".

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Xajil Chrnnicip "Oj'ix k'a, ix nume'al, ix nuk'ajol! oj-ix k'a ix nu-me'al ix nu-k'ajol go-2AP D 2Ap IE-daughter 2Ap IE-son "Go forth, then, you, my daughters, you, my sons! Mixeb'e ajay, achinamit; maki xa ke re' xkatxamb'eyaj. mi-x-e-b'e a-jay a-chinamit ma-ki xa ke re' xk-at-xam-b'ey-aj RP-PS-3Ap-go 2A-house 2Ap-chinamitl neg-neg just D D F-2A-last-time-IV Your houses, your chinamit have already gone; but you will not simply follow. At ch'ipil al; qitzij nim aq'ij at ch'ip-il al qi-tzij nim a-q'ij 2A last/born-N child true-word great 2A-day You are the last-born child; truly great is your destiny.70 Tux re k'a atzuquj e' ." Xuche'ex pe ri che' ab'aj. tux71 re k'a a-tzuq72-uj73 e' x-O-uche'-ex pe which D D 2A-tend-N-p D PS-3A-call-PV come These are yours to sustain." The stelae were summoned.

ri che' ab'aj: D tree stone

B'eleje' Toj rub'i' ri ab'aj; Jun Tijax chi k'a rub'i' jun chik. jun chik B'elej-e' Toj ru-b'i' ri ab'aj Jun Tijax75 chi[k] k'a ru-b'i' nine-CN Toj 3E-name D stone one Tijax r D 3E-name one r B'eleje' Toj is the name of one stone76; Jun Tijax is the name of the other.

70

The phrase m m -q'ij can also mean to "have great fame, to be well-respected".

71

Coto (p. 453) records one meaning of tux as "that which, what".

72

//Tzuq-// means "to care for, to provide for, to give food, clothing, sustenance".

73

The stem //tzuquj// means "those who one maintains, provides for, feeds, clothes, etc". Tzuquj can mean "orphan or ward that one has taken in" (Coto p. 449). 74

This Kaqchikel compound meaning "stela" appears to be a caique for the lowland compound attested on carved stelae //tetun// < //teV/ "tree" and //tun// "stone". 75

Note B'eleje' Toj and Jun Tijax are calendrical names. The stelae are named as the men are.

76

//ab'aj// "stone, rock" is used here metonymically to refer to the stela.

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Xajil Chronicle "Jujun tiwiqaj!" xojuche'ex pe, kecha. ju-jun t-0-iw-iq-aj x-oj-uche'-ex pe k-e-cha rd-one H-3A-2Ep-bear-VT PS-lAp-call-PV come PRS-3Ap-say "You will carry each one!" we were told, they say. ^"Re k'a tiwokesaj: e ch'a', pokob', achkayupil, k'uk'um, sajkab', Re k'a t-O-iw-ok-e-s-aj e ch'a' pokob' achkayupil77 k'uk'um sajkab' D D H-3A-2Ep-enter-TV-CS-VT 3Ap arrow shield cotton/armor bright/feather white/clay "May you don these: the arrows, the shields, cotton armor, bright feathers, [and] white clay, rachya'ik k'a pe ri q'awonon, q'asital, xoq'ol, q'eqal jab', sutz', moyew." r-ach-ya'-ik k'a pe ri q'a78-wonon q'a-sital xoq'ol q'eq-al jab' sutz' moyew 3E-accompany-give-N D come D arm-bee arm-wasp mire black-N rain clouds fog and the accompanying gifts: the sting of the bee, the sting of the wasp, mire, constant rain, clouds, and fog." Oq xojpixab'ax pe re': "Qitzij mm xtiwiqaj. 6q x-oj-pixa-b'-ax pe re' qi-tzij nim xt-O-iw-iqaj when PS-lAp-counsel-I-PV come D true-word big F-3A-2Ep-carry Then we were counselled thus: "Truly great is that which you will carry. Mani kixwar wi; kixch'akataj wi; mani kixyeq'etaj wi, ix nuk'ajol! ma-ni k-ix-war wi k-ix-ch'ak-ataj wi ma-ni k-ix-yeq'-etaj wi ix nu-k'ajol neg-neg H-2Ap-sleep TC H-2Ap-win-MP TC neg-neg H-3Ap-humiliate-MP TC 2Ap IE-son Don't be caught sleeping; don't be defeated; don't be humiliated, you, my sons! Ja kixq'aq'ar; kixtepewar wi! ja k-ix-q'aq'-ar k-ix-tepew-ar wi D H-2Ap-fire-VR H-2A-majesty-VR TC Indeed, may you become powerful, may you become exalted!

77

Achkayupil is a borrowing from Nahuatl //ichcayopil// "cotton armor". //Ichca-// is the root of the Nahuatl word for "cotton", //-yopil// [yupil] is possibly a metathetic form of [wipil] "blouse". The phoneme /o/ in classical Nahuatl had [u] as an allophone. /Ichcayupil/ would have been a normal Nahuatl pronunciation of this term. The change from /i/ to /a/ in the initial syllable can not be explained by allophony of either the lending or the borrowing language. It may represent an incipient folk etymology, on analogy with achb'il "friend", achsamajel "co-worker", achamaq' "related nations". 78

Though //q'a-// in this compound means "sting", it is probably an allomorph of //q'ab'-// "arm". The /b'/ of this root appears in the absolutive noun form q'ab'aj "arm", but reduces to /'/ in word final position, cf. nuq'a' "my arm". This glottal could be lost pre-consonantally in compounds such as the ones given here: q'awonon, q'asital "sting of the bee, sting of wasp". 29

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Xajil Chronicle Ja tik'oje' wi iwuxla' re': setes'ik che', q'i'om aj, ch'a', pokob'! ja ti-0-k'oj-e' wi iw-uxla' 79 re' set-es-'ik che' q'i'-om aj ch'a' pokob' D H-3A-be-IP TC 2Ep-breath D round-rd-adj wood straight-adj cane arrow shield May you honor these [things]: the rounded wood, the straightened cane, the arrow, the shield! We taj mixiwiqaj re': xit, pwaq, q'uq'uraxom. wetaj mi-x-O-iw-iq-aj re' xit pwaq irr irr RP-PS-3A-2Ep-bear-VT D jade precious/metal If you bear this: jade, precious metal, and quetzal feathers.

q'uq'-u-rax-om quetzal-1-green-N

B'ixyeq'etaj ruma xa wi k'a iwichin tux! b'i-x-O-yeq'-etaj r-uma xa wi k'a iw-ichin neg-PS-disrespect-MP 3E-cause justTC D 2E-p-belong Let them not be disrespected, as they are yours!

t-0-ux PRS-3A-occur

Ix kixichinan, kixsa'o' ruwach! ix k-ix-ichin-an k-ix-sa'-o ru-wach 2Ap H-2Ap-possess-AP H-2Ap-premier-AP 3E-face You, may you possess them; may you use them!" Ri xit, pwaq, q'uq'uraxom, tz'ib'ariik, k'otoriik, ri xit pwaq q'uq'-u-rax-om tz'ib'-an-'ik k'6t-on-ik D jade precious/metal quetzal-1-green-adj write-AP-N carve-AP-N The jade, precious metal, quetzal feathers, writings, carvings; ronojel ri' mixriqaj wuqamaq'. r-onojel ri' mi-x-O-r-iqaj 3E-all D RP-PS-3A-3E-carry all this the seven amaq's carried.

wuq-amaq seven-amaq'

79

Uxla' is literally "breath". Coto (p. 291 and 276) also notes that it is used for "honor" and "illustriousness". Uxla' was and is one of the three animating forces or "souls" of a human (see Hill and Fischer 1999). This construction, tikoje' wi iwuxla', "lit. may your breath be/reside there" may spell out the means of honoring the emblems bestowed.

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Yajil Chrrmicfo [p. 21] K'a chi la' k'a xtisa' wi ruwach chijuyub'al; tiwula'aj ronojel! t-O-iw-ul-a'-aj r-onojel k'a chi la' k'a xt-0-i-sa' wi ru-wach ch[i] i-juyub'-al80 D PR D D F-3A-2Ep-inaugurate TC 3E-face PR 2Ep-mountain-N H-3A-2Ep-arrive-N-TR 3E-all 'There may you inaugurate them in your territory; may you inhabit it all! Tisa' k'a ruwach ri ich'a', ipokob'; i-pokob' t-0-i-sa' k'a ru-wach ri i-ch'a' H-3A-2Ep-inaugurate D 3E-face D 2Ep-arrow 2Ep-shield May you debut your arrows, your shields; jun nab'eyal, jun k'a ch'ipilal chiwichin, jun na-b'ey-al jun k'a ch'ip-il-al ch[i] iw-ichin one first-time-N one D last/born-N-N PR 2Ep-belong from the first-born to the last-born among you, ix oxlajuj chi aj lab'al, ix k'a oxlajuj chi ajawa', chi ix ajpop! ix ox-laj-uj chi aj-lab'al ix k'a ox-laj-uj chi ajaw-a' chi ix aj-pop 2Ep three-ten-unit PA AG-war 2Ep D three-ten-unit PR lord-p PR 2Ep AG-mat you, the thirteen [divisions of] warriors, you thirteen of the lords, of you, the Ajpops! Tijunumaj ich'a', ipokob' mixnuya' el! i-ch'a' i-pokob' t-O-i-jun-am-aj H-3a-2Ep-one-adj-TR 2Ep-arrow 2Ep-shield Test your arrows, your shields which I gave you! Kani Kani soon Now

mi-x-0-nu-ya' el RP-PS-3A-lE-give leave

k'a tib'e'isa' ruwach re iwiqa'n, ich'a', ipokob'! k'a ti-O-b'e'-i-sa' ru-wach re' iw-iq-a'n D H-3A-go-2Ep-inaugurate 3E-face D 2Ep-bear-N go inaugurate your burden, your arrows, your shields!

i-ch'a' 2Ep-arrow

K'o jun lab'al chi la' chi releb'al q'ij, Suywa' rub'i'. k'o jun lab'al chi la' chi r-el-e-b'-al q'ij Suywa 3E-leave-TV-I-N sun Suywa be one war81 PR D PR There is a enemy there in the East, at a place called Suywa'.

i-pokob' 2Ep-shield

ru-b'i' 3E-name

80

The abstract nominal juyub'al derived from juyu' "hill, mountain" means "inherently possessed hills, or territory in general". 81

//lab'al// may mean "war", or someone against whom one wages war, i.e. an enemy. There are many words for enemy or opponent, including //k'ulelal//, //aj lab'al//, //aj tzay//, //aj katob'//, //k'ulel//.

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Xajil Chronicle Chi ri' k'a tib'e'itija' wi ich'a ipokob' re7 mixnuya' el! chi ri' k'a ti-0-b'e-i-tij82-a' wi i-ch'a' i-pokob' re' mi-x-0-nu-ya' P R D D H-3A-go-2Ep-test-TV TC 2Ep-arrow 2Ep-shield D RP-PS-3A-lE-give Go and test there your arrows, your shields which I gave you!

el leave

Ujix k'a ix nuk'ajol", xojuche'ex k'a pe 6q xojpe Pa Tullan. uj83-'ix k'a ix nu-k'ajol x-oj-uche'-ex k'a pe oq x-oj-pe pa Tulan H/go-2Ap D 2Ap IE-son PS-lAp-say-PV D come when PS-lAp-come PR Tulan Go, then, you, my sons!", we were told then, when we came from Pa Tulan. Xmyer 6q k'a tipe wuqamaq', ajlab'al 6q xojpe ul pa Tullan. oq k'a ti-0-pe wuq-amaq' aj-lab'al oq x-oj-pe ul pa Tulan x-0-myer84 PS-3A-before when D PRS-3A-come seven -amaq' AG-war when PS-1 Ap-come arrive PR Tulan The seven amaq's [and] the warriors had already come before we came forth from Pa Tulan. Qitzij k'a tixib'in oq xojpe. qi-tzij k'a ti-O-xib'-in oq x-oj-pe true-word D PRS-3A-frighten-AP when PS-lAp-come In truth it was frightening when we came. Qachpetik k'a ri q'awonon, q'asital, sutz', moyew, xoq'ol, q'eqal jab', q-ach-pe-t-ik k'ari' q'a-wonon q'a-sital sutz' moyew xoq'ol q'eq-al job' lEp-fellow-come-e-N D D arm-bee arm-wasp cloud fog mire dark-N rain Our companions were the sting of the bee, the sting of the wasp, clouds, fog, mire, [and] constant rain, oq xojpe ul Pa Tullan. oq x-oj-pe ul pa Tulan when PS-1 Ap-come arrive PR Tulan when we came from Pa Tulan. ^[Kani k'a chi ri' xtiker wi pe ri lab'alinik Kani k'a chi ri' x-0-tiker wi pe ri lab'-al-in-ik soon D PR D PS-3A-begin TC come D omen-N-AP-N Then, there, the omens began. 82

//t'ij-// has a wide range of meanings, grouped largely in three fields: "teach, show" , "experience, test, attempt" and "eat, taste". ^/uj/ is an allomorph of the suppletive stem //-)// "go", used in hortatives. Coto (p. 300) lists the three allomorphs: /oj/, /uj/ and /)/. In modem Kaqchikel the 1)1 variant predominates. M

In modern spoken Kaqchikel //xmyer// has lost its verbal inflection. It appears as an adverbial, sometimes with a deictic particle //la'// > lamyer. Many temporal expressions in classical Kaqchikel were inflected as verbs, which have since adverbialized.

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Xajil Chrnniflp Xoq' pe jun chikop, chajal siwan rub'i, chuchi' Tulan, x-0-oq' pe jun chikop chaj-al siwan ru-bT ch(i r)u-chi' Tulan PS-3A-cry come one animal tend-AG ravine 3E-name PR 3E-mouth Tulan One animal, called roadrunner85, cried at Tulan's entrance, 6q xojel pe Pa Tullan: 6q x-oj-el pe pa Tulan when PS-lAp-leave come PR Tulan when we came out from Pa Tulan: "Kixkam! Kixsach! in ilab'," xcha ri chikop chi qichin. k-ix-kam k-ix-sach in i-lab' x-0-cha ri chikop chi q-ichin H-2Ap-die H-2Ap-lose 1A 2Ep-omen PS-3A-say D animal PRIEp-belong "May you die! may you be lost! I am your omen/' said the animal to us. "Mani k'a xqokesaj. Xax awoq'ebal wi ri tux", ma-ni k'a x-0-q-ok-e-s-aj xax aw-oq'-e-b'-al wi neg-neg D PS-3A-lEp-enter-e-CS-TR inherent 2E-cry-e-I-N TC "We do not believe it. That is just your cry", xojcha kan chi re ri chikop, kecha. x-oj-cha kan chi r-e ri chikop PS-lAp-say remain PR 3E~being D animal we told the animal, they say.

ri t-0-ux D PRS-3A-occur

k-e-cha PRS-3Ap-say

T[Oq xoq' chi k'a jun chikop; tukur rub'i'. oq x-0-oq' ch'i(k) k'a jun chikop tukur ru-b'i' when PS-3A-cry r D one animal owl 3E-name Then another animal cried; owl was its name. Chakal pe chuwi' kaqache'. chak-al pe ch( i r)u-wi' perch-P come PR 3E-top It was perched on a red-tree.

kaq-a-che'86 red-1-tree

85

This bird //chajal siwan// is called "roadrunner" in English; its Kaqchikel name is literally "ravine guardian". 86

Recall that the kaqache' is the tree from which the staff given to the Kaqchikel as an emblem was made. Pantaleon de Guzman (p. 5) lists kaqche' (sic) as "arbol de carreta" wagon wood.. Boone (2000, p. 99) notes that Mixtec codices show a red staff, with a quincunx, which represents the ability to found polities.

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Xajil Chrnniflp Xch'a'o pe chi ri': "In ilab'", xcha. x-O-ch'a'-o pe chi ri' in i-lab' x-0-cha PS-3A-talk-AP come PR D 1A 2Ep-omen PS-3A-say From there he spoke forth: "I am your omen", he said. "Mani at qalab', xa k'oj tawajo'", xuche'ex kan tukur. ma-ni at qa-lab' xa k'oj t-0-aw-ajo x-O-uche'-ex kan tukur neg neg 2A lEp-omen just be PRS-3A-2E-want PS-3A-say-PV remain owl "You are not our omen; you just want something", the owl was told. "Xa wi k'a e k'oj kisamajel ri xeya'o pe ri che' ab'aj chi qichin", Xa wi k'a e k'oj ki-samaj-el ri x-e-ya'-o pe ri che' ab'aj chi q-ichin just TC D 3Ap be 3Ep-work-AG D PS-3Ap-give-AP come D tree stone PR lEp-belong "Perhaps they are the messengers of those who gave the stelae to us," kecha qatata', qamama' ojer. k-e-cha qa-tata' qa-mama' ojer PRS-3Ap-say IE-father lEp-grandfather yore said our fathers, our grandfathers long ago. Oq xoq' chi k'a pe jun chikop chi kaj, k'anixt rub'i. 6q x-0-oq' ch'i(k) k'a pe jun chikop chi kaj k'anixt87 ru-b'i when PS-3A-cry r D come one animal PR sky sky/hawk 3E-name Then an animal called Sky-Hawk cried out in the sky. Xa wi cha chik: "In ilab', kixkam". xa wi cha chik in i-lab' k-ix-kam just TC say r 1A 2Ep-omen H-2Ap-die It just said again: "I am you omen; may you die!" Xojcha chi re ri chikop: "Mani tab'i'ij; xa at retal saq'ij tux. x-oj-cha chi r-e ri chikop mani t-O-a-b'-i'-ij xa at r-etal saq'ij88 t-0-iix. PS-1 Ap-say PR 3E-being D animal neg H-3A-2E-say-TR just 2A 3E-sign summer PRS-3A-occur We said to the animal: "Do not say that; you are just a sign that summer has begun.

87

Pantaleon de Guzman identifies this bird as the catarnica.

88

Saq'ij is the word for "summer" or "dry season". This may consist of //-sa'// "bask, roast, braise" and //q'ij// "day". Native speakers are also comfortable with etymologizing it as //saq// "white, light" and //q'ij// "day". The vowel of //saq// would become /a/, tense, since it would be in a non-ultimate syllable.

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Xajil Chronicle Nab'ey katoq' oq tel saq'ij, ja 6q titane' jab', katoq'", na-b'ey k-at-oq' 6q t-0-el saq'ij ja oq ti-0-tan-e' job'89 k-at-oq' first-time PRS-2A-cry when PRS-3A-leave summer D when PRS-3A-stop-IP rain PRS-2A-cry First you cry when summer emerges; then when the rain stops, you cry" xojcha kan chi re. x-oj-cha kan chi r-e' PS-lAp-say remain PR 3E-being we said to him. Oq xojul k'a chuchi' palow. 6q x-oj-ul k'a ch(i r)u-chi' palow when PS-lAp-arrive D PR 3E-edge sea Then we arrived at the seaside. Xa k'a e k'oj chi ri', xa k'a e mulan konojel amaq', ajlab'al chi palow. Xa k'a e k'oj chi ri' xa k'a e mul-an k-onojel amaq' aj-lab'al chi palow just D 3Ap be PR D just D 3Ap group-AP 3Ep-all amaq' AG-war PR sea They were already there, all the amaq's, the warriors, were gathered by the seaside. Oq xeqil xa taq k'isinaq kik'u'x. ki-k'u'x oq x-e-q-il xa toq90 k'is-inaq when PS-3Ap-lEp-find just when end-PP 3Ep-heart When we encountered them, their hearts were finished [discouraged]. "Mani tan tikik'owib'ej pe, mani tuche'ex ik'owem pe chuwi' palow/' Ma-ni tan ti-O-k-ik'o-w-ib'-ej pe ma-ni t-O-uche'-ex ik'o-w-em pe ch(i r)u-wi' palow neg-neg IM PRS-3A-3Ep-pass-e-I-TR come neg-neg PRS-3A-say-PV pass-e-N come PR 3E-top sea "They have nothing with which to cross over; no manner of crossing the ocean has been told", xecha k'a ri' konojel ajlab'al, wuqamaq' chi qichin. x-e-cha k'a ri' k-onojel aj-lab'al wuq-amaq' chi q-ichin PS-3Ap-say D D 3Ep-all AG-war seven -amaq' PR lEp-belong said all the warriors [and] the seven amaq's to us.

89

Most modern varieties of Kaqchikel have an /of in //job'// "rain", though some northern dialects retain /a/.

90

Many modern spoken varieties of Kaqchikel retain /a/ in "when", but the form //taq// is homophonous with forms that mean "plural" and "dirninutive", so some proposals have been made to standardize //toq// as the written form of the morpheme meaning "when".

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Xajil Chrnniflp "Chi naq qojuche'en? Chi naq tiqikowib'ej ? chi naq ti-O-q-iko-w-ib'-ej chi naq q91-oj-uche'-en PR D H-lAp-summon-AP PR D PRS-3A-lEp-pass-e-I-TR "Whom may we call ? With what shall we cross ? At qachaq', xa at ch'ik, at qoyob'em", xecha konojel. at qa-chaq' xa at ch'ik at q-oyob'-em x-e-cha k-onojel. 2A lEp-younger/brother just 2A r 2A lEp-wait-PP PS-3Ap-say 3Ep-all You, our younger brothers, we were waiting just for you", they all said. Xojcha k a chi ke: "Ix kixb'echi'l, ix qanab'eyal. x-oj-cha k'a chi k-e' ix k-ix-b'echi'l qa-na-b'ey-al PS-lAp-say D PR3Ep-being 2Ap H-2Ap-console lEp-first-time-N We said to them: "Console yourselves, you, our elders! Chi naq tiqikowib'ej oj an wa'e' qonojel?", xojcha. chi naq ti-O-q-ik'o-w-ib'-ej oj an wa'-e', q-onojel x-oj-cha PR D PRS-3A-lEp-pass-e-I-TR lAp D PD-D lEp-all PS-lAp-say With what shall we cross now that we are all here?" we said. K'ate k a xecha ch'ik konojel: "Tajoyewaj qawach, at qachaq'! k'ate k'a x-e-cha ch'ik k-onojel t-O-a-joye'-w-aj qa-wach at qa-chaq' soon D PS-3Ap-say r 3Ep-all H3A-2E-pity-e-TR lEp-face 2A lEp-younger/brother Immediately all of them said: "Take pity on us, you, our younger brothers! Xa wi pe qoteq'e' wawe' chuchi' ya', palow! palow xa wi pe q-o-teq'-e' wa'-we1 ch(i r)u-chi' ya' just TRcome H-lAp-lie/down-IP PD-D PR 3E-edge water sea Just let us collapse here at the waterside, at the sea! Ma ja tiqil qajuyub'al, qataq'ajal. ma jati-0-q-i'l qa-juyub'-al qa-taq'aj-al neg D PRS-3A-lEp-find lEp-hill-N lEp-plain-N We have not yet found our hills, our plains! Xa pe kani xqowar, xqoch'akataj! xa pe kani x[k]-qo-war x[k]-qo-ch'ak-a-taj just come soon F-lAp-sleep F-lAp-beat-e-IM Instead, soon we will sleep, soon we will be beaten!

91

The //q-// hortative with first person plural subjects is still in common use in Comalapa (Chiq'a'l, Chixot) Kaqchikel.

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Xajil Chronirlp Oj ka'i' chi al, oj niwi', oj rujolom, oj runab'ey ajlab'al, wuqamaq', oj ka'-i' chi al oj ru-wi' oj ru-jolom oj ru-na-b'ey aj-lab'al wuq-amaq' lAp two-CN PR child lAp 3E-top lAp 3E-head lAp 3E-first-time AG-war seven -amaq' We are two of the children, we are the top, we are the head, we are the first warriors, the seven amaq's, at nuchaq'. at nu-chaq' 2A lE-younger/brother [and] you [are] my younger brother/' We ta xqo'ik'o, kani tiqatz'et ruwach qiqa'n q-iq-a'n weta x-qo-'ik'o kani ti-O-qa-tz'et ru-wach if irr PS-H/lAp-cross soon PRS-3A-lEp-see 3E-face lEp-bear-N "If we were to cross, we would soon see the face of our burden92 mixya' pe rumal qate' qatata', at nuchaq'!", xcha mi-x-0-ya' pe r-umal qa-te' qa-tata' at nu-chaq' RP-PS-3A-give come 3E-cause lEp-mother lEp-father 2A lE-younger/brother that was given to us by our mothers, our fathers, you, my younger brother", said

x-0-cha PS-3A-say

k'a ri' xeb'oso' K'eche winaq chi qichin;. k'arf x-e-b'os-o' K'eche' winaq chi q-ichin D D PS-3Ap-sprout-AP K'eche' winaq PR lEp-belong then to us those who sired the K'eche' people; kecha ri qamama' Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw. k-e-cha ri qa-mama' Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw PRS-3Ap-sayD lEp-grandfather Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw said our grandfathers Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw. Xojchak'achike': "Qatija' na, ix qanimal! x-oj-cha k'a chi k-e': qa-t'ij-a' na ix qa-nim-al; PS-lAp-say D PR3Ep-being H/lEp-try-TV still 2Ap lEp-big-N We then said to them: "Let us try, then, you, our elder brothers! Ma xa wi pe xqok'oje', xqoteq'e' wawe' chuchi' palow! ma xa wi pe x-qo-k'oj-e' x-qo-teq'-e' wa'-we' ch(i r)u-chi' palow neg just irr come PS-H/lAp-be-IP PS-H/lAp-lie-IP PD-D PR 3E-edge sea Let us not stay here, let us not lie down here along the seashore!

92

The totemic burdens bestow status on their guardians, their bearers. The "face" of these burdens projects their destinies.

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Yajil rfirnnirlp Maki pe! Ma ja tiqil qajuyub'al. K'oj k'a. ma-ki pe ma ja ti-0-q-il qa-juyub'-al k'oj k'a neg-neg come neg D PRS-3A-lEp-find lEp-mountain-N be D It shall not be! We have not yet found our territory. It does exist. Tuche'ex xtitz'et, ix ajlab'al, ix wuqamaq'! t-O-uche'-ex xt-0-i-tz'et ix aj-lab'al ix wuq-amaq' PRS-3A-say-PV F-3A-2Ep-see 2Ap AG-war 2Ap seven-amaq' It is said that you will see it, you warriors, you seven amaq's! Xqojik'o wakami," xojcha. x-qoj-ik'o wa-kami PS-H/lAp-cross PD-now Let us cross now!", we said.

x-oj-cha PS-lAp-say

Kani k'a xekikot konojel. Kani k'a x-e-kikot k-onojel soon D PS-3Ap-happy 3Ep-all Immediately, they all rejoiced. "Xa k'a jun chi kaqache' qach'ame'y, oq xojpe; Xa k'a jun chi kaq-a-che' qa-ch'ame'y oq x-oj-pe just D one PA red-1-tree lEp-staff when PS-lAp-come "A red-tree was our standard when we came; xik'oqak'ama7 pe chuchi' Tulan. x-O-ik'o-qa-k'am-a' pe ch(i r)u-chi' Tulan PS-3A-cross-lEp-bring-TV come PR 3E-mouth Tulan we brought it over from the entrance of Tulan. Ke re' k'a qab'ina'am wi Kaqchikel winaq ri', ix qak'ajol!" ke re' k'a qa-b'i-(i)n-a'-am wi Kaqchikel winaq ri' ix qa-k'ajol D D D lEp-name-AP-TR-PP TC Kaqchikel people D 2Ap lEp-son Thus we were named the Kaqchikel people, you my sons!" kecha kan ri Q'aq'awitz, Saktekaw k-e-cha kan ri Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw PRS-3Ap-say remain D Q'aq'awitz Saktekaw said Q'aq'awitz [and] Saktekaw.

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Xajil Clhrnniflp Xa k'a ruxe' qach'ame'y xutoq'b'ej sanayi' ok chupam palow. ok sanayi' ch(i r)u-pam palow Xa k'a ru-xe' qa-ch'ame'y x-0-u-toq'-b'-ej93 D D 3E-root lEp-staff PS-3A-3E-stab-I-TR enter sand PR 3E-inside sea Then just the base of our standard stabbed into the sand in the sea. Kani k'a xk'oqpitaj palow ruma sanayi'. kani k'a x-O-k'oqp-itaj palow r-uma soon D PS-3A-break-MP sea 3E-cause Immediately, the sea was split by the sand.

sanayi' sand

Ja xik'atzin wi ri kaqache' xqak'am pe chuchi' Tulan. wi ri kaq-a-che' x-0-qa-k'am pe ch(i r)u-chi' Tulan ja' x-0-ik'atz94-in D PS-3A-need-AP TC D red-1-tree PS-3A-lEp-bring come PR 3E-mouth Tulan Indeed, the red-tree which we brought forth from the entrance of Tulan was necessary. Xa chuwi' choloch'ik sanayi' xojik'o wi pe, xa ch(i r)u-wi' chol-och-ik sanayi' x-oj-ik'o wi pe just PR3E-top row-rd-adj sand PS-lAp-cross TC come We crossed over on a path of sand, ja oq xrajo' kan ruxe' palow ruwi' palow. ja 6q x-0-rajo' kan ru-xe' palow, ru-wi' palow D when PS-3A-almost remain 3E-root sea 3E-top sea when the bottom of the ocean almost became the surface of the sea. Kani k'a xekikot konojel 6q xkitz'et sanayi' chupam palow. Kani k'a x-e-kikot k-onojel 6q x-0-ki-tz'et sanayi' ch(i r)u-pam soon D PS-3Ap-happy 3Ep-all when PS-3A-3Ep-see sand PR3E-inside Immediately, then, everyone rejoiced when they saw the sand in the sea.

palow sea

Kani k'a xepixab'an ki': Kani k'a x-e-pixa-b'-an k-i' soon D PS-3Ap-counsel-I-AP 3Ep-self Then they conferred:

93

This verb is an instrumental, allowing an instrument to assume a subject position.

94

This root in modern Kaqchikel lacks the initial /i/. Coto (p. 357) shows it with /i/ in nouns and in verbal forms, for example: "Mani k'a tik'atzin chwe" no me eres de importancia, "you aren't important to me."

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Xajil Chronicle "K'a chi la' qo'oyob'em wi qi', chuwi' nab'ey juyu'. k'a chi la' qo-oyo-b'-em wi q-i' ch[i r]u-wi' D PR D H/lAp-wait-I-PP TC 3Ep-self PR 3E-top "There let us await each other, atop the first hill.

na-b'ey juyu' first-time hill

Chi ri' qomolo' wi qi'/' xecha. Chi ri' qo-mol-o' wi q-i' x-e-cha PR D H/l Ap-gather-TV TC lEp-self PS-3Ap-say There let us gather together", they said. Xa wi k'a xe re qacholanem 6q xojpe Pa Tulan. xa wi k'a xe re' qa-chol-an-em oq x-oj-pe just TC D only D lEp-row-P-N when PS-1 Ap-come And this was our ordering when we came from Pa Tulan.

pa Tulan. PR Tulan

Xeb'oqotaj k'a pe, xe'ik'o pe chuwi' sanayi'. x-e-b'oq-otaj k'a pe x-e-'ik'o pe ch(i r)u-wi' sanayi' PS-3Ap-fall-IM D come PS-3Ap-cross come PR 3E-top sand Then they tumbled forth, they crossed over on the sand. Xa wi k'a ke re' xamb'ey xojpe chi'k chi palow; xa wi k'a ke re' xam-b'ey x-oj-pe ch'ik chi palow just TC D D D last-time PS-lAp-come r PR sea And so it was that we came from the sea last; xojel k'a pe chuchi' ya'. x-oj-el k'a pe ch(i r)u-chi' ya' PS-lAp-leave D come PR 3E-edge water we emerged from the water's edge. Xe k'a kani xuxib'ij ri' wuqamaq' ronojel; xe k'a kani x-0-u-xib'ij r-i' wuq-amaq' r-onojel only D soon PS-3A-3E-frighten 3E-being seven-amaq' 3E-all But soon, all the seven amaq's became frightened; ke re' xub'i'ij ajlab'al ronojel. ke re' x-O-u-b'i'-ij aj-lab'al r-onojel D D PS-3A-3E-say-TR AG-war 3E-all so said all the warriors. Oq xecha k'a ri wuqamaq': oq x-e-cha k'a ri wuq-amaq' when PS-3Ap-say D D seven -amaq' Then the seven amaq's said: 40

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Xajil Chronicle "Xe re' an qiqa'n re' mixitz'et. re' ri mi-x-O-i-tz'et xe re' an q-iq-a'n D D D lEp-bear-N D D RP-PS-3A-2Ep-see "Only this, which you saw, is our burden. Mi k'a xqasa' ruwach iwuk'in, ix ajawa', ix ajlab'al! ru-wach iw-uk'in ix ajaw-a' mi 95k'a x-0-qa-sa' RP D PS-3A-lEp-bask 3E-face 2Ap-with 2Ap lord-p We have exalted it with you, you lords, you warriors ! Ma ki xqob'e iwuk'in releb'al q'ij. ma ki x-qo-b'e' iw-uk'-in r-el-e-b'-al neg neg IM-1 Ap-go 2Ep-with 3E-leave-I But let us not go to the East with you !

ix aj-lab'al 2Ap AG-war

q'ij sun

Xa tiqakanoj kan qajuyub'al, qataq'ajal. xa t-i-qa-kanoj kan qa-juyu-b'al qa-taq'aj-al, just H-lEp-seek remain lEp-mountain-I lEp-plain-N Rather, we will look for our hills, our plains. Xe re qiqa'n re' mixitz'et q'uq', raxom, k'ub'ul," re' mi-x-O-i-tz'et c(uc( rax-om k'ub'ul xe re' q-iq-a'n D D lEp-bear-N D RP-PS-3A-2Ep-see quetzal green-N trogon/feathers Only this is only our burden which you saw: quetzal feathers, raxom feathers, trogon feathers/' xecha ri wuqamaq'. x-e-cha ri wuq-amaq' PS-3Ap-say D seven -amaq' said the seven amaq's. Xepixa': "Utz an", xe'uche'ex k'a wuqamaq', x-e-pixa' iitz an x-e-'uche'-ex k'a wuq-amaq' PS-3Ap-counsel good D PS-3Ap-say-PV D seven -amaq' They conferred: "Very well/' the seven amaq's were told. Xutzin k'a kipoponik. x-0-iitz-in k'a ki-pop-on-ik PS-3A-good-AP D 3Ep-mat-AP-N Then their council ended.

95

In this construction the recent past marker //mi-// is separated from the past tense marker //x-// by the particle //k'a// "then, so". This separation of the tense/aspect complex may show a transitional stage in the progression of //mi-// from tense marker to its current standing as an independent adverb.

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Xajil Chroniflp Oq xepe k'a chuwi' juyu' Teosakwanku. Xpe k'a ronojel. k'a r-onojel 6q x-e-pe k'a ch(i r)u-wi' juyu' Teosakwanku96 x-0-pe when PS-3Ap-come D PR3E-top mountain Teosakwanku PS-3A-comeD 3E-all Then they came over the hill Teosakwanku. Everyone came. Xe'ul chi k'a chuwi' jun chik juyu' Me'ajaw rub'i'. x-e-'ul ch'i(k) k'a ch(i r)u-wi' jun chik juyu' Me'-ajaw PS-3Ap-arrive r D PR 3E-top oner mountain daughter-lord Later they came over another hill known as Me'ajaw.

ru-b'i' 3E-name

Chi ri' xemolo' chi wi' ki'. chi wi' k-i' chi ri' x-e-mol-of PR D PS-3Ap-gather-AP PR top 3Ep-self There atop it, they gathered themselves. Xe'el chi k'a chi ri', chuwi' Me'ajaw. x-e-'el ch'i(k) k'a chi ri' ch(i r)u-wi' Me'-ajaw PS-3Ap-leave r D PRD PR 3E-top daughter-lord They left from there, from the summit of Me'ajaw. Xe'apon chik chuwi' juyu' Walwal Xukxuk rub'i'. x-e-'apon chik ch(i r)u-wi' juyu' Wal-wal Xuk-xuk97 PS-3Ap-arrive r PR3E-top mountain fan-fan hook-hook They arrived at the summit of the hill named Walwal Xukxuk.

ru-b'i' 3E-name

Chi ri' xe'uxlan chi wi'. chi ri' x-e-'uxlan chi wi' PR D PS-3Ap-rest PR top There atop it, they rested. Xemolo' chi na ki'. Xe'el chi ri'. x-e-mol-o' ch'i(k) na k-i' x-e-'el PS-3Ap-gather-AP r still 3Ep-self PS-3Ep-leave They gathered themselves yet again. They left from there.

chi ri' PRD

96

Teosakwanku is a Nahuatl borrowing. It may derive from //teo-// "god" + //ctakw-// "close, shut" + //(tl)an// "locative" + //-ko// "locative". Mayan languages have the /ct/ phoneme. It is not clear why they should have borrowed this word with an /s/ rather than /0

Juyu' includes agricultural fields too.

^Probably refers to the feast of the Circumcision of Our Lord.

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Xajil Chroniflp Xa k'a jalal kikojol ajaw. xa k'a jal-al ki-kojol ajaw just D change-N 3Ep-midst lord Then there was a change among the lords. YToq xkam chik ajaw Doctor Guexata. toq x-kam chik ajaw Doctor Guexata when PS-die r lord Doctor Quesada Then, the lord Doctor Quesada also died. Mani xub'an ruq'atb'al tzij; mani xyaloj. ma-ni x-0-u-b'an ru-q'at-b'-al tzij ma-ni x-O-yal-oj neg-neg PS-3A-3E-do 3E-cut-I-N word neg-neg PS-3A-last-IV He did not make judgements; he did not last long. Ja k'a ri ajaw (Jerrado qitzij xub'an ruq'atb'al tzij; ja' xtik'ib'a'an saq. ja k'a ri ajaw Serrado qi-tzij x-0-u-b'an ru-q'at-b'-al tzij x-O-tik'-i-b'-a-an D D Dlord Serrado true-word PS-3A-3E-do 3E-cut-I-N word PS-3A-insert-e-I-TV-AP It was the lord Cerrato who, in truth, made judgements; he was very diligent.

saq652 white

YTdq xkam chi k'a ajaw Don Franco Ajpo Sotz'il; chi jun Kan, xkam. toq x-O-kam chi[k] k'a ajaw Don Francisco Ajpo Sotz'il chi jun Kan x-O-kam when PS-3A-die r D lord Don Francisco Ajpo Sotz'il PR one Kan PS-3A-die Then the lord Don Francisco, Ajpo Sotz'il, died; on one Kan, he died. Pa lunes xkajlajuj oq chi q'ij ik' octubre oq xkam. Pa lunes x-O-kaj-laj-uj oq chi q'ij ik' octubre toq PR monday PS-3A-four-ten-unit whenD day month October when On Monday, the fourteenth day of the month of October, he died.

x-O-kam PS-3A-die

Ja k'a ri juna' ralaxik qajawal Jesuxp°°to, jak'ari jun-a' r-al-ax-ik q-ajaw-al Jesucristo D D D one-year 3E-born-N lEp-lord-N Jesucristo Since the year of the birth of our lord Jesus Christ,

,2

//saq// is literally "white", but it has many metaphorical uses, including "purity, correctness, diligence"

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Xajil Chirm if1P xwuqlaj rujub'atz' ruk'in wolajuj chik chi juna' oq mixkam Don Franco. r-uk'in wo-laj-uj chik chi jun-a' 6q m-ix-0-kam Don Francisco x-0-wuq-laj ru-ju-b'atz'653 PS-3A-seven-ten 3E-one-thread 3E-with five-ten-unit r PA one-year when RP-PS-3A-die Don Francisco one thousand five hundred and forty and fifteen years had passed when Don Francisco died. Xb'elejej 6q tel wuqla'uja' roxmay. x-b'elej-ej toq t-0-el wuq-la'uj-a' r-ox-may PS-nine-tf when PRS-3A-leave seven-ten-year 3E-three-twenty It was nine days before the fifty-seven year [anniversary of the revolt]. O Chi b'eleje' Aj xel ruwuqla'uja' roxmay. chi b'elej-e' Aj x-0-el ru-wuq-la'uj-a' PR nine-CN Aj PS-3A-leave 3E-seven-ten-year On nine Aj, forty-seven years had elapsed.

r-ox-may 3E-three-twenty

PCkawinaq oq tikam ajaw Don Franco x-ka-winaq toq ti-0-kam ajaw Don Francisco PS-two-twenty when PRS-3A-die lord Don Francisco It was forty days after the lord Don Francisco died, oq xkam chik qatata' Fray Domingo de Vico chi la' Ak'ala'. toq x-0-kam chik qa-tata' Fray Domingo de Vico chi la' Ak'ala' when PS-3A-die r lEp-father Fray Domingo de Vico PR D Ak'ala' our Father, Fray Domingo de Vico, died there at Ak'ala'. Qitzij chi nima ajtij qatata'. Xch'ay ruma amaq\ qa- tata' x-0-ch'a-(a)y qi-tzij chi nim-a aj-tij654 true-word D big-1 AG-teach lEp-father PS-3A-speak-AG In truth, our Father was a great teacher. He spoke for the amaq'.

r-uma 3E-cause

amaq' nation

Xjuwinaq oq k'a tikam qatata' chi la' Ak'ala', x-O-jun-winaq toq k'a ti-0-kam qa-tata' chi la' PS-3A-one-twenty whenD PRS-3A-die lEp-father D D Twenty days after the death of our Father at Ak'ala',

653

//B'atz7/ is "thread"; it is not a common count term, but can stand for the unit above the k'atun. If the comma here is punctuation rather than a serif on the final consonant, this might be //b'ak'/// cognate with the //b'ak'// of Yucatecan //b'ak'tun//. 654

//ajtij// is someone who learns and/or teaches. We have glossed it here as "teacher"; it can also be scholar, person of learning.

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Xajil Chrnnifle toq xoqotax el Pe Fray Fran00 de la Para kuma ajawa', obispo Ramirez. toq x-0-oqo-t-ax el Padre Fray Francisco de la Para k-uma ajaw-a' Obispo Ramirez when PS-3A-remove-e-PV leave Father Fray Francisco de la Parra 3Ep-cause lord-p bishop Ramirez then Father Fray Francisco de la Parra was removed by the lords and Bishop Ramirez. Ronojel xub'an wawe'. r-onojel x-0-u-b'an wa-we' 3E-all PS-3A-3E-do PD-D He did everything here. Xa qi' xik'o q'ij pascua de navidad, xel wawe'. xa qi x-0-ik'o q'ij pascua de navidad only true PS-3A-pass day pascual of Christmas/Nativity Immediately after Christmas day passed, he left. O Chi waqaqi' Aj xel wajxaqla'uja' roxmay. chi waq-aq-i' Aj x-0-el waqxaq-la'uj-a' PR six-rd-CN Aj PS-3A-leave eight-ten-year On six Aj fifty-eight years had elapsed.

x-0-el PS-3A-leave

wa-we' PD-D

r-ox-may 3E-three-twenty

Wawe' xkam wi a°l de Paz chi kab'lajuj Q'anel. Q'anel wa-we7 x-0-kam wi de Paz chi kab'-laj-uj PD-D PS-3A-die TC dePaz PR two-ten-unit Q'anel On twelve Q'anel, Alonso de Paz died here. ^[Oxlajuwinaq wa'e' juna' toq xik'o q'ij Sanctiago, ox-laj-u-winaq wa'-e' jun-a' toq x-0-ik'o q'ij Santiago three-ten-unit-twenty PD-D one-year when PS-3A-pass day Santiago This year, thirty-three days after the day of Santiago, toq xul Pan Q'an ja chi jun Tz'ikin chupam qaq'ij. toq x-0-ul Pan q'an ja chi jun Tz'ikin ch[i r]u-pam qa-q'ij when PS-3A-arrive PR yellow D PR one bird PR 3E-inside lEp-day it [the news] arrived in Pan Q'an, on one Tz'ikin, in our calendar. A 6q xb'an nima kikotem kuma kastilan winaq Pan Q'an. a oq x-0-b'an nim-a kikot-em k-uma kastilan winaq Pan q'an D when PS-3A-do big-1 happy-N 3Ep-cause Spanish people PR yellow then a great celebration was made in Pan Q'an by the Spanish people. Ja 6q xok kajawal chi la' kastilan; ja 6q xok ajaw Don Peliphe emperador. ja 6q x-0-ok k-ajaw-al chi la' kastilan ja toq x-0-ok ajaw Don Felipe emperador D when PS-3 A-enter 3Ep-lord-N PR D Spain D when PS-3 A-enter lord Don Felipe emperor Thaf s when he entered lordship there in Spain; that's when Don Felipe, Emperor, became lord. 302

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Xajil Chronirlp E oxi' ajawa' tan e k'oj: Ramirez, Doctor Mexia, Louaisa; e ox-i' ajaw-a' tan e-k'oj Ramirez Doctor Mejia Louaisa 3Ap three-CN lord-p IM 3Ap-be Ramirez Doctor Mejia Loaiza There were three lords: Ramirez, Doctor Mejia, [and] Loaiza; je tan e k'oj keq'aton Pan Choy oq xb'an. je tan e k'oj k-e-q'at-on Pan Choy oq x-0-b'an D IM 3Ap be PRS-3Ap-cut-AP Pan Choy when PS-3A-do they were governing in Pan Choy when this happened. PGajuj oq rukajwinaq tik'o q'ij Sanctiago, x-0-laj-uj toq ru-kaj-winaq t-0-ik'o PS-3A-ten-unit when 3E-four-twenty PRS-3A-pass It was seventy days after the day of Santiago,

q'ij Santiago day Santiago

toq xulq'at chi'el tzij ruma Ramirez, chi'el tzij r-uma Ramirez toq x-0-ul-q'at655 when PS-3A-arrive-cut as word 3E-cause Ramirez when the decree by Ramirez arrived. Ja oq xok kipatan nima'q achi' chukojolilaj winaq. jaoq x-0-ok ki-patan nim-a'q achi' ch[i r]u-kojol-ilaj D when PS-3A-enter 3Ep-tribute big-p man PR 3E-between-int That is when the nima'q achi's tribute began along with that of the people.

winaq people

Kani xchajix ruwi' patan. kani x-0-chaj-ix ru-wi' patan soon PS-3A-guard-PV 3E-top tribute Immediately, the tribute surplus was guarded. Mani chajim ruwi' patan ojer kuma ajawa'. ma-ni chaj-im ru-wi' patan ojer k-uma neg-neg guard-PP 3E-top tribute ago 3Ep-cause Previously, the tribute surplus was not guarded by the lords.

ajaw-a' lord-p

655

Recall that //q'at// "cut" in combination with //tzij// "word" means "to pass judgement, or sentence"; in this context "make a decree."

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Xajil Chrnnirlp Xenataj chi eleq'an ruwi' patan. chi eleq'-an r-uwi' patan x-e-na'656-taj PS-3Ap-feel-MP cnj steal-PP 3E-top tribute They discovered that the tribute surplus had been stolen. Xa mani na'al tok chi re ruwi' patan. xa ma-ni na'-al t-0-ok chi r-e ru-wi' only neg-neg know-N PRS-3A-enter PR 3E-being 3E-top But it was not known [who] got into the tribute surplus.

patan tribute

Xkopij k'a ixim; xel tzaqom ak'; xtane' kamanij'ik. x-0-kop-ij k'a ixim x-0-el tzaq-om ak' x-0-tan-e' PS-3A-mealy-IV D corn PS~3A-leave lose-PP turkey PS-3A-stop-IP The corn became mealy, the turkeys were lost, communal work ceased.

kaman-ij-ik common-IV-N

Xkik'am jalataq ruwi' patan ajawa'. x-0-ki-k'am ja-la-taq ru-wi' patan ajaw-a' PS-3A-3Ep-carry D-D-dim 3E-top tribute lord-p The lords brought a little tribute surplus. Chupam ruq'ij Sane Franco pa lunes xq'at tzij rumal Ramirez, ch[i r]u-pam ru-q'ij San Francisco pa lunes x-0-q'at tzij r-umal Ramirez PR 3E-inside 3E-day San Francisco on Monday PS-3A-cut word 3E-cause Ramirez On the day of San Francisco, on Monday, Ramirez made his ruling, chi wuqu' Kamey chupam qaq'ij. chi wuq-u' Kamey ch[i r]u-pam PRseven-CN Kamey PR 3E-inside on seven Kamey in our calendar.

qa-q'ij. lEp-day

[p. 67] TIK'a chi juwinaq wajxaqi' 6q tiq'at kan tzij ruma Ajaw Ramirez, K'achi ju-winaq waqxaq-i'6q ti-0-q'at kan tzij r-uma ajaw Ramirez D PR one-twenty eight-CN when PRS~3A-cut remain word 3E-cause lord Ramirez Twenty-eight days after the ruling was made by the lord Ramirez, oq xel pe wuj Doctrina chupam kiq'ij Sanctos pa lunes. oq x-0-el pe wuj Doctrina ch[i r]u-pam ki-q'ij pa lunes when PS-3A-leave come book Doctrine PR 3E-inside 3Ep-day PR Monday the book, the Doctrina, came out on the day of [All] Saints, on Monday.

65e

The root //-na'// has a variety of meanings, including "feel, think, divine, know". It is given various translations in the following lines as the context dictates. 304

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Xajil Chrnniflp Ma k'ate la xk'amo ri xk'iyayoj Doctrina. ma k'ate la' x-0-k'am-o ri x-0-k'iy-a-yoj neg suddenly D PS-3A-carry-AP D PS-3A-many-TV-MP The printed doctrina was not immediately accepted.

Doctrina doctrine

O Chi oxi' Aj xel b'elejla'uja' roxmay yujuj. chiox-i' Aj x-0-el b'elej-la'uj-a' r-ox-may PRthree-CN Aj PS-3A-leave nine-ten-year 3E-three-twenty On three Aj elapsed fifty-nine years since the revolt.

Yujuj revolt

Altes 1557 a°s Don Ju° Juarez, Franco Pez. Alcaldes 1557 anos Don Juan Juarez Francisco Perez Alcaldes 1557 years Don Juan Juarez Francisco Perez Alcaldes [in the year] 1557: Don Juan Juarez [and] Francisco Perez. IChupam juna' wa'e' toq xb'ech'ay Lakantun. ch[ir]u-pam jun-a' wa'-e' toq x-0-b'e-ch'ay Lakantun PR 3E-inside one-year PD-D when PS-3A-go-hit Lacandon In this year there was an expedition to strike the Lacandons. Chi wo'o' Ey xb'oqotaj el wawe'. Ja ajaw Ramirez xb'e rajawal chay. chi wo'-o' Ey x-b'oq-o-taj el wa-we' ja ajaw Ramirez x-0-b'e r-ajaw-al chay PRfive-CN Ey PS-pull/out-TV-MP leave PD-D D lord Ramirez PS-3A-go 3E-lord-N obsidian On five Ey it departed from here. The lord Ramirez went as Obsidian Lord. Ja k'a ajaw Don Martin xb'e rajawal chay wawe' chi juwinaq 6q k'a tel oxmay. jak'a ajaw Don Martin x-0-b'e r-ajaw-al chay wa-we' chiju-winaq 6q k'a t-0-el ox-may D D lord Don Martin PS-3A-go 3E -lord-N obsidian PD-D PR one-twenty when D PRS-3A-leave three-twenty The lord Don Martin went as Obsidian Lord from here twenty days before sixty years had elapsed. Don Ju° Juarez, Franco Pez, Martin Rajob'achi' Oxlaj altes campo657. Don Juan Juarez Francisco Perez Martin Rajob'achi' ox-laj alcaldes campo Don Juan Juarez Francisco Perez Martin Rajob'achi' three-ten alcaldes campo Don Juan Juarez, Francisco Perez [and] Martin Rajob'achi' Oxlaj, alcaldes de campo658

657

The text has ca~po. The tilde is an orthographic convention for representing a nasal, here m.

658

Recinos (1950:146) believed that alcaldes de campo referred to jueces de campo or jueces de milpas, who were Spanish officials charged with making sure that adequate fields were planted. However, such officers are not listed elsewhere in the text. Given the context of a military expedition, the three men named as alcaldes de campo probably had some official function, perhaps overseeing the Indian contingent in the force.

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Xajil Chrnnifle

_ _

Xya' ordenanzas. x-0-ya' ordenanzas PS-3A-give ordinances Ordinances were given.659 O Chi oxlajuj Aj k'a xel roxmay rub'anik yujuj; mixel oxmay. chi ox-laj-uj Aj k'a x-0-el r-ox-may ru-b'an-ik yujuj mi-x-0-el ox-may PR three-ten-unit Aj k'a PS-3A-leave 3E-three-twenty 3E-do-N revolt RP-PS-3A-leave three-twenty On thirteen Aj elapsed 60 years since the revolt occurred; sixty years had gone by. 1558 a°s 1558 afios 1558 years fChupam rujulajuwinaq wa'e' juna' tan 6j k'o wi, ch[i r]u-pam ru-ju-laj-u-winaq wa'-e' jun-a' tan oj k'oj wi PR 3E-inside 3E-one-ten-unit twenty PD-D one-year IM lAp be TC On the two hundred and twentieth day of this year we are in, toq xul chik jun ajaw, Presidente Real, toq x-0-ul chik jun ajaw Presidente Real when PS-3A-arrive r one lord President Royal then a lord, a royal President, arrived. Chi oxi' K'at chupam qajilab'al xul ajaw Pan Q'an. chi ox-i' K'at ch[i r]u-pam q-aj-il-a-b'-al x-0-ul PR three-CN K'at PR 3E-inside lEp-count-N-TV-I-N PS-3A-arrive On three K'at, according to our count, the lord arrived in Pan Q'an.

ajaw lord

Pan Q'an PR yellow

Jun Aqb'al xok ajaw Don Di° Pez ruma ajaw P° Ramirez. x-0-ok ajaw Don Diego Perez r-uma ajaw Pedro Ramirez jun Aq'ab'al660 one Aq'ab'al PS-3A-enter lord Don Diego Perez. 3E-cause lord Pedro Ramirez On one Aqb'al661 Don Diego Perez became lord because of the lord Pedro Ramirez;.

659

Ordenanzas refers here to the regulations that the Indian troops in the force would be obliged to observe.

660

//Aqb'al// is not a recognizable word. It appears in the structural position of an introductory temporal clause and would be parallel to the previous chi oxi' K'at, without the preposition. The tendency to structural parallelism, with partial modification of forms suggests that this is also a date. //Aq'ab'al//, also sometimes pronounced /aq'b'al/, "night" would be a possible date. The day Aq'ab'al comes twenty days after K'at, or immediately before it. If this is a scribal error, it is one of very few in this document. ^The day one Aq'b'al is 250 days after the day three K'at. calendar round, the tzolk'in, cholq'ij in Kaqchikel.

This would be just ten days short of a 260-day

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Xajil rhronirle IXwaqwinaq oq k'a tul ajaw presidente Pan Q'an 6q xtiker yawab'il wawe'. x-waq-winaq 6q k'a t-0-ul ajaw presidente Pan Q'an oq x-0-tik-er yawa'-b'-il wa'-we' PS-six-twenty when D PRS-3Aarrive lord president PR yellow when PS-3A-begin-VR sick-I-N PD-D One hundred twenty days after the arrival of the lord President in Pan Q'an, the sickness began here. Ojer oq titiker chuwi' taq amaq'; runaj xul wawe'. ojer oq ti-O-tik-'ir pa ru-wi' taq amaq' ru-naj x-0-ul long/ago when PRS-3A-begin-VR PR 3E-topp nation 3E-long PS-3A-arrive It had long since begun among the other amaq's; it came here late.

wa-we' PD-D

Qitzij tixib'in chi kamik mixpe pa qawi' ruma nima ajaw Dios. qi-tzij ti-0- xib'-in chi kam-ik mi-x-O-pe pa qa-wi' r-uma riim-a ajaw Dios true-word PRS-3A-frighten-AP PA die-N RP-PS-3A-come PR 1 Ap-top 3E-cause big-p lord god In truth, it was frightening how many deaths befell us because of the great lord, God. K'iya ch'ob' ruwach chi yawab'il: tan tik'amo winaq wakami raxtew ,kaqaq'aq'; K'i'y-a ch'ob' ru-wach yawa'-b-il tan ti-0-k'am-o winaq wa-kami rax-tew kaq-a-q'aq' many-1 kind 662 3E-face sick-I-N IM PRS-3A-carry-AP people PD-now green-cold red-1-fire There were many kinds of sickness: people were catching chills [and] fever; tipe k'a kik' pa rutza'm winaq; ke re k'a ojb', ratza'm. ti-0-pe k'a kik' pa ru-tza'm winaq ke re k'a ojob' 663 ru-tza'm 664 PRS-3A-come D blood PR3E-noise people D D D fever 3E-nose blood came from their noses, and there was also coughing [and] catarrh. K'oj k'a tan tiyuch ruqul; ke re k'a ch'uti'q ch'ak, nima'q ch'ak. k'oj k'a tan ti-0-yuch ru-qul ke re' k'a ch'ut-i'q ch'ak riim-a'q ch'ak be D IM PRS-3A-close 3E-throat D D D small-p sore big-p sore Their throats closed; also they had small sores, big sores.

661

1 Ich'ob'II means "kind, or sort". It may also mean "divisions (of peoples, nations)". In this context, "kind or sort" seems most appropriate. 663

The modern language does not have roots or bases of this form, VCC. But colonial Kaqchikel seems to have had several. The modern form of ojb' is ojob', or dialectally ajob'. 664

This would appear to be another scribal error. Ratzam appears in the manuscript, divided between two lines: ra- -tzam. /Ratzam/ is possible word: "his/her/its salt". In this context, it seems more likely that the /u/ of rutza'm has been replaced with /a/, perhaps in anticipation of the root vowel, and that the word is rutza'm "his/her nose".

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Xajil Chronirlp Ronojel k'a tan tiyawab'ix re7 wakami. r-onojel k'a tan ti-O-yawa-b'-ix re' wa-kami 3E-all D IM PRS-3A-sick-I-PV D PD-now Everyone is falling ill with this now. Tan k'a titz'et re ronojel yawab'il, ix nuk'ajol! tan k'ati-O-tz'et re r-onojel yawa-b'-il IM D PRS-3A-see D 3E-all sick-I-N All this illness is seen, you, my sons !

ix 2Ap

nu-k'ajol IE-son

Chupam k'a q'ij Qrcuncision, pa lunes, mixnutz'ib'aj chik wa'e' ch[i r]u-pam k'a q'ij Circuncision pa lunes mi-x-0-nu-tz'ib'~aj chik wa'-e' PR 3E-inside D day Circumcision on Monday RP-PS-3A-lE-write-TR r PD-D On the day of the Circumcision, on Monday, I again wrote this: tan oj k'o wi chupam yawab'il. tan 6] k'oj wi ch[i r]u-pam yawa'-b'-il IM lAp be TC PR 3E-inside sick-I-N we were still in sickness. // Di° Ernantez Xajil Franco Ernantez Q'alel B'ak'ajol altes 1559 a°s. Diego Hernandez Xajil Francisco Hernandez Q'alel B'ak'ajol Alcaldes 1559 juna' Diego Hernandez Xajil Francisco Hernandez Q'alel B'ak'ajol mayor 1559 years. Diego Hernandez Xajil [andj Francisco Hernandez Q'alel B'ak'ajol, alcaldes in the year 1559.

Mi k'a xel chik juna' rukaj may yujuj chi lajuj Aj.

mi k'a x-0-el chik jun-a' ru-kaj-may y u j u j c hi laj-uj Aj D D PS-3A-leave r one-year 3E-four-twenty revolt PR ten-unit Aj Sixty-one years elapsed since the revolt on ten Aj. IChupam chik ruka'm juna' wa'e' oq xel pe ajaw Doctor Mexia. ch[i r]u-pam chik ru-ka'm jun-a' wa'-e' oq x-0-el pe PR3E-inside r 3E-two one-year PD-D when PS-3A-leave come In this, his second year, the lord, Doctor Mejia, left for here.

ajaw lord

Doctor Mexia Doctor Mexia

B'anol ruchi' juyu' ruma kich'erel Tz'utujile'. b'an-61 ru-chi' juyu' r-uma ki-ch'er-el Tz'utujil-e' make-AG 3E-mouth mountain 3E-causse 3Ep-divide-P Tz'utujil-p He went by the base of the mountains on account of the division among the Tz'utujils. Xik'orutz'eta' pe ruchi' juyu' ajaw pa Tulul. x-0-ik'o -ru-tz'et-a' pe ru-chi' juyu' ajaw pa Tulul PS-3A-pass-3E~see-TV come 3E-mouth hill lord PR Tulul On his way, the lord passed along the base of the mountains at Pa Tulul.

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Xajil Chroniflp Xik'o pe chuwi' Chi Kuchim. x-0-ik'o pe ch-u-wi' PS-3A-pass come PR-3E-top He passed by Chi Kuchim.

chi Kuchim PR Kuchim

Xik'orutz'eta' chi pe ruchi' juyu' chuwi' Qib'a'. x-O-ik'o-ru-tz'et-a' chi pe ru-chi' juyu' ch[i r]u-wi' Sub'a' PS-3A-pass-3E-see-TV PR come 3E-mouth mountain PR 3E-top Sub'a' On his way, he passed along the base of the mountains above Sub'a'. Xk'is na wi pe rutz'et ronojel ruchi' choy oq xel pe. x-0-k'is na wi pe ru-tz'et r-onojel ru-chi' choy oq x-0-el pe PS-3A-end still TC come 3E-see 3E-all 3E-edge lake when PS-3A-leave come After he had seen everything around the lake, then he came here. Xa k'a ch'a'oj xulruk'ulwachij el ajaw wawe' kuk'in Pe. xa k'a ch'a'oj x-O-ul-ru-k'ul-wach-ij el ajaw wa'-we'k-uk'in padres just D problem PS-3A-arrive-3E-receive~face-TR leave lord PD-D 3EP-with Fathers He arrived to find a dispute which occurred between the lord here and Fathers. Qitzij tan tiq'aq'an P fray Pedro, Fray Joseph wawe'. qi-tzij tan ti-q'aq'-an padre Fray Pedro Fray Joseph wa-we' true-word IM PRS-fire-AP Father Fray Pedro Fray Joseph PD-D Truly, the Fathers, Fray Pedro and Fray Joseph, were angry here. Qitzij tan mani kib'i', kiwach ajch'amiya'; ke re' k'a ch'aqap ajawa'. qi-tzij tan ma-ni ki-b'i' ki-wach aj- ch'ame'y-a' ke re k'a ch'aqap ajaw-a' true-word IM neg-neg 3E-name 3E-face AG-staff-p D D D other lord-p Truly, the names, the faces of the Ajch'ame'ys665 were not known; nor were the other lords. Ruma xeruq'osij ajch'amiya' xkiq'osij Don Martin. r-uma x-e-ru-q'os-ij aj-ch'ame'y-a' x-ki-q'os-ij 3E-cause PS-3Ap-3E-strike-TR AG-staff-p PS-3A-3Ep-strike-TR Because he had hit the Ajch'ameys; they, in turn, hit Don Martin.

Don Martin Don Martin

Xkitz'apij ruchi' rochoch Dios. x-O-ki-tz'ap-ij ru-chi' r-ochoch Dios PS-3A-3Ep-close-TR 3E-door 3E-house god They closed the door of church.

'Aj Chamiya' refers to the Alguaciles, lit. those of the staffs.

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Xajil Chrnnifle Xesujun chi re ajaw doctor Mexia. x-e-siij-un chi r-e ajaw doctor Mejia PS-3Ap-accuse-AP PR3E-being lord doctor Mejia They made an accusation before the lord Doctor Mejia. Qitzij k^iy kitzij chi re ajaw. qi-tzij k'iy ki-tzij chi r-e true-word many 3Ep-word PR 3E-being In truth, many were their words to the lord.

ajaw lord

Xa k a maki xk'amar kisuj xa k a ma-ki x-0-kam-ar ki-siij justD ne-neg PS-3A-carry-VR 3Ep-accuse But their accusations were not accepted ruma ajaw eta'm chik rub'anoj Fray P°; k*iy xulrub'ana' el wawe'. r-uma ajaw eta'm chik ru-b'an-oj Fray Pedro k'iy x-0-ul ru-b'an-a' el wa-we 3E-cause lord know r 3E-do-N Fray Pedro many PS-3A-arrive 3E-do-TV leave PD-D because the lord already knew the actions of Fray Pedro; he came out here to do a lot. Xk'isk'achol chi re ajaw rub'anoj kuma ajawa'. chi r-e ajaw ru-b'an-oj k-uma ajaw x-0-k'is-k'a-chol666 PS-3A-end-D-explain PR 3E-being lord 3E-do-N 3Ep-cause lord The explanation of his doings to the lord [Mejia] by the lords ended. Xa k'a xb'e chi rij ajaw kuma; xekaqar chi rij ajaw. xa k'a x-0-b'e ajaw k-uma x-e-kaq-ar chi r-ij ajaw justD PS-3A-go lord 3Ep-cause PS-3Ap-red-VR PR 3E-back lord The lord ended [the dispute] with that because of them; they became angry with the lord. Ja k a utz chi ke maki taj xk'am kitzij ajawa' chi kiku'x P e . ja D (itz chik-e ma-ki taj x-0-k'am ki-tzij ajaw-a' chi ki-ku'x Pe DDgood PR3E-being neg-neg irr PS-3A-carry 3E-word lord-p PR 3Ep-heart father It was good for them that the words of the lords were not taken to heart by the Fathers. Wawe' chupam juna' xkam wi aj Lakanton. Wa-we' ch[i r]u-pam jun-a' wi aj Lakanton PD-D PR 3E-inside one-year TC G Lakandon In this year died those of Lacandon.

^/-chol// means to "put in order, arrange"; in the case of legal proceedings, "to set out in an orderly fashion".

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Xajil Chronicle %2hi juwinaq wo'o' oq alaxib'al pascua mixkam nute'. chiju-winaq wo-o' oq al-ax-i-b'-al Pascua mi-x-0-kam nu-te' PR one-twenty five-CN when bear-PV-TV-I-N pascual RP-PS-3A-die IE-mother On the twenty-fifth, on the Christmas Pascual feast, my mother died. Xa wi k'a kanij xchapataj chi kan q'etzam nutata'. xa wi k'a kanij x-O-chap-a-taj chi kan q'etzam nu-tata' onlyirr D soon PS-3A-begin-TV-MP PR remain deceased IE-father And soon my late father was taken [by death]. Chi ri' toq xmuq nute', xa ruwaq'ej xqarmiq chik nutata'. chi ri' toq x-0-miiq nu-te' xa ru-waq-'ej x-O-qa-miiq D D when PS-3A-bury IE-mother only 3E-six-tf PS-3A-lEp-bury Then my mother was buried; just six days later we also buried my father.

chik r

nu-tata' IE-father

Xa junam mixekam wawe'. xa junam mi-x-e-kam wa-we' just together RP-PS-3Ap-die PD-D Almost together they died here. Xkam wi Donya C rixjayil Don Jorge. chi julajuj Aqb'al. x-0-kam wi Dona Catarina r-ix-jay-il Don Jorge chi ju-laj-uj Aq'ab'al( PS-3A-dieTC Dona Catarina 3E-W-house-N Don Jorge_ PR one-ten-unit Aq' ab' al Dona Catalina, Don Jorge's wife, died on eleven Aq'ab'al. IWuqub'ix oq pascua xichapataj chik chi yawab'il. wuqu-b'-ix oq Pascua x-O-chap-a-taj chik seven-I-tf when Pascual PS-3A-begin-TV-MP r A week before the Pascual feast, I was taken by sickness

chi yawa'-b'-il PR sick-I-N

Qitzij k'a maki ajilam winaq, ixdq, ak'wal mixkam. qi-tzij k'ama-ki aj-il-am winaq ixoq ak'wal mi-x-0-kam true-word D neg-neg count-N-PP people woman children RP-PS-3A-die In truth, innumerable people, women [and] children died. Chupam wa'e' juna' xekam wi nute', nutata', nuchaq', wana'. ch[i r]u-pam wa-e' jun-a' x-0-kam wi nu-te' nu-tata' nu-chaq' w-ana' PR 3E-inside PD-D one-year PS-3A-die TC IE-mother IE-father IE-younger/brother IE-sister In this year my mother, my father, my younger brother [and] my sister died.

667

Again, the scribe has written the day name as aqb'al. Here the context is clearly calendrical, indicating the day Aq'ab'al.

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Xajil Chronicle Kik' xpe pa rutza'm winaq. kik' x-0-pe pa ru-tza'm winaq blood PS-3A-come PR3E-nose people Blood came from people's noses.

Mi k'a xel ka'i' juna' rukajmay yujuj.

1560 a°s chi wuqu' Aj

mik'ax-0-el ka'-i' jun-a' ru-kaj-may yujuj 1560 jun-a' chi wuq-u' Aj D D PS-3A-leave two-CN one-year 3E-four-twenty revolt. 1560 one-year PR seven-CN Aj Sixty-two years elapsed since the revolt. The year 1560 on seven Aj. Don P° Solis, Franco Ernantez altes. Don Pedro Solis Francisco Hernandez Alcaldes. Don Pedro Solis Francisco Hernandez mayor. Don Pedro Solis [and] Francisco Hernandez, alcaldes.

Xtixena'aj chi'k rox juna' rukajmay yujuj.

xti-0-xen668-a'aj chik r-ox jun-a' ru-kaj-may F-3A-begin-a-IV r 3E-three one-year 3E-four-twenty The sixty-third year after the revolt will begin.

yujuj revolt

Andres Ch'uk, Ju° Pez Lolmay K'oraxon altes 1561 a°s chi kaji' Aj. chi kaj-i' Aj Andres Ch'uk Juan Perez Lolmay K'oraxon Alcaldes 1561 jun-a' Andres Ch'uk Juan Perez Lolmay K'oraxon Alcaldes 1561 one-year D four-CN Aj Andres Ch'uk, Juan Perez Lolmay K'oraxon, alcaldes [in the] year 1561 on four Aj. IWa'e' xa wi tan titajin yawab'il kamik wa-e' xa wi tan ti-0-t-ajin yawa'-b'-il kam-ik PD-D justTC IM PRS-3A-e-be sick-I-N die-N Now the deadly sickness is still going on. Mik'axel oxi' juna' rukajmay yujuj. mi-k'a-x-0-el ox-i' jun-a' ru-kaj-may RP-D-PS-3A-leave three-CN one-year 3E-four-twenty Sixty three years since the revolt elapsed.

yujuj revolt

Wawe' xk'ule' chi wi Don Jorge Ajpo Xajil kab'ij oq ik' agosto. wa-we' x-0-k'ul-e' chi[k] wi Don Jorge aj-po Xajil kab'-ij 6q ik' agosto PD-D PS-3A-marry-IP r TC Don Jorge AG-Po Xajil two-tf when month August Here Don Jorge, Ajpo Xajil, married two days before the month of August.

668

The base form //xen// may itself be complex. //xeV/ means "root, base". There is no active noun stem derivation with /n/ or /na7 however.

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Xajil Chronicle Xtixena'aj chik rukaj juna' wa'e'. xti-O-xen-a'-aj chik ru-kaj jun-a' F-3A-begin-N-IV r 3E-four one-year The [sixty-]fourth year will begin here.

wa-e' PD-D

Chi jun Aj \ \ Franco Erna~tez, Ju°L6pez Mama' Simaj altes 1562 a°s chi jun Aj Francisco Hernandez Juan Lopez mama' simaj Alcaldes 1562 afios PR one Aj Francisco Hernandez juan Lopez elder staff Alcaldes 1562 years On one Aj, Francisco Hernandez, Juan Lopez mama' Simaj, alcaldes, year 1562. Ua mixalax chi wi jun nuk'ajol Rapael. ja mi-x-0-al-ax chi[k] wi jun nu-k'ajol Rafael D RP-PS-3A-bear-PV r TC one IE-son Rafael That was when a son of mine, Rafael, was born. Mi k'a xel kaji' juna' rukajmay yujuj. mi k'a x-0-el kaj-i' jun-a' D D PS-3A-leave four-CN one-year [Sixty-]four years since the revolt elapsed.

ru-kaj-may 3E-four-twenty

yujuj revolt

Chujunab'il mixetax je xolar wawe' Tzolola' ronojel rukojol jay. ch[i r]u-jun-ab'-il mi-x-0-et-ax je solar wa-we' Tzolola' r-onojel ru-kojol jay PR 3E-one-year-N RP-PS-3A-measure-PV 3Dp houselot PD-D Tzolola' 3E-all 3E-amidst house In this year, the house lots were measured here in Tzolola', among all the houses. [p. 69] Don Martin Q'alel Xajil, Don Di° Pez altes 1563 a°s Don Martin Q'alel Xajil Don Diego Perez Alcaldes 1563anos Don Martin Q'alel Xajil Don Diego Perez mayor 1563 years Don Martin Q'alel Xajil, Don Diego Perez, alcaldes, year 1563.

Xtixena'aj chik ro/ juna' wa'e' rub'anik yujuj chi julajuj Aj._ xti-O-xen-a'-aj ch'ik r-o' jun-a' wa'-e' ru-b'an-ik yujuj chi ju-laj-uj Aj H-3A-begin-N-IV r 3E-five one-year PD-D 3E-do-N revolt PR one-ten-unit Aj The [sixty-]fifth year after the occurrence of the revolt will begin here, on eleven Aj. Ju° Ajtz'amlam Saqb'in, P° Q'alel Q'eqak'iich Juan Ajtz'amlam669 Saqb'in Pedro Q'alel Q'eqak'iich Juan Ajtz'amlam Saqb'in Pedro Q'alel Q'eqak'iich Juan Ajtz'amlam Saqb'in [and] Pedro Q'alel Q'eqak'iich [were the alcaldes].

669

//Ajtz'alam// is a title for a chinamit office. If this is not a scribal error, the surname is not the same as the office title.

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Xajil Chronicle f Mixerapax altes; xesokan. mi-x-e-rap-ax Alcaldes x-e-sok-an RP-PS-3Ap-flogrPV Alcaldes PS-3Ap-cut-AP The alcaldes were flogged; they were slashed. Kani xejalataj e ajawa'; xe'ok chik xawia juna'. ka-ni x-e-jal-a-taj e ajaw-a x-e-ok chik xa wi a jun-a' neg-neg PS-3Ap-change-TV-MP 3Ap lord-p PS-3Ap-enter r just irr Done-year Immediately, the lords were change;, they took office for just that year. Mixok chi wi patan qal, gonbernador670 ruk'in doctor Bara. mi-x-0-ok chi wi patan q-al gobernador r-uk'in Doctor Barra RP-PS-3A-enter D TC responsibility lEp-child governor 3E-with Doctor Barra Our nephew671, the governor, and Doctor Barra took charge of the tribute. Mixokesan chik patan. mi-x-O-ok-es-an RP-PS-3A-enter-CS-AP The tribute began again.

chik r

patan responsibility

Xa wi a juna' mixkam wi ajaw obispo, nab'ey Obispo Don Franco Marroquin. xa wi a jun-a' mi-x-0-kam wi ajaw Obispo na-b'ey Obispo Don Francisco Marroquin justirr D one-year RP-PS-3A-die TC lord bishop first-way bishop Don Francisco Marroquin This year the lord Bishop passed away, the first Bishop, Don Francisco Marroquin. Mik'axel wo'a' rukajmay yujuj. mi-k'a-x-0-el wo-a' ru-kaj-may RP-D-PS-3A-leave five-year 3E-four-twenty Sixty-five years elapsed since the rebellion.

vu u

j j revolt

Xtixena'aj chik juna' ruwaqaq juna' wa'e' chi wajxaqi' Aj xti-O-xen-a'-aj chik jun-a' ru-waq-aq jun-a' wa'-e' chi waqxaq-i' Aj F-3A-begin-N-IV r one-year 3E-six-rd one-year PD-D PR eight-CN Aj The [sixty-lsixth year will start on eight Aj.

670

The manuscript here has 6. The tilde over vowels represents nasalization; hence, the n in the phonological representation line. 671

The male ego's term for "nephew, sister's son" is //-ikaq'//. This is the relationship specified in Coto (p. 526) as /ral wana'/ "child of my sister". Men do not use the term //-al// child for their direct descendants.

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Xajil Chronicle altes Don P° de Robles, P° Ramirez 1564 a°s. Alcaldes Don Pedro Robles Pedro Ramirez 1564 anos Alcaldes Don Pedro Robles Pedro Ramirez 1564 year Alcaldes, Don Pedro de Robles [and] Pedro Ramirez, year 1564. TIJa k'a mixyawab"ix chi wi ch'uti'q ch'ak; kl'y xb'e ruma. ja k'a mi-x-O-yawa'-b'-ix chi[k] wi ch'ut-i'q ch'ak k'iy x-0-b'e D D RP-PS-3A-sick-I-PV r TClittle-p sore many PS-3A-go Again they were sickened by the little sores; many died because of it.

r-uma 3E-cause

Xa wi k'a ja juna' mixul chi wi jun q'atonel kastillan; xa wi k'a ja jun-a' mi-x-0-ul chi[k] wi jun q'at-on-el kastillan just TC D D one-year RP-PS-3A-arrive r irr one cut-AP-N Castillian This year a Spanish judge arrived; Don Franco Breseno visitador rub'i'. // Don Francisco Breseno Visitador ru-b'i' Don Francisco Breseno Visitador 3E-name his name was Visitador Don Francisco Brizeno. Mi k'a xel waqa' rukajmay yujuj, lunes xik'o Qrcuncision. mi k'a x-0-el waq-a' ru-kaj-may yujuj lunes x-0-ik'o D D PS-3A-leave six-year 3E-four-twenty revolt Monday PS-3A-pass On the Monday after Circumcision elapsed 66 years since the revolt.

Circuncision Circumcision

Xtixena'aj chik juna7 ruwaqaq juna' wa'e' chi woo' Aj 1565 a°s. Xti-O-xen-a'-aj chik jun-a' ru-waq-aq jun-a' F-3A-begin-N-IV r one-year 3E-six-rd one-year The [sixty-]sixth year began here in 1565 on five Aj.

wa'-e' chi wo-o' Aj 1565 anos PD-D PR five-CN Aj 1565 years

Altes Franco Pez, Martin Ma Ajaw wawe'. Alcaldes Francisco Perez Martin Ma ajaw wa-we' Alcaldes Francisco Perez Martin Mr. lord PD-D Alcaldes here: Francisco Perez [and] Ma Ajaw Martin. Xul wi Obispo Don Bernartino, Pan Q'an chi roxij ik' setiembre x-0-ul wi Obispo Don Bernardino Pan Q'an chi r-ox-ij ik' PS-3A-arrive TC bishop Don Bernardino Pan Q'an PR 3E-three-tf month The Bishop, Don Bernardino, arrived in Pan Q'an three days into September.

septiembre September

Wawe' xkam wi Don P° gor K'awinay, Tz'utujil. wa-we' x-0-kam wi Don Pedro gobernador K'awinay Tz'utujil PD-D PS-3A-die irr Don Pedro governor K'awinay Tz'utujil Here died Don Pedro, governor of the K'awinay [and the] Tz'utujil.

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Xajil Chronicle TIJa k'a mixkam wi ajaw Don Jorge. jak'ami-x-O-kam wi ajaw Don Jorge D D RP-PS-3A-die TC lord Don Jorge Then the lord Don Jorge died. Jumay b'eleja' k'a mixajawar Don Jorge mik'axul chik jun Obisp Don Bernartino. jun Obispo Don Bernandino ju-may-b'elej-a' k'a mi-x-O-ajaw-ar Don Jorge mi672 -k'a-x-0-ul one-twenty-nine-year D RP-PS-3A-lord-VR Don Jorge RP-D-PS-3A-arrive one bishop Don Bernardino Don Jorge had been ruling for twenty-nine years when the Bishop, Don Bernardino, arrived. Mixik'o nima kab'raqan; xk'is qajay chuwach ulew, (^elajay, Pasum, Chiq'a'l. mi-x-0-ik'o nim-a' kab'raqan x-0-k'is qa-jay ch[i r]u-wach ulew selajay Pasum Chiq'a'l RP-PS-3A-pass big-p earthquake PS-3A-end lEp-house PR 3E-face ground Selajay Pasum Chiq'a'l There was a great earthquake; our houses were razed, they fell to earth in Selajay, Patziin, [and] Chiq'a'l673. Mani k'a xqa jay wawe'. ma-ni k'a x-0-qa jay neg-neg D PS-3A-go/down house The houses did not collapse here.

wa-we' PD-D

Mixk'is ruwaq juna' martes mixik'o (jircuncision ik' setiembre. mi-x-0-k'is ru-waqjun-a' martes mi-x-0-ik'o ^ircuncision ik' septiembre RP-PS-finish 3E-six one-year Tuesday RP-PS-3A-pass Circumcision month September The [sixty-lsixth year ended on the Tuesday after Circumcision in the month of September. Don Ju° Juarez, Jorge Taweta, Don Xpo°°wal, Don Ju° Ernantez, Luis Perez, Don Juan Juarez Jorge Taweta' Don Cristobal Don Juan Hernandez Luis Perez Don Juan Juarez Jorge Taweta Don Cristobal Don Juan Hernandez Luis Perez Don Juan Juarez, Jorge Taweta', Don Cristobal, Don Juan Hernandez [and] Luis Perez, je e ruk'ajol Don Jorge, je e ru-k'ajol Don Jorge 3Dp 3Ap 3E-son Don Jorge they are the sons of Don Jorge.

672

Here the recent past marker //mi// is separated from the past tense marker //x-// by the particle //k'a//. This may mark a transitional phase from tense aspect marker prefix to independent adverb. Today the cognate form is a slightly longer derived adverbial, varying among the forms myer, lamyer, mi'er. 673

Chiq'a'l is Comalapa, also referred to earlier in the text as Chi Xot.

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Xajil Chronicle 1566 a°s. 1566 afios 1566 years The year 1566

Xtixena'aj chi'kruwajxaq juna/ rukaj may yujuj chika'i' Aj. xti-O-xen-a'aj chi'k ru-waqxaq jun-a' ru-kaj may F-3A-start-N-IV r 3E-eight one-year 3E-four twenty The sixty-eighth year since the revolt will start on two Aj.

y u j u j c ^i ka'-i' Aj revolt PR two-CNAj

T[Di° Ernantez ma Xajil, a°l Pez ma Sib'aqijay altes. Diego Hernandez ma Xajil Alonso Perez Sib'aqijay Alcaldes. Diego Hernandez ma Xajil Alonso Perez Sib'aqijay Alcaldes. Diego Hernandez Ma Xajil [and] Alonso Perez Ma Sib'aqijay, alcaldes. f Chujunab'il mixoqotax el Di° Ernantez Xajil chupam ralkalde'il. ch[i r]u-jun-ab'-il mi-x-0-oqo-t-ax el Diego Hernandez Xajil ch[i r]u-pam r-alkalde'-il PR 3E-one-year-N RP-PS-3A-expel-e-PV leave Diego Hernandez Xajil PR 3E-inside 3E-alcalde-N This year Diego Hernandez Xajil was driven from the office of alcalde. Antonio Carlos coregidor xb'ano steral chi rij. Antinio Carlos corregidor x-0-b'an-o destierro Antonio Carlos corregidor PS-3A-do-AP exile Antonio Carlos, the Corregidor, banished him.

chi r-ij PR 3E-back

IChuwaqlaj ik' de^iembre mixkam Dona Maria rixjayil Don Ju° Xwarez. ch[i r]u-waq-laj ik' deciembre ik' mi-x-0-kam Dona Maria r-ix-jay-il Don Juan Juarez PR 3E-six-ten month December month RP-PS-3A-die Dona Maria 3E-W-house-N Don Juan Juarez On the sixteenth of the month of December, died Dona Maria, the wife of Don Juan Juarez. 1567 a°s_ 1567 anos 1567 years. Year 1567. IDon P° de Robles, P° Ramirez altes. Don Pedro de Robles, Pedro Ramirez Alcaldes Don Pedro de Robles Pedro Ramirez Alcaldes Don Pedro de Robles [and] Pedro Ramirez, alcaldes.

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Xajil Chronicle Rub'elej juna' rukaj may yujuj chi kab'lajuj Aj.674 ru-b'elej jun-a' ru-kaj may y u J u ) chi kab'-laj-uj Aj 3E-nine one-year 3E-four twenty revolt PR two-ten-unit Aj Sixty-nine years since the revolt, on twelve Aj. IChujuwinaq lajuj ik' xik'o k'astajib'al Pascua, ch[i r]u-ju-winaq laj-uj ik' x-0-ik'o k'as-taj-i-b'-al Pascua PR 3E-one-twenty ten-unit month PS-3A-pass live-MP-E-I-N Pascual On the thirtieth of the month after the beginning of the Pascual feast had passed, mixk'amar wi Sancto Sacramento wawe', Sancta Maria Asumpgion Tzolola'. mi-x-O-k'am-ar wi Santo Sacramento wa-we' Santa Maria Asump^ion Tzolola' RP-PS-3A-carry-VR TC Santo Sacramento PD-D Santa Maria Asuncion Tzolola' the Holy Sacrament was brought here to Santa Maria Asuncion Tzolola'. 1568 a°s 1568 anos 1568 year Year 1568. [p. 70] Don P° Solis, Ju° Lopez ma Simaj altes. Don Pedro Solis Juan Lopez ma simaj Alcaldes Don Pedro Solis Juan Lopez ma staff Alcaldes Don Pedro Solis [and] Juan Lopez Ma Simaj, alcaldes. Rulajuj juna' rukamay yujuj chi b'eleje' Aj. ru-laj-uj jun-a' ru-ka-may y u ) u j chi b'elej-e' 3E-ten-unit one-year 3E-two-score revolt PR nine-CN Seventy years elapsed since the revolt, on nine Aj.

Aj Aj

fChujunab'il mixik'o wi Don Franco Breseno visitador chuwi'