John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance England 9780773564008

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JOHN CASE AND ARISTOTELIANISM IN RENAISSANCE ENGLAND

This perceptive study of John Case, teacher of philosophy at Oxford from the mid-15605 until his death in 1600 and author of expositions of Aristotle which became standard textbooks of the time, focuses on his intellectual and cultural milieu and reveals how Case represents the intellectual awakening of Renaissance England. Dr. Schmitt shows that Case was heir to both the traditions of scholastic interpretation of Aristotle and the newer humanistic currents, that his Aristotelianism was strongly eclectic, and that he drew heavily upon Renaissance Neoplatonic and other intellectual traditions in compiling well-rounded philosophical manuals adapted to his age. Schmitt argues that, even though Case was the prime representative of peripatetic thought during Elizabeth's reign, he forged strong links with leading figures in such areas of English culture as drama, literature, art, and music, as well as with important ecclesiastical and political figures. He also contends that Aristotelian philosophy had a much more central position in England than has been previously admitted. Case's position in the scholastic revival which marked late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century English intellectual life is charted, and the historical reality of this revival is firmly established. Charles B. Schmitt is a member of the Warburg Institute at the University of London.

McGiLL-QuEEN's STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF IDEAS Richard H. Popkin, Editor

5

JOHN CASE AND ARISTOTELIANISM IN RENAISSANCE ENGLAND Charles B. Schmitt

McGill-Queen's University Press Kingston and Montreal

©McGill-Queen's University Press 1983 ISBN 0-7735-1005-2 Legal deposit and quarter 1983 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec Printed in Canada

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Schmitt, Charles B. John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance England (McGill-Queen's studies in the history of ideas, ISSN 0711-0995; 5) Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-7735-1005-2

i. Case, John, d. 1600. 2. Philosophy, English — i6th century. 3. Aristotle Influence. I. Title. II. Series. 8785.044 192 082-095272-9 An earlier version of Chapter V appeared in Annals of Science 33(1976): 543-59, and parts of Chapter IV, Section VIII have been adapted from an article which appeared in S. Bertelli and G. Ramakus, eds., Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1978). The author gratefully acknowledges the permission granted by the relevant publishers to use the material here.

To John, Thomas, and Elizabeth

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Contents

Preface

ix

Plates

xii

Abbreviations

xv

Introduction I Aristotelianism in England II The Life and Works of John Case III John Case and His Intellectual Milieu IV Case's Eclectic Aristotelianism and Its Historical Context V John Case on Art and Nature VI Conclusion Appendices

1 II III IV V VI VII VIII

Logic Books Printed in England before 1620 John Case's Will John Case's Letters The Apologia academiarum Prefatory Letters and Liminary Verses to Case's Works The Title Page of the Lapis philosophicus Case's Tabula: "Utrum arte chymica verum aurum fiat?" The Authorship of The Praise ofMusicke

3 13 77 106 139 191 217 225 230 237 246 251 253 255 256

Bibliography

259

Index

295

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Preface

THIS WORK BEGAN, rather inconspicuously, in 1973 as a brief chapter in a book I was proposing to do on Renaissance Aristotelianism. A few months after I began to write a chapter on John Case, who was to be my representative of English Aristotelianism, it became obvious that it would be somewhat uncongenial to compress him into twenty-five or thirty pages. Indeed, it has ultimately proven difficult to do him justice in a study ten times that length. In beginning to work on Case I was unaware of the richness of his life and thought and of the extent to which the Aristotelian tradition in Renaissance England had been neglected by earlier scholars. Consequently, this modest book has taken much more time and energy than I had anticipated. Moreover, in the final analysis it must be considered as merely the beginning of a comprehensive attempt to understand John Case's position in Elizabethan England and the general position of Aristotle in the English cultural life of the time. In undertaking this study I was surprised to discover that our comprehension of so many aspects of Elizabethan intellectual history is at present in such a rudimentary state. My sketch certainly cannot fill this gap in our knowledge, but I hope that it at least calls attention to it. Though primarily concerned to present John Case as a figure worthy of study in his own right, I have found it necessary to add a rather lengthy prefatory chapter, in which I attempt to establish a more general context for the understanding of the development of Aristotelianism as a whole in Renaissance England. Particularly in Chapter I—but also to some degree in the volume as a whole—I have tried to suggest a framework within which to interpret certain aspects of the intellectual history of Elizabethan England. I know very well that

x

Preface

the view I present goes counter to most of what has been written on the subject, including what has been published by many distinguished scholars, for whose work I have very high respect indeed. Nonetheless, after spending several years investigating the relevant sources and comparing them with my general knowledge of European Renaissance thought, I have concluded that much that has been written on Aristotelianism in Renaissance England misses the mark. When I had completed the penultimate draft of this study, there appeared a significant article by J.K. McConica,1 which I have been unable to take fully into account. The conclusions of his paper are similar to mine in some respects, and it has served as a fillip to the final efforts to prepare my book for the press. Like most authors, I am probably more cognizant of the shortcomings of this book than are potential reviewers. Again, like most authors, I do not intend to describe the book's failings in detail. I merely say that there should have been at least two further chapters: one on Case's views on education, centring on the Apologia academiarum, and another on his political philosophy, focusing on the Sphaera civitatis. After serious consideration I have decided to leave these subjects aside for the time being, hoping that perhaps other scholars more qualified than I might undertake the task. Indeed, both topics are so important that each may deserve monographic treatment in its own right. My volume begins the serious investigation of the two subjects mentioned in the title, but it makes no claim to completeness. In preparing this book I have made more than ordinary use of the good offices of many friends and colleagues, particularly for the fields of English history and literature, in which I am a neophyte. I should like to express my gratitude to the following, who helped me in a variety of ways: Jennifer Ashworth, M. Feingold, J.Z. Freeman, J.F. Fuggles, A. Davidson, A.T. Grafton, Lisajardine, P.O. Kristeller, J.M. Levine, J.K. McConica, J.E. McGuire, Edith Sylla, D.P. Walker, and the late Frances Yates, who unfortunately did not live to see the publication of the volume. B.P. Copenhaver's careful reading of the entire typescript saved me from errors and infelicities of expression. Sarah Hutton has shared my interest in Case for some years, and she has consistently aided me in my study of him. L.V. Ryan placed at my disposal his deep and broad knowledge of Case and his intellectual milieu. Besides giving me the benefit of his knowledge of the Latin i. McConica, "Humanism and Aristotle."

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Preface

culture of Elizabethan England, J.W. Binns was also kind enough to make many suggestions for the improvement of the typescript. Research on this subject was materially aided by grants from the American Philosophical Society, the J.S. Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, and the Warburg Institute. A visiting research fellowship at Merton College, Oxford, made it possible for me to work on materials in Oxford at some leisure; J.R.L. Highfield and A.D. Pagden helped to make my stay at Merton as rewarding as it was. I am also indebted to C. Webster for arranging for me to present an earlier version of some of the material appearing here in a series of public lectures at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, as well as for other kindnesses. Most of the work necessary for this study was done in the British Library, Bodleian Library (thanks go especially to Ruth Vyse for help in using the Oxford University Archives), Institute for Historical Research Library, and Warburg Institute Library. Among the numerous other libraries used special mention should be made of the Library of St. John's College, Oxford; the University Library, Cambridge; the Library of the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London; the Dr. Williams Library, London; the Library of University College, London; and the University of London Library. I am indebted to the University Library, Leiden, for sending me photocopies of materials in their possession. The Bodleian Library and St. John's College, Oxford have graciously allowed me to reproduce material in their possession for Plates i and 3. Acknowledgement is made to the Keeper of the Archives, University of Oxford, for allowing me to consult relevant material in the Archive. Finally, I should like to thank J.B. Trapp for his continuing sympathetic help and for providing an atmosphere at the Warburg Institute that is most congenial for research. By publishing this work I hope to suggest that the Aristotelian tradition is also part of the classical tradition. In conclusion let me note that more time than expected has passed between the completion of this book and its appearance in print. I have profited from the opportunity to bring the bibliography up to date and to make several modifications and additions to the text. In substance, however, the book remains little changed from the version finished in 1 979London

September 1982

C.B.S.

i. Portrait of John Case (By courtesy of the President and Fellows of St. John's College, Oxford)

2. "Tabula virtutum et vitiorum omnium," from John Case's Speculum quaestionum moralium (Frankfurt, 1594)

3. Tide page of John Case's Lapis philosophicus (Oxford, 1599) (By courtesy of the Bodleian Library, Oxford)

Abbreviations

A. LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVES

BL BM UL OUA

Bodleian Library, Oxford British Library, London University Library Oxford University Archives B.

DNB DSB Foster

PRINTED WORKS

Dictionary of National Biography Dictionary of Scientific Biography J. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714 (Oxford, 1891-92) HSJC W.H. Stevenson and H.E. Salter, The Early History of St. John's College Oxford (Oxford, 1939) NCBEL New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature Register Register of the University of Oxford. Vol. I (1449—63; 1505-71). ed. C.W. Boase (Oxford, 1885); vol. II (1571-1622), ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1887-89) Statuta Statuta antiqua Universitatis Oxoniensis, ed. Strickland Gibson (Oxford, 1931) STC Short Title Catalogue Wood, AO Anthony a Wood, Athenae Oxonienses ... , ed. P. Bliss (London, 1813—20) Wood, HA Anthony a Wood, The History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford ... , ed. J. Gutch (Oxford, 1786-96) Wood, Fasti Anthony £ Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss (London, 1815-20)

xvi

Abbreviations C. W O R K S O F J O H N CASE

ABC AM AP LP RSM SC SQM SVI TO

ABCedarium moralis philosophiae, contained in Reflexus speculi moralis (Oxford, 1596), 209—68 Apologia musices (Oxford, 1588) Ancilla philosophiae (Oxford, 1599) Lapis philosophicus (Oxford, 1599) Reflexus speculi moralis (Oxford, 1596) Sphaera civitatis (Oxford, 1588) Speculum quaestionum moralium (Oxford, 1585) Summa veterum interpretum (London, 1584) Thesaurus oeconomiae (Oxford, 1597)

These are some of the libraries and works most frequently cited in the book. Other works are cited by author and short title; fuller publication details can be found in the Bibliography. All of Case's works are cited from the first editions.

JOHN CASE AND ARISTOTELIANISM IN RENAISSANCE ENGLAND

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Introduction

i IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY John Case was described as "the greatest philosopher that our English universities have brought forth in this time."1 Posterity, however, has not upheld this opinion, even in a severely diluted form. If Case is remembered at all today, it is more for his writing on music than for his vast philosophical treatises, more for the illustration adorning one of them than for the ideas the book contains, more for being a continuator of outmoded doctrine than for being a harbinger of novelty. Case's first work appeared in 1584, and nothing from his pen was reprinted after 1630; yet some forty editions of nine different works appeared under his name between those dates. His philosophical treatises were still being read towards the middle of the seventeenth century but soon afterwards fell rapidly into oblivion. During his own day several of them were frequently reprinted and seemingly read. His Speculum quaestionum moralium went through eleven editions in England and Germany. This can be compared with the seven issues of Edmund Spenser's Faerie Queene and Shepheardes Calender during the same period or with the twenty-five-odd editions of Philip Sidney's Arcadia,, which had been prepared for publication after the author's death by Case's close friend Matthew Gwinne. If Case's lasting fame cannot rival that of the two vernacular poets just mentioned, his thought nevertheless represents an aspect of Elizabethan intellectual life that has remained hidden for three and one-half centuries. i. Campion Englished, 19-20. This is the translator's "Epistle to the Reader." In general, I shall not document this introductory section. The specific texts referred to are discussed elsewhere, and references to them can be found in the Bibliography.

4

John Case and Aristotelianism

In the twentieth century much energy has been expended in seeking to illuminate the Elizabethan Age and its intellectual achievement. In most of these attempts Case is mentioned not at all. When he is mentioned, it is usually to discredit him and the intellectual tradition he represents, without his ever being given an opportunity to speak for himself. Only occasionally has he been seriously considered in more specific contexts, for example, regarding his thought on music, Machiavelli, theatre, logic, or time. In several of these instances one detects an interesting, if not precisely fascinating, mind beneath the surface of words in his weighty tomes. Yet the burden of proof must still rest on the one who wishes to claim that a study of Case is likely to shed a new ray of clarifying light on our historical understanding of late-sixteenth-century England. The prevailing—if not authoritative—interpretations of recent years suggest a different picture. M.H. Carre (1949) cited Case as an example of how "philosophical minds were still engrossed by the old enquiries," without himself showing in any very precise way how the "old enquiries" were markedly inferior to the "new" ones presumably being carried out by Case's contemporaries. A few years later Paolo Rossi in his important and influential book on Francis Bacon (1957) argued that Case's Lapis philosophic^ "manca ogni riferimento alle discussioni contemporanee," failing to realize just how close Case came to formulating several key doctrines that shortly afterwards were taken to characterize the Baconian method. In his valuable survey of Tudor literature on the physical sciences S.K. Heninger (1969) wrote that Case's discussion of the subject was "erudite, but wholly derivative, seeing the world through eyes bleared by age and midnight oil," but he chose not to remark on how Case's writings were an improvement on other such works produced in Elizabeth's England. My study will show that Case was indeed a part of an older tradition and that his philosophy was in general conservative rather than progressive. It will also show, I hope, that terms such as "old" and "derivative" must be viewed in a specific context. When this is done and when Case has been linked with certain contemporary tendencies and when the general intellectual milieu in which he worked has been established, he does not necessarily appear so out of touch with his times. Moreover, when Renaissance Aristotelianism in general is given the more positive interpretation several scholars have been allotting to it for the past generation, his intellectual position and that of the philosophy he represents does not seem so low on the ladder of success as has generally been assumed.

Introduction

5

Given the rather dim view taken of John Case and his writings by those modern interpreters who have gone to the trouble to mention him, one might ask, Why write a book about him? My justification for this must largely be sought in the pages of this volume. However, it might be said that there is little evidence that even the modern interpreters who have written global judgements on Case have read his rather bulky works very thoroughly. A few interesting passages from his writings have been cited from time to time, it is true, but those who have made various dismissive statements about his worth inspire little confidence that their judgements are based upon understanding a spectrum of Case's works in the contemporary context. Several studies in the past few years make clear, however, that the time is now ripe to give a fuller consideration to Case's position (a) as part of the Renaissance revival of Aristotelianism and (b) as part of the developing interest in philosophy and science in late-sixteenth-century England. ii

Only recently has it become obvious that the continuity of the Aristotelian tradition during the Renaissance was of far greater import than the previous historiographical tradition has recognized. Not only did Platonism (in its myriad variations including Hermeticism, Neoplatonism, and neo-Pythagoreanism), Stoicism, atomism, and scepticism have their role to play in the intellectual developments of the age, but so too did the numerous varieties of Aristotelianism. It has been a discovery of the past generation that the interest in Aristotelianism grew significantly during the Renaissance. The evidence for such a growth can be seen from many different perspectives: the number of printed editions, new translations, commentaries, and textbooks; the central role of Peripatetic ideas in the thought of many prominent humanists from Leonardo Bruni onward; the continuity of Aristotelian themes in scientific studies down to the time of Galileo and Harvey; the central position of the Poetics and Rhetoric in the literary theorizing of the time, both in Italy and elsewhere. Though serious research in this area has only begun, the general guidelines are reasonably clear, even if the intricacies of the many manifestations of Aristotelian doctrine in the fabric of the Renaissance have not yet been fully revealed and even if some of the major figures of the movement have not yet been subjected to careful research and analysis. We now have some notion of the extent to which Aristotle dominated the sixteenth century; future investigations in this field ought to be

6

John Case and Aristotelianism

directed towards shedding light on the many yet unillumined corners. Clearly, one of the century's significant writers on Aristotelian subjects was John Case of Woodstock. Although a detailed study of John Case cannot drastically change our evaluation of Renaissance Aristotelianism, a consideration of his position does provide us with a different perspective on the situation and helps to furnish guidelines for a better understanding of several facets of the tradition that have hitherto been shrouded in mystery. Among other things, Case was the most important representative of Aristotelian thought in England, certainly during the reign of Elizabeth, and quite possibly during the entire Renaissance. Aristotelianism was a general European movement, centred in Italy, France, Germany, and the Iberian Peninsula, but also of substantial import on a periphery stretching from Scotland and Ireland to Poland and Czechoslovakia. It is vital to evaluate the prime English exponent within this broader perspective. As yet no English Aristotelian of the sixteenth or seventeenth century has been subjected to anything approaching a serious dissection. Aristotelian philosophy and science, as we shall see in the first chapter of this study, were not nearly so successful in sixteenth-century England as on the European mainland. Only towards the end of the century did Aristotelianism begin to show some of the vigour it had previously enjoyed on the Continent and to regain some of the force it had exerted at Oxford during the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Though Renaissance Aristotelianism in general has been a subject of serious study for several decades now, its continuity in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England has heretofore scarcely been considered a field worthy of serious scholarly investigation. What study there has been—for example, by M.H. Curtis, W.T. Costello, and H. Kearney—has tended to focus upon the place of Aristotelian studies in university curricula and has left nearly untouched the interpretation of the writings themselves, as well as the lives, personalities, and intellectual contexts of the individuals who wrote the Aristotelian works. Studies on more restricted topics—for example, those of W.S. Howell, N.W. Gilbert, and Lisajardine—have nearly always been limited to particular aspects of Peripatetic philosophy in England. As yet we have no detailed monographic treatment of a characteristic English Aristotelian of the period, such as we have for a Zabarella, a Soto, a Fonseca, or an Arnisaeus. Consequently, we are not in a position to say how Aristotelian culture functioned in Elizabethan England and how a representative

Introduction

7

Aristotelian such as John Case was viewed by his contemporaries on British soil. The studies of H.F. Fletcher and A.R. Hall have made evident the role of Aristotelian studies in the formation of such important Cambridge-trained intellectual giants of the seventeenth century as John Milton and Isaac Newton. But as yet no individual "Aristotelian" has been subjected to close scrutiny. Once this has been done we should be in a much better position to initiate a more comprehensive evaluation of the function of the Aristotelian tradition in England in both its positive and its negative aspects. It is also necessary, however, to relate English Renaissance thought to the intellectual context of Europe as a whole. An ever-widening gulf has grown up between modern scholarship and the realities of the Renaissance communication of ideas, perhaps largely through the vicissitudes by which the historiography of English philosophy became separated from that of continental Europe. Students of English literature and history take little note of Continental traditions, and in like manner, much Continental scholarship gives but a fleeting glance to the sixteenth-century developments across the Channel. In intellectual matters the influence in the sixteenth century was largely into England from abroad, but during the next century the traffic was in two directions, the reversal almost symbolically coming of age at the watershed date of 1600 with the publication of William Gilbert's De magnete. If Continental thought and intellectual activity in general were more momentous for England than vice versa during most of the Tudor period, the beginnings of a traffic in ideas in the other direction may be observed towards the end of the sixteenth century. It can be seen, for example, in the printing of works by men such as William Temple, Timothy Bright, Nathaniel Baxter, John Case, and Everard Digby at the Wechel Press of Frankfurt from the 15805 onward. in

In preparing this first substantial study on John Case and his works, I have therefore tried to view him as part of a larger whole. The intellectual history of the sixteenth century cannot be viewed in isolation. Western history is conventionally divided into medieval and early modern—the term "Renaissance" often being used for the later period, especially when cultural and intellectual history are at the centre of focus. An alternative periodization, but one seldom

8

John Case and Aristotelianism

employed, might consider the centuries from the twelfth to the seventeenth as a unit. Such a division of history has its attractions, especially when philosophy and science are seen as central driving forces. Aristotelianism in the West lasted as a key intellectual force for precisely that period. From the time of the cultural ferment of the twelfth-century renaissance down to the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century there was a historical continuity that should be considered as a single unit and not broken down into medieval and early modern. The force of the Aristotelian tradition did not end with the thirteenth or fourteenth century but persisted as a backdrop against which intellectual achievement had to be evaluated for several more centuries. Only with Bacon, Descartes, and Galileo—feeding on the critical tradition of Copernicus, Ramus, Telesio, Patrizi, and Bruno, among others—do we see that Aristotelianism failed to revive itself as a viable general philosophy, though even then several branches of the Peripatetic system displayed continuing stamina. John Case, living in the sixteenth century, must therefore be considered part of a longer timespan. He flourished near the end of the most creative and fruitful period of Aristotelianism, but, for England at least, his endeavour is clearly a step forward compared to the intellectual productions of the several generations that preceded him. At the same time, his links were not only with sixteenth-century Continental contemporaries but with many medieval Aristotelians extending back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. He was part of a developing tradition of thought, deeply indebted to all that had gone before and yet critical and creative within the limitations of the given framework. One can certainly not claim that English Aristotelianism of the period 1575-1650 ranks as one of the creative highpoints of Western philosophical history, but it does have an integrity and historical significance that have not generally been recognized. Given the prevailing view of English intellectual history, it may prove difficult for many to realize that there was a definable Aristotelian revival from Digby, Case, and Hooker down to Laud and William Harvey, but to me such an interpretation seems obvious and necessary. In this book an attempt has been made to assemble some of the evidence for this assertion, but it is clear that the collection of materials to support the thesis is still far from complete and that much further work is required before it can be regarded as anything other than the most cautious of hypotheses. But, hypothesinfingol Integral to this study is another assertion—and in this case I am not

Introduction

9

so cautious in putting it forward—namely, that English intellectual history of the sort with which we are here concerned cannot be studied in isolation from European history as a whole. I say this as a non-specialist and even as a beginner in the study of things English, but even as a neophyte I find disturbing the all too insular approach to the study of Tudor intellectual and literary history that currently prevails. In my view it has introduced a grave distortion into the entire subject. I believe that there was a period, roughly from the time of Henry's break with Rome through the first decade or so of Elizabeth's rule, when ties with the Continent were very precarious (excepting perhaps, within certain limitations, Mary's short-lived reign, which did not really last long enough to allow a satisfactory re-establishment of communications). Thus the middle half of the sixteenth century represents an unusual period in English history, one in which there were relatively few links with the general European tradition. Even then, however, Anglo-European contacts were perhaps more pronounced than often supposed. After Elizabeth had reasserted the primacy of Protestantism and had given to England a political security, a renewed affirmation of intellectual aspiration was again possible. In the first phase, philosophically and scientifically at least, much of this was Aristotelian, and John Case was the first author to write extensively in this field. The conformity of his thought to European canons of taste and standards of competence is amply demonstrated by the frequent reprinting of his more ambitious works on the Continent. It cannot be denied, of course, that there is a characteristic English flavour to be found in the writings of a man such as Case. He wrote extensively of education in England, leaving behind an unpublished work on the subject; his philosophical expositions were keyed to the Oxford system of instruction; among his writings are found many allusions to specifically English matters, for example, Elizabeth's rule, the defeat of the Armada, and the vernacular writings of Chaucer, Coryat, Sidney, and Breton. But on balance, his Aristotelian textbooks are part of the general European tradition: the authorities he mentions, and demonstrably uses, are nearly all non-English; the technique of exposition owes much both to German Protestants and to southern European Catholics; in all major respects his works were written for an international Latin-reading public. Aristotelianism in the West as a cultural phenomenon must be studied as a whole. This is not to deny that there were local variations of each which must be considered in its own right. Nevertheless, Latin

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John Case and Aristotelianism

Aristotelianism stretching from the twelfth to the seventeenth century had a degree of internal unity and organic development that cannot easily be dismissed. The peculiarities of English, Polish, or New-World Aristotelianism, as well as the differences distinguishing the Catholic, Lutheran, or Calvinist varieties, are far outweighed by a unifying concern for the same philosophical and scientific problems and an invocation of the same sources of inspiration by which to solve them. Although one should not gloss over temporal, geographical, religious, or intellectual distinctions that separated one type of Aristotelianism from another, by the same token one must not allow the many varieties to obscure the general homogeneity of the movement as a whole. It is in this way—as an interpretation of a small but constituent part of the more general course of European Aristotelianism extending from the twelfth to the seventeenth century—that the present study should be viewed. While I hope that it brings some clarification to an unstudied portion of the whole, I also hope that it serves to illuminate the remarkable longevity and appeal of Aristotelianism throughout Europe. IV

John Case, along with Richard Hooker, William Gilbert, and several others, is in a foreground from which Elizabethan intellectual life is to be interpreted. That the vernacular poetry written during the period can provide amusement and even delectation should not force us to accept the prevailing view that poetry lies in the foreground of Elizabethan England while philosophy and science remain locked in a rather vaguely defined background. A writer such as Case may mention a vernacular poet upon occasion, but there should be no mistaking the fact that the culture he—and others—put forward provided the general source of knowledge and the framework of ideas from which poetic contrivance could be fashioned. By this I do not mean to imply that Case was a highly original thinker; I wish merely to argue that the material he transmitted and, to some minor degree at least, added to and transformed served as the fans et origo for much of the intellectual culture of Elizabeth's England in a sense in which vernacular poetry, plays, or handbooks of popular science and philosophy did not. What I am emphasizing is that "Elizabethan literature" has generally been understood and interpreted in too narrow a sense. English literature of the period should be seen in the

Introduction

11

same way in which Tiraboschi saw Italian literature in his great eighteenth-century Storia della letteratura italiana. That is to say, writings in Latin (or in French or Greek) by Englishmen—including those in philosophical, scientific, educational, and theological fields—should be considered "English literature" as readily as are poetry, drama, literary criticism, and various narratives composed in the vulgar tongue. There are several important reasons why such an approach should be liberating. First, it considers a wider range of materials eventually to be incorporated into any. synthesis. Consequently, any resulting interpretation will be of a correspondingly greater degree of generality. Second, it reduces the distortion of evaluation resulting from a strong bias favouring vernacular writings to Latin ones. The factors that led Englishmen of the period to write in Latin rather than in English were based on motives and directives wholly extraneous to the intrinsic merit or worth of what the authors had to say. Third, in terms of influence abroad the works written in Latin and more specifically those in fields other than "literature" in the narrow modern sense were known and used. Case, Bacon, Fludd, and Harvey were printed and read on the Continent during the seventeenth century more than were Spenser, Sidney, Donne, or Marlowe. If there is to be a re-evaluation of English "literature" of the Elizabethan period along the lines I am suggesting, it will involve a broad and specific consideration of many English writings in the Latin tongue, a language that still functioned as the primary vehicle of communication in the respublica literaria. Such a re-evaluation would have repercussions for European thought and culture as a whole, but perhaps more importantly, it could lead to assessing afresh the specifically English situation based upon a broader spectrum of extant literary remains. The vast scholarly activity expended in the recent generations since "English literature" came into vogue as a school and university subject has produced a distorted and lopsided picture that should be refocused and brought back into balance. While it cannot be denied that the "To be or not to be" soliloquy speaks to the twentieth-century reader in a way in which Crakanthorpe's Latin musings on ens and esse cannot, there is also a historical dimension at stake here. Shakespeare out of context is still meaningful for us and is to be reckoned with. Also to be reckoned with, however, though in more historical and less immediately direct way, is the vast number of Renaissance writings that did not outlast the epoch in which they were

12

John Case and Aristotelianism

set down. It is in this way that the consideration of a writer such as John Case ought to be viewed. If nothing else, he could at the very least provide the humdrum backdrop against which the writings of more able men are to be evaluated. I hope, however, that this study illustrates that even Case is worthy of interest for other reasons as well. It cannot be claimed that he stands out as one of the major figures of his age; but he deserves some attention. In this volume I have not been able to do justice to all of the interesting aspects of Case's life and writings, but I hope to have at least initiated a consideration of him and the tradition he represents. I must leave it to others to deepen and expand my work, not only about the one man who lies at the centre of my focus, but also for an entire aspect of Elizabethan intellectual history hardly studied by modern scholars.

I

Aristotelianism in England

I.

THE MEDIEVAL BACKGROUND

DURING THE THIRTEENTH and fourteenth centuries Oxford was the equal of any other intellectual centre in Europe. Along with Paris it was one of the great northern European universities of masters, developing a very strong emphasis on arts and theology in contrast to the characteristic bias of Italian universities towards legal and medical studies. As the arts curriculum developed in the medieval universities, both in the medical context of Italy and in the theological context of northern Europe, the known writings of Aristotle became the core of the educational system. Even if late medieval developments took the frontiers of knowledge well beyond what was envisioned by the Stagirite, for example, in the evolution of novel physical or logical doctrine, the starting point and the canon by which achievement was to be judged was still Aristotelian. The general way in which this came about is reasonably well known and there is no need to spell it out in detail. What happened at Oxford from about 1375 to the end of the fifteenth century in teaching and creative philosophical and scientific activity is somewhat more obscure. Only recently has some effort been made to chart the history of late-medieval and Renaissance Oxford in any sort of detail. Though the results of this new research have only partially been published, the picture beginning to emerge contrasts in many particulars with most of the remainder of Europe.l After the i. See esp. J.M. Fletcher, Arts at Oxford and "The Teaching of Arts"; McConica, English Humanists, 76-105, and review of Kearney; and the papers by McConica ("Scholars and Commoners in Renaissance Oxford") and Lytle ("Patronage Patterns and

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John Case and Aristotelianism

intensely creative fourteenth century there was a lull and even a period of severe decline in the intellectual fortunes of Oxford University. From 1375 (by which time all of the more original thinkers associated with the Merton School had died) until the 15205 (when the new humanistic movement attained a degree of significance at both Oxford and Cambridge) there are few discernible landmarks.2 During this century and a half, however, the logical and scientific writings of the Merton School spread all over Europe, enjoying a particularly brilliant fortuna in Italy and in central and eastern Europe.3 Indeed, in the case of Italy there can be no doubt that the traditions of natural philosophy and logic derived from the Oxford masters represented, along with native Italian humanism, one of the two dominant intellectual trends of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.4 Meanwhile, at Oxford itself there was some continuity of interest in the fourteenth-century material, but one is left with the distinct impression that it was not so urgently studied and transmitted from master to pupil as it was in Italy.5 Nonetheless, the logical and scientific works of Walter Burley (from ca. 1275 to after 1344), perhaps the most prolific of all the

fourteenth-century Oxford masters, still retained a popularity in England,6 along with a few other specialized and technical works such

Oxford Colleges c. 1300-0. 1500") in Stone, University in Society, I: 151-81, 111-49, where references to earlier literature can be found. 2. J.M. Fletcher, Arts at Oxford, is the fullest discussion. Some attention is given to the unpublished philosophical, theological, and scientific writings of the period. See also Clagett, Mechanics in the Middle Ages, 629—35. 3. See Clagett, Mechanics in the Middle Ages, 629—7' > Dionisotli, "Ermolao Barbaro"; Garin, L'Eta nuova, 139-77 ("La cultura fiorentina nella seconda meta del 300 e i 'barbari britanni'") and 449-75 ("Gli umanisti e la scienza"); Vasoli, Profezia e ragione, 405-75; Murdoch & Sylla, "Swineshead"; Schmitt, "Hieronymus Picus"; and Witt, "Salutati and Contemporary Physics," 4. For emphasis on this point see, in addition to the works of Dionisotti and Garin cited in the previous note, also Kristeller, Studies, 553—83 ("Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance"), and Gilbert, "Humanists and Disputation." 5. J.M. Fletcher, Arts at Oxford. 6. Judging from extant manuscripts, few of which are English, it seems as though such writers as Heytesbury, Swineshead, and Bradwardine were less read in fifteenth-century England than in Italy. Such, however, was not the case with Burley. See the evidence in Weisheipl, "Repertorium Mertonense," and Murdoch & Sylla, "Walter Burley," in DSB, II: 608—12. Early printed logic manuals in England also disclose some continuity of fourteenth-century logic in the fifteenth century. See below, sec. III.

Aristotelianism in England

15

as the De modo significandi of Thomas of Erfurt, at the time often attributed to Duns Scotus.7 Though there was still some interest in the intricate works of natural philosophy and logic that were the hallmarks of the Oxford school centred on Merton College, the evidence thus far brought to light indicates that its continuity in fifteenth-century Oxford was through abbreviated and derivative compendia.8 Indeed, the prevalent inclination at Oxford, in both philosophy and theology, was towards Scotism, a philosophy noted for its subtle metaphysical and logical reasoning and for its penetrating theological analyses. Beginning in the opening decades of the sixteenth century, English humanists, imbued with Italian and Erasmian ideals, began reacting in a rather violent way against the medieval traditions, namely, intricate terminist logic, complex quasi-mathematical natural philosophy, and subtle Scotist metaphysics.9 The evidence thus far evaluated indicates that little original thought was generated at Oxford during the fifteenth century. Even less progressive was Cambridge, which was to remain very much a provincial university in the shadow of Oxford for several generations to come. The rigorous and demanding works of the fourteenthcentury Merton School were still being widely read, copied, and eventually printed into the early years of the sixteenth century, but this was mostly in Italy and not in England.10 Logic was the single philosophical discipline that continued to flourish in England throughout the fifteenth century. When the printing press arrived, primarily the logic texts were made available through the new medium of communication. Until the Reformation at least, printed logic books were closely tied to university instruction in the subject, and early printed logics in England were largely derivative from the medieval development in the discipline. Beyond a handful of logic books few philosophical works were 7. For the text itself see Thomas of Erfurt, Grammatics, speculativa. For the various attributions of the work during the Middle Ages and later, as well as for a list of MSS, see Grabmann, Thomas von Erfurt, \ 1-33, and Pinborg, Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, passim, esp. 318. 8. Clagett, Mechanics in the Middle Ages, 629-35; J.M. Fletcher, Arts at Oxford. Also see below. 9. This will be discussed more fully below. 10. See the publications cited in the previous notes, esp. the list of MSS and editions given by Weisheipl, "Repertorium Mertonense." For the case of Swineshead see the evidence collected in Murdoch & Sylla, "Swineshead," and Schmitt, "Hieronymus Picus."

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printed in fifteenth-century England. 1 ' This stands in marked contrast with the book production of continental Europe. Not only were the major philosophical works of antiquity—Plato, Aristotle, Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and Seneca—printed in multiple editions, but many of the great philosophical works of the Middle Ages also flowed from printing centres such as Rome, Venice, Louvain, Paris, Cracow, Cologne, Leipzig, and Vienna. On the Continent philosophers of note, and of at least temporary popularity, are to be found in the fifteenth century. Besides men like Bruni, Ficino, and Pico, who look forward to the non-university philosophical culture of the sixteenth and later centuries, there were a number of university philosophers who made their mark on the century, several at least gaining a somewhat more lasting fame. These include Peter of Mantua, Paul of Venice, and Gaetano da Thiene, from Italy, and Heimericus de Campo, Lambertus de Monte, Johannes Versoris, and Johannes de Glogovia, from the north.12 England, however, produced no one of this stature; indeed, it is doubtful whether any of the fifteenth-century Oxford masters were known beyond the confines of their own immediate circle of colleagues and students. The one man from the British Isles who attained international stature was John Major (1469—1510), a Scottish Franciscan who founded an important school of philosophy and theology while teaching at Paris around the turn of the sixteenth century.13 Although some of the extant manuscript works produced at Oxford during the fifteenth century are worthy of serious attention—for their historical, if not for their philosophical, importance—what has been brought to light thus far reveals a rather moribund university culture, largely derivative from the more creative hundred years prior to the devastation wrought by the Black Death. Even as a transmitter of earlier learning, Oxford was not as significant as Italian universities such as Bologna, Padua, Ferrara, and Pavia, 11. I shall discuss the logic books below. In England there were four editions of Aristotelian works printed in the fifteenth century as listed in Duff, Fifteenth Century English Books, nn. a i , 26, 32, 237. This can be compared to the total of 552 Aristotelian items printed before 1500 in all of Europe, as listed in Flodr, Incunabula classicorum, 18-70. 12. I shall not document each of the preceding instances, but merely refer the reader to Soudek, "Leonardo Bruni and His Public," for Bruni, and to Lohr, "Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries," Traditio 27 (1971): 290-99; Bulletin 14 (1972): 124, & 15 (1973): 131-32, for Versoris. 13. See the article by Wallace in DSB, IX (1974): 32-33, and Durkan & Kirk, University of Glasgow, 155—65.

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where the writings of Swineshead, Heytesbury, Bradwardine, and Strode were copied, studied, and commented upon. At Oxford, where those works had taken form during the creative years of the early fourteenth century, they did not receive such close attention. There is little doubt that science and philosophy prospered more in Italian universities than in English universities during the late fourteenth century and through the fifteenth. On the other hand, one should not be led to believe that really nothing worthy of note was happening at Oxford during this period, an impression easily gained from reading most of the standard literature on Renaissance education in England, which largely fails to make use of what evidence there is. While rather feeble by Italian standards, there was still a continuing activity in the Oxford Faculty of Arts, as shown by the extant, but little studied, manuscript copies of logical questions. Moreover, after the beginning of printing, a certain number of logical works meant for university use came from the presses of London, Oxford, and even St. Albans. II.

THE CRISIS

A real break with the past came to England during the third and fourth decades of the sixteenth century.14 The twin thrusts of humanism and the Reformation made themselves felt and within a relatively few years transformed the educational system.15 A significant Aristotelian component still remained in education, and this has led many interpreters to over-emphasize the century's continuity with the past.l6 The characteristic fourteenth- and fifteenth-century emphasis on late-medieval logic—supposition theory, obligations, sophismata, insolubilia, and many other issues popular in the thriving seedbed of 14. A new approach to the study of philosophy, very different from that of the late fifteenth century, is very evident, for example, in Elyot's Governour. There is little Aristotle present in the work and practically no logic and natural philosophy. Some attention is given to the spurious correspondence between Aristotle and Alexander the Great (I: 51-52). Logic is nearly wholly studied from Cicero (I: 72), and moral philosophy is a mixture of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero (I: 91-94). The general approach is that of the Italian humanists, but severely diluted. 15. See Mullinger, Cambridge, passim; Simon, Education and Society; and McConica, English Humanists, 76—105. 16. E.g., Costello, Scholastic Curriculum; Hill, Intellectual Origins; and Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen. They all seem to forget that post-Reformation Scholasticism in England was quite radically different from that of the earlier period.

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the logica modernorum—quite rapidly disappeared from university teaching practice, so far as can be determined.'7 During the same period there was also a rapid decline in the popularity of Scotist theology and metaphysics. Both of these late-medieval tendencies— modernist logic and Scotist metaphysics—drew the nearly unmitigated opposition of Reformer and humanist alike.'8 The former rejected them as harmful parasites upon the primitive purity of Christian doctrine and saw in them the fruitless obscurantism that had grown up during the "Babylonian Captivity of the Church."19 The latter saw them as distinctive examples of medieval barbarism at its worst and could recognize little value in the intricacies engendered by the Scholastic method. The criticisms of Erasmus and More, for example, following the earlier ones of Petrarch, Bruni, Valla, and Ermolao Barbaro, found little to praise in either the method or the content of teaching at early-sixteenth-century Oxford and Cambridge.20 These strictures from two quite different perspectives fused into an attack the universities could not withstand. Thus in the years separating Henry's break with Rome and Elizabeth's accession many 17. See below, sec. Ill and Appendix I, for the evidence derived from the printing of logic books. A comparison of the Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem and Seton's Dialectica, both of which in some sense can be called "Aristotelian," clearly shows the difference. Paradoxically, perhaps, the medieval book (the Libettvs) is less Aristotelian (in the sense of being closer to the letter of the original Aristotelian text) than its Renaissance successor. By this I mean that late-medieval logic went far beyond Aristotle in many respects while sixteenth-century logic—throughout Europe and not only in England—was largely an attempt to go back to Aristotle and his Greek followers. At the same time there was a conscious rejection of the highly original medieval contribution to logic. On this point see the various publications of Ashworth, esp. "Agostino Nifo's Reinterpretation" and "Eclipse of Medieval Logic." 18. It is difficult to disentangle the two strands, e.g., in Erasmus, whose view of the corruption of the Church was closely tied to his own humanistic value system and to his ideas concerning style, language, etc. 19. I shall here limit myself to the case of Luther, on whom see Nitzsch, Luther und Aristoteles, and Rokita, "Aristoteles," who furnishes a comprehensive list of references to the Weimar edition of Luther's works where Aristotelianism and Scholasticism are discussed. 20. See, e.g., Erasmus, Stultitiae laus, 114-27 (cap. 53) and More, Correspondence, 27—74 (to Dorp). More generally for other aspects of the humanist critique see the references cited above in n. 3, as well as Breen, Christianity and Humanism, 1-68, for the Pico-Barbaro-Melanchthon discussion, and Soudek, "Leonardo Bruno and His Public," and Harth, "Leonardo Brunis Selbstverstandnis" (with further references) for Bruni's criticisms of medieval Aristotle translations.

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changes were made in the universities, and much of the medieval tradition withered away. It would be injudicious to assert that the transformation was immediate and all-embracing. Undoubtedly there were a number of men trained in the old traditions who were unable to alter their outlook. The general difficulty of implementing the directives of the new Church of England—abolition of mass, Latin, and so on—in the outlying districts of the country indicates how hard it was to turn over a new leaf in the course of a day. Consequently, there was a persistent interest in some of the medieval materials through the reign of Edward VI and perhaps even into the time of the more strictly enforced directives of Elizabethan rule. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that by 1565 the situation had been transformed quite radically from what it had been in 1525. Medieval logic had virtually disappeared, humanist rhetoric had won the day, the cultivation of Greek had advanced on a broad front, and the medieval mainstays of natural philosophy and metaphysics had retreated from the central place they once had held in university curricula. Moreover, Henry put a stop to the study of canon law, and the cultivation of civil law declined dramatically. As R. Weiss has shown, humanism had already taken root to some degree at Oxford in the fifteenth century, though the veneer laid down by the new Italian fashion was rather thin. It was at Cambridge, partially under the impact of Erasmus, that humanism came to be a determining force during the middle decades of the sixteenth century.21 Nevertheless, there were significant changes at Oxford as well. A new Reformation college such as Corpus Christi incorporated into its purpose from the beginning many of the central directives of the humanist movement, including a strong emphasis on the classical languages and literatures, the cultivation of rhetoric—as opposed to Scholastic logic—and some training in philosophical method.82 What was the net result of all of this change for the study of the Aristotelian texts that had dominated the medieval curriculum? As we shall see further on, the statutory regulations continued to uphold an Aristotelian syllabus, at least in a somewhat modified form. The actual teaching practice is more difficult to ascertain, but one's general 21. For a good discussion of the coming of Erasmian discussion to Cambridge see Porter's introduction in Thomson and Porter, Erasmus and Cambridge, 1—103. For the progress of humanism in England during the fifteenth century see Weiss, Humanism in England. See also Clough, "Humanistic Studies." 22. See Fowler, Corpus Christi College.

2O

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impression is that there was a significant decline of interest not only in specifically medieval forms of inquiry and instruction but in much of the scientific core of Aristotle as well. The coming of the Reformation to England seems to have had the same immediate effect on Aristotelian learning as did Luther's Reformation in German lands. But while the educational reforms of Johannes Sturm and Philip Melanchthon reinstated a humanized Aristotelian learning to the very core of the Reformed universities in Germany,23 nothing similar happened in England. English higher education was more amorphous and undirected than the Protestant Aristotelian Scholasticism that emerged on the Continent.24 It had a humanist basis in its emphasis on the language arts—a different sort of orientation from that of the pre-Reformation universities described above25—and at least lip service was paid to Aristotelian natural and moral philosophy. There was not, however, anything like the strong emphasis on these branches of learning that was found in post-Reformation Germany.26 In Britain we do not find a new series of textbooks based on Aristotle, such as Melanchthon's own De anima,21 which was used on the Continent on a 23. On this see Hartfelder, Philipp Melanchthon; Petersen, Geschichte der Aristotelischen Philosophie; Wundt, Die deutsche Schulmetaphysik; and Schindling, Humanistische Hochschule, among others. 24. This is perhaps not quite precise. Post-Reformation education in England was directed, but neither towards a general arts education nor towards a professional education such as was being given in Italy. In some ways English education of the period represents humanism run rampant. What was meant originally to be a basic early education took over the English universities, and the strong philosophical and scientific heart was cut away. For some useful comments on the Cambridge situation see Jardine, "Cambridge Arts Course." 25. On the pre-Reformation curriculum see Weisheipl, "Curriculum of Arts" and "Developments in the Arts Curriculum," and the papers of Fletcher cited in n. i, above. 26. Though historians have tended to emphasize the moral philosophy and metaphysics of the German reformed universities, there was also a very keen interest in logic and natural philosophy, as evidenced by the repeated German editions of Zabarella and Cesalpino, as well as the native German publications on these subjects. In addition to the literature cited above in n. 23 see also Reif, Natural Philosophy and "Textbook Tradition," and Jaeger, "Friihgeschichte der Hermeneutik." For further bibliography see Schmitt, "Reassessment" and "Philosophy and Science." 27. It was first published in 1540 and was reprinted at least a dozen more times by 1585. See Melanchthon, Opera, XIII: i, for a list of editions. The only work of a similar nature published in England during the sixteenth century was Willet, De animae natura. Of the vernacular works might be mentioned Woolton, Treatise ofthelmmortalitie(i^'j6), which makes use of Melanchthon's De anima (e.g., fols. 22r, 6ir), among other Renaissance writers. Bullinger (Uviiir), Fox Morcillo (8r, igv), and Ficino (6or, 74r) are among the others mentioned. For further information on the life and works of the author see Behm, "John Woolton."

Aristotelianism in England

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very wide scale, or the sort of thing that came from the Strasbourg Academy.28 It is possible that the particular hue the Reformation took in England forestalled an English equivalent of Continental Protestant Scholasticism. Regardless of the reasons, which appear to be as complex as they are misunderstood, it cannot be denied that the philosophical textbooks that proliferated during the middle years of the sixteenth century in Germany were largely absent from England. If some of the textbooks of German Protestant Aristotelianism were read in England, it was not until the final decades of the sixteenth century that Aristotelian books for undergraduate or more advanced use began to flow from native presses,29 no doubt in part due to the re-establishment of presses at both Oxford and Cambridge in the 15805. The reason for the distinct contrast between England and the Continent is not easy to determine. It may lie in the fact that from the beginning the battleground of theological polemic in England was that of religious practice and the application of Scripture to life. There was not the same organized, Scholastic type of debate, rooted in Greek philosophical and scientific categories, that marked CatholicProtestant polemic on the Continent.30 For whatever reason, an education anchored to traditional logic, philosophy, and science—and for the period in question this meant Aristotle above all—did not have the same pressing urgency as it did on the polemic-torn Continent. There theology developed—in both Catholic and Protestant centres—from the turmoil of the Reformation, as a discipline based ultimately on the largely Aristotelian structure fashioned in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.31 Though there were certainly changes between post-Reformation theology and that of the Middle Ages, the very real similarities should not be underestimated or obscured. The basis for both was a structure of intellectual argument derived in large measure from Greek philosophy, predominantly the Aristotelian synthesis. Although there is a danger that I have drawn the distinction between England and the Continent a bit too sharply, it cannot be denied that there was a radical difference in texture between the theological, 28. See Schindling, Humanistische Hochschule, for a discussion of these works. 29. See below, sec. IX of this chapter. 30. For theology in Britain during the period see Davis, Worship and Theology, and the relevant literature cited there. For the specific case of Cambridge see Porter, Reformation and Reaction. 31. For a fuller argument on this point see Schmitt, "Philosophy and Science."

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philosophical, and scientific thought of the Continent and that of England during the first half-century after the establishment of the Church of England. During the period 1575-1640 England came more in line with the remainder of Western Europe, but this rapprochement was slow in arriving. During the first fifty years of the new Church of England traditional philosophical and scientific studies declined disastrously. When the medieval traditions were cast aside, little of solid scholarly worth was brought in to replace the deposed subjects.32 In Italy, for example, the very extensive, humanistically influenced commentaries by Agostino Nifo were being reprinted frequently; the Thomistic and Averroistic revivals were in full bloom; the creative writings of Pomponazzi were attracting great attention, as were the new writings on scientific method that grew out of the commentary tradition on the Posterior Analytics; and a more humanistic approach to interpreting Aristotle's moral writings was exerting great influence through the efforts of Alessandro de' Pazzi, Pier Vettori, Francesco Robortello, Carlo Sigonio, and numerous others. Spanish Latin Aristotelianism, stimulated by Francisco de Vitoria, fresh from his Parisian studies, was developing as never before, culminating in a remarkable group of commentators and expositors headed by Juan Gines de Sepiilveda, Domingo de Soto and Melchor Cano. After the renewed impetus exerted by Melanchthon, a variety of Aristotelian paths branched out in Germany: Jacob Schegk, in a way reminscent of Nifo, covered nearly the whole range of the corpus; Joachim Camerarius (the elder), like numerous Italian humanists before him, focused upon the moral writings; and Hieronymus Zanchius used Aristotelian philosophy according to the traditional formulation of ancilla theologiae. After the impetus given to Aristotelian studies in France by Lefevre d'Etaples, a strong humanistic 32. Historians of English literature have tended to overemphasize the significance of the scientific and mathematical literature published during these years in England. There are certainly virtues to be found in the non-university vernacular writings of the Digges, of Recorde, or of Dee, but on balance they do not seem to be of the same intellectual level as Continental writings being published at the same time. Even with regard to the popular vernacular compendia of scientific knowledge, the period 1525-75 produced little of permanent value compared to the last quarter of the century. See, for example, Heninger, "Tudor Literature." There was little of importance on Aristotelian science coming from Britain at this time, certainly nothing to compare with the last quarter of the century. Stanyhurst's Harmonia (1570) was the only significant Aristotelian exposition to appear in England. Rather than documenting the remainder of the paragraph I refer the reader to Schmitt, Critical Survey and "Reassessment," where further references can be found.

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emphasis continued at Paris with the work of Francesco Vimercato, an Italian at the College royal, Francois Vatable, Joachim Pe-rion, Nicolas Grouchy, Denis Lambin, and others. At Lyon the medieval versions of the corpus were frequently reprinted for the universities throughout Europe. The study and printing33 of Aristotelian works was perhaps somewhat less pronounced in the other countries of Western Europe where Latin persisted as the lingua franca, but the corpus Aristotelicum was still the basis for education. Late-fifteenth- and sixteenth-century European Aristotelianism was by no means uniform and monolithic. Rather, I think it best to speak of "Aristotelianisms" to denote this fact. The main wind of change lay in the emergence of what has been called "humanistic Aristotelianism," which in one way or another came to dominate during the sixteenth century, transforming the study of Aristotle into something quite different from what it had been during the Middle Ages. The new approach to the study of Aristotle deviated from the old in various ways. First, some attempt was made to study and understand the Greek text or at least some crucial sections of it. Second, a greater effort was made to translate Aristotle into a more elegant Latin. Third, greater use was made of ancient writers on Aristotelian subjects in endeavouring to get behind the meaning of the Stagirite's words. Fourth, the works on moral philosophy were given a great degree of emphasis. Fifth, the tendency to go back to the Aristotelian text led to the rejection of many characteristic medieval philosophical doctrines (e.g., intension and remission of forms and much of medieval logic) that had grown up in an Aristotelian context but had little basis in the corpus Aristotelicum itself. During the half-century in question (1525—75) England produced nothing of the sort flowing from Continental presses at such a great rate. There was only a handful of vernacular texts meant for a general audience. Typical is John Wilkinson's translation of the Nicomachean Ethics, rendered not from the Greek or even from the Latin, but from an Italian version. As the translator's prefatory letter tells us, the English text was meant for the illiterate, (i.e., Latinless) reader,34 not for the intellectual in contact with the progress of learning that had 33. For a partial list of sixteenth-century Aristotle editions see Cranz, Aristotle Editions, where only a handful are seen to come from England. 34. "[I] have this boke of Ethiques of Aristotle out of Italian into our vulgare toung, not for that your Lordship hath not scene them here before in the Italian toung, but for the instruction and edifying of others that have not sene them in Englishe." Aristotle, Ethiques, fol. Aiiv.

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taken place on the Continent. This version marks a depressed state between the early Oxford printing of Bruni's translation of the same work in 1479 and Heiland's exposition published in England in 1581. After that John Case's exposition of the Ethics, the Speculum quaestionum moralium, printed at Oxford in 1585 and reprinted in 1596, remained the standard English exposition of the subject until the publication of Golius's brief work in i634-35 In general the period 1525-75 marked a serious decline in England's fortunes as an intellectual power in Europe.36 Naturalphilosophy subjects cultivated during the Middle Ages at Oxford—albeit in a somewhat one-sided and "scholastic" way—sank beneath the surface, virtually without trace. The vernacular natural philosophy that replaced it was nearly wholly derivative.37 In the mathematical sciences, we find the famous popularizations by the Digges,38 William Kempe's translation of Ramus's Arithmetic,39 and Dee's remarkable Mathematicall Preface to the English translation of Euclid (a veritable compendium of new knowledge acquired during Dee's extensive travels in Europe)40 put in vernacular form for semi-literate English readers. In other scientific fields the situation was largely the same. What science there was in England during those years consisted either 35. Epitome doctrinae moralis ex decem libris Ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nicomachum collecta per T. Golium (Cambridge, 1634). The work had already been published in Europe several times previously. 36. The first quarter of the sixteenth century, while seeing the decline of the medieval university curriculum, also saw the emergence of humanism, even if it exerted only a limited influence during those years. In 1517 Erasmus could say with all seriousness, "if Linacre or Tunstal were my teacher, I should not miss Italy." Erasmus, Opus epistolarum, II: 486. John Colet and Thomas More were also, of course, figures of international repute. Though the next several generations produced a group of humanists significant in the English context, few were of international stature. The decline of Britain is even more apparent when one compares the scholarly output of the London and Westminster presses—there were no longer facilities for book printing at Oxford and Cambridge— with those of Paris, Lyon, Basel, Venice, Florence, or Rome. 37. Contrast, e.g., the rather meagre output of this period outlined by Heninger, "Tudor Literature," with the parallel activity at Basel described by Bietenholz, Der italienische Humanismus, esp. 136—62. 38. For a brief survey with references to further literature see the article by J.B. Easton in DSB, IV: 97—98. For mathematics see Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners, esp. 31 if., where English works on mathematics published during the period in question are listed. As can be seen from the list, many of the publications are English translations or adaptations of earlier works or are based on Continental works. 39. See DNB and Verdonk, Petrus Ramus, 118. 40. See Dee, Mathematicall Preface.

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in a few crumbs remaining from the medieval universities or in what was directly derivative from the intellectual activity going on across the Channel.41 Those Englishmen who studied on the Continent, including the Marian exiles of the 15505 and the later Elizabethan exiles, were undoubtedly better served, returning home with a better education than they could have received at Oxford or at Cambridge. The writings of John Caius (isio-yg) 42 show this, as do those of James Martin (fl. 1569—91 ),43 but many other examples could be given. The picture that emerges from a consideration of the philosophical and scientific culture of England during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is one of a steady decline from the position held during the fourteenth century. Viewed from the perspective of medieval values and accomplishments, there can be no doubt of a deterioration in the 41. After an initial enthusiasm by scholars, the accomplishment of the Digges is now seen in a more sober light. Robert Recorde was also a significant figure, but of him it has recently been said "Recorde had no international reputation because all of his works were in English and on an elementary level." See Easton as cited in n. 38, above. The brilliance of Thomas Harriot seems undeniable, but because so little of his work was published, it had little influence, almost as though Stevin's works had not been translated into French and Latin. Only in recent years have scholars begun to study his work seriously. See DSB, VI: 124—29 (byj. Lohne); Tanner, "Thomas Harriot's Manuscripts"; Pepper, "Thomas Harriot's Manuscripts"; and Shirley, Thomas Harriot, where references to further relevant literature can be found. For useful surveys of the "scientific" literature available in England during the period see Heninger, "Tudor Literature," and Hoeniger, Development of Natural History. 42. On Caius see DNB and DSB, III: 12-13, where recent literature is cited, as well as Nutton, "John Caius." The starting-point for further study remains Caius, Works. Among other things, his De medendi methodo (pp. 5—56) requires further study. It must be put into the general context of Renaissance treatises on methodology, but for the most part it has escaped the attention of those working in that field. It is very much in the Italian tradition of methodological works on medicine. 43. Martin's works have not been studied, and he has rarely been considered by those who work on sixteenth-century British intellectual history. Among his works are Deprima simplicium et concretorum corporum generations disputatio (1584) and Quaestionum physicarum controversarum inter peripateticos etRameos tractatus (1591). The first work, which contains an interesting letter of William Temple to Martin, is broadly critical of the Aristotelian doctrine of the elements. Temple's preface should be studied along with his pamphlets directed against Digby. Martin's second work contains a prefatory letter by Libavius. Martin was born at Dunkeld, Perthshire, and is not to be confused with Jacques Martin—who held the chair of mathematics at Paris in succession to Ramus from 1609 to 1626—as the DNB article on him has done. He taught at the university of Turin from 1569 to 1586 and perhaps longer (the records are not extant for the following years), where he was known as "Giacomo Martino detto Scotto." See Patetta, L'Universitd di Torino, 69—218 passim, and Hannaway, Chemists and the Word, ad indicem.

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proficiency of skill in such things as the techniques of logic that had been perfected during the High Middle Ages. On the other hand, viewed from a Renaissance perspective, there was certainly an increasing emphasis on the values of humanistic culture, which had grown in Italy at the same time as the Merton School was in full bloom at Oxford. In brief, there was a clear shift in emphasis during the first three-quarters of the sixteenth century. Humanistic values came to England and bore fruit. The new philological method, with its declaration of a deep and proficient knowledge of the classical languages and culture, rooted in a devotion to the study of classical source materials, became established in England and stabilized itself at court, in the schools, and in the universities. It cannot be claimed that England vied with Paris, Basel, Venice, or Florence as a centre of humanism during the middle years of the sixteenth century; yet some progress towards an Erasmian goal was made. Certain modest tendencies towards humanism can be discerned even in Aristotelian studies in England, though they lay very much in the background. As previously noted, the first Aristotle printed in England was an edition of Leonardo Bruni's enormously successful translation of the Nicomachean Ethics, issued at Oxford in i48g.44 By 1570, when Stanyhurst's Harmonia appeared,45 it was clear that the possibility was present for a high-quality and up-to-date approach to the subject, for Stanyhurst's edition and exposition compares favourably with the best being produced anywhere in Europe. In the final analysis, whether one sees the philosophical culture of the sixteenth century as a step forward or a retrograde move depends on what value is placed on medieval university culture vis-a-vis the new humanistic culture.46 Considered from several different vantage points, there was a general revival of interest in philosophy, particularly of the Aristotelian tradition, in England during the last quarter of the 44. Duff, Fifteenth Century English Books, no. 32. On this see esp. the studies of Soudek and Harth cited above in n. 20 and the literature they cite. 45. See below, pp. 34-35. 46. Historians of literature and education have tended to see the coming of humanism to England as progressive. See, for example, Mullinger, Cambridge; Weiss, Humanism in England; Howell, Logic and Rhetoric; and Simon, Education and Society. Historians of science and logic, on the other hand, have generally seen the arrival of humanism as marking a decline. See Thorndike, "Renaissance or Prenaissance" (and many other publications); Crombie, Medieval and Early Modern Science, II: 103—5, for science; and the Kneales, Development of Logic, 3Oof., and Ashworth, Language and Logic, for logic.

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sixteenth century. The specific reason for such a revival at the time is not easy to pin-point. My guess is that at least part of the explanation lies in an Elizabethan re-evaluation of the situation as a whole resulting in a new awareness that the comprehensive nature and persisting validity of the Aristotelian synthesis still had value for the age. All things considered, it still gave the best basis for education available, as it had also for the twelfth-century renaissance, the educational reform of Sturm and Melanchthon, and the revised educational curriculum of post-Tridentine Catholicism as epitomized by the Jesuit schools. When England strengthened herself intellectually after the debilitating years of post-Henrician strife, the peripatetic synthesis still provided the best framework within which to do it. The Aristotelian revival was probably part of a more general intellectual reawakening in Britain during the same period. It is difficult to come to a general conclusion about this: so much depends upon the relative weight one gives to the different forms of intellectual activity—science, philosophy, theology, poetry, drama, music, and so on. There can be little doubt, however, that the status of British philosophy—and here I use the term in its broad sense to include what we today call the natural sciences—was radically transformed during the period 1575—1640. A Cromwellian government was not needed to accomplish this. One is hard pressed to find a name of international importance in British philosophy from the time of the decline of the Merton School during the second half of the fourteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century; thereafter, the picture rapidly changed. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century there emerged a group of individuals, putting forward a variety of contrasting and often inimical positions, which became known and discussed throughout Europe. Names such as Richard Hooker, John Case, William Gilbert, Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes, Herbert of Cherbury, William Harvey, Robert Fludd, Henry More, and the various Cambridge Platonists were given serious attention on the Continent in a way that no English philosopher had been since the time of Ockham, Heytesbury, Swineshead, and Burley. Some English thinkers, it is true, had turned themselves to philosophical questions during the intervening centuries and had caused a stir—Wiclif, Thomas More, and Henry VIII come to mind—but they were men whose principal interests lay in fields other than philosophy. More's Utopia or Henry's debate with Luther on papal authority were

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excursions into the realm of philosophical discussion by individuals who were not primarily philosophers.47 Even if they be considered exceptions to the generalizations made above, the general point remains valid. Moreover, this revival of interest in traditional Aristotelian philosophy and the consequent proliferation of philosophical writings had certain positive effects, which most interpreters have tended to overlook or misinterpret. The chief product of this philosophical renaissance was an eclectic brand of Aristotelianism, nourished by a variety of sources including Neoplatonic, Hermetic, Stoic, or alchemical texts. Indeed, a closer look at these "Aristotelian" works reveals many of the elements interpreters have focused upon as the most original contributions of the so-called English renaissance.48 I would not go so far as to claim that the new English interest in Aristotle produced a scientific revolution, but it did provide a disciplined and structured framework for thought. In some ways—and more importantly, for some thinkers—a bad logic and a deficient natural philosophy are better than none at all. To go beyond Aristotle one had first to understand him or, at least, to understand some rudiments of his thought. Copernicus, Ramus, Telesio, Bruno, Patrizi, Galileo, Gassendi, and Descartes all did. So too did Bacon, Harvey, and Newton, who were all heirs in one way or another of the Aristotelian revival in England. Leaving aside the question of quality for the moment, the increased quantity of material from the period after 1575 indicates clearly that philosophical interests were on the upswing in England. This resurgence was manifested in various ways. This cannot all be dealt with here, but I shall sketch at least a few late-sixteenth-century developments that point to the intellectual flowering of the next century. In doing so I shall consider several points that have, on the whole, been given little attention by interpreters of the literary and intellectual history of the period, including (i) changing approaches to the study of logic, (2) evolving attitudes towards medieval philosophy and theology, (3) university statutes and teaching practice, and (4) the 47. This is not to minimize the importance of the three figures mentioned. Especially did More's work have a significant impact on later political thought. Wiclif s and Henry's works, though having philosophical implications, were very much in a theological context. None of the three can be called in any sense a professional philosopher of any stripe as were Ockham, Burley, Hooker, or Gilbert. 48. This is dealt with much more fully below, in Chapter V.

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evidence of manuscript and printed works produced during the period. III. LOGIC

Logic was the traditional philosophical subject most cultivated in sixteenth-century England. This is perfectly understandable, for logic was considered to be the instrument (or organum) by which valid knowledge could be attained in a wide range of disciplines. Thus logic persisted in university instruction, even at times when there appears to have been little interest in the broad spectrum of the natural philosophical subjects that formed the core of the Peripatetic system.49 For much of the sixteenth century traditional logic was studied in a rather diluted form. The rigorous and highly creative logic that took shape in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries gradually withered away, so that by the beginning of the sixteenth century it was but a shadow of its former self. Even then, from a purely technical point of view, it was probably superior to what came to take its place.50 The humanistic combination of dialectic and rhetoric, which replaced 49. One is tempted to see a difference between Oxford and Cambridge on this matter, and, as we shall see below, there is much more evidence throughout the sixteenth century for interest in natural philosophy at Oxford than at Cambridge. On the other hand, the type of Oxford documentation we have for this period (the Merton registers, student notebooks, and other manuscript pieces, the lists of quaestiones published by Clark, Case's Lapis philosophies, several sixteenth-century descriptions of Oxford, and Wood's detailed works) has little parallel for Cambridge. On the basis of what has come to light, there decidedly seems to have been more natural and moral philosophy at Oxford than at Cambridge during the sixteenth century. See, however, the text cited below, in n. 168. 50. Such is generally the viewpoint of historians of logic, who tend to hold the accomplishment of recent formal logic in high regard. See, for example, the influential books by the Kneales, Development of Logic, 298—320, and Bochenski, Formal Logic, 254-56. On the other hand, scholars such as Randall, School of Padua, 13-68; Howell, Logic and Rhetoric; Ong, Ramus, Method; Gilbert, Concepts of Method; and Vasoli, La dialettica e la retorica, tend to emphasize the creative and novel aspect of Renaissance logic. Risse, Die Logik, is more neutral and has the virtue of bringing to attention a vast amount of unstudied material. The very extensive Renaissance writings on logic have been almost completely passed over by such interpreters as the Kneales and Bochenski. Much new material has been discussed by recent scholars such as Munoz Delgado, La logica nominalista and "L6gica hispano-portuguesa," as well as many articles; Ashworth, Language and Logic and many articles; and Jaeger, "Friihgeschichte der Hermeneutik." Jaeger is preparing an extensive book on the application of logic to various academic disciplines in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. For further bibliography on the subject see Ashworth, Medieval Logic.

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the much deprecated medieval logic, emphasized different lines of inquiry, different modes of argument. Whatever its virtues, the new humanistic discipline did not have the formal rigour, conceptual elegance, and linguistic precision of the coherent logical discipline produced during the Middle Ages. We can obtain a fairly clear picture of thefortuna of logic in England through a consideration of the history of the printed logic book. More than for other branches of philosophical studies we have a continuity of printed logics from 1480 onward. With the exception of one gap of fifteen years (1530-45), when no logic was printed in the British Isles, there was a fairly steady stream coming from English presses.51 The continuity of interest in late-medieval Oxford logic in England during the first half century of book production has been largely overlooked by previous scholars. For example, in his standard work W.S. Howell gives little indication of the actual number of editions of medieval logical works in Britain during the first fifty years of printing.52 The first work of logic to appear in England was printed surprisingly enough not at Oxford, London, or Westminster but at St. Albans, in the year 1480, just two years after the first printed book had issued from an English press. This book, entitled Liber modorum significandi, was attributed to a certain "Albertus."53 It was in fact the Grammatica speculativa, usually attributed to Duns Scotus during the late Middle Ages and now known to be the work of Thomas of Erfurt.54 One of the most characteristic and influential of the medieval logical works in the category of speculative grammars, it is appropriate that it should have been the first printed in England, for it typifies the sort of approach to linguistic studies that marked fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Oxford.55 51. There is, of course, a basic problem here of how "logic" is to be defined and consequently which publications are to be considered as belonging to the field of logic. Without giving a precise definition, I have tried generally to follow the programme set out by Risse, Bibliographia logica. For some addenda to his list see Hickman, "Late Scholastic Logics," and Ashworth, "Some Additions." 52. Howell, Logic and Rhetoric, esp. 32—56, where his chapter entitled "Backgrounds of Scholasticism" is not well informed on the printed logical works for the period 1480-1527. 53. An accurate description is in Duff, Fifteenth Century English Books, n. 7. The only extant copy of this book seems to be in the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris, and I have not seen it. For information on this and other early logic books printed in England see Appendix I. 54. See above, n. 7. 55. There has been relatively little specific study of the history of logic in England

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Between 1480 and 1530, when the last edition of a work that can appropriately be termed "medieval logic" appeared, there were some twenty other editions of logical works. This is not an inconsiderable number, when one thinks of the general paucity of scholarly books printed in England during those years. Without going into undue detail regarding these early editions, which require a separate study of their own, let us make a few observations about several of these early books, which now all seem to be excessively rare.5** Among the authors represented in these early printings are Antonius Andreae, a Catalonian student of Duns Scotus; Antoine Syrrect, a fifteenthcentury French Scotist; and Walter Burley, as already mentioned, the most popular of the fourteenth-century Mertonians. The majority of the early logic books, however, were published anonymously. From the titles we can see the orientation: Libellulus secundarum intentionum logicalium and Compilatum est hoc opusculum insolubilium ... in alma universitati Oxonie. In addition to the latter there were two other compilations meant specifically for university study: the Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem and Libellus sophistarum ad usum Cantabrigiensem, which were printed at least ten times. The last two compilations contain very similar texts.57 They cover a range of the logical topics popular at Oxford during the later Middle Ages—theoretical grammar, obligations, sophisms, and so on. They also include, however, some texts from the borderline of logic and natural philosophy. Thus, there is a brief exposition of the doctrine of intension and remission of forms accompanied by illustrative woodcut

during this period, but see J.M. Fletcher, Arts at Oxford; De Rijk, "Logica cantabrigensis"; and Ashworth, "The 'Libelli sophistarum'." More general, but giving some attention to Oxford and Cambridge is Ashworth, Language and Logic, with extensive bibliography. A useful analysis of a similar problem in a different context is Heath, "Logical Grammar." 56. In most cases there are fewer than half a dozen copies extant. Reference to the STC shows how rare they are. 57. A comparison of the Cambridge and Oxford volumes shows clearly how similar they are. Ten of the tracts (of sixteen in the Cambridge volume and fifteen in the Oxford volume) are essentially identical in the two compilations, while some of the others are similar. Moreover, both of the early printed works are very similar to fifteenth-century manuscript compilations still extant in Oxford and Cambridge. These and other facts are discussed and documented in the important article "The 'Libelli sophistarum'" by Ashworth. See also her "A Note." On the manuscript tradition see also De Rijk, "Logica cantabrigiensis," who fails, however, to recognize that the fifteenth-century manuscript collections of logical tracts stand behind the printed works. Ashworth gives a detailed description of the separate editions of the Cambridge and Oxford volumes.

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diagrams and explication of the various types of motion—uniformis, difformis, uniformiter difformis, difformiter difformis, and so on.58 These logic textbooks are all in the Aristotelian tradition broadly considered. They can be classified as Aristotelian, however, only in the sense that they grew out of a fundamentally Peripatetic context, where the major source of inspiraion was the Organon. Modern scholars, but only those of the last several generations,59 have rightly emphasized that many of the most significant logical developments of the period were precisely in those areas where a notable deviation from Aristotelian doctrine took placet0 In general, it was not recognized at the time that university logic had gone so far beyond Aristotle, and indeed, most thinkers of the period considered their logical writings to be derivative from Aristotle or some branch of the tradition he engendered. I introduce this clarification to remind the reader that the distinctions made here are the product of modern scholarship. The general framework, however, within which these developments occurred was Aristotelian, as was the context within which John Case postulated for man an active role as a practitioner of natural philosophy.61 In 1530 there appeared the last of the logic books still retaining strong links to the tradition of medieval Oxford. For the next fifteen years no logic book of any sort was printed in England.62 In 1545 the first edition of John Seton's Dialectica came out, and this work was reprinted frequently for the next century, becoming one of the mainstays of logic instruction in Britain.63 The very title of the work, 58. E.g., Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (STC, 15576.6), fols. Lvv-Miir. This material derives from Swineshead, Bradwardine, and Allyngton. I am indebted to Dr. Edith Sylla for much information on the sources of the natural philosophy contained in these volumes. We should be in a better position to evaluate their place in the development of Merton School physics and mathematics when she has published her findings. 59. For a brief summary of the ways in which medieval logic differed from that of Aristotle and the relatively late realization on the part of scholars that this is so see Moody, Studies, 371-92 ("The Medieval Contribution to Logic"). 60. For a few hints that fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Italian humanists were largely unaware of the profound differences between medieval logic and Aristotelian logic see Gilbert, "Humanists and Disputation." Agostino Nifo, however, in his Dialectica ludicra (1520), does show himself aware of some differences between the two. See Ashworth, "Agostino Nifo's Reinterpretation." The study of this theme in other Renaissance writers on logic could perhaps be a worthwhile investigation. 61. See below, Chapter V. 62. None appear in Risse, and I have been unable to locate any from another source. 63. It was reprinted about twenty times by 1631. On the work see esp. Howell, Logic and Rhetoric, 50-56, and Jardine, "Dialectic Teaching," 54-57.

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recalling the humanist manuals of Valla, Agricola, Caesarius, and Melanchthon, shows that a new day had dawned. The medieval tradition of sophismata, insolubilia, and obligationes was past, and Scholastic logic was being rapidly replaced by a bastardized mixture of dialectic and rhetoric. If Aristotle was still named in the prefatory letter to the work, both Agricola and Melanchthon are mentioned in the next sentence, and the work's general tone is one of a world transformed by humanist ideas on education.64 After the first printing of Seton's book we see a succession of publications on logic, both in Latin and in the vernacular, meant for a variety of different audiences. Never again, however, were books of the sort characteristic of the printed logics of the 1480-1530 period to appear in England, at least until modern scholars began republishing them for historical purposes in the twentieth century. After Seton's the next book to appear was Thomas Wilson's Rule of Reason, published in London in 1551, the first logic text in the English language.65 It was an immediate success, apparently capturing a large share of the market for a vernacular logic in England for several decades after its publication. Other logics in English appeared before the end of the century, including those by Evans, Lever, Fraunce, and Blundeville, in addition to an adaptation of Ramus's brief sketch. This should not, however, blind us to the fact that, save for a few years in mid-century when Wilson's book was repeatedly reprinted, Latin logics were still being printed more frequently during the entire Elizabethan reign.66 Indeed, the decided preference for Latin as a functional language for publication continued into the seventeenth century with the frequent reprinting of the popular introductory textbooks of the two Sandersons, Smith, Brerewood, Seton, and Keckermann, as well as the more extensive and detailed studies of Powel, Crakanthorpe, Flavel, Pacius, and Smiglecius. The situation in logic reflects the return to Latin that marked seventeenth-century British science as a whole (Gilbert, Bacon, Harvey, Hobbes, Newton, etc.) with its consequent return to the mainstream of European culture.67 64. Seton, Dialectica (STC, 22250), fol. Aiir. 65. Howell, Logic and Rhetoric, 12-31 and passim. 66. See Appendix I on this point. The same was true throughout Europe as Risse, Bibliographia logica, shows. Still in 1700 more than half of the logic books being printed were in Latin. For the case of Germany see Schilling, Bibliographic. 67. The important functional role of Latin as an international language was recognized, of course, even during the sixteenth century in a work such as Nicholas Carr's De scriptorum Britannicorum paucitate (1576). In the prefatory letter to the work,

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During the last thirty years of the sixteenth century there was an emphatic augmentation in the quantity and quality of logic books coming from England. This increase more or less coincides with the first introduction of Ramus into England. Both his Dialecticae and Roland Macllmaine's translation of the briefer Logike first appeared in 1 574-68 Four years previously, however, there appeared Harmonia sen catena dialectica in Porphyrianas institutiones from the pen of Richard Stanyhurst.69 By any standard this is an impressive piece of scholarship, comparing favourably with the very best work being done on the Continent at the same time. In explicating Porphyry's Isagoge Stanyhurst has made use of a remarkably wide range of sources ancient, medieval, and contemporary. It can hold its own with the best expository works from Italy or Germany, but it must be considered a nearly unique product of an English press. Like almost all that is worthwhile in sixteenth-century English philosophy it has remained largely unstudied and even unnoticed. From the publication of Stanyhurst and the first Ramus texts to the end of the century there was a general increase in the number of logical texts published, significantly more editions appearing during the last thirty years of the century than during the previous ninety years, when printing had been a possibility. In terms of quality I think we can also dated the year of publication and provided by Thomas Hatcher of Cambridge, we read, "Nam ut Anglorum libri Anglice scripti intra orbem Anglicum perpetuo delitescant, cur non Latine a nostris aediti, mercatorum opera et sumptu, perinde Oceanum transvolarent, atque exterorum pene dixeram, ineptiae et nugae importarentur? Ea res (nisi ego male iudico) numerum scriptorum nostrorum mirifice augeret, typographorum studia et diligentias excitaret, exterorum de nobis iuditium plan£ et plene refelleret." Carr, De scriptorum Britannicorum paucitate, fol. av. One need only look at the influence of English scientific works abroad during the next century—Bacon, Gilbert, Harvey, and Newton—to see the impact of Anglo-Latin writings. On Carr see esp. Binns, "Latin Translations from Greek," 148—52. 68. See Howell, Logic and Rhetoric, 173-281, and Ong, Ramus, Method, 3oiff. 69. Published in London, 1570. Many features of this edition are outstanding and worthy of note. Stanyhurst presents Porphyry's text seriatim with a most detailed and comprehensive commentary, which shows an immensely wide reading. Among the very many authorities used the following might be noted for various reasons: Bricot, Peter Carter, Erasmus, Georgius Pachymeres, Hospinianus, Lorenzo Valla, Maurice O'Fihely, Melanchthon, Paul of Venice, John Seton, and various Greek commentators. The text he chose to expound is the translation of Joachim Perion as revised by Nicolas Grouchy. The work has a prefatory letter by Edmund Campion and commendatory verses by Laurence Humphrey among others. To the best of my knowledge the work has not been studied. On the author see DNB; Lennon, Richard Stanihurst; and the bibliography given in NCBEL, I: 1146. He is famous especially for his translation of Vergil.

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see the same advance, as though Stanyhurst's edition set a standard to be aimed at in later productions. Everard Digby's Theoria analytica (to be discussed more fully later) was, for all its peculiarities, a serious attempt to say something new about logic and about philosophy in general. It is not merely a textbook, derivative from other textbooks; the author was familiar with many of the more advanced and novel ideas being put forward on the Continent at the time. Even the acrimonious and personal debate between Digby and William Temple over the relative merits of Aristotelian and Ramist logic had repercussions outside of England.70 Debates pitting Ramus against Aristotle became characteristic of the intellectual landscape of sixteenth-century England; from them came a raising of the level of English work in logic. The revived interest in the discipline did not mark a return to the rigorous and highly sophisticated methods of late-medieval Oxford;71 it progressed in new directions. Gradually, at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century British logical discussions were brought into line with Continental developments. Not only Ramus, but Nifo, Balduino, Zabarella, Schegk, Crellius, Pacius, and others became names to be reckoned with. Britain never produced a logician in these centuries to compare with Zabarella, but the quality of the Italian's work was increasingly recognized. Not only were there new general textbooks of Aristotelian logic—those of Case (1584),ya Argall (1605),73 and Crakanthorpe (162 a),74 which were 70. See below, pp. 50-51. 71. There is now a significant body of scholarly literature on the important contributions of late-medieval logic. See, inter alia, the recent publications of Moody, Studies, 371—92 ("The Medieval Contribution to Logic," originally published 1966); Maieru, Terminologia logica; Pinborg, Logik und Senumtik; and Nuchelmans, Theories of the Proposition, in all of which additional bibliography can be found. 72. Case's work is a more detailed exposition of Aristotle's Organon than any other work previously published in England. While not strikingly original, it does incorporate a good deal of the material that had been accumulated over the centuries on logic and was well enough thought of to be reprinted several times in Germany. See the Bibliography. 73. Argall's work, though of an introductory nature, draws upon a wide range of sources. See the preface addressed to ". .. utriusque academiae adolescentibus studiosis et iunioribus benevolis" (fols. Aar-A6r). For further information on the author and his work see Thomas, "Medieval Aftermath." 74. Crakanthorpe's book is arranged along traditional Aristotelian lines and is a detailed treatment of the methodological material contained in the Posterior Analytics. It makes use of a number of recent authorities including Ramus, Fonseca, Zabarella, Pacius, Zanchius, and Timpler. Later discussions of Crakanthorpe seem largely to be based on the DNB article, but now see Howell, Eighteenth-Century British Logic and Rhetoric, 22-28. A study of his life and works is badly needed.

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far more detailed and advanced than the earlier brief compendia of Seton and Wilson75—but following the initiative of Stanyhurst and Digby, deeper monographic treatments of peripatetic logical problems were published. These include Griffin Powel's expositions of the Posterior Analytics (1594) and Sophistical Refutations (isgS),7" as well as John Flavel's Tractatus de demonstrations (161g).77 Although these works cannot claim to be landmarks in the history of logic, they all show an awareness and grasp of the Continental discussions of logic far more firm than that of English publications of a half-century earlier.78 Both Powel and Flavel realized that Zabarella's work on scientific demonstration, growing out of the Posterior Analytics, must be the basis for any high-level discussion of method along traditional Aristotelian lines.79 This approach was still apparent in mid-century in the work of 75. New works of an elementary character were those of Smith (1613) and R. Sanderson (1615), both of which were popular and frequently reprinted. See Appendix I. 76. Powel's two works are high-level discussions, based on the Greek texts, of the two relevent Aristotelian works and make use of some of the best commentaries available (see below, n. 78). They were clearly meant to be used for the teaching of university students, since they were brought out by the Oxford publisher Joseph Barnes, and both are organized "per quaestiones et responsiones." Also see below, Chapter III, pp. 107-8. 77. Flavel's work was taught at Wadham College as we learn from the title and also from the prefatory letter. It was apparently taught for some years before its posthumous publication, as the letter tells us: "Praelectiones hae . . . primitus erant apparatae, pro muneris ratione, quod turn temporis obibat [sc. Flavel] in Collegio. Id erat iuventutem praeceptis logicis informare, illiusque praesidere disputationibus, quod utrumque praestitit iuvenis ipse, Baccalaureus in artibus, aetatis anno nondum vicesimo. Et ecce immaturae aetatis maturiorem fructum, quern, excisa arbore quae ferebat, cupiebam diutius profuturum. Opus igitur agressus sum; et quia autographum non aderat, necesse habui ex auditorum exemplaribus, ut faeculentis vasculis purum liquorem percolare..." (fol. 113). As in Powel's works there is a good deal of discussion of the Greek text of Aristotle. Zabarella once again is the major authority, and there is a strong interest in typically Zabarellian problems such as "De regressu ubi obiter de circulo" (137—41)- Numerous other authorities are also cited, however, including Italians such as Tomitano, Balduino, and Petrella; Pacius and Soto; as well as Powel. For a useful discussion of the process of assimilation see Mack, "Permeations of Renaissance Dialectic." 78. For Caius see above, n. 42. 79. In a prefactory section, "Ad lectorem academicum," Powel says: "Ego levem et simplicem illam viam tyronibus ostendi, per quam, tanquam per ianuam ad diligentissimam et exactissimam aliorum interpretationem, praesertim Zabarellae et Crellii (quos solos in hac re consuli vellem) aditus patefiat. Analysin enim omnes viri politioris literaturae, et sanioris iudicii facillimam et maxime expeditam methodum iudicarunt, praesertim earn, quae per quaestiones et responsiones explicatur." The most

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William Harvey, who probably imbibed it originally while a student at Padua.80 Thus during the forty or fifty years after the first introduction of Ramist logic into England, the level of the subject was raised significantly, so that it could come more in line with Continental practice. This forward advance came primarily within an Aristotelian framework. Though the Ramist challenge was a significant one, the evidence shows that after the initial reaction of the late 15705 and the 15805 there was a marked change. The production of logic books in England reveals something of a balance between Peripatetic and Ramist treatments, with the former eventually gaining clear dominance.81 In any case the serious works, those meant for readers above the most elementary level, were nearly all Aristotelian until Bacon's treatises began to appear. At the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries, then, logic began to regain a modicum of its medieval strength, if not creativity. In short, by 1600 Aristotelian logic had a stronger foundation in England than it had had at any time since Henry's break with Rome. There was not the gradual withering away of the tradition from the end of the Middle Ages, hastened by the twin spurs of humanism and Ramism, that most modern interpreters of the period claim to see there, but quite the opposite. Aristotelian logic, as did Aristotelian philosophy in general, grew in stature quite significantly during the last quarter-century of Elizabeth's reign. quoted authority throughout, however, is Zabarella. It should be noted that Powel uses mathematical examples more frequently than does Zabarella. A full study of the influence of Zabarella in Britain during the period is lacking. Moreover, there is no serious study of Powel, nor have his writings been taken into account by those scholars who study the history of "method" in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Among the manuscript materials to be considered are the following: (i) BM, Harl. 6292 (Annotationes ex libra Jacobi Zabarellae de constitution* scientiae naturalisfeliciter excerptae, fols. 2r—33v); (2) BM, Arun. 284 (an exposition of the Physics in which Zabarella is cited frequently throughout); (3) BL, Rawl. D. 274 (Liber Joannis Daii Londinensis, frequently citing Zabarella, e.g., fols. 160, 188, 228, 229, 233); (4) Edinburgh, UL, DC. 3. 89 (miscellaneous MSS originally belonging to Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun. Fols. 152-81 contain various excerpts from Zabarella). 80. It is most evident in the preface to his Exercitationes de generation* ammalium (1651), fols. Br-C3v, which differs little in tone from Italian writers on scientific methodology such as Zabarella. For Harvey's indebtedness to Aristotle see the references given in Schmitt, "Reassessment," 190, n. 91. 81. See Appendix I. From this list one sees that Ramist logic did not win the day so quickly or so thoroughly as has often been supposed.

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This is not to say, of course, that the new Aristotelian logic that emerged was the same as what had died out in the early sixteenth century. Much that was distinctive in late-medieval logic had been superadded to the Aristotelian structure, and after medieval logic's decline in the early sixteenth century there were few echoes of the distinguishing characteristics of the old tradition. The revitalized Aristotelian logic that emerged in England at the end of the sixteenth century and that continued to flourish into the next century was based to some degree upon the reading and interpretation of the Greek text of Aristotle. It was also indebted to the new interpretations of Nifo and Zabarella, of Crellius and Pacius, and of Fonseca and the Conimbricenses. The reinvigorated logic was perhaps closer—at least in certain ways—to the reformed humanistic dialectic of Agricola, Melanchthon, and Ramus than to the terminist logic of Ockham, Strode, Buridan, or Paul of Venice.88 It does, however, represent an attempted return to Aristotelian orthodoxy in the face of the Ramist challenge, even though the variety of the resulting Aristotelianism was significantly different from that of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. One could easily overestimate the break with the past that occurred in the logic books published after the Reformation had come to England. EJ. Ashworth's studies83 in particular have shown that despite the enormous changes in the way in which logic was approached in the sixteenth century, there were certain threads of continuity.84 Nonetheless, the elements linking the present with the past were often narrow veins embedded in a predominant matrix of humanistic logic, Aristotelian and otherwise. When one compares the early printed logic books of England (i.e., from 1480 to 1530) with those appearing after the first edition of Seton's Dialectica (1545), significant differences are immediately 82. A strong humanistic Aristotelian streak is to be found, for example, in the Directionsfor Speech and Style of John Hosky ns (1566-1638), written about 1599. Hoskyns matriculated at New College in 1585, taking his BA in 1589 and his MA in 1592. Among his tutors were John Donne, Henry Wotton, and John Owen. See Hoskyns, Works, for further details. 83. Especially Ashworth, Medieval Logic, where studies by herself and others are conveniently listed. For England see Thomas, "Medieval Aftermath," "The Written Liar"; and Trentman, "Study of Logic." 84. Here, as much as anywhere, there seems to be a sharp separation between those scholars who study medieval logic, largely from manuscript sources, and those who study modern logic, largely from printed sources.

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obvious. First of all, from a purely pedagogical standpoint, the later books all show the strong influence of humanist techniques of organization, use of examples, and adaptation of materials to the needs of students. If one compares the Libellus sophistarum to typical post-Reformation books such as those of Seton, Wilson, Case, and Ramus, it is clear that they represent two different worlds. The Libellus treats many different topics that find little or no place in the later, more humanistically inspired manuals.85 When there is a certain overlap, as when both the Libellus and Seton treat the problem of supposition, there is quite a significant difference in approach and emphasis.86 The same is also true in the treatment of a fundamental logical question such as De propositionibus. Both the Libellus and Seton give the same definition: "Propositio est oratio indicativa verum vel falsum significans."87 This is fundamentally the definition found in Aristotle,88 as well as in Peter of Spain's Summule logicales.89 The way in which the two handle the question is, however, radically different.90 Indeed, Peter's very widely distributed manual seems to have been, to some degree at least, the common ancestor of both traditions.9' One has the distinct impression that a book such as the Libellus is meant for students a stage more advanced than those who would use the manuals of Seton, Ramus, or Case. Though there were no English editions of 85. Among the topics taken up in the Libellus sophistarum are the following: "de propositionibus, de conversionibus, de propositionibus modalibus, regule consequentiaruni, de dictionibus exclusivis, de dictionibus exceptivis, de suppositionibus, de resolutionibus, de exponibilibus, de obligationibus, de convertibilibus, de obiectionibus consequentiarum, regule modales, de conclusionibus consequentiarum, de insolubilibus, de sophismatis insolubilibus, liber apparentiarum, tractatus de naturalibus [intension—remission, motion, etc.], tractatus de proportionibus." It can also be noted that, differently from the Libellus, Wilson (1551), Seton (1572), Ramus (1583), and Case (1584) all begin with a clarification of what dialectic is. Moreover, on the whole, the humanist logic books, e.g., Seton, are much closer to the structure and organization of Aristotle's logic than is the Libellus, which follows more closely in structure and in subjects covered the late medieval pattern. 86. Libellus sophistarum (ca. 1515), fols. Hsr sqq., and Seton (1572), fols. I7v sqq. 87. Ibid. 88. An. FT. 24316. 89. Peter of Spain, Tra.cta.tus, 3. 90. A comparison of the texts cited above in n. 85 shows that after beginning with the same definition, the notion of supposition is handled in very different ways. The Libellus sophistarum plunges immediately into a deep and specialized discussion of the subject, while Seton introduces the reader much more gently and in a much less technical way. 91. See Jardine, "Dialectic Teaching," 36ff. Cf. Heath, "Logical Grammar."

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the Summule logicales, so far as is known, one feels that its contents were already mastered before students began to approach books of the type characteristic of those printed in pre-Reformation England. What is quite certain is that when more advanced logic books were once again printed in England—Digby's Theoria analytica, Powel's Analysis analyticorum posteriorum, and FlavePs Tractatus de demonstratione are examples—their orientation is different.92 This matter requires much more detailed examination than I can give here. A full study is needed of all of the works on logic published in England during the period. My preliminary and partial study suggests a clear difference between pre-Reformation and post-Reformation logic in England. I V . U N I V E R S I T Y STATUTES

The persistent interest in logic, at several different levels, shows as well as anything that university teaching continued throughout the sixteenth century, even during those periods for which we have little precise documentation. Regardless of the impact of humanism or of the Reformation, logic still played a major role in university education. If changes took place in the curriculum from time to time—for example, reducing the emphasis on natural philosophy, metaphysics, or mathematics—logic instruction still occupied a central position, though at times students were given only the rudiments of the subject. Precise evidence for this is meagre, particularly for the first sixty or so years of the sixteenth century. What we know comes mostly from statutes, and such evidence is limited in its reliability. Nevertheless, it is perhaps worth reviewing what the statutes do tell us about the development of philosophy in British universities during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Looking at the situation as a whole during the sixteenth century at Oxford and Cambridge and comparing it with the medieval phase, one is struck immediately by the changes. The comprehensiveness of the Oxford arts course of the later Middle Ages is noteworthy for the range of materials it included. If the literature the masters produced is anything to go by, the ideal striven for was often realized.93 The 92. An exception to this appears to be Thomas Oliver's De sophismatum praestigiis cavendis admonitio (Cambridge, 1604), which incorporates a good deal of late-medieval material. See Thomas, "The Written Liar." 93. See the papers of Weisheipl and Fletcher cited in nn. i and 25.

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evidence found especially by Fletcher suggests that there was a certain falling off in both the depth and the breadth of Oxford education during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The Edward VI statutes of 1549 show that the philosophical component of arts education was but a shadow of what it had been in the fourteenth century. The philosophical requirement is stated in vague terms: "Philosophicus lector Aristotelis Problemata, Moralia, Politico,, Plinium vel Platonem publice doceat."94 The responsibility of the teacher of logic is also rather unclear: "Dialectices et rhetorices prelector Aristotelis Elenchos aut Topica, Ciceronem, Quintilianum aut Hermoginem prelegat."95 Apparently there was a dissatisfaction with the original form of the statutes, for a number of corrections and additions were made to them. The De animalibus and Analytica were added to the texts required by statute.96 Even in the amended form this is not a very strong curriculum, especially if compared with Italian statutes of the time or with those of reformed universities in Germany. In various Italian universities—for example, Bologna, Padua, or Pisa—the Organon, a wide range of natural philosophy, and some metaphysics and moral philosophy were included in the curriculum.97 In post-Reformation Germany—Catholic and Protestant alike—all the universities provided a broad arts training drawn from many works in the Aristotelian canon.98 At Oxford the regulations cited above are somewhat vague, and it seems to have been theoretically possible at least for the philosophy lecturer to get away with teaching no Aristotle at all.99 Whether anyone actually taught Plato or Pliny100 with any regularity would be difficult, if 94. Statuta. 244. 95. Ibid., 358. 96. Ibid., 358-60. 97. For some general indications see Schmitt, "Philosophy and Science." For the specific case of Pisa see Schmitt, "Pisa at the Time of Galileo" and "University of Pisa." 98. See Petersen, Geschichte der Aristotelischen Philosophie; Eschweiler, "Die Philosophic der spanischen Spatscholastik"; Lewalter, Metaphysik des ij. Jahrhunderts; Reif, Natural Philosophy and "The Textbook Tradition"; and Dreitzel, Protestantischer Aristotelismus. 99. There is no indication in the Merton College Registers, for example, that Plato or Pliny were taught in place of Aristotle. 100. It is interesting to note that an attempt was made in Lutheran Germany to replace Aristotle by Pliny as an authority in natural philosophy. This was short-lived and unsuccessful, however, and there was a return to Aristotle as the main authority. See Friedensburg, Universitat Wittenberg, 113-14, and Dannenfeldt, "Wittenberg Botanists," 226. The Helmstedt statutes of 1576 provide for botany (lib. 12—20) and animals (lib.

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not impossible, to determine. On the whole, one is inclined to believe that Aristotle was usually taught. The imprecise way in which the statutes state the requirement also leads one to suppose that the lecturer could teach only a very limited range of Aristotle's works, if he so wished. The dialectic and rhetoric requirement is even weaker. The series of disjunctives suggest that one could get away with teaching only one of the works mentioned. Moreover, the addition of the Analytics as an afterthought shows that these works, which were at the core of Italian scientific education, had only a peripheral place in Oxford in the mid-sixteenth century.101 What is evident in general about the Edward VI statutes is that the Aristotelian component has been significantly weakened from what it had been several centuries earlier. The inclusion of Quintilian and Hermogenes clearly shows humanistic influence of the Renaissance, and the Pliny or Plato alternative to Aristotle are also novelties not found in the Middle Ages. Quintilian, from the time of Valla,102 and Hermogenes, from the time of Trapezuntius,103 were texts given increasing emphasis by humanistically oriented writers and teachers of the language arts. While Plato104 and Pliny105 never replaced Aristotle as the basis of philosophy instruction, both, to some degree, made inroads as alternate texts in Renaissance universities and even more into extrauniversity circles of intellectuals. The statutes were newly revised in 1564-65 after Elizabeth had restored Protestantism as the official religion.106 The new formulation harks back to the earlier statutes.107 The state of affairs fifteen years 8-11) to be taught from Pliny, while most of the curriculum remained based on Aristotle. See Baumgart & Pitz, Die Statuten, 155 (sec. 341). See C.G. Nauert, "Caius Plinius Secundus," in Catalogus translationum et commentariorum, ed. F.E. Cranz and P.O. Kristeller (Washington, 1960-), IV (1980): 313-14. 101. There seems to have been a revival of interest in the Posterior Analytics in the late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries as evidenced by the works of Powel and Flavel. 102. See Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla, 89—100, and Gerl, RhetorikalsPhilosophie, 88-97. 103. See Monfasani, George of Trebizond, ad indicem. Less satisfactory is Patterson, Hermogenes. 104. For the minor inroads made by Plato on university philosophy during the Renaissance see Schmitt, "La philosophic platonicienne." 105. See above, n. 101. For the use of Pliny in botany see Reeds, "Renaissance Humanism." 106. Statuta, 378-96. For the Marian statutes of 1556 prepared by Cardinal Pole see 363-75. 107. Ibid., 378.

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later is clearly shown by a dispensation of 15 December 1579, when it was common practice for students preparing for inception in arts to read only two of Aristotle's logical works and one work on natural philosophy.108 This was significantly less than was read by either the fourteenth-century student at Oxford or his sixteenth-century contemporary in an Italian or German university. Nevertheless, the central place of Aristotle in Oxford education was reiterated in a document of 1586 concerning the Lenten Disputations.109 The importance of Aristotle—as well as of Plato—as a preliminary to mathematical studies is spelled out in the document establishing the Savilian chairs of geometry and astronomy (i6ig). 110 It was with the Laudian statutes of 1636 that Aristotle was re-established once again in the central position he had held in the Middle Ages.111 Thus the evidence of the statutes shows that the rigours of Aristotelian training had been progressively weakened throughout the sixteenth century at Oxford. Other evidence shows an Aristotelian revival during the final quarter of the sixteenth century, which was possible within the existing statutes. This revival represents a turning away from the language arts of the humanists back to the solid scientia of the Stagirite. Thus, the Laudian statutes are not necessarily a retrograde step, merely because the Aristotelian element is reasserted.112 Even if the Laudian statutes were completely Aristotelian, there is a solid core of philosophy instruction that was missing from mid-sixteenth-century Oxford teaching. There is also, however, much that is new in the Laudian statutes. The strengthening 108. Ibid., 415. 109. Ibid., 437. This reads in part as follows: "Praeterea cum authorum varietas multas peperisset in scholis dissentiones, statuerunt vel Aristotelem secundum vetera et laudabilia universitatis statuta, vel alios authores secundum Aristotelem defendendos esse, omnesque steriles et inanes quaestiones ab antiqua et vera philosophia dissidentes, a scholis excludendas et exterminandas." no. Section 5, entitled "Qui et quales eligi debeant in mathematicos professores," reads in part as follows: "Hos professores sive lectores ordino, statuo et decerno fore perpetuis temporibus eligendos ex hominibus bonae famae et conversationis honestae, ex quacunque natione orbis Christiani, et cuiuscunque ordinis sive professionis, qui, hausta prius ex Aristotelis et Platonis fontibus puriore philosophia, in mathematicis instructissimi sint. . . ." Ibid., 531. in. Griffiths, Statutes. 112. The implicit assumption of many scholars who work on English intellectual history of the period seems to be that any doctrines, ideas, or methods from Aristotle or later Aristotelians must be regarded as retrograde. I cannot see the validity of such an assumption. Certain Aristotelian doctrines were fruitful for new developments, as the cases of Hooker or Harvey clearly show.

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of the mathematical disciplines through the establishment of the Savilian chairs had been accomplished, as had the establishment of history through the founding of the Camden chair. Moreover, other subjects such as music, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew had been improved. After the Linacre lectureships of 1524 and the Regius professorships of physic (Cambridge, 1540; Oxford, 1546) there were few benefactions devoted to specifically scientific subjects until the early seventeenth century. Then in rapid succession, as R.G. Frank has noted, there were the Savilian professorships in astronomy and geometry (1619), the Sedleian Professorship of Natural Philosophy (1621), the earl of Danby's botanical garden (1622), and the Tomlins Readership in Anatomy (1624).113 Thus, by the time of the Laudian statutes, the Oxford and Cambridge curricula were more wide ranging, more rounded, and more in contact with recent Continental developments than they had been fifty or seventy-five years earlier. Although the Laudian statutes with their strong Aristotelian emphasis have usually been interpreted by scholars as a triumph of conservatism and a failure of nerve, this is not necessarily the case. Was there really a viable alternative open in 1636? If arts education was meant to be reasonably comprehensive and to embrace the range of reliable knowledge, were there alternatives to the Aristotelian synthesis? The writings of Bruno were certainly not systematic enough for teaching purposes. The new philosophies of Telesio or Patrizi were possibilities, but neither covered a significant portion of the range of subjects to be taught. The same could be said of ancient works such as those of Plato or Pliny. The approach to knowledge produced by the sixteenth-century humanistic movement was curiously one-sided, with whole areas of positive knowledge left unaccounted for. The new syntheses of Gassendi, of Descartes, of Newton, were all in the future, if by only a few years or decades. The one genuine possibility was perhaps some sort of Baconianism, though again this more-or-less comprehensive philosophy was put together into a coherent form only as the statutes were being formulated. In short, Aristotelianism still was the best comprehensive philosophy available. When genuine and useful alternatives did emerge a few decades later, they were taken up rather quickly by the universities of England. 113. On these developments see Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge; Kearney, Gentlemen and Scholars; and esp. Frank, "Universities of Early Modern England," where additional references will be found.

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Thus in the final analysis the 1636 formulation reflects the intellectual developments of the previous half-century. It is more Aristotelian only in the sense that a much wider range of Aristotelian works were recommended. That is but one side of the coin, however. In addition, other subjects—mathematical, medical, historical, and literary—were added to round out the curriculum. A parallel pattern can be discerned for Cambridge. From the time of Erasmus's visit in the early years of the sixteenth century, the impact of humanistic ideas and ideals seems to have been stronger there than at Oxford. Thus, the Ramist influx into England in the 15705 became more firmly rooted in the Cambridge ambient. By the end of the sixteenth century Cambridge undergraduate education was rather limited, being a melange of linguistic and grammatical arts coupled to the recent fashion of a bastardized combination of dialectic and rhetoric. But even then we can see the roots of the intellectual awakening that blossomed forth with the Cambridge Platonists, Isaac Barrow, and Isaac Newton in the next century. At the time Roger Ascham was writing of the shortcomings of Aristotle in his Scholemaster (1570) it is clear that the intellectual diet at Cambridge was very limited.'14 A similar attitude from the same context and from about the same time is also evident in the less well known De laudibus scientiarum of Walter Haddon. While the author praises "science," though not in the medieval or seventeenth-century understanding of the term, his attention is devoted almost completely to Stoic, Platonic, and, to some degree, Aristotelian moral philosophy. It is as though he had lost touch with the traditional conception of science.' '5 A few decades later things were beginning to change, even if relatively few undergraduates were affected by the modifications. The new Cambridge press was founded, and a certain degree of intellectual vitality can be discerned in Digby's Theoria analytica (1579) and in his ensuing debate with William Temple, as well as in the publications of Andrew Willet and James Martin. With the possible exception of Willet's, the works of these men were part of the ongoing European tradition of controversy and debate that 114. "I thinke, I never saw yet any Commentarie upon Aristotles Logicke, either in Greke or Latin, that ever I lyked, bicause they be rather spent in declarying scholepoynt rules, than in gathering fit examples for use and utterance, either by pen or talke." Ascham, English Works, 277. His further comments on Cambridge are also of interest. 115. Walter Haddon, Lucubrationes, 17-36. The whole volume is indicative of the low level of scientific knowledge in England during the period, but otherwise shows a relatively high level of humanistic culture. On the author see Ryan, "Walter Haddon."

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continued to be the life blood of philosophical and scientific development. The stirrings at the end of the century provided at least a part of the context from which a man of the stature of Francis Bacon could emerge. Still, the recent findings of Lisa Jardine underline the contrast between late-sixteenth-century Cambridge and the more ambitious and productive era of the middle of the next century as reflected in Holdsworth's Directions, which has becomejustly famous.' l6 There is some doubt about the precise date at which these "directions" came into use and how they are to be interpreted. It has been argued, for example, that in substance they date from 1615.11? On the other hand, it is clear that the version we have is somewhat later, since a number of the works recommended were not available in i6i5- 118 What this document clearly shows is that in the Cambridge of the 16405—and Holdsworth's Directions is not the only evidence for this—the Aristotelian tradition is much more deeply entrenched than it had been a half-century earlier. A number of standard latesixteenth- and early-seventeenth-century Aristotelian authors are recommended, including not only Protestant Scholastics such as Burgersdijk, Keckermann, Magirus, and Scheibler, but also many eminent Catholic commentators, including Fonseca, Zabarella, Suarez, Didacus Masius, Smiglecius, and the Coimbra and Alcala textbooks. Thus Oxford and Cambridge show a gradual broadening of intellectual interests and aspirations during the period after about 1575. In my view this intellectual development cannot be associated with one or another ideological or political faction, nor can it be isolated within a particular administrative regime such as the Cromwellian government. It is a broadly based reassertion of intellectual ambitions over a wide range of subjects and on many different levels.

116. The Directions is published in H.F. Fletcher, John Milton, II: 623-64, who also discusses its significance (II: 84-88). See also Costello, Scholastic Curriculum; Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge, 289—90 and passim; Hill, Intellectual Origins, 301 — 14; and Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen, 103—6. For a recent discussion of the problem of authorship, which brings together the known information but comes to no very definite conclusions, see Trentman, "Authorship." 117. H.F. Fletcher, John Milton, II: 85. 118. Hill, Intellectual Origins, 3oyff., and Trentman, "Authorship," discuss the problem of the dating.

Aristotelianism in England V.

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EVERARD DIGBY'S "THEORIA ANALYTICA"

More concrete evidence for a continuing and, indeed, an expanding interest in Peripatetic philosophy can be found in Everard Digby's Theoria analytica, which appeared in 1579. Attention was directed towards this work by Freudenthal's influential study on English philosophy, which appeared at the end of the last century.119 Freudenthal studied Digby and Temple primarily for the light such an inquiry could shed on Bacon's achievement. Since that time, attention has focused more on the Temple-Digby debate than on the Theoria analytical0 Freudenthal called attention to the strongly Neoplatonic character of Digby's work and indeed emphasized that "Digby is the first philosopher of modern times who propagated Neoplatonic thought in England and thus showed the way for the influential Neoplatonism of the Seventeenth century."121 The strongly Neoplatonic influence on Digby is evident from the first glance at his work, even though the general framework in which he considers himself to be working is Aristotelian. It does not seem to have been noted before that Digby's treatise has some claim to be considered the first British philosophical work since the Middle Ages to be addressed to a learned international audience.122 This is not to say that the Theoria analytica is a work of genius or even of great influence. It is a work of serious aspiration meant for something more than a local audience. It was written in Latin to be read by scholars abroad as well as in England and is an attempt to reformulate traditional views. It is something more than the derivative works of the Digges, for example, meant as they were for an unlettered audience. Digby is of the same generation as Dee and should be compared with him—and with Case, as we shall see—as much as with anyone. In my 119. Freudenthal, "Beitrage." Regardless of certain shortcomings and mistaken judgements, these studies remain among the best on the subject. Also useful in Sortais, Philosophie moderne, I: 53—64, on Digby and Temple. 120. Freudenthal does not treat the Theoria analytica very thoroughly. See now Butters, Everard Digby. 121. Freudenthal, "Beitrage," IV: 599. 122. British philosophers of some repute abroad such as Maurice O'Fihely and John Major and his school were apparently little known in post-Reformation Britain, and all their works were published abroad. O'Fihely, however, was known to Stanyhurst. See above, n. 69.

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view it is the first serious, published philosophical work in Britain after the coming of the Reformation. Of course, it predated by only a very few years what must be called the most important new philosophical works published on British soil during the century, the Dialoghi of Giordano Bruno, which appeared in London between 1583 and 1585-123 Digby's Theoria analytica illustrates very well a little-known but extremely important fact about Renaissance philosophy. It was not the Neoplatonic writers alone who cultivated the eclectic, syncretic approach to knowledge that characterizes the tradition of prisca theologia. This interpretation of knowledge did originate within the Platonic tradition; yet there were a number of eclectic Aristotelians in the sixteenth century who also absorbed a substantial amount of prisca and other Neoplatonic materials into their syntheses.124 Digby, like his namesake Kenelm Digby (1603—65) of the next century, 125 is representative of an eclectic or "open" (i.e., receptive to doctrines coming from philosophical and scientific traditions other than the peripatetic) type of Aristotelianism that flourished in the Renaissance, gaining an increasing number of adherents as the sixteenth century wore on. In fact, it is not wholly accurate to label the Theoria analytica as Aristotelian, for there are at least as many elements from the Neoplatonic tradition as from the Aristotelian. In his controversies with Temple, however, his Aristotelian allegiance comes out more clearly. Perhaps Digby is best compared with Jacques Charpentier (1524—74), a French opponent of Ramist reform who had the same Platonic-Aristotelian eclecticism, while also sharing Digby's deep desire to defend Aristotelian logic against the Ramist onslaught.'26 Another to whom Digby might be profitably compared is Bruno himself, as strange as such a juxtaposition might seem at first glance. In the Theoria analytica we find something of the same odd mixture and confusions 123. For the extensive literature on Bruno's years in England and his activities there see Yates, "Giordano Bruno's Conflict with Oxford" and Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, 205-56; Singer, Giordano Bruno, 26-45; McNulty, "Bruno at Oxford"; and Aquilecchia, "Lo stampatore londinese" and "Ancora su Giordano Bruno," where further bibliography and documentation will be found. Also see below, p. 58. 124. The impact of this material on John Case will be discussed below, esp. pp. 162-67. 125. See Petersson, Sir Kenelm Digby, and Dobbs, "Natural Philosophy of Sir Kenelm Digby," where further references are to be found. 126. We lack a general study on Charpentier, which takes into account his many faceted character, but see Goujet, Memoire historique, II: 75-82, and passim; Gilbert, Concepts of Method, 145-52; and Vasoli, La dialettica e la retorica, ad indicem.

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that mark Bruno's Dialoghi, but I must hasten to add that with Digby there is little if any of the basic core of brilliant insight and witty style found in Bruno. 127 Digby's work without doubt marked an upswing of philosophical aspiration in England; Case merely continued the forward movement by writing works meant to be read by an audience more extensive than Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates. Digby's work, in short, set the tone for the new enthusiasm for Aristotle. Later English Aristotelians were not so extreme as Digby had been in espousing an eclectic approach, and their utilization of the Neoplatonic cluster of sources did not progress so far. There is without doubt a definite connecting link between the eclectic tendency of Ficino and Pico—continued by Steuco, Charpentier, and others—and the writings of Digby and Case.128 Platonism and Aristotelianism were blended in a variety of ways. Late-sixteenth-century England saw the emergence of quite a remarkable variety of Aristotelianism owing much to the attempts at concordia initiated by Pico. The interpreter, however, must be on the lookout for it. Thus Digby and Case, conventionally designated as "Aristotelians," have closer links with Dee, Bacon, and the Cambridge Platonists of the next century than has usually been supposed. Dee's Mathematicall Preface139is not really very far from the Theoria analytica, and indeed traces of the same tendency to unify knowledge can be found in Case's Lapis philosophicus, as well as elsewhere in his writings. The Theoria analytica lays claim to provide a new approach to knowledge—and therein lies the basis of comparison with Bacon's Novum organum, which scholars have emphasized since Freudenthal. It is a work of immense, if somewhat ill-digested, learning, replete with references not only to Greek texts but to the same range of classical, medieval, and Renaissance writings we find in certain Continental works of the period. The Chaldaic Oracles, Zoroaster, Orpheus, and Hermes are cited frequently as are Agrippa, Ficino, Pico, and Reuchlin. The range of sources is immense: Vesalius, Steuco, Postel, Nifo, Scaliger, and Cardano are made use of from time to time. How 127. Bruno's most famous works were written in a witty and pugent Italian style. See, for example, Bruno, Dialoghi italiani, 209—24 (the end of the first dialogue of De la causa, prineipio e uno), for a biting satire of the University of Oxford. 128. Of the large literature on these subjects I shall cite here only Schmitt, "Prisca theologia e philosophia perennis," and Walker, Ancient Theology, where additional bibliography can be found. 129. See Dee, Mathematicall Preface, and the introduction by Debus.

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different it is from most other works of the period by Englishmen. It vies with Dee's aforementioned Preface as a tour de force indicating Britain's aspirations to come of age as an intellectual partner in Europe.'30 In the final analysis, Digby's work is more important for what it endeavours to do than for what it achieves. Perhaps it is not intrinsically as stimulating as Dee's Preface, but it marks an attempt to formulate something new for an international audience, in the same way as the Novum organum of forty years later would be meant for a range of readers beyond that small group with English as a native language. Although Dee's Preface is an admirable instrument to bring important recent information from the Continent to the English, it was not meant for the international intellectual community. Digby's work represents something quite different, and I think that with justification we can call it the first work of serious international aspiration published in England since the Reformation. Perhaps of even greater significance, at least in a European context, was the debate between Digby and William Temple over the nature of logic, which took place at Cambridge in the early 15805. The point at issue was which approach to logic was superior: that of the Aristotelians or that of the Ramists. In all, there were four pamphlets in this debate, whose significance has been discussed by a variety of scholars in recent years as part of the Continental controversy engendered by the new Ramist approach to logic.131 The European repercussions of this debate are evidenced by the reprinting of the polemical works by the Wechel press in Frankfurt a few years after their first appearance in England.132 A further echo of the Ramist debate is to be found in the 130. Among the recent and important authors cited in Digby's work are Taisner (16, 157), Reuchlin (133, 166, etc.), Vesalius (330), and Postel (374). Vesalius, for example, is cited in the section entitled "Numerus et natura sensuum interiorum," showing that Digby was prepared to make use of a medical work to deal with a traditional philosophical problem. His humanistic and philological interests are indicated by citations of Theophrastus (123-24) and Simplicius (138-29) in Greek. The strongly Neoplatonic bent is shown by passages such as the following: "... testes sunt satis locupletes summi Platonici, Plotinus, Porphyrius, Proculus [sic], lamlicus [sic], Psellus, Marsilius Ficinus, lohannes Picus Mirandula, Aegubinus [i.e., Agostino Steuco], Bessario. . . . Multis enim ante Platonem seculis, Hermes in Pymandro sic scripsit.. . ." Digby, Theoria analytica, 304-5. 131. See, for example, Gilbert, Concepts of Method, 200-209; Vasoli, La dialettica e la retorica, 590—601; and Jardine, Francis Bacon, 59—65, who finally gets the chronology of the debate correct. 132. Evans, Wechel Press, 18, and nn. 59, 83, 117, 125.

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work In P. Kami Dialecticam quaestiones et responsiones, of Nathaniel Baxter, first published in London in 1585 and twice reprinted at the Wechel press.133 For some reason this book has escaped the notice of those who have dealt with the Temple-Digby debate. This is perhaps in part because of the excessive rarity of the work, no copies of the London edition and few of the Frankfurt editions being accessible in the English-speaking world.134 Digby's Theoria analytica and the ensuing dispute with William Temple mark the new beginnings of a serious concern with the mainstream of European philosophical activity. These works—unlike the logic books of Wilson and Seton, for example, meant only for local consumption—were read throughout Europe. They are not, however, the only evidence that something new was afoot in English intellectual circles. It has been traditional to assume that the advent of Ramism dealt the death blow to medieval Aristotelianism, already on a decline initiated by humanism, the Reformation, and Copernicanism. But such was not the case. Indeed, there is much evidence pointing the other way, namely that in the very decades in which Ramism began taking a foothold in England Aristotelianism was revived and developed in a significant way. Ramism did not replace Aristotelianism. Rather, both philosophies prospered. The amplification of each of them was a result of the same intellectual expansion occurring in England at the end of the sixteenth century. It is certainly true that Ramism was accepted into the British Isles, that it became a focus of interest, and that many Ramist texts issued from English presses 133. Ibid., n. 107. 134. The first edition of this work is apparently extant in very few copies. The only complete copy I have seen is that in Gdansk, Biblioteka PAN (shelfmark: Fa. 13066(5]), which is listed in Deutscher Gesamtkatalog 13.8704. A mutilated copy is at present at the National Trust in Lanhydrock, Cornwall, of which a photostat is kept in the British Library (shelfmark: Cup. 1256. a. i). The tone of the work can be gathered from the prefatory epistle, which reads in part as follows: "Nunc tandem, quum Porphyrii, Scoti, lavelli, Dunsi, etc. praedicabilibus, distinctionibus, verbis nihil significantibus, praedicamentis, postpraedicamentis, tautologiis et falsis positionibus, dialectica ita coepit obscurari, ut penitus vel nulla vel semimortua videretur: idem coelestis pater, veluti Mercurium quendam, in hunc saeculum misit Petrum Ramum Veromanduum, regium mathematicum, philosophum insignem, et martyrem celeberrimum." Baxter, Quaestiones et reponsa, fol. *viiir. In general the work has a strongly religious and anti—papal tone. It is cast in the form of quaestiones and responsa, with many tabulae summarizing the individual sections. An idea of the orientation of the work can be gained from the opening question: "Quis est author dialectices?" to which the answer is "Deus, qui rationem omnibus numeris absolutam effecit."

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during the next decades. What is equally true, however, is that Aristotelian philosophy enjoyed a similar, or even more pronounced, expansion. The flowering of Aristotelianism lasted for at least three-quarters of a century or roughly throughout the lifespan of Lord Herbert of Cherbury. This fact must not be lost sight of—as it has been far too often by previous scholars working on the period. In short: Ramism thrived, but Aristotelianism thrived even more. VI.

UNIVERSITIES

In addition to the statutory requirements there is other evidence relating to the state of Aristotelian studies in British universities during the sixteenth century. Much of this material has not been fully exploited, but one hopes that the time is not too distant when we shall have more comprehensive studies of some major issues and figures involved.135 Admittedly, the information we have on this subject is rather sketchy and really is significant only for the period after about 1580, for which time we also have a certain number of works of Aristotelian inspiration printed in England. The recently published Registrum Annalium Collegii Mertonensis covering the period 1521-67 shows that, during a period for which we have a paucity of information, a significant range of Aristotelian texts were being read at Merton College. Logic, moral and natural philosophy, and metaphysics were being taught perstatuta.136 What is perhaps a bit more surprising is the fact that the Problemata were taught quite frequently. This work, as I have noted, was listed in the statutes drawn up under Edward VI, something a little unexpected, since the rather miscellaneous and unsystematic nature of the Problemata scarcely recommends it for university instruction. The exceedingly large number of sixteenthand seventeenth-century editions of the work show that it was widely read both in a university context and elsewhere.137 The Merton Registrum establishes that it was taught there in the 15405, as well as later.138 135. Particularly important should be the new multi-volumed History of the University of Oxford, in course of preparation under the direction of T.H. Aston. The volume on the sixteenth century is being edited by J.K. McConica. Other important information is contained in the newly published Registers of Merton College, edited by J.M. Fletcher. 136. Fletcher, Registrum, 1521—1567, 65—66, 86, 87, 122, 123, 259, 264, 270. 137. For some indications see Cranz, Aristotle Editions, 161.1 know of at least twenty more sixteenth-century editions of the work, not listed by Cranz. 138. J.M. Fletcher, Registrum, 1521-1567, 86, 122, 123.

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Most of our information regarding the philosophical culture of sixteenth-century Oxford, however, comes from the last quarter of the century. In addition to the printed works, of which I shall have more to say below, such evidence as student notebooks, new translations of Aristotelian works, and various types of manuscript material must be taken into account, as should the information supplied by the examination questions set for students. We are particularly fortunate in having a good collection of the questions discussed for inception in the various Oxford faculties. Different questions were set each year, and we have philosophy questions for the entire period 1576-1622, which have been published for nearly a century.139 From a perusal of these quaestiones we see that students were examined on a relatively wide range of philosophical subjects and that the curriculum reflected in these is hardly as barren as is sometimes supposed. The questions cover the range of logic, metaphysics, and moral and natural philosophy. Contrary to what the editor, Andrew Clark, claimed, a significant number of the questions reflect contemporary interests and events. I can give but a few examples. For example the three topics set "in vesperiis" in i58i14° have a relevance for Elizabethan England. The precise questions are: (i) "An materia sit in coelo?" (2) "An foeminae sint literis instruendae?" and (3) "An ulla sit in rebus humanis astrologiae divinitricis certa et non fallax veritas?" These might seem at first glance to be rather conventional and tied wholly to Aristotelian book-learning. Such is not the case. The first of these refers to one of the crucial problems of sixteenth-century physical astronomy, one marking a significant break with the past in the post-Copernican worldview. It is the question whether the bodies (planets) in the heavens are composed of ordinary matter or of a different type of substance (quintessence), as Aristotle had held. In 1588 the question "An sint plures mundi?"141 was set, again showing that non-Aristotelian positions were being discussed, even though undoubtedly the student was expected to defend the traditional Aristotelian position.142 In the second of the questions set in 1581, we see a reflection not only 139. Register, II: i, 169-217 (philosophy questions, 170-79). See also the questions at Merton College listed passim in Fletcher, Registrum, 1567—1603. 140. Register, II: i, 170. 141. Ibid., 171. 142. For the period beginning in 1592 the expected answer to the questions is indicated. Ibid., 172.

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of the contemporary situation of queenly rule, but also a possible reflection of contemporary treatises on education that raise the issue of whether and to what degree women were to be educated. This topic again is raised in later years, as for example in 1590 when students were expected to discuss "An foeminarum ingenia sint acutiora quam virorum?"143 The astrological nature of the third question, as well as of numerous other questions of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries dealing with astrology and various occult sciences, indicates clearly just how far these sorts of issues had penetrated into university education. It was not only in the extra-university groups of intellectuals such as that of John Dee that such matters were avidly discussed. As we shall see later,144 John Case was interested in various aspects of the so-called occult sciences and allowed them a place in his general peripatetic world-view. Here in the Oxford quaestiones one finds a blend of Aristotelian and occult science that makes it evident that the narrow brand of Aristotelianism most modern scholars of Renaissance England claim to find there is a figment.145 The quaestiones shows us that, generally, Oxford philosophical education was far richer than one might imagine from the statutory regulations. While Aristotelian doctrine continued to dominate, there was a strong drift towards eclecticism, with many new tendencies and revived ancient ones entering the forum alongside the expected peripatetic ones. Similar evidence of continuing Aristotelian interests, tempered by other philosophical and scientific traditions, is also found in various student notebooks. Most of these remain in manuscript and have not generally been adequately studied by interpreters of sixteenth-century English university and scientific history. Aristotelian interests are evident, for example, in a manuscript collection of orations deriving from Oxford about 1590. Here, in addition to some prefatory remarks on Book V of the Politics and a brief oration " Licet occidere tyrannum," we also find others—"Sola fides justificat" and "Sinistra manus est praestantior dextra"—which reflect current religious interests as well as a concern with occultism.146 Various orations and 143. Ibid., 172. 144. See below, esp. Chapter V, sec III. 145. Such seems to be the assumption, for example, by Rattansi, "Alchemy and Natural Magic," and Hill, Intellectual Origins. 146. MS Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 272, esp. fols. 3iv—32r, 36r—38r, 46r—4gv, 53.

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notes by John Stone of Christ Church, dated 1576-79, indicate a similar orientation; his manuscript contains both a traditional discussion of dialectic and a little treatise entitled "An scientia sit reminiscentia? " *47 Two important sources for Oxford intellectual life during the 15805 are to be found in the letters and other manuscript writings of Robert Batt148 and in a notebook of John Day/49 These offer quite a detailed view of what it was like to study there at the time, and both reinforce the information provided from other sources. They show the continued dominance of Aristotelianism, but of a variety of that broad tradition tempered by a wide range of divergent ideas from other sources, namely, the same eclectic Aristotelianism characteristic of Digby's Theoria analytica and of Case's teaching manuals. Robert Batt was a student at Brasenose and University Colleges from 1579 to i586.15° His letters are largely given over to personal matters, but they also indicate strong humanistic and literary interests. His general attitude was apparently Aristotelian, for he not only criticized Gabriel Harvey's Ramist work De restitutione logica (isSs)' 51 but also eagerly awaited an Oxford refutation of William Temple's Ramist works.152 His letters also include a quite extensive discussion of Scotus,153 indicating clearly a revival of interest in that previously despised philosopher-theologian. One of Bait's questions treats the traditional topic "An corpus mobile sit subiectum naturalis philosophiae?" He indicates a weariness with both Thomas and Scotus, "whom nearly all philosophers adopt as their patrons,"154 and goes on to call on more recent authorities, including J.C. Scaliger. Other topics treated include a number of traditional Aristotelian ones, for example, 147. Oxford, Bodl. Rawl. D. 273, esp. 68v~74r, io5r-io8v. 148. Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 985. 149. Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 274. 150. For information on Batt see Register, II: iii, no, and Foster, I: 87 151. Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D, 985, fol. 46v. 152. "... Expectamus avide Tempelli Cantabrigiensis refutationem ab Oxoniensibus elaboratam. ..." Ibid., fol. 52v. 153. E.g., ibid., fols. gr, 67r. Some of this seems to be in ajocular vein as when he says (6yr): "Aeneanasenses Scotistas appellari a Ramistis solere?" and "Scotus appellari soleo, opinione certe quidem et sententia non Scotum sed Scotistam esse me plane profiteer ac prae me fero." 154. "Cum enim philosophi paene omnes duos sibi potissimum patronos adoptent vel Thomam Doctorem Angelicum vel Scotum Doctorem Subtilem. ..." Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 985, fol. 66v.

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"An sit divinatio per insomnia?"155 and "An natura agat propter finem?"'56 But a further one, "Satius ne sit principi amari quam metui?"'57 must certainly reflect the famous Chapter 17 of Machiavelli's // principe. The notebook of John Day of Oriel College contains a rather extensive commentary on the Physics, as well as a variety of questions on a broad range of philosophical topics. In the preface to the Physics commentary Day tells how he came to write the work at the behest of his Oriel colleagues. He indicates the catholic and wide range of authorities with which he was familiar, a list that betrays anything but provincialism and insularity.158 The Physics commentary is dated 155. Ibid., ygv—Sir. 156. Ibid., 6ov-64v. 157. Ibid., gSv-ioiv. 158. "Ornatissimo Collegii Orielensis Praefecto eiusdemque sociorum clarissimo coetui Johannes Daius evirpaTTfiv. "Anno praeterito, cum ex iniquissima meae vitae conditione in augustissimum hoc collegium vestris suffrages cooptatus essem, clarissimi viri, id mihi oneris a vobis est impositum ut more maiorum a.K.p6acnv Aristotelis explicarem ... Fide tamen vestra benevolentiaque fretus sustuli hoc quicquid oneris et quoad potui pertuli, ut qui opprimi me hoc onere maluissem quam ulla de causa fugisse me, aut deposuisse putaretis. ... Sic Aristoteles non plane, non explcate disserit, vertamus autem ea quae disserit, nihil erit aenigmaticum, nihil caligine loquendi offusum. His si qui sint inter vos qui scire pervelitis quomodo ego tam tenui facultate, doctrinae tenuioris, tenuissimi ingenii tam tuto me dederim in viam Aristotelis ut sanus iam et salvus adsim vobis etiam longo itinere atque etiam non tuto: respondeo brevissime, Ducibus Jesuitis, comite Fortunato Crellio. Non omnibus autem Jesuitis, sic enim caeci caecum atque nunquam profecto incolumis rediissem; sed triumviris solum istis (quos honoris causa nomino) Toleto, Pererio, et Fonseca quo numero impari et lunario sine dubio gaudet Aristoteles. Neque hos etiam una cum fidissimo meo comite omnes per omnia Aristotelis dumeta pone sequutus sum, sed omnibus saepiusculi in unum locum coactis, quod quisque commodissime praecipere videbatur, exerpsi, cum nee nihil optime nee omnia praeclarissime quisquam dicere videbatur. Neque spero fore ut noster iste labor incurrat in vestras reprehensiones, cum idipsum cognoverim a summis viris factitatum qui res quas ex varia lectione mutuantur, ipsis [corr. ex ipsi] saepe verbis quibus ab ipsis auctoribus enarratae sunt, explicant. Atque ita rationem habetis itinerum meorum. Quo aequiores mihi sitis si viae huic tutae, certae, regiae memetipsum malui credere quam Scoti aliorumque spinosissimorum hominum scopulis dumetisque suspendere. Quis enim non esset (qui semitam naturalis philosophiae a ducibus meis comiteque tam egregie complanatam viderit) vepres istorum, et cautes, et detestatus? Restat atque animus meus est purgare me vobis de commentario meo, etsi enim non sum nescius reprehensum fuisse a Censorio Catone Romanum ilium historiae graecae scriptorem quod deprecari culpam quam culpa vacare maluit: mihi tamen sic usu venit, ut qui vacare culpa non potuerim, deprecari culpam cogar necessario. Quod reliquum, id vestrum est,

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1

5^9>159 but the appended list of questions are of a later date, as citations from authorities such as the Coimbra commentators show.160 Indeed, Day's range of sources is similar to Case's.161 Thomas Aquinas is cited very frequently, as are Francisco de Toledo, Zabarella, Fonseca, and Javelli, some of the favourite authorities of Catholic Scholasticism. Day's approach was not one-sided, however, and use was made of Fortunius Crellius, Hieronymus Zanchius, and a number of others, including his Oxford contemporary John Case.162 His knowledge of Greek is demonstrated by the frequent quotation of Greek words and phrases, including an apposite Greek text from Plato in the question "An amicitia sit virtus?"163 The manuscripts of Batt and Day, as well as a number of others preserved from the same period, deserve much fuller treatment than I have been able to give them here. When some of this material has been studied further we should be in a much better position to evaluate in a more comprehensive way the precise nature of late-sixteenth-century Oxford intellectual life.164 ut si quid in Aristotele vertendo perverterim, aut censores esse nolitis, aut censores sitis Catone leniores, nee humanitas vestra me eius condemnet culpae quam evitare non potui, quod si a vobis impetravero, reliqua minime dubitanter expectabo. Salvete." MS Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 274, fols. 1-2. On Day, who was the son of the important sixteenth-century London printer, see DNB and Foster, I: 387. 159. MS Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 274, fol. ir. 160. Reference to the Coimbra commentators are found, e.g., on fols. 167-70, 189—91, 218, 235, 249. These works were published for the first time in the years 1592-1606. The fullest existing bibliography of editions and the best introductory summary is to be found in Andrade, Curso Conimbricense, i—cxiv. 161. See below, Chapter IV, sec. III. 162. Rawl. D. 274, fols. 206, 210. 163. Ibid., 2i3r. 164. Among other MSS to be considered for Oxford are Rawl.D. 1423, which contains an Analysis physicorum Aristotelis (fols. 71--11 r) and some excerpts on the lives and opinions of philosophers (fols. 8r— lor, numbered from the end of the MS); Rawl. poet. 112, which contains fragmentary notes on the De anima and Parva naturalia (fols. ir-7r); Rawl. D. 986, early seventeenth century (probably by Nicholas Dochen), which contains, inter alia, a logical compendium taken from Crisostomo Javelli (fols. aaf.), a treatise on moral philosophy (fols. 7 if.), as well as another on natural philosophy (fols. 87f.); and Rawl. D. 1146, dated 26 June 1605 (fol. i52r) and comprising Naturalis scientiae synopsis sen compendium, which contains numerous tabulae setting out the subject. Perhaps the most significant of all the manuscript materials relating to Aristotle coming from Oxford for the period is the Analysis sive resolutio methodica [Royal MS:

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One of the chief witnesses, who has often been quoted, is of course Giordano Bruno. His scathing remarks about Oxford and the state of studies there have drawn considerable attention. I believe that his comments have been partially misconstrued and evaluated out of context.165 There was no doubt, much to criticize at Oxford, and the level of philosophy was not all that high. On the other hand, Bruno was a self-centred bigot who was obviously piqued because the men of Oxford did not consider him to be as brilliant as he considered himself to be. An Oxford point of view has recently been called to attention that puts his visit there in a somewhat different light.166 In part it was a meridionals in conflict with an Anglo-Saxon establishment, with all the implications this had in Elizabethan England. It is also worth keeping in mind that Bruno's censure of rival intellectual systems was nearly universal16"7 and not confined to Aristotelianism and humanism at Oxford. Nonetheless, his remarks do offer valuable evidence for the state of philosophical studies in England, even if they must be tempered with information from other sources. Evidence of the same sort is meagre for Cambridge. The interest in Aristotelian philosophy of at least one of the keener students resident there at just about the turn of the seventeenth century is well attested, however. John Everard, who later became Catholic and went to the English College in Rome, has left behind a detailed account of his studies at Clare Hall.168 Besides being a good education in humanistic perpetual in octo libros politicorum Aristotelis, by the eminent geographer Richard Hakluyt. On i September 1583 Hakluyt signed the dedication of the work to Queen Elizabeth from Christ Church. In 1588 the author made a further copy of it. The two copies are extant in BM, MSS Royal 12 G XIII (dated 1583) and Sloane 1982. This epitome of the Politics seems to have been prepared by Hakluyt as a sort of thank offering to the Queen and is based upon his lectures on the subject given while at Oxford. On it see L.V. Ryan, "Richard Hakluyt's Voyage." For further information see Quinn, Hakluyt Handbook, 279-80, 300-301, where the title pages of both MSS are reproduced; and Hakluyt, Writings, 30, 203 (dedication letter published from Royal MS), 343-45. 165. For references see above, no. 123. For a recent analysis, putting the situation into a new perspective, see McConica, "Humanism and Aristotle." 166. McNulty, "Bruno at Oxford." 167. In many histories of philosophy Bruno is grouped with Patrizi as being a critic of traditional Aristotelianism, but the Nolan speaks of Patrizi as "un altro stereo di pedanti." Bruno, Dialoghi italiani, 260. 168. Kenny, Responsa scholarum, 223-29. Also of interest for early seventeenthcentury Cambridge is the commonplace book of Reuben Shirwoode (or Sherwood), of King's College, contained in BM, Sloane, 108. It contains a paraphrase or translation of

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subjects, his preparation in Aristotelian philosophy seems to have been thorough and up-to-date. In logic, in addition to studying the standard manual of Seton, he was educated on a close reading of the Organon accompanied by numerous later commentators, including Agricola, Titelmans, Pacius, and Zabarella. In moral philosophy he used the expositions of writers such as Donate Acciaiuoli, Peter Martyr, and John Case. During his two years' study of natural philosophy he found the works of Francisco de Toledo, Julius Caesar Scaliger, and Girolamo Cardano—an interesting and not wholly Scholastic range of authorities—to have been useful. This is a richer education than was usual at Cambridge in 1600 but was perhaps not entirely atypical. VII. TRANSLATIONS OF CLASSICAL TEXTS

Another area in which the activity of sixteenth-century England pales when compared with that of the Continent lies in the field of translations. As successive volumes of the Catalogus translationum et commentariorum so clearly show, there was an enormous number of new Latin translations made from Greek works during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.169 In this extremely important cultural activity the first four books of the Nicomachean Ethics (fols. gr-43v), excerpts from Jakob Schegk's commentary on the same work (fols. 44r-55r), and excerpts from the Politics (fols. 57r-6ar). Also apparently from a Cambridge context is BM, Harl. 3230, which contains, among other things, a section (fols. 178-84) that reflects the Cambridge arts curriculum at the end of the sixteenth century. Included are brief discussions of Fredericus Beurhusius, Scribonius, and Timothie Bright, as well as a "Methodica adumbratio ethicae etiam [?] prima quaestio tractata: Virtutem esse in rebus expetendis Gulielmo Tempello Cantabrigensi authore" (fol. i84r). Among other manuscript materials that should be investigated further are the following. Oxford, BL, Bodl. 616, contains a philosophical treatise in English "To hys very lovinge sister the Lady Katherine Barkley ... by her brother Henrye Howarde ... Trinity Haule in Cambridge the 6 of August 1569" (fol.s 1-12). This is followed by a treatise entitled "What is Nature?" of a basically Aristotelian cast. Among the recent authors cited are Vimercato, Javelli, Contarini, Faber Stapulensis, and Fox Morcillo. BM, Harl. 6292 is a sixteenth-century MS of indefinite provenance though the various signatures on fol. ir (James Harley, Robert Harley, Richard Bucknell, Richard Hawkins, Roger Bradshaw, etc.) are all English. It contains, along with various theological works, extensive excerpts (fols. 2r—33v) from the various treatises contained in Jacopo Zabarella's De rebus naturalibus. There is a good deal of further extant manuscript material relevant to this enquiry. 169. See, for example, Schmitt, "Theophrastus," and Way, "Gregorius Nazianzenus," where one can see clearly how the knowledge of these authors was completely transformed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

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Britain had a peripheral, though not totally negligible, role. In Britain we hear only of very scattered activity such as Linacre's highly competent rendering of the Pseudo-Proclus Sphaera and of several medical works of Galen.170 These must be considered as ranking among the very best of the numerous versions of Greek works made during the Renaissance, and they remained standard for many years.17' Other translations of classical authors were published by Englishmen, many of them issuing from Continental presses rather than from those of England. Among the classical authors translated are Plutarch, Sophocles, and Demosthenes, as well as Greek authors of religious interest including Philo Judaeus, Origen, Eusebius, and St. John Chrysostom.172 Most editions of these translations made by Englishmen were printed on the Continent rather than in England. In the case of Aristotle, of the 5oo-odd separate Latin translations or revisions of individual works made during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries there seems to be none made by an Englishman.'73 Some interest was shown in translating Aristotelian works early in the sixteenth century, for there is evidence that Linacre produced a Latin rendering of Alexander of Aphrodisias's commentary on the Meteorology,1?4 and there is still extant a manuscript version of the first book of Simplicius's commentary on the Physics.175 The Elizabethans showed more interest in vernacular translations of Aristotle than in Latin ones, but just barely so. None of the central logical, metaphysical, or scientific works were translated into English during the Renaissance period. Indeed, the only Aristotelian works to get an English rendering were several marginal works now known to be pseudonymous (the Secret of Secrets1^ and the Problems)*77 and the 170. See Durling, "Linacre and Medical Humanism." 171. For the printing history of his translations see Barber, "Thomas Linacre." 172. The translators include Nicholas Carr, John Cheke, John Christopherson, John Harmer, John Rainolds, Laurence Humphrey, and Thomas Watson. The latter three crossed John Case's path. See below, Chapter III. For a general orientation now see the valuable article by Binns, "Latin Translations from Greek." 173. This is an estimate based on my research on Latin translations of Aristotle currently being done for inclusion in the Catalogue translationum et commentariorum. 174. For a discussion of the evidence see Cranz, "Alexander Aphrodisiensis," 100. 175. By John Harpysfield, dedicated to Henry VIII and contained in BM, Royal 12. F. V. 176. Cranz, Aristotle Editions, 163, lists a sixteenth-century printed edition of an English translation of the work. For further information on the work and its complicated history see Manzalaoui, Secreta secretorum in English Thought, "Pseudo-Aristotelian," and Nine English Versions; and Ryan and Schmitt, Pseudo Aristotle. 177. Cranz, Aristotle Editions, 161.

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NicomacheanEthics178 and Politics.179 Thus a good deal less Aristotle was translated into English than into Italian, French, or even Spanish. Of the major Western European languages only German lagged behind English, but it is more understandable, since the unification of Germany as a cultural unit came only much later. Britain never did become a centre for translations of classical works of any sort until the eighteenth century, when the day of the vernacular translation had come once and for all. Paradoxically, during the same century Britain became for the first time something of a centre for classical editions, both Greek and Latin, at the presses of not only Oxford and Cambridge, but Glasgow and Edinburgh as well. Indeed, the importance of Britain as a publisher of good Latin and Greek texts continues today, but, unlike in most other European countries, the heritage stretches back not to the Renaissance but only to the eighteenth century. VIII.

THE REVIVAL OF MEDIEVAL TRADITIONS

During the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries there was a re-evaluation of medieval Scholasticism in England. This added another dimension of the Aristotelian revival, which became particularly evident towards the middle of the seventeenth century, when English intellectual life was reaching new peaks. With the coming of the Reformation to most parts of Europe there was a sustained attack upon medieval Scholastic philosophy and theology. Luther's dislike of Scholasticism is well known,180 and equally 178. Ibid., 123. 179. Ibid., 159. For this and the preceding notes cf. Bolgar, Classical Heritage, 508, to be used with caution. There is an unpublished English translation of the Politics in MS, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard College Library, Engl. 1110. This translation seems to date from about 1600 and may be based directly on the Greek text since there are occasionally Greek words and phrases written in the margin. To the best of my knowledge it has not been described in print. Therefore, I shall furnish the incipit and explicit. [fol. af] The first boke of Aristotles Politiques. i Chapter: wherein he treateth of a cittye and of the partes thereof. For as much as wee see everye cittye to be an assemblye and everye assemblye to be made in respect of some good.../... [fol. 23ov] yt is certayne that in respect of discipline a care must be had of this three of the meane, of the possible & of the convenient thinge. The eand of th'eight & last boke of Aristotles Politicks. It can thus be seen that this translation is different from the one printed in 1598. 180. See above, n. 19.

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vehement was its rejection by Henry VIII's close advisers and their immediate successors.'81 In fact, nearly all early reformers shared the humanists' distaste for most aspects of medieval Scholasticism. Nearly without exception they placed medieval philosophy and theology among the abuses that grew up under a corrupt papacy. In England the early sixteenth-century rejection of medievalism came from several different sources. There was, first of all, the more or less "official" position of the Church of England that wanted to "reform" the church vis-a-vis the accretions introduced by the medieval Schoolmen. Second, there seems to have been a significant opposition, especially to Scotism, on the part of students who were forced to learn what they regarded as the inappropriate subtleties inherent in the system of Scholastic disputation. A typical view is to be found in the letters of Robert Joseph, a student at Gloucester College, Oxford, in the 15305. He was there precisely when the humanist movement under the impact of Erasmus, More, Colet, and Linacre had begun to make itself felt in England. He shared with the humanists a marked aversion to Scholasticism, being particularly vehement in his opposition to the Scotist teaching that dominated his course of studies.l82 He particularly disliked the barbarous style and the intricacies of thought found in the Scotist works he was compelled to study. One feels that Joseph's attitude reflects that of a good number of Oxford students at the time, who were eager for the "new learning" and rather impatient with the old. Still, he did come to see some value in the Scotist training. In writing to a friend, he notes that after feeling the usual nausea for Scotus, he then began to run "somewhat unwilling fingers over the close and rusty pages of Scotus's works, so as to gain a taste of his garrulity and thus come to know something of Oxford.'183 Elsewhere, while still maintaining his distance, Joseph speaks of the Scotists much as Giovanni Pico had spoken of Scholastic philosophy and theology a half-century earlier in his epistolary exchange with Ermolao Barbaro.184 The teachings of the Scotists cannot be called 181. See below, p. 64. For a description of the way Scotus was treated in 1535, when the Henrician reform of the universities was taking place, see the letter of Richard Layton to Cromwell where it is said, "We have set Dunce in Bocardo and banished him from Oxford for ever." Letters andPapers, IX: 117-18. 182. Joseph, Letter Book, xxxiii—xxxiv and ad indicem (Scotus, Scotists). 183. Ibid., 53—54; cf. xxxiv for a paraphrase. 184. Here I shall merely mention Breen, Christianity and Humanism, 1-68, where references to further literature can be found.

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"dirty puddles," as Joseph's correspondent had maintained, even though they may contain "more barbarism than learning" ("plus barbariei quam doctrinae"), "more garrulity than true piety" ("plus garrulitatis quam verae pietatis"). Although it is a mistake to spend one's life on Scotist subtleties, it is also wrong to think that there is nothing of value to be learned from them. "I would thus treat Scotus and his followers in such a way as to take content from them, but would take my true Latin style from writings of a more polished sort" ("Ego semper ita Scotum et coherentes tractarim, ut sensum ex ipsis, latinitatem synceram ex cultioris venae opusculis mutuarem").185 One gets the impression from the Joseph letters that the writer was more moderate in his views of the Scotists about him at Oxford than were many of his contemporaries. In any case, these letters were written during the transition period when the medieval theological and philosophical traditions of the university were rapidly dying out. The complete rejection of Scholastic theology in England during the middle years of the sixteenth century is nowhere better illustrated than by the new Elizabethan statutes of 1564-65. In the section specifying the studies leading to a degree of theology the emphasis is wholly upon scriptural studies, and the rigorous Scholastic approach to the subject characteristic of medieval Oxford is nowhere in evidence. Indeed, in reference to the earlier statutes, based as they were on the Sententiae of Peter Lombard, the following very clear directive is given: As many times as the words Liber sententiarum occur in the statutes, that many times we want it to mean nothing other than some book or another of Sacred Scripture.'86

Thus the Sententiae, the most characteristic of all medieval theology textbooks, was scrubbed from the statutes at the beginning of the Elizabethan period. This represents the prevailing climate of opinion in England. The reputation of Scotus for obscurantism and barbarism is echoed in Roger Ascham's popular Scholemaster (1570).l87 185. Joseph, Letter Book, 28-30; cf. xxxiv for a paraphrase. 186. Statuta, 381; cf. 48-52 for the medieval statutes. 187. "Olde sophistrie (I say not well) not olde, but that new rotten sophistrie began to beard and sholder logicke in her owne long: yea, I know, that heades were cast together, and counsell devised, that Duns, with all the rabble of questionistes, should have dispossessed of their place and rowmes Aristotle, Plato, Tullie and Demosthenes. ..." Ascham, English Works, 281-82. The period Ascharn is describing is mid-sixteenthcentury Cambridge.

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Opposition to the great Scholastic doctors of the late Middle Ages continued to be a permanent feature of post-Reformation England down to the nineteenth century and beyond. Rejected by those who disliked the papism, barbarism, and obscurantism held to be found there, medieval Scholasticism encountered many opponents in Renaissance England. Nevertheless, there was clearly a revival of interest in the writings of several medieval philosophers and theologians during the late sixteenth century. This was parallel to and simultaneous with the renewed vigour of Aristotelianism in England that we have identified in the last quarter of the century. In 1594 it is noted as a serious challenge by Archbishop Whitgift, who, in writing the vice-chancellor of Cambridge, speaks out in unequivocal terms: that in these times, instead of godly and sound writers, among their stationers, the new writers were very rarely bought: and that there were no books more ordinarily bought and sold than Popish writers, Jesuits, Friars, Postilwriters, Stapleton, and such like, being the books that were then best uttered. That upon the search that had been made by his Grace's appointment, many Divines' studies being searched, there were found, in divers studies, many Friars', Schoolmen's and Jesuits' writings, and of Protestants' either few or none '88 What Whitgift says about "Popish writers" was evidently true at Oxford even more so than at Cambridge. There is evidence for this in a variety of sources. Case's works, as we shall see in later chapters, clearly reveal a broad knowledge of medieval Scholastic authors and some of the more recent Catholic ones.189 Nor is Case an isolated example. Neil Ker's researches on the new acquisitions of Oxford College libraries in the sixteenth century show that beginning in about 1580 there was a new interest in medieval and Catholic theology as reflected in the book purchases of various libraries.'90 188. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, II: 537. 189. See below, Chapter IV, sec. V. Though in many ways sympathetic to medieval philosophical and scientific ideas, Case did not have a very high opinion of Scotus. 190. Ker, "Oxford College Libraries," 506. This revival of interest in purchasing Scotus and other scholastic writers contrasts with the attitude of earlier decades. In 1524 a copy of Scotus on the Sentences was apparently refused by Merton College. See Fletcher, Registrum, 1521-1567, 10-11. On the sixteenth-century criticism of medieval philosophy and theology in England see also Yates, "Giordano Bruno's Conflict with Oxford," esp. 227—31. I interpret this information somewhat differently than does Yates. For reasons argued in the present book, I do not think that "Aristotelian rigidity" and "slavish adherence to Aristotle" (p. 830) are accurate formulations of the general attitude in sixteenth-century Oxford. The situation was, in my view, more complex;

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Even clearer evidence of this renewed interest is to be found in Richard Hooker. Though there is some disagreement on the precise way in which Hooker can be called an "Aristotelian," there seems to be little doubt that he was well acquainted with and substantially influenced by the medieval tradition of Scholastic theology and political philosophy.1Q1 Both Thomas and Scotus were being read in the intellectual circle at Corpus Christi College, where Hooker spent his formative years.192 Evidence of such reading is clear in the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, which first appeared in print in 15Q4.193 There can be no doubt that an author such as Thomas Aquinas was an acceptable source for Hooker in working out his own political philosophy as a via media for the Anglican Church of succeeding centuries. Student notebooks from the Oxford of the 15808 provide further solid evidence of the revival of interest in medieval Scholasticism.194 One of the compilers of such a notebook, John Day, whose work was discussed above, spoke of Thomas Aquinas with approval in a sermon delivered at St. Mary the Virgin's, Oxford, on 25 June 1612.195 This there was a greater range of "Aristotelianisms" present than normally realized; and the general attitude towards Aristotle was more eclectic and more receptive to outside ideas than supposed in her valuable and interesting analysis. 191. For the influence of Aristotle and the medieval scholastics on Hooker see esp. Passerin d'Entreves, Riccardo Hooker, 71—80; Munz, Place of Hooker, Cargill-Thompson, "Richard Hooker as a Political Thinker," 3-76, who says, "There is a growing body of evidence which suggests that Hooker's concern with scholasticism was by no means as exceptional as has often been assumed" (21). Faulkner, "Hooker's Ethics," has recently cautioned us from going too far in claiming Hooker as an "Aristotelian." He has emphasized the fact that the Aristotelian aspect of his thought was transformed in important ways by his adherence to Christianity. It should be noted, however, that the same thing could be said of essentially all other medieval and early modern "Aristotelians" as well, including presumably also the unnamed "rigid" and "slavish" ones referred to by Yates (see the preceding note). 192. See the letter from John Rainolds, Hooker's tutor at Corpus Christi, to George Cranmer, printed in Hooker, Works, I: 106-8. 193. For example, in Ecclesiastical Polity, I, 11,5, where he calls Scotus the "wittiest of the school divines." See also the literature cited above in n. 191. Munz, Place of Hooker, 175-93 prints a number of parallel passages showing Hooker's debt to Thomas Aquinas. 194. See, for example, MS. Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. D. 274, fols. i53r, i55r, i82v, i88r, igor, igar, ig6r, etc., where Thomas Aquinas is frequently cited. An interesting discussion of Thomas and Scotus is also to be found in the question "An corpus mobile sit subiectum naturalis philosophiae?" in Robert Bait's notebook (Rawl. D. 985, fols. 65r-68v). For further discussion of these MSS see above, pp. 55—57. 195. [John Day], Concio ad clerum, 3.

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reawakening, which found parallels throughout Europe at the end of the sixteenth century, grew into an even more potent force in the next century. Henry Savile went out of his way to print Bradwardine's De causa Dei from manuscript in i6i8; ig6 Buridan's commentaries were reprinted at Oxford a few years later;197 and Richard Holdsworth's Directions clearly illustrates the popularity of medieval Scholastic and later Catholic theological and philosophical authors at seventeenthcentury Cambridge.1Q8 These and other facts make it evident that there was a serious revival of interest not only in Thomas and Scotus, but also in Ockham, Buridan, Bradwardine, and others among some of the most creative thinkers of seventeenth-century England. Several recent scholars have alluded to this fact and have pointed to the importance of the direct influence of the medieval tradition on such diverse aspects of seventeenth-century British intellectual life as political and scientific thought.1" Indeed, the early seventeenth century saw a reversal of the situation that had held for most of the sixteenth. Increasingly, intellectuals saw that one could accept certain aspects of Catholic philosophy and theology without accepting it all. One could accept Thomas's doctrine of natural law, late-medieval distinctions such as that between God's potentia absoluta and potentia ordinata, or parts of Suarezian political theory without committing oneself to papal supremacy or Jesuit domination.200 Much in the same way as Cud worth tried to distinguish 196. The story of the edition is told in Savile's prefatory letter in Bradwardine, De causa Dei, fols. aar-asr. 197. Joannes Buridanus, Questiones in decem libros Ethicorum Aristotelis (Oxford, 1637) (STC, 4119) and Questiones in octo libros Politicorum Aristotelis (Oxford, 1640) (STC, 4120). 198. For information on the Directions, preserved in MS Emmanuel College, Cambridge i. 2. 27, see above, n. 116. Among the authors listed are, in addition to Thomas Aquinas, also Francisco de Toledo, Benito Pereira, Francisco Suarez, Didacus Masius, Eustachius a S. Paulo, the Conimbricenses, and the Complutenses. It must be emphasized, however, that an equal or perhaps greater number of Protestant scholastics are also included. What is most evident in the Directions is the fact that authorities were taken from a very wide range and include many of the most recent writers. The list of authors once again underlines the paucity of English writers who were "world class" at the time. 199. E.g., Oakley, "Christian Theology" and "Jacobean Political Theology," and McGuire, "Newton's Invisible Realm" and "Boyle's Conception of Nature." For the influence of Bradwardine's work published by Savile see Grant, "Infinite Void Space," esp. 57-59200. Presumably, it was in some ways easier to print works of recent authors closely identified with Catholicism than certain earlier writers. Thus James Usher, archbishop of

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between the valid and invalid aspects of atomism, various thinkers accepted what they could use from the vast and informative medieval and post-Tridentine Catholic Scholastic literature.201 The reading and even the publication of the works of Eustachius a S. Paulo probably illustrates this as well as anything. In the seventeenth century English scholars had before them a wide choice of Protestant Scholastic textbooks (e.g., those of Burgersdijk, Magirus, Keckermann, Stier, and many others). They made use of all of these, but also found a use for the Cistercian Eustachius's Summa philosophiae quadripartita, one of the most Catholic of all the seventeenth-century handbooks. Thus by the middle of the seventeenth century the process of transformation from a violently anti-medieval and anti-Catholic position to one of cautious and even enthusiastic assimilation had been completed. It began in the generation of the 15805 at the same time as the reawakening interest in philosophy and science began manifesting itself in other ways as well. The medieval traditions that were revived were transformed in the process. As with all such revivals and renaissances the process of assimilation was partial and selective. Certain aspects of medieval doctrine were useful for seventeenth-century England; others were not. Consequently, the Thomism, Scotism, or nominalism that infused the works of Hooker or Boyle was partial, derivative, and selective, but in no way complete.202 Nonetheless, elements of the medieval tradition were there, and it is as important to recognize their presence as it is to

Armagh, wrote to John Prideaux, Regius Professor of Theology at Oxford, about 1633 suggesting that his edition of the letters of Ignatius and Polycarp be printed also at Oxford. Prideaux, however, was fearful of a possible veto on the part of Archbishop Laud and replied, "I am loth to speak, but the truth is, our Oxford presses are not for pieces of that coin. We can print here Smiglecius the Jesuit's metaphysical logick and old John Buridane's ploddings upon the Ethicks: but matters that entrench nearer on the true divinity must be more strictly overseen." Parr, Life of Usher, 400. Cf. Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, 112. I am indebted to Mr. Timothy Wilson for calling this to my attention. 201. See Cudworth, True Intellectual System, I: i —99. For the interpretation of this and its historical context see Aspelin, Cudworth's Interpretation, 19—31; Guerlac, Newton et Epicure, 20-22; and Gregory, "Cudworth e 1'atomismo." 202. Some useful material is contained in Kosman, "Aristotelian Background," esp. 155-71. The degree to which the medieval tradition infused seventeenth-century theological works in evident in a work such as Twisse, Discovery (1631), where there is much discussion of Durandus, Thomas, Scotus, and Bradwardine, as well as of Paul of Venice, Zabarella, and Suarez.

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extol the presence of the Hermetic texts, of Epicureanism, or of Ficinian Neoplatonism. IX.

THE P U B L I C A T I O N OF A R I S T O T E L I A N TEXTS

Looking at the situation from a different point of view, we notice a general increase in interest in Aristotelian philosophy in general as indicated by the production of Aristotelian texts in the years from the end of the sixteenth century onward. After the publication of Stanyhurst's Harmonia and Digby's Theoria analytica in the 15708, the next decade saw a steady stream of Scholastic textbooks in Latin.203 While few or none of these can be called anything more than introductory, they do show that for the first time since the 15208 the various factors that make it possible to publish such books all coalesced in England.204 As already noted, logic books had begun to reappear a few decades earlier.205 Most books in this first wave, as might be expected, were of Continental origin and were the introductory textbooks that emerged from the first several generations of German Protestant Aristotelianism.206 The majority of these were small compendia of natural philosophy intended for students taking only the briefest introductory course in the subject. They include the Physicorum libri X of Sebastianus Verro (1581), Andreas Hyperius's Compendium physices (1583), and Adolphus Scribonius's Physics (1584) with some added notes by the eminent Cambridge physician Timothie Bright. Of a more ambitious nature was Joannes Velcurio's Libri IV in universam Aristotelis Physicen (1588) and J.L. Hauvenreuter's Compendium librorum physicorum Aristotelis (1594). With the exception of Bright's edition of Scribonius and its prefatory letter to Sir Philip Sidney,207 none of the 203. To the best of my knowledge, historians of printing have not called attention to this fact. See, e.g., Bennett, Books and Readers, who has nothing to say about the group of works I discuss in this section. 204. The exploration of the social, economic, or political reasons why this became possible must be left for others. 205. With the exception of Wilson's Rule of Reason, obviously meant for a different readership, it is only the first edition of Seton's work that appeared before 1570. Seton's book really gained popularity only in the revised form due to Peter Carter. Thus, in reality, it is only in the decade of the 15705—a decade before Latin works on other branches of philosophy began appearing regularly—that logic books again began to be printed. See Appendix I. 206. The best treatment of this subject as a whole remains Petersen, Geschichte der Aristotelischen Philosophic. 207. Bright, In physicam Scribonii, fols. Iiir-Uivv.

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others have anything new added for the English editions. They are simple reprints of typical Protestant Aristotelian handbooks. Each has its own characteristic blend of Aristotelian and non-Aristotelian doctine, of old and of new, of medieval Scholasticism and of Renaissance humanism. Verro's work, for example, introduces the prisca sapientia scheme of knowledge in the introductory letter to the reader,208 and the number of extensive quotations from classical poets—including Ovid, Vergil, Claudian, and Horace—show that it was meant for a humanistically literate audience. The other side of the coin is, of course, that it is in no way so technical or detailed as the books in use at Oxford a hundred years previously had been. Hyperius's book, like Verro's is based primarily on the Aristotelian text, with little attention given to later commentators. It is also cast in a pedagogical form incorporating many tabulae and also Quaestiones similar to those being set for Oxford undergraduates.209 As such, it is similar to the Lapis philosophicus of John Case, which took form a few years later. Bright's adaptation of Scribonius210 is also cast in a didactic form, this time as a list of succinct theses. For example, one of them is "Physica est rerum naturalium scientia". To some of the theses Bright adds further explanatory material. Velcurio's exposition is altogether more detailed and expansive but still an introductory textbook adapted to the needs of the beginning student.211 Hauvenreuter's book is perhaps the most ambitious of all of these, written by the major propagator of Zabarella's works in Germany. The author was an acute and serious expositor of Aristotle who tried to make his readers aware of the Greek Aristotle and to utilize the best of the earlier tradition of commentary.212 To these general textbooks of natural philosophy should be added 208. Verro, Physicorum libri X, fols. Aiir-Aiiir. The work was reprinted in 1590 (STC, 24, 688). 209. A typical example is the opening question "Quid est physice?" in Hyperius, Compendium physices, 5. See Register, II: i, 170—79, for the questions set at Oxford. On Hyperius see Krause, "Andreas Hyperius." 210. Bright, Inphysicam Scribonii. The text of Scribonius printed in Bright's edition is the same as that found in Rerum naturalium doctrina methodica post secundam editionem denuo copiosissime adaucta, et in III libros distincta a Gul. Adolpho Scribonio Marpurgensi doctore et medico (Basel, 1583). The version with Bright's additions was reprinted in Frankfurt in 1587 and 1593. See Evans, Wechel Press, nn. 27, 59, 64; and Keynes, Dr. Timothie Bright, 30-31, who also lists a possible third Frankfurt edition. 211. Velcurio, In universam Aristotelis physicen. The work was originally published at Tubingen in 1540 (copy in BM: 8704. aa. 5). 212. Hauvenreuter, Compendium.TherearealsoStrasbourgeditionsof 1589,1593,and 1600. For the author see Lohr, "Renaissance," Renaissance Quarterly 30(1977): 714-15, and Schindling, Humanistische Hochschule, ad indicem.

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two further philosophical books printed in the same decade and meant for the same audience of Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates. These are Andrew Willet's De animae natura (1585) and Samuel Heiland's exposition of the Nicomachean Ethics (1581). Heiland's work, which grew up in the Tubingen circle of Jakob Schegk and Georg Leibler, both of whom add prefatory letters,2'3 is again a brief exposition of the Nicomachean Ethics. Very similar to the naturalphilosophy handbooks, this work is set out in the form of quaestiones, many of which are of a very elementary nature—for example, "Quid est philosophia?" or "Quot partes habet philosophia?"—once again seemingly keyed to the examination techniques of the time at Oxford. Willet's book is different in several ways. Like Digby's Theoria analytica, it is an early attempt to produce an original philosophical work on the part of an Englishman. Whereas all of the other books just mentioned were imported from the Continent, here is an attempt paralleling that of Case, both in time and intent, to produce a teaching manual specifically for the English student. As the title indicates, in a way reminiscent of the logic manuals of the early years of the century, the work is in usum Cantabrigiensium. This work, again like Digby's and Case's, makes ample reference to contemporary concerns and problems. Largely, but by no means exclusively, Aristotelian in orientation, the work takes up a number of questions that must certainly reflect the way the subject was being discussed at Cambridge in the isSos.214 The Greek quotations, as well as those from Scripture and classical Latin poetry, indicate humanistic Aristotelianism of a distinctly northern Protestant flavour. It is the same context out of which Digby's work grew and that Lisa Jardine has described recently. Slightly different are the Orationes of John Rainolds (or Reynolds, 1549-1607), reader in Greek and later president of Corpus Christi 213. Heiland, Ethicorum ad Nicomachum libri decem, fols. Aiir-Avc. Schegk and Leibler were the dominant figures in philosophy at Tubingen at the time. 214. To the best of my knowledge, this rather interesting early work of a man who was to become an important writer against papism and is usually designated as a "puritan" has received scant attention in the literature. For the author see DNB. Typical of the questions discussed in Willet's book are the following: "An a stellis gubernetur [sc. anima]?" and "An certo aliquid animo comprehensum sit?" Willet, De animae natura, 77-104, 155-70. The first raises the basic question of the possibility of astrological influence on human action and the second, the fundamental skeptical question of whether the mind can know anything with certitude. Both of these questions grew from post-Aristotelian philosophy and are typical of sixteenth-century Continental discussions.

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College.215 As mentioned above Rainolds was instrumental in the education of Richard Hooker. Rainolds himself was heir to the Italian humanist approach to Aristotle through moral philosophy rather than through logic and natural philosophy. Certainly open to more influences than specifically Aristotelian ones, Rainold's orations delivered in the 15705 indicate a thorough knowledge of works such as the Rhetorica.216 He defended the continuing validity of this work against the criticisms of writers such as Juan Luis Vives, Gianfrancesco Pico, and Girolamo Savonarola, all of whom had questioned the value of secular philosophy for a Christian.217 In another oration—in a passage paralleling a sentiment later put forward by Hooker— Rainolds speaks of the limitations of the Nicomachean Ethics for a Christian.218 Though not an unquestioning disciple of the Stagirite, Rainolds was certainly favourably disposed towards him and influenced many students during a long Oxford career, including the staunch peripatetic Richard Crakanthorpe,219 as well as Hooker. The other philosophical and scientific books that began to appear in the decade of the 15808 were, of course, those of John Case. They fit neatly into the context of book-publishing in England that I have been sketching. The London publishers George Bishop220 and Henry Bynneman, 221 who also brought out editions of Ramus's works, began with Digby's Theoria analytica in 1579 to produce a discreet number of 215. On Rainolds see esp. DNB and Fowler, Corpus Christi College, 197-98; the introduction by Ringler in Rainolds, Oratio, 1-23; and Binns, "Henry Dethick." 216. They are collected in Rainolds, Orationes duodecim. A very extensive commentary on Aristotle's Rhetoric, also by Rainolds, is preserved in a printed edition of the Greek text in BL, Auct. S. 2. 29. This work clearly shows the range and depth of Rainolds's learning. It can probably be dated between 1572 and 1578 and is worthy of further study. There can be no doubt that it ranks as one of the best examples of humanistic method to come from England during that period. 217. See, e.g., "Oratio post Festum S. Michaelis 1575," printed in Rainolds, Orationes duodecim, 125—91, esp. 157. 218. The "Oratio post Festum Natalis Christi contra felicitatem Aristotelicam 1574," in Rainolds, Orationes duodecim, 193—231. See also Rainolds's letter printed in Hooker, Works, I: 106-8. 219. Besides the printed works of Crakanthorpe there are a number of MSS, including several commentaries and other works based upon Aristotle's natural philosophy writings, preserved in the Library of Queen's College, Oxford. See H.O. Coxe, Catalogus codicum MSS... (Oxford, 1852), index, 32. 220. There does not seem to be any detailed account of the activities of George Bishop. For some information see McKerrow, Dictionary, 35-36. 221. On Bynneman and his press see Plommer, "Henry Bynneman," who emphasizes

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philosophical texts. These were primarily, though not exclusively, for university use. For the first time since the Reformation, philosophical works for a learned audience issued from English presses. This is in sharp contrast with publishing in continental Europe, where books of the same type were continually produced regardless of religious transformations or confessional disputes.222 Almost simultaneous with this new trade in philosophical books—and a careful look at my table of logic books indicates a similar development there—university presses were established at both Oxford and Cambridge. Though each university centre had had an earlier press,223 there had been a sixty-year hiatus (ca. 1520—80) before the new Elizabethan presses were set up at both places. Case's second book, the Speculum quaestionum moralium (1585), was the first to issue from Joseph Barnes's precursor of the Clarendon Press.224 Two years earlier Thomas Thomas's Cambridge press had begun and in 1584 had produced not only Bright's In physicam Scribonii, but also an edition of Ramus's Dialectica and James Martin's De prima simplicium et concretorum corporum generatione.2*5 John Case, however, was the first to exploit this new departure in the printed word in England. He was the first to publish a series of textbooks geared to the university educational system. Though obviously coming from Case's own Oxford context, his books were not without influence abroad, especially in Germany, where several were repeatedly reprinted at the thriving presses of Frankfurt and Hanau. 226 After the first edition of his dialectic handbook had been published in London by the Huguenot printer Thomas Vautrollier,227 that he printed a wide range of different types of books in various languages. See Ong, Ramus and Talon Inventory, nn. 271, 273, 280, 285. Thomas Vautrollier, who printed Case's first work (see below), was also a printer of some of Ramus's works, listed in Ong, ibid., nn, 252, 253, 257, 272, etc. 222. The relatively few philosophical books produced in England during the sixteenth century can be ascertained from lists, incomplete as they are, such as Risse, Bibliographia logica, and Cranz, Aristotle Editions. 223. For the early Oxford press see Madan, OxfordBooks, and Carter, Oxford University Press; for Cambridge see Goldschmidt, "First Cambridge Press," and Morris, "Restrictive Practices" and "Thomas Thomas." 224. See below, Chapters II and III. 225. Morris, "Thomas Thomas," 356-57. 226. On Case's relations with Barnes see below, pp. 86-90,98-99, 100-101, 123-25. For the various editions of his work see the Bibliography. 227. On Vautrollier and his press see LeFanu, "Thomas Vautrollier." He was

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all of his later books were printed first at Oxford by his friend Joseph Barnes. These include besides the Speculum quaestionum moralium, also Sphaera civitatis (1588), Reflexus speculi moralis (1596), Thesaurus oeconomiae (1597), and Lapis philosophicus (1599). Thus by the end of the century there were, thanks to Case, standard English textbooks for most parts of the new humanistic Aristotelian curriculum that came to dominate the post-Reformation English universities. In the early seventeenth century some of the new influences evident in Holdsworth's Directions came to England,828 perhaps largely through editions printed abroad in the first instance. At the same time, printing in Britain began to reflect these tendencies. After the publication of Bartholomaeus Keckermann's manuals, which were issued during the first decade of the century, 229 there was a continual stream of new editions of Continental Aristotelian textbooks issuing from the presses of London, Oxford, and Cambridge. Later in the century there appeared similar books by Pacius,*3" Scheibler,23' Burgersdijk,232 Magirus,233 Eustachius a S. Paulo,234 and Johannes Stier,*35 along with an occasional native English product such as Crakanthorpe'sMetaphysica (i6ig) 236 and the logic books already mentioned. important particularly for his editions of texts on the reformed religion. He produced eleven editions of works of Luther, but also printed Calvin, Beza, Jewel, etc. Of the 150 books he produced in fourteen years, about forty were of an educational nature and include editions of Cicero and Ovid. 228. See above, p. 46. 229. Gymnasium logicum (London, 1606) and Systema ethicae (London, 1607). 230. Institutiones logicae (Cambridge, 1597) and Logicae rudimenta (London, 1612). 231. Philosophia compendiosa (Oxford, 1628, 1631, 1639, 1647, 1657, 1671, 1685), Metaphysica (Oxford, 1637, 1665), and Liber commentariorum topicorum (Oxford, 1637, 1653)232. Idea Phitosophiae (Oxford, 1631, 1637, 1641, 1654, 1667), Institutiones logicae (Cambridge, 1637, 1644, 1647, ^Si, 1660, 1666, 1668, 1680), Institutiones metaphysicarum (London, 1651, 1653; Oxford, 1675), and Collegium physicum (Cambridge, 1650, 1664). For further information on the author and the various editions of his works see Dibon, Philosophie neerlandaise. 233. Physiologia peripatetica (London, 1619; Cambridge, 1642). 234. Summa (Cambridge, 1640, 1648, 1649) and Ethica (Cambridge, 1654, 1677, 1693). 235. Praecepta doctrinae logicae (Cambridge, 1647, 1652, 1659; Oxford, 1667; London, 1671, 1678), Praecepta ethicae (London, 1666), Praecepta metaphysicae (London, 1666), and Praecepta physicae (London, 1666). 236. Introductio in metaphysicam (1619). He also published Logicae libri quique (162 2) in addition to leaving other philosophical works in MS.

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CONCLUSIONS

Britain never regained the position she had held in the thirteenth and early fourteenth century, when she was at the very forefront of new developments in Scholastic philosophy. During the late Middle Ages Oxford had been a seedbed of new ideas in philosophy, theology, and science, and from there they had spread throughout Europe. Though Aristotelian Scholasticism was revived in England at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, it never regained its previous splendour. England never produced a name the equal of the Continental systematizers, both Protestant and Catholic, whose textbooks and manuals dominated post-Reformation universities. John Case came perhaps as close as any Englishman to establishing a claim on international importance as an Aristotelian expositor, but he did not quite make it into the first rank. The writings of other Englishmen could in no way compete with the philosophical works coming from the highly developed tradition of Germany, the Low Countries, France, Italy, and the Iberian Peninsula. Holdsworth's Directions clearly indicates the dominance of Continental works, even in the mid-seventeenth century, at a time when Britain was rapidly regaining her position as an intellectual centre. No expositions of logic were quite as good as those of Zabarella. Nor was there a work of Scholastic metaphysics to compete with the elaborate and comprehensive treatment of the subject in Suarez's Disputationes metaphysicae or enlightened works of natural philosophy to compete with those of Cesalpino. Editions and expositions of Aristotle's works by Fonseca, the Conimbricenses, and Pacius were far superior to anything produced in the British Isles from the time of the Peripatetic revival until its decline at the end of the seventeenth century. Mass-audience textbooks such as those of Burgersdijk, Magirus, Keckermann, Eustachius a S. Paulo, and the Conimbricenses found no real competitors in Britain, with only a few elementary logic textbooks such as those of Samuel Smith and Edward Brerewood gaining any degree of popularity. Still, from the evidence uncovered, I do not feel that it is possible to agree with Heninger's evaluation of the situation. He has stated that "by the end of the Tudor period, the old scholastic science lay in ruins among vestigial dialectics, tended by aging Aristotelians in the universities."237 There is good reason to believe that by the end of the Tudor period Scholastic 237. Heninger, "Tudor Literature," 263.

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science, for better or for worse, was just beginning to get its second wind. The continuing tradition of Scholastic Aristotelianism came to England once more at the end of the sixteenth century and remained a potent and fruitful force for several generations to come. In short, the English Aristotelian revival, which began in the last quarter of the sixteenth century and continued for approximately a hundred years, was largely derived from the similar revival some decades earlier on the Continent. At the close of the sixteenth century Britain rapidly came into tune with the remainder of Europe, but she never produced a large group of native writers on Peripatetic subjects to rival what was being done elsewhere. The inspiration, as well as the manuals, were largely imported. For most, if not all, of the sixteenth century, Englishmen who had a fairly deep and up-to-date knowledge of contemporary Scholasticism were those who had Continental training. Case again is an exception to this generalization. As we shall see in the next chapters, his acquaintance with the Peripatetic tradition was broad, deep, and current. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, intellectual proficiency in almost any field came for the Englishman only after a period of study on the Continent. This is true with English humanism, for example; almost all humanists of distinction, save Thomas More, spent several years in Italy imbibing the new culture flourishing there. The Continent had more to offer not only in humanistic studies but also in the more traditional fields such as medicine, as the case of Linacre shows. Even philosophy and theology, subjects in which Oxford was at the forefront during the fourteenth century, could better be studied abroad in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. John Major,"38 a Scot, and Maurice O'Fihely,239 an Irishman, both Franciscan Scotists, were probably the two men from the British Isles who gained the greatest distinction in traditional philosophical and theological studies around 1500. The former spent most of his creative life at Paris, the latter at Padua. Such was the pattern throughout the Renaissance. Interest in Aristotelian philosophy reached a low ebb in England before the late-sixteenth-century revival. Catholicism, however, persisted to some degree throughout England, and many Catholic families sent their sons abroad to Catholic colleges, seminaries, and a«8. See above, n. is. 239. For information and further bibliography on this author see Lohr, "Medieval," Tradilio 27(1971): 344, and Scapin, "Maurizio O'Fihely." i_>

'

J

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universities. To judge from the evidence of the philosophy courses preserved in manuscript,240 the education gained by these men was far more comprehensive than what was available to students at Oxford or Cambridge at the same time. The sons of wealthy Catholic families sent to Douai, Valladolid, or Rome were certainly given a strong dose of orthodox Catholic theology, but they also got a far better philosophical education than Protestant contemporaries did at Oxford and Cambridge.241 Moreover, there is no reason to believe that what they got was any more old-fashioned than what one got at sixteenth-century Oxford or Cambridge. The results of this brief survey of the fortuna of Aristotle in Renaissance England have made evident principally two facts. First, the general level of interest in the Aristotelian tradition was far below what we find in continental Europe. Second, even though my first statement is true, the influence of Aristotle in England, especially during the hundred years after 1575, was more significant than has previously been realized. One of the most important—if not the most important—of the late-sixteenth-century English Aristotelians was John Case, who taught at Oxford for the entire last quarter of the century. Not only the most prominent, but also the most prolific of the late-sixteenth-century Aristotelians, Case represents a strand of English intellectual history and of Renaissance Aristotelianism that has previously not been well understood and, for that reason, has been all but completely ignored.

240. There are many such MSS spread throughout the libraries of the British Isles. To the best of my knowledge no attempt has yet been made to study them. 241. This has not yet been studied in detail. For some information see Guilday, English Catholic Refugees: Beales, Education under Penalty; and various volumes of the Catholic Record Society which deal with recusant education on the Continent.

II The Life and Works of John Case

JOHN CASE WAS BORN in the town of Woodstock, about eight miles north of Oxford. The year of his birth is not precisely documented, and we have several conflicting later testimonies. These give his birth date as 1540,* about 1542,2 and 1546.3 The last of these seems to be the most likely in view of his later career and in consideration of the normal age of entry to university for students at the time. The earlier dates cannot be ruled out, however. Though an age at entry of eighteen or nineteen was most common, there were some students in sixteenth-century England who began university education when somewhat older. I can see no reason why any of the three dates, each based upon an independent piece of primary documentation, should be adopted in preference to the others, though the precision of the information on the tomb inscription is tempting. Until corroborating evidence from another source is found, I think that we are forced to accept his date of birth as between 1540 and 1546. We cannot be more precise. 1. According to the monument erected at St. John's to commemorate Case, he died ". . . prope sexagenario . . . 23 Januarii A° 1599 [i.e., 1600 n.s.]." The inscription is reproduced in Wood, HA, IV: 561. This information is also in agreement with the letter to Thomas Egerton prefaced to Lapis philosophicus, which reads ". . . ita equidem aetate jam sexagenarius, infirmitate sepulchre proximus, ante obitum serio mecum cogitavi cuinam thesaurum quern habeo, id est messem senectutis et studiorum meorum in philosophia catastrophen commendarem." LP, fol. far. 2. In SC, 574 (lib. VI, cap. 7) Case says "Annum nunc quadragesimum sextum ago. . . ." Both the Praefatio and the Peroratio are dated May 1588. Assuming that he was writing in 1588, this would give him a birth date of 1542 (or late 1541). 3. The St. John's College documents give his age at entry into the college as eighteen and a half in 1564, thus indicating a date of 1546 (or possibly late 1545) for his birth. See HSJC, 337.

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Of Case's early education we know nothing. It is not clear where he got the rudiments of grammar: there may not even have been a grammar school at Woodstock when he was young.4 He was a chorister at New College,5 and this may be where he had his first education. Before entering St. John's, Case also spent some time at Christ Church.6 Why he moved to St. John's is not clear, but it may have been through the intervention of Sir Thomas White, the founder of the new college, who was perhaps interested in bringing several promising young men into the still small foundation.7 For whatever reason, Case entered St. John's as a scholar on 27 September is64.8 The fact that he supplicated for his B. A. on 5 July i 567,9 less than three years after first entering the college, may indicate that he had already spent several terms of study at Christ Church before coming to St. John's.10 Regardless of his early associations with New College and Christ Church, Case's later loyalty seems to have been to Thomas White's new college.'* It is difficult to know exactly what education Case received at St. John's. He entered the college only a few years after its foundation in 1554. At the time of his entry, the college was still feeling its birth pangs; it was a small and rather impoverished institution, with its period of wealth and expansion still in the future. The statutes were 4. In 1585 £300 was left to erect a grammar school at Woodstock. I have been unable to determine whether there was a school there before that date. See Ballard, Chronicles of. . . Woodstock, 58—59. 5. As we learn from the inscription cited above, n. i. In his will also, Case speaks of having been a chorister in New College. See Appendix II, p. 232. 6. Appendix II. 7. HSJC, 133, suggests that White may have been personally responsible for naming Case a scholar. Given the close connection between Christ Church and St. John's in those years, it may be that White was able to find a place for Case at a time when there was no support for him available at Christ Church. 8. Ibid., 133, 337. 9. Register, I: 267. 10. Though students could not change from one college to another without first obtaining permission from the authorities, permission was easily and frequently given. See Register, II: i, 4. The normal time for a B.A. under the Elizabethan statutes was four years or sixteen terms, though exceptions were sometimes made for a student to shorten his course. See Register, II: i, isff. Assuming no exception was made for Case, this would mean that he probably spent about six terms at Christ Church before entering St. John's, again assuming that his stay at New College was entirely of a "pre-university" sort. 11. In addition to the gifts to St. John's during his life, see also his will, printed in Appendix II, for his bequests to the college.

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based upon those of Corpus Christi, which served as a model for humanist education in England after the foundation of the college in I5i6. 12 The three foundation lecturers at St. John's taught rhetoric (i.e., Latin), Greek, and dialectic. Although there was no theology lectureship at St. John's as there had been at Corpus Christi, education in Thomas White's institution was strongly oriented towards the needs of the clerical profession.13 There was also, however, the expected humanist emphasis on Greek and Latin language and literature. In the statutes are listed many classical authors, besides a few more recent writers, to be read by students in the college, including Trapezuntius, Agricola, Caesarius, Cassander, and Lippo Brandolini.14 The lecturer in dialectic was charged to "diligently explain to his pupils, in Latin in the first instance, Porphyry and Aristotle, and afterwards in Greek."15 In addition to the humanistic study programme, there was due emphasis also on traditional disputations in subjects such as natural philosophy, moral philosophy, and metaphysics, as well as logic.16 From all indications, the general curriculum in the college was not unduly influenced by traditional Scholastic Aristotelian learning. At 12. HSJC is the best general treatment of the history of the college during this period, which I follow here. For the early statutes see esp. 142-49, 439-71. New information and additional bibliography is also to be found in Fuggles, Library of St. John's College. 13. According to the statutes (Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford, 61), a fellow of the college was required to take holy orders within three years of obtaining an M.A., i.e., generally within eleven years of election. Cf. HSJC, 145. There is also an English translation of the Corpus Christi statutes in G. R. M. Ward, Foundation Statutes. 14. Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford, III: 50, which reads as follows: " . . . in aula vel sacello nostri collegii, interpretentur et clare explicent; scilicet in Graecis Isocratem, Lucianum, Philostratum, Herodianum, Aristophanem, Theocritum, Homerum, Euripidem, Pindarum, Hesiodum, Demosthenem, Thucydidem, Aristotelem, Theophrastum, vel alium quemvis ejus linguae auctorem, per Presidentem et Decanos approbandum. In logicis, Caesarium, Porphyrium, Aristotelem, Rodulphum Agricolam, aut alium ejus artis scriptorem neotericum sive antiquum, qui vel publice in academia inter disputandum probata fide citari aut doceri consuevit, vel Praesidentis et utriusque Decani judicio idoneus habebitur. In rhetoricis, vero, Rhetoricam Aristotelis, Ciceronis opera, quae optima videbuntur omnia, Hermogenis Rhetoricam, Marci Fabii Quintiliani Institutionum Oratoriarum libros sedecim, ejusdem Declamationes, Demosthenis Orationes, Orationes Isocratis, Georgii Trapezuntii Rhetoricam, Georgii Cassandri Tabulas Rhetoricas, Sallustium, Commentarios Caesaris, Virgilium, Lippum, [sic] Brandolinum de conscribendis epistolis, aut quemvis alium politae doctrinae auctorem, ut Praesidenti et Decanis placebit." 15. Ibid., Ill: 55: "[The lecturer in logic] qui diligenter Porphyrium et Aristotelem primo Latine et postea Graece . . . explanabit." 16. Ibid.

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least this is the impression one gets from the statutes. What it was in practice would be difficult, if not impossible, to determine. It may well be that what the young John Case learned as a student at Oxford was not so intensively oriented towards Aristotelian Scholasticism as education came to be at the very end of the century, when Case, among others, contributed to a revival of Scholasticism through his teaching and publications. Speculation on this point is quite fruitless, however, at least until we are in possession of more detailed information about teaching practice at St. John's during Case's student days. Having taken his B.A. degree on 10 October ifjQ'j,'7 Case became a fellow of St. John's on 28 June 1568,l8 supplicated for the M.A. on 2 November 1570,'9 and received that degree on 3 July 1572.20 A few days later, on 14 July, 21 he fulfilled the requirement of "inception," which means that he took part in certain oral disputations that were obligatory within one year of being licensed for the M.A.22 Thus, by the summer of 1572 Case held a college fellowship and had successfully passed all of the necessary requirements for a permanent teaching career at St. John's. This relatively smooth passage through the statutory requirements and the ensuing life of security lasted but a short time, however. In August 157423 there was a visitation of the college by the deputies of Sir William Cordell, at that time visitor of the college. The findings of the visiting committee showed that St. John's was not in a very healthy state, to say the least. Among the causes of complaint uncovered by the observers was a rather lax attitude towards administration and residency by both the president and the vice-president, but there were many other infractions of statute and of good moral conduct by junior members of the college. In the official report of the visitation is contained a discussion of a number of specific instances of misconduct, one involving John Case: They warned Mr. Case that he should marry the widow Elizabeth Dobson within two months or, that after the two months had passed, he should stay 17. Register, I: 267; Foster, I: 248. HSJC, 337, gives a date of 1568. 18. HSJC, 337. We know that during the first year of his fellowship he received a stipend of £1.6.8, as we learn from the same source, 171. 19. Register, I: 267. 20. Register, II: iii, 21. Foster gives a date of 1570 for the M.A. 21. Register, I: 267. 22. On this see Register II: i, 82-88. 23. This discussion is based on HSJC, 201-2, 473-79-

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away from the house of the said widow, and that in the meanwhile he should never enter the said house without a fellow or a servant of the said college [St. John's] as a companion and witness of his behaviour.24

Case chose the option of marrying the widow Dobson and resigned his college fellowship.25 She was the widow of a certain John Dobson, who had been keeper of the famous Oxford prison of Bocardo.26 What precisely happened to Case during the nine years after his marriage is not clear, for little information on his activities has come to light. We do know, however, that there continued to be some connection between him and his old college during the year 1580—81 when the bursar's account book lists a payment of four shillings to "Mr. Case's kineswoman."27 Who this woman is and what Case's relation to the college was during the period we can only speculate. She may have been a relative of his who performed some sort of service for the college such as sewing. From the information we have concerning Case's later years, we know that his bonds with the college remained close, so there is no reason to believe that he was estranged from his former colleagues during the years immediately following the loss of his fellowship. One further bit of information about Case's years as a fellow of St. John's should be mentioned, but one about which the testimony seems uncertain. He undoubtedly had close friendships with several of the more prominent writers of university drama of the Elizabethan Age. According to a document, going back to the early seventeenth century Case had been "Prince or Lorde of the Revells" at St. John's during the Christmas celebrations of 1577.a8 The document was written thirty 24. "Item monuerunt magistrum Case quod infra duos menses proximo sequentes Elizabethan! Dobson viduam ducat in uxorem, aut elapsis illis duobus mensibus ab edibus predicte vidue penitus abstineat, et quod interim ad predictas edes nunquam sine socio vel ministro dicti collegii comite et teste sue conversacionis accedat." HSJC, 477. 25. The date of the marriage was 30 December 1574, as given in the parish register of St. Mary Magdalen. See Wood, Survey, III: 223. 26. HSJC, 477. Register, II: i, 297, 298, 299, 301, 302, lists a John Dobson, citizen of Oxford, as taking oaths at various times between 1551 and 7 April 1573 to observe the privileges of the university. Whether this is the deceased husband of Case's wife I have not been able to determine. 27. HSJC, 228. 28. According to a manuscript in St. John's College Library, first reported by Philip Bliss in 1816, in the year 1607 Thomas Tucker, B.A., was named "Prince or Lorde of the Revells," the first such in succession to John Case who had held the office thirty years previously. Case is mentioned in the document as follows: "Some upon ye sight of this

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years after the event, and possibly the details of Case's tenure of office—the precise year, for example—were not correctly remembered. It is also possible that the person who was writing in 1607 had Case confused with someone else, though this seems unlikely, since he must certainly have been well remembered within the college even seven years after his death. The major problem with this information is that by 1577 Case had lost his college fellowship and, one supposes, would not be participating in college functions such as the Christmas play. Moreover, from all indications the office in question (prince of revels) was more an undergraduate position than one appropriate to a man in his thirties who had been teaching for ten years. In summary, Case's known links with university drama make it probable that he himself was a participant in theatrical presentations, but the precise details given in the St. John's document are open to doubt. Upon his marriage to Elizabeth Dobson, Case continued teaching, but this was carried out wholly in his private home. There is some possibility that he was already taking students into his home while a fellow of St. John's,29 but it is not clear that this was so. It may be that already in 1574, when faced with the choice of marriage or a continuing fellowship, he knew that he could make a living by teaching students in his home, and such a consideration way have been decisive in persuading him to relinquish his fellowship. In his first book, published in 1584, he speaks of having taught for seventeen years.30 Showe (for ye better enoblinge of his person, and drawinge his pedigree even from ye Codes because the Prince's name was Tucker, and ye last Prince before him was Dr. Case) made this conceipt y' Casus et Fortuna genuerunt tv^epov Principem Fortunatum—so ye one his father, and ye other his mother." Christmas Prince (1922), 28. For further details see also the introduction to this edition, Christmas Prince (1816), and Wood, AO, II: 480. Tucker matriculated at St. Johns in 1601 at the age of fifteen and received the B.A. in 1605, the M.A. in 1609, and the B.D. in 1616. See Register, II: ii, 250; iii, 256. Therefore, in 1607, when he was named "lorde of revells," Tucker would have been twenty-one years of age. ag. HSJC, 337, suggests this, but no evidence is cited. The students whom he taught in 1572, as well as the payment of thirty shillings involved, may have been connected with St. John's rather than with any extra-collegiate commitments. 30. "Decimus iam septimus annus est. . . a quo incepi in Academia (ut ita dicam) tua [i.e., of Robert Dudley, who was then chancellor of the university] bonas artes profiteri." SV7, fol. Uiir. I take the word "incepi" here to mean merely that he began some sort of teaching seventeen years previously. The word has, of course, also a specialized and technical meaning in university parlance of the period, though the beginning of teaching and "inception" often came at the same time. See Register, II: ii, 82—88. Elsewhere in the

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This would put the beginning of his teaching at Oxford back to 1567, when he received his B.A. There is no real reason to doubt that his career was continuous from that date or to believe that his resignation from St. John's meant that he stopped teaching for any length of time. Indeed, from the surviving matriculation lists we learn that there were students in his charge at least during the period 1575 to 1590, when they are designated as being "Mri Case." Part of the time he took on students connected with other colleges or halls, but later his own home seems itself to have had the status of a hall. The earliest entries (1575) in the surviving lists, which indicate Case's name, are all for students at New Inn Hall.3' Later, however, the primary attachment of the students is to Case, and in most instances they have no other college or hall affiliation.32 In the documents for the fifteen-year period for which records survive, we find the names of a significant number of students who were given tuition in what we could possibly term "Case Hall." In the list dated 18 October 1583 are named twenty-two students receiving tuition from Case,33 of whom about a third had no other collegiate affiliation. This is not an insignificant number, especially when we bear in mind that many Oxford colleges were not themselves much larger at that time.34 Case's students clearly included a number of pre-university boys aged from eight upwards, but also others who were of the more usual university entry age of seventeen or eighteen. This situation may help to explain why he wrote his two primers for schoolboys, the ABCedarium philosophiae moralis (1596) and the Ancilla philosophiae (1599). We also know that among the students matriculating with him were often two or more brothers, several of whom were younger than same work Case says: "Fluenta enim multorum veterum in unum quasi rivulum contraxi: illorum volumina ad brevem epitomen revocavi: illorum dico, quos per 17 annos in praelectionibus meis imitatus, dignissimos esse putavi, qui e suis nunc monumentis in scholas nostras evocentur." SVI, 295. 31. Register, II: ii, 67. I have also consulted the matriculation lists and other information contained in OUA, S,P. i, from which Clark worked. Clark generally publishes the relevant information accurately, though occasionally a bit more can be learned from a direct consultation of the original document. In all, about seventy names appear in the matriculation register as "scholares Mri Case" between 1583 and 1590. 32. A number of students from Jesus College were assigned to Case during the period 1581-86. See OUA, S.P. i: 464, 466, 467, 468. 33. Register, II: ii, 46. 34. Ibid., 9-45.

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the normal entry age.35 A letter of William Cordell, the visitor of St. John's, dated 18 December 1580, mentions Case's establishment as a possible school for his cousin's son of fourteen years.36 Though we find no further record of many of Case's young students' having continued their education in a more conventional college or hall, there were some who did.37 The scene of this extended menage was a house having the address of No. 2 Magdalen Street, in St. Mary Magdalen Parish, close to his old college of St. John's. Case in all probability also owned a second adjacent house, especially in view of the rather large establishment he ran.38 His was not the only such house in Oxford. During the early Elizabethan period there were apparently a number of individuals, members of neither a college nor a hall, who gave private tuition to students.39 Indeed, in 1580 Convocation ordered that students residing in private houses should be brought into colleges and halls. There were further moves in this direction during the next few years, aimed primarily perhaps at getting rid of pockets of papism that continued to exist in the university town. On 12 October 1583, Convocation instructed the vice-chancellor to take action to compel residence in recognized colleges and halls. A special exception was made for John Case, however, because of his infirmity, as well as because of his success in teaching. It was stipulated, however, that he care for his students in his own home and that he see that they attend the proper lectures and sermons.40 There can be no doubt that Case's work as a private tutor was successful. A significant number of students from a variety of different backgrounds and geographical localities availed themselves of his services. Cordell's letter41 clearly shows that he had confidence in Case 35. For example, in the year for which we have the fullest list of Case's students (1583) we find three boys named Oseley, aged eight, ten, and twelve, studying with him (Register, II: ii, 46). There were five boys from the Minne family studying with him in 1575, the eldest of whom was fifteen. See Register, II: ii, 161 and 171, for two other groups of three brothers of a young age studying with him. 36. HSJC, 499. 37. For example, Ferdinand Wainman (Wenman) came to study with Case in 1587 at the age of twelve and took his B.A. from Balliol in 1592 (Register, II: ii, 161; iii, 171). Similar instances are Edmund Pope, John Nicholas, and William Wroth, all listed in the index to Register, 11: iv. 38. HSJC, 337, also citing documents published elsewhere by Salter. 39. Register, 11: ii, 45—46 and passim. 40. Ibid. 41. Cited above, n. 36.

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as a fit tutor for his godson, thus indicating that the circumstances of Case's quitting St. John's had not left any animosity whatever between him and the college. Moreover, the decree of Convocation in 1583 expresses absolute confidence in Case's probity and ability as a teacher, as well as a reassurance that his religious views were orthodox enough so as not to cause suspicion at a time when there was great worry over the harbouring of papists and crypto-papists in the Oxford community.42 Case's work in education was generally recognized at Oxford as being of unusually high quality. On 19 January 1576, it was agreed in the council of the city of Oxford that several officials "shall confere with Mr. Case as touching the place for a schole, and the order and rate of teaching ffremens chyldren, and to make reporte of theire doinge and opynyon therein att the next Counsell heare holden."43 This once again shows that Case was held in esteem in the community and that there was not a hint about him of religious unorthodoxy or moral laxness. Case's teaching of students in his own home thus spanned at least fifteen years. The earliest record we have for students being tutored by him is in 1575, the year after he resigned his St. John's fellowship and married. The last entries of students under his name revealed by the matriculation records are to be found in the autumn of 1590. Whether he stopped taking in students after that date, whether his students were no longer recorded in the lists, or whether all of his teaching was thereafter done in conjunction with students officially enrolled in a college or hall is not clear. It is quite possible that, at that stage in his career, he decided that he no longer needed to or wished to take in students. We know that in 1589 he acquired ecclesiastical benefice and also qualified for the M.D. degree.44 It may be that with these new obligations—and new sources of income—he decided to stop teaching. Regardless of what his decision was, he did publish several books of a 42. Several young men who later appear in the records of the English College of Rome apparently studied with Case before enrolling elsewhere at Oxford. These include John Platt, born about 1579 in Berkshire, who came to Rome in 1602 after studying with Case and in Magdalen College School; and John Fowler, born in Staffordshire, who studied with Case and at Gloucester Hall before his arrival in Rome. See Kenny, Responsa scholarum, 115-16, 137-38. Neither of these men appears in Register. From the accounts of these men in the Responsa, their conversion to Catholicism came some years after their education by Case, and nothing in their testimony leads to the conclusion that Case was instrumental in their conversion. See also Chapter III, n. 44. 43. Turner, Selections, 378. 44. See below, pp. 90-93.

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didactic nature, specifically geared to the Oxford curriculum, between 1596 and 1599. For whatever reason, Case apparently found himself in comfortable financial circumstances by 1584, when he gave one hundred pounds to his old college of St. John's. This was to be invested in land, if possible to yield a rent of five pounds per annum. This yearly rent was to be paid to Case during his lifetime, but after his death was to revert to the college, specifically to support two divinity students. Either because the rent obtainable was not adequate or because of an act of piety towards his birthplace, Woodstock, it was decided in 1588 to lend the one hundred pounds to the mayor and corporation at an annual interest of five pounds. In 1590 Case borrowed the money back from the college, but he left the money, among other bequests, to St. John's at his death.45 Also in 1584, near the age of forty, Case published his first work. At the time there was no press in Oxford, and his Summa veterum interpretum in universam dialecticam Aristotelis was produced by the London Huguenot refugee Thomas Vautrollier. According to the register of the London Company of Stationers the work was licensed to be printed on 3 August 1584.46 The volume is a textbook of Aristotelian logic, cast into a didactic format for use in a university such as Oxford.47 It is dedicated to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester and chancellor of Oxford University, and also contains a prefatory letter addressed to Case by Nicolas Morice, a fellow of Corpus Christi.48 This work, like all of Case's expositions of Aristotle, is accompanied by a series of Latin poems dedicated to the author by a circle of friends and acquaintances, indicating a group of peers with whom he had contact. Once he had begun to publish, Case proved to be quite prolific. During the next four years at least three further works by him appeared in print—two of them quite substantial. Beginning in 1585, a new press was established at Oxford, filling a great need in the university city, which had been without one since the 152os.49 The head 45. For documentation and further details see HSJC, 253, 256-57. For Case's bequests to the college in his will see Appendix II. 46. Arber, Transcript, II: 434. 47. See the texts cited above in n. 30. 48. The letters are printed in SVI, fols. Hiir-Hiiiv; Iffiir-ffiiir. For Morryce (Morris, etc.) see Register, II: iii, 36; Fowler, Corpus Christi College, ad indicem. 49. On the Oxford presses see Madan, Oxford Books, vol. I, and Carter, Oxford University Press. Also see below, Chapter III, pp. 122—24.

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of this new Oxford press was Joseph Barnes, who got permission and a grant of one hundred pounds to begin printing anew there. The first book to issue from the new press was Case's Speculum moralium quaestionum in universam ethicen Aristotelis. Thereafter the first editions of each of Case's books were produced by Barnes's predecessor to the Oxford University Press.50 The Speculum quaestionum moralium was once again dedicated to Leicester and, perhaps not surprisingly, contains fulsome praise for Oxford and for the royal patronage of the universities. Like its predecessor, this book too is cast into the form of quaestiones, oppositiones, and responsiones, a structure characteristic of Oxford philosophical education of the period. A work by Case based loosely upon Aristotle's Politics appeared in 1588 under the title of Sphaera civitatis. Probably known best today for its rather striking portrait of Queen Elizabeth in a sort of regina universi pose, the work was dedicated to Sir Christopher Hatton, a new patron for its author. It pays due homage to the queen and presents Case's views on political philosophy, a subject frequently to be found among the quaestiones set for disputation by the arts students at Oxford.51 This work, expounding the Politics and one of the central Aristotelian texts studied in post-Reformation Protestant universities of northern Europe, ultimately became one of Case's most popular textbooks and was reprinted frequently in Germany, if not in England.52 The next of Case's books to appear53 was quite different from the three previous ones. It was a Latin treatise on music entitled Apologia musices tarn vocalis quam instrumental, again printed by Barnes at Oxford in 1588, apparently a few months after the Sphaera civitatis.54 This work gives us the first suggestion that Case had an interest in music; but, as we shall see, there are other facts of his later life that tie him to the art of music, as well as to poetry, drama, and the visual arts. 50. Madan, Oxford Books, 14-15. 51. Cf. Register, II: i, 170-79. 52. See the Bibliography. 53. I here leave aside the matter of the anonymous work entitled The Praise ofMusicke published at Oxford in 1586 and frequently attributed to Case. For a discussion of this see Appendix VIII. 54. The Praefatio of the Sphaera civitatis is dated 12 May 1588 (fol. cv), while the Peroratio at the end of the work is dated 11 May 1588 (410). The dedication letters at the beginning of the Apologia musices are dated 30 November 1588 and i December 1588. The second dedication to the latter work is missing in most copies, but survives in the BL copy (Wood, 22), which I use. It is possible that an attempt was made by someone to suppress it.

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The Apologia is once again dedicated to men of importance; this time we find a dual dedication. The first brief letter is addressed again to Sir Christopher Hatton, lord chancellor of the realm and the newly appointed chancellor of the University of Oxford in succession to Leicester. The second letter is directed to Henry Unton and William Hatton, cousin to Sir Christopher. Not specifically fashioned for Scholastic instruction, nor closely tied to the exposition of an Aristotelian text, the Apologia seems to be meant for an audience somewhat different from that of Case's previous works. On the other hand, the work is still cast, at least partly, in a pedagogical form similar to his expositions of Peripatetic philosophy. The quaestio is used from time to time, as though the Apologia were meant to be used in formal university instruction.55 It is possible that the work was somehow connected with the teaching of music at Oxford, though it is not clear precisely how. Although degrees in music (a baccalaureate and a doctorate) were given at Oxford beginning in 1583, they were largely granted for having successfully composed a suitable five- or six-part song performed at St. Mary's Church. In fact, several famous musicians were awarded musical degrees from Oxford during Case's time there (e.g., John Bull, Thomas Morley, John Dowland, and Giles Farnabye), and it is tempting to think that some of these men may have partially been instructed by the Apologia musices. Research on music instruction at Oxford has thus far failed to reveal any specific role attributable to Case's work. Upon the death of Leicester on 4 September 1588, the chancellorship of the university fell vacant. Within a few weeks Sir Christopher Hatton was chosen to replace him. Hatton's chaplain, Richard Bancroft (1544—1610),s6 himself to become chancellor of the same university twenty years later, has left behind an account of the deputation sent to bring the news to Hatton.57 On 3 October 1588, just a few months after the Sphaera civitatis had been completed58 with its 55. For details on Oxford music education at the time see Register, II: i, 145-49. 56. For Bancroft see DNB and Brooks, Sir Christopher Hatton, passim. 57. A detailed account of the proceedings is contained in MS BM, Add. 5845, fols. 23or—23 ir, entitled "The manor that the Universitie of Oxford used in creating the right honorable Sir Christofer Hatton Knight of the honorable Order of the Garter, Lorde Chauncelor of England, Maister of Arte, and so Chauncelor of the said Universitie. 1588." This is accurately summarized in Brooks, Sir Christopher Hatton, 346-49. My account is based on Bancroft. 58. See above, n. 54.

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letter of dedication to Sir Christopher, Case came face to face with his patron. He was present on the occasion when the news of Hatton's election was officially conveyed to him. A delegation of twentyfour—including Case, the vice-chancellor (Laurence Humphrey), the heads of several colleges, and various other representatives of Oxford—called upon the chancellor designate, then staying at Francis Flower's lodgings in Holborn, to inform him of the honour. Case himself, speaking in Latin, told Hatton that the university had conferred upon him the degree of master of arts. The vice-chancellor then officially informed him that Convocation had chosen him to be their chancellor and earnestly asked him to accept the position. Hatton responded by signifying his acceptance. A year after the defeat of the Armada and after the naming of Hatton to the chancellorship, Case's work dedicated to Hatton, along with the previously published Speculum quaestionum moralium, were reprinted in Frankfurt, thus beginning the German interest in Case's work. If the number of editions is anything to go by, the level of interest in reading Case must have been ultimately greater in German lands than in England. As soon as the first German editions came from the presses in 1589, Joseph Barnes made an attempt—unsuccessful, it seems—to prevent this infringement upon his proprietary rights and livelihood.59 Barnes thought so highly of the Sphaera civitatis that he petitioned Convocation to require that every determining bachelor purchase the work, but apparently the desired resolution was not passed.60 Nonetheless, with the publication of four important books in five years, Case's reputation was bound to grow beyond the confines of Oxford, and his circle of friends and acquaintances grew as well. Case's connections with Barnes and his continuing concern with the education of beginning students must have helped to persuade him to add a prefatory letter "to the young students of the Latin language" for 59. See Carter, Oxford University Press, 21; Madan, OxfordBoohs, II: 28. The German interest in Case's work is indicated by the following passage in LP, fol. 1Ffv: "Caeterum hac in re a multis animo intellecto meo, quidam dignissimi doctissimique viri ex Germania (cui nationi me multis nominibus devinctum agnosco) literis a me contenderunt, quidam etiam ex eadem gente me Oxonii humanissime salutantes enixe rogarunt, ut caries id operis in sepulchro non consumeret, quod canities mea tot annorum studiis perfecisset: imo cumulo humanitatis suae hoc addiderunt, se velle suis ipsorum sumptibus diligenter curare ut vere, studiose, et graphice opus excusum in lucem prodeat." 60. See Wood, AO, I; 686; Madan, Oxford Books, 1: 26.

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John Rider's Bibliotheca scholastica, a Latin dictionary first published by Barnes in ^Sg.61 This successful dictionary eventually went through at least eighteen editions by 1641. The year 1589 also saw two other events in Case's life that should not pass unnoticed. These are apparently unrelated and show two further aspects of his career, different from one another and different from the interests characterizing the portion of his life thus far outlined. In 1589 he received an ecclesiastical benefice and also attained the Oxford degree of M.D. Up to that time there is little hint that Case had an interest in church affairs. In 1589, however, he was named prebendary canon of the church of North Alton in the diocese of Salisbury.52 This does not indicate any particular piety or dedication on his part necessarily, for such benefices often went to laymen more as a sinecure than as an imposition of any particular responsibility. He was installed as a canon on 20 July 1589, not in person but through a proctor Bartholomew Warner, his stepson-in-law. His appointment was through the instance of the queen, by her Letter Patent (per literas regias). Case's period as prebendary at North Alton did not entail his visiting Salisbury, and the extant records there give no indication that he ever set foot in Salisbury. This seems to mean that he was not a canon residentiary, a position necessitating the incumbent's presence at periodic chapter meetings.63 Case presumably had no specific duties to fulfill in Salisbury but merely drew his benefice, which perhaps amounted to something in the neighbourhood of twenty pounds per annum.64

61. Case's letter appears on fol. * 3)164. LP, 175-83. 165. Register, II: i, 171. 166. Ibid., 174. 167. SQM, 42-46 (I, 13). Cf. Nicomachean Ethics 110205-7.

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Even more interesting and important than the above examples is the question set in 1584: "Utrum ludi scenici in bene instituta civitate probandi sint?'"68 In the Sphaera civitatis, published a few years later, we find a very similar question given extended treatment: "An ludi et chori in civitate permitterentur?"169 The parallelism between these— and one can go to Case's work and see his detailed analysis of the issue— shows once again that Case's works and Oxford teaching were perhaps not so wide of the mark on contemporary issues as is sometimes assumed. The fact that such a question was set in examination conditions would seem to indicate that it was openly being debated in the classroom, and there can be no doubt that Case's work served as a point of departure for various teacher-student discussions. The examples given are assuredly not the only instances of similarity between Case's presentations and Oxford teaching, nor are they the unique example of concern with contemporary issues. Both sources of information assure us that the teaching of philosophy in late-sixteenthcentury Oxford was not so arid nor so out of contact as often caricatured. The samples of similarity between Case's works and the Oxford questions are all drawn from the exercises set for "inception," that is, as part of the study programme for the M.A. degree. Since the questions set for "determination"—those used in the exercises connected with the B.A.—have not survived, we are not in a position to say whether they had the same similarity to those discussed in Case's works. One suspects that they did. The procedure used in the determination exercise of employing "respondents" and "opponents" to debate the issues certainly fits in well with the structure of much of Case's writing. In addition to the uncertainties already expressed about the procedure of disputation, another is worth citing. Who set the questions for disputation? Was there a single regent master or professor who had this task or was there a committee—either permanent or changing year by year—who decided on the questions to be set for the students each time? As far as I have been able to discover, we do not know the answer to questions such as these. It can plausibly be supposed, however, that Case himself had a hand in setting the questions for inception and determination. Regardless of this, there can be no doubt that his works reflect with a fair degree of accuracy the teaching and disputation that took place at late-sixteenth-century Oxford. 168. Register, II: i, 171. 169. SC, 474-77'

Case's Eclectic Aristotelianism VIII. THE

POLEMIC

181

AGAINST MACHIAVELLI

Case's concerns with music, literature, painting, and the implications of these forms of expression for contemporary life are well documented. Yet even more central to his works is a solicitude for what he considered to be two of the main threats to civilization as he knew it. In common with many contemporaries, he saw the menace posed by Paracelsus and Machiavelli as extremely worrying to the hegemony of Aristotelian philosophy and all that it stood for in maintaining the status quo. Though Ramus was not looked on very favourably by Case, he was not attacked with anything like the vehemence with which Case assailed the two Catholic innovators of Swiss and Italian parentage, who had gained European-wide notoriety during his century. In one telling passage of the Sphaera civitatis he linked the two together pointing out the parallel threats they posed: Machiavelli does in his politics what Paracelsus does in his medicine. The physician traffics in medicaments that [seem] attractive in appearance, great in price, wonder-working in essence and quality, but not without bringing ruin to the body; Machiavelli does the same with his teachings, which [seem] to be learned at first glance and rare upon first hearing, but not without disaster to the city. Wherefore, as the one must be avoided, lest men perish, if we let him in, so too the other must be eliminated, lest cities crumble, when we receive him. Therefore, I set myself against Machiavelli, and I mentally detest as things accursed his rules for establishing a republic and a city; and so I truly declare against his assertion, that without faith, without justice, without Christ, no city endures, no state exists, since without these "arms" we must speak not of a king but of a tyrant, not of a city but of a rabid mob, not of an orderly republic but of a terrible disorder.170

The polemic against Paracelsus is equal in vigour to that against Machiavelli, and I shall discuss it elsewhere.171 Though the bulk of 170. "Nam ut Paracelsus in medicina, ita Machiavellus in sua politia facit. Ille sua pharmaca specie pulchra, precio magna, essentia et proprietate mirifica, at non sine interim corporis; hie sua praecepta prima fronte docta, primoque auditu rara, at non sine pernicie civitatis venditat. Quare ut ille est fugiendus, ne admisso intereant homines, ita tollendus est iste, ne recepto ruant civitates. Oppono meipsum igitur Machiavello eiusque axiomata de instituenda republica ac civitate ut anathemata animo detestor meo, adeoque vere contra eius assertionem profiteer, sine fide, sine iustitia, sine Christo non stare civitatem, non esse politiam, quippe sine his armis non rex sed tyrannus, non civitas sed furiosa multitude, non respublica et ordo sed horrenda confusio dicitur." SC, 2. 171. See the next chapter.

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Case's attack against the Florentine is to be found in the Sphaera civitatis, his work concerned most specifically with political philosophy, we also find references to him in the Lapisphilosophicus, where he is conventionally lumped with the "atheists,"172 and in the Thesaurus oeconomiae, where Machiavelli is attacked for his views on domestic affairs.173 By far the lengthiest discussions of Machiavelli, however, occur in several sections of the Sphaera civitatis; but before turning to a consideration of them, let us discuss the extent of Case's knowledge of Machiavelli's writings. There are many references in Case's work to Ilprincipe and / discorsi, in addition to those to Innocent Gentillet's Anti-Machiavel. Through an analysis of several quotations by Case from // principe I have been able to determine that his knowledge of that work was drawn from Tegli's Latin translation, first published at Basel in i56o.174 Further study may well reveal the source of Case's knowledge of the Discorsi; he does not seem to quote directly from that work, but paraphrases it, often as a source of historical information on Roman practice.175 Nevertheless, the large number of direct and apposite references to the Discorsi and // principe clearly indicate that Case knew both works well and was able to document his opposition to Machiavelli with an impressive series of specifics.176 The prefatory letter to the Sphaera civitatis, addressed to Case's patron Christopher Hatton,177 is somewhat fatalistic in tone from the 172. LP, 9, 15-16. 173. TO, fol. 1ffr, ffzr, 211-12, 240, 277. 174. Machiavelli, De principe. For later editions of this translation, as well as for bibliographical information on other works of Machiavelli, see Gerber, Niccolb Machiavelli, and Lenger, Oeuvres de Machiavel. 175. E.g., in SC, 278, 328, 509. 176. For example, the following passage contains three direct quotations from Tegli's translation: "Verba ipsius legam; 'Cum itaque principis [Tegli: principem] magni referat belluinum ingenium scite induere, ei turn vulpis turn leonis mores assumendi erunt'. Fidelis es Machiavelle qui principem in capite de fide vim et fraudem doces, sed plura legam, sequuntur haec verba: 'princeps [Tegli add. propterea], qui sapientia est [Tegli: sit] praeditus, debet ea promissa vitare quae suis commodis fore contraria [Tegli: contraria fore] videt'. Perfidia haec est non fides quam doces pessime; caeterum legamus plura. 'Ad omnem ventorum et fortunae conversionem versatile ingenium princeps habeat necesse est [Tegli: est necesse]'." SC, fol. Aaa3r—v. The quotations from Tegli's text are found in the 1560 edition cited, 111—12. The minor discrepancies between Tegli's version and Case's quotations may be due to variations in later editions. I have not checked to verify this. 177. SC, fols. f3r-K5r. For Case's relation to Hatton see above, Chapters II and III.

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very beginning, pointing up Case's fear expressed throughout his works that God's judgement may be severe upon the sins of mankind.178 After praise of Aristotle—"Aristoteles mini author est, ilium ut interpres sequor"179—and a conventional praise of Elizabeth, he launches into his attack on Machiavelli in his preface to the reader. Be off then with the Machiavellians, may they go far away; be off too with the atheists, magi, and magicians of our time, who secretly murmur against God, against Christ, against religion, as though against pestilences of the city; they will realize, they will realize in the end (I say) that Gyges' ring is deceptive and that republics cannot endure without God, without Christ, without religion.180

He then continues by arguing that, unless the delicate balance keeping the world in order is maintained, the way is opened for all sorts of disastrous events. Again I say, away with Machiavelli's tragic comedies, in which the actors live without God, in which the spectators are allured from the centre of justice into deception, from the path of virtue into a life of licentiousness, from the course of Divine Providence into an evil abyss, from the worship of God and religion into a contempt—nay, a hatred—of Christ.181

The attack gains in venom and force in the Prolegomena, which takes up the question "An ulla sit efficax et vera politia sine virtute?"182 Case immediately points out that Machiavellus Florentinum illud monstrum has been so bold as to argue in favour of politics without virtue. Though Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle deny that there can be politics without virtue, this does not deter Machiavelli from affirming it. Case cites 178. The tone is set by the opening words of the letter: "Mirabilem et fatalem hunc annum [i.e., 1588] mundi (vir augustissime) multi ex minacious Sybillae foliis vaticinantur fore " SC, fol. f sr. 179. Ibid., fol. f4r. 180. "Valeant igitur et facessant longe Machiavellani, valeant Athei, magi et magici nostrorum temporum, qui in Deum, in Christum, in religionem tanquam in pestes civitatis submurmurant: sentient, sentient (inquam) illi tandem Gygis annulum fallacem esse, et respublicas sine Deo, sine Christo, sine religione manere non posse." Ibid., fol. 1f4r. 181. "Iterum ergo dico, valeant Machiavelli tragicae comoediae, in quibus actores sine Deo vivunt, in quibus spectatores a centre iustitiae ad fraudem, a linea virtutis ad licentiam vitae, a gyro divinae providentiae in malorum abyssum, a cultu Dei et religione in Christi contemptum vel potius odium pertrahuntur." Ibid. 182. Ibid., 1-7.

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several key chapters of // principe (e.g., 15, 17, 18, 20) as evidence for the "Machiavellian" rejection of traditional political virtue and honesty. It is bad enough when such works are circulating in foreign languages, but it is much worse when they are made available in English for all to read.183 Like many of his contemporaries, Case saw Machiavelli as an atheist and a severe scourge on the whole human race. In the peroratio, which is added to the end of the Sphaera civitatis, the perversity of Machiavelli, as one who lived during the Christian era, is sharply contrasted with the virtue of Aristotle, the pagan. Your faith is very bad, Machiavelli, for it gives rise to treachery; your teaching, which casts its followers into Hell, is blasphemous and dangerous. . . . Therefore, away with the sophists of our own day, may they go far from here; they not only attempt cunningly to infect the private morals of men, but also perniciously try to bewitch cities, states, and nations by their incantations, as it were— The real Philosopher, whom I have now expounded, did not teach this sort of thing. He was pagan and still did not maintain such a position; on the contrary, he maintained and even advocated (what I frequently argue) that a city cannot exist without virtue, cannot flourish without piety: the Philosopher advocated this, Christ ordered it, and let it be therefore my last farewell (O Christian reader), that only that city is genuine in which there is virtue, that only that man is a citizen in whom Christ lives.18* In addition to the abuse heaped upon Machiavelli here, more specific criticisms of his political philosophy are spread throughout Case's work. These are to be found especially in a section entitled "An regibus conveniat academias tollere, artiumque scholas prohibere?"185 183. "Adhuc ilium [i.e., Machiavellum] in vernaculum sermonem translatum populus non didicit, adhuc eius virus non sensit. Male profecto egit qui Anglice Ovidium de arte amandi transtulit; peius, qui Alberlum de faeminarum secretis; at pessime de nostra republica merebitur, si quis venenum istius viperae in ora imperitae multitudinis insperserit." Ibid., 4. 184. "Pessima est fides tua, Machiavelle, quae perfidiam gignit; blasphema et periculosa doctrina, quae sui cultores in gehennam trahit.... Valeant ergo et hinc long£ facessant sophistae nostrorum temporum, qui non solum privates mores hominum insidiose inficere, sed etiani urbes, civitates, gentes suis veluti carminibus perniciose fascinare student.... Hoc noluit magnus philosophus, quern iam exposui. Ethnicus fuir, et tamen noluit, imo quidem hoc voluit, hoc etiam suasit (quod saepe inculco) non posse stare civitatem sine virtute, non posse florere sine pietate; hoc suasit philosophus, hoc iussit Christus, sit ergo ultimum hoc meum Vale (Christiane lector) quod civitas ea solum sit vera, in qua virtus; is solum civis, in quo Christus vivit." Ibid., fols. Aaa3v-Aaa4v. 185. Ibid., 495-506.

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Partly perhaps out of personal interest, Case argues that institutions such as the universities of Oxford and Cambridge should be allowed to remain centres of instruction and free inquiry, but that tyrants of the sort championed by Machiavelli wish to dissolve them. Drawing from a variety of evidence, practical historical example as well as theoretical formulations, Case argues that universities can in no way prosper under tyranny. Since Machiavelli's philosophy as set forth in The Prince leads inevitably to a cynical tyranny, the Florentine is seen as an enemy of the universities. As Case succinctly puts it, "Academiae a tyrannis dissolutae."186 In brief, the philosophy propounded by Machiavelli is seen as inimical to a rational, balanced society. Thus Machiavelli is thought to be one of the major threats to the continued peace, stability, and prosperity of the Age of Astraea. The extent to which Case considered the menace to be significant emerges in several works, but particularly in the Sphaera civitatis, where attempts to come to grips with the problems posed by Machiavelli are found throughout. In common with most contemporaries, Case had various epithets from impius to atheus to hurl against the Florentine innovator who had upset the clear rational categories of Aristotelian political theory. Machiavelli's influence is seen as positively deleterious for at least two reasons. First, there is the very real practical problem that an adoption of the central tenets of Machiavellianism would necessarily lead to the breakdown of the political structure and general well-being of the country. Second, on a more theoretical level, Machiavelli can be considered to be nothing other than a severe threat to the intellectual domination of Aristotle: Machiavelli is viewed by Case as an "archsophist, who perverts the words and meaning of Aristotle."187 The story of Machiavelli's fortuna in England is a very complex one, which has been partially told a number of times,'88 and I shall not go into it here, other than to say that Case's place in the polemic has not 186. Ibid., 498. 187. "Facessat hinc longe archisophista ille Machiavellus, qui verba et sensum Aristotelis pervertit: haec enim in monstris rerum publicarum nutriendis sophismata non permittuntur. Politici enim non sunt, ut magici, qui falsis characteribus effascinatos anitnos muititudinis perstringunt, sed ut philosophi, qui mysteria suae artis cuivis non reserant et aperiunt." Ibid., 389. 188. The bibliography on this subject is quite large. Here I shall limit myself to a few of the more important items. Still valuable is Horrocks, Machiavelli in Tudor Political Opinion. Other older literature includes: Meyer, Machiavelli and the Elizabethan Drama; Kempner, Die EinfiihrungdesMachiavellismus; Orsini, Bacone eMachiavelli; and Beck, Machiavellismus (not seen). Among the more recent studies should be mentioned esp. Raab, English Face

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generally been adequately realized. To understand fully the implication and meaning of a work such as the Sphaera civitatis and the point of view it expresses, it must be seen against the general backdrop of contemporary English political theory and practice.l89 It certainly must rank as one of the most considerable works on a political subject to come from England during the reign of Elizabeth. It cannot be doubted that it is one of the most spirited and best-informed presentations of a modified Aristotelian political philosophy of the time. Machiavellianism is but one of the problems Case had to face. A fuller study of the Sphaera civitatis would reveal much else. IX.

BOOK

TITLES AND THEIR

MEANING

Case's critique of Machiavelli has much in common with numerous other contemporary writings on political philosophy. In setting Aristotle up as a paragon in the field and attacking Machiavelli on that basis, he shared the attitude and the approach of many Scholastics of his age. It is perhaps one of the more conservative aspects of his method of considering philosophical issues. In many other ways he was more unusual if not, strictly speaking, original. The unexpected lurks frequently among the nearly 3,000 pages making up the corpus of his writings on Aristotle. I have omitted many of the fascinating aspects of his writings from the present study, and some I have missed are there to be discovered by other readers. Before turning to a more detailed analysis of one small section of the Lapis philosophicus in the next chapter, I should like to take up one final point about Case's Aristotelian textbooks, namely, his choice of titles and the meaning he attached to them. This, I think, illustrates quite well certain characteristics of his thought and a side to his personality of Machiavelli; Anglo, "Reception of Machiavelli," which is primarily an essay review of Raab's book; Bawcutt, "Elizabethan Allusions"; and most recently, Gasquet, Le courant machiavellien. Further bibliography will be found in these works. 189. Case's interest in Machiavelli seems to have first been noted by Allen, "Opponent of Machiavelli." More recently, it has been briefly mentioned by Carre, Phases of Thought, 202; and de Mattel, Dalpremachiavellismo att'aTitimachiavellismo, 237. These all seem to be independent of one another. The only writer, to the best of my knowledge, to go somewhat beyond a bare mention is Bawcutt, "Machiavelli and Marlowe," esp. 11-12, 14-15, zo-21, 23, 37-38, whose emphasis is somewhat different from mine and supplements some of the points made here. I am indebted to Dr. S. Anglo for bringing this valuable article to my attention. Also see Gasquet, Le courant machiavellien, 179.

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not generally called to mind when he is succinctly denominated an "Aristotelian." His works are not called merely "expositions" or "commentaries," as were most university textbooks of his day, but are given rather attractive titles, which Case apparently took some pains over. To claim that the specific titles he gave to the individual works link together in a grandiose universal scheme explaining all of reality or proclaiming the truth of some secret new religion would be going too far. Nevertheless, by reading various prefaces where the titles are explained, we see that the ones decided upon—Speculum, Reflexus, Sphaera, Thesaurus, Lapis philosophicus—were selected with some care. The first of the titles so chosen, Speculum moralium quaestionum (which becomes Speculum quaestionum moralium in later editions), is not commented on by Case in his preface to the work, though the image of a speculum (mirror) is developed in the liminary verses contributed by Lawrence Humphrey, Arthur Yeldard, Thomas Drope, the playwright Richard Eedes, and Richard Harley.190 When he came to write a prefatory letter to the reader for his exposition of the Magna moralia, which was entitled Reflexus speculi moralis, he explained how the two titles relate to one another: I name this new work of mine (O learned reader) Reflexus speculi moralis. Reflexus [reflection] I say because the images and forms of the virtues put forth in these books are the same as those that previously appeared in my books on the Ethics [the Speculum moralium quaestionum]. But since the rays of your mind, as it were, have already been concentrated in the centre of the Speculum [mirror], you might perhaps sense a greater force and ardour of virtue from the Reflexus than you grasped from your first consideration of the Speculum.lgl

By the time Case published the Thesaurus oeconomiae a year later, the scheme seems to have been pretty much completed. In a prefatory letter to Thomas Sackville he discusses the titles of both the Thesaurus and the forthcoming Lapis philosophicus in allegorical and symbolic terms.192 He has decided to give the former work the title he has 190. SQM, fols. HHr-TOr. 191. "Opusculum autem hoc novum (studiose lector) speculi moralis mei reflexum nomino. Reflexum dico, quia eaedem imagines et formae virtutum in his libris intuentibus offeruntur quae, in libris Ethicorum olim apparuerunt. At mentis tuae radiis in centre Speculi quasi collectis, maiorem fortasse vim et aestum virtutis ex reflexu senseris, quam ex prime Speculi intuitu percepisti." RSM, fol. *sr. 192. "Lapidem philosophicum polliceri non possum, thesaurum tamen hoc minutum nomino, quia fortasse in eo pulvis est, quo philosophicus lapis, et aurum fiant." TO, fols. f3v-f4r.

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because in it is found a treasurehouse, not only of the goods of nature and fortune, but of the goods of the soul as well.193 Continuing the metaphor, he says that he may seem somewhat bold to some, since he has decided to comment on a work in which are found neither gold nor jewels (as they say), but only bronze, iron, lead, or some other metal of trivial value. I do not bother to answer them, but confidently say this: in this metal (whether it be bronze, iron, or lead) is engraved the image of Caesar, and the genius of the great Aristotle appears there. Therefore, sometimes things that are of small intrinsic worth or importance, such as painted tablets, carved statues, and coins, are often judged by many to be of great worth, not because of their material but because of the excellence of those things they reveal. Thus, this little work of the Philosopher (it is composed, if you wish, of iron, bronze, and lead: that is, things of rather little worth) is not to be judged trivial, for in it are the traces of antiquity, the likeness of Aristotle; but I add—having had the experience, I add—that if you were to throw this bronze, iron, or lead into the philosophical fire, you would see not only purest gold, but also the quintessence of gold then extracted.194 Case's intent to adapt these titles to symbolic and other uses is once again evident from the prefatory poems of Thomas Holland, Regius Professor of Theology, and Henry Price, a fellow of St. John's. Both make capital of the symbolic nature of these ideas in formulating appropriate verses for the occasion.195 193. "Thesaurus enim Oeconomiae seu familiae a me dicitur, quia in eo non solum naturae et fortunae bona, sed excellentes animi opes reponuntur." Ibid., fol. f-jr. 194. ". . . quoniam in eo, non aurum, non gemmas (ut aiunt), sed aes, ferrum, plumbum, aut aliud aliquod metallum vilioris pretii tantum inveniunt. Nihil istis respondeo, hoc tamen confidenter dico: in isto metallo (sit aes, ferrum, aut plumbum) Caesaris imaginem insculptam esse, magnique Aristotelis ingenium apparere. Quare, ut res aliquando non magni pretii aut momenti, quales sunt pictae tabellae, coelatae statuae, aes signatum, a maximis saepe plurimi aestimantur, non propter materiam, sed propter excellentiam eorum quos prae se ferunt: ita hoc opus parvum Philosophi (sint in eo, si vis, ferrum, aes, et plumbum, id est, res vilioris pretii) vili non est aestimandum, quia in eodem antiquitatis vestigium. Aristotelis simulachrum inest; sed addo, et expertus addo, quod si hoc aes, ferrum, aut plumbum, in ignem philosophicum inieceris non solum purissimum aurum, sed auri quintain essentiam inde extractam videas." Ibid., fol. 14. 195. From TO, fol. KHav: Ecce novo fulget Case'ia sydere Sphaera, Septuplici mores urbis quae continet orbe: In SPECULUMque novos radios, SPECULIque REFLEXUM Immisit, pulchra collustrans omnia luce: THESAUROS magnae foelices oiKoi'o/u'as

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With his circle of friends composed of men having a wide range of interests and in collaboration with the Oxford printer Joseph Barnes, Case put forward the view that his works were a sort of encyclopedia of philosophical knowledge, which has been written to conform with current university practice. As time went on, this programme took on an increasingly allegorical aspect, as evident in the titles of the works ranging from the rather staid and scholastic Summa of his first publication to the Lapis philosophicus of his final one. The last work, in addition to being the most eclectic and Neoplatonic of all, was also published under a title having a strongly symbolic, if not openly occult, flavour. By the time the Lapis saw the light of day Case's commitment to such an approach was quite definite. It is reflected in the title-page, which may or may not have been done under Case's express instructions, '96 but also comes out most clearly in the work itself. I have already underscored Case's specific indebtedness to Neoplatonic eclecticism and especially to the scheme of prisca sapiential However, these themes emerge most lucidly in his last published work, when Case was already close to death, as touchingly expressed in the work's penultimate sentence: "Thus as a fatigued voyager seeks to refresh himself after a long journey along many different paths, so too do I—aged, infirm, and warned by God's chastisement—now seek a place of refuge and not a public stage, heaven and not the printing press."198 When obviously thinking of last things, the Oxford Peripatetic waxed lyrical in a way that the most unabashed Neoplatonist (dare I say Hermeticist) would not have been ashamed of. Embroidering upon the title of his

In lucem revocans, quae tu STAGIRITA tenebris Abdideras caecis, sophiae nee sacra paterent. [Thomas Holland] Nae iam Case sapis, qui das quod mulceat orbem. Ad nos quid SPECULUM? SPHAERA quid ilia? Nihil. Thesauris tandem nil plane gratius istis: Hos decuit nostris exhibuisse senem.

[Henry Price]

196. See Plate 2 and Appendix VI. 197. See above, pp. 163-67. 198. "Ut ergo languens et defessus viator post longum iter diversorium petit quo se reficiat; ita equidem iam senex valetudinarius, virga et baculo a Deo monitus, asylum non theatrum coelum non prelum quaero." LP, 870.

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work and making clear his adherence to the prisca sapientia, Case tells us in the clearest terms just how he interprets the term lapis philosophicus: But who am I to write about the marvels of nature and of philosophy? Certainly 1 am a no one, if compared with others, but howsoever insignificant I am, I shall put forward a work so that the concealed nectar might be drawn forth from my little containers that are full of the purest sources of philosophy; thus I make every possible effort to produce really a lapis philosophicus, by which the potable gold of hidden wisdom might be drunk by all of those thirsty for it.1"

This is certainly a passage worthy of a Renaissance Neoplatonist intent upon bringing forth arcana and occulta for the benefit of an eagerly waiting public. Immediately afterwards Case goes on to give further definition to his effort in the Lapis, making sure to distinguish his legitimate endeavour from what he considered to be the false and unacceptable method of the Paracelsians: "Many discourse vainly and at great length about this stone, about celestial powder, about the quintessence, about the wondrous art of making gold, and, working at it for their whole life, they understand only Paracelsian shadows and trifles."200 This theme of trying to separate the legitimate from the illegitimate use of magic is one we encounter several times in Case, and it is given clearer definition elsewhere in the Lapis philosophicus, especially when he discusses the relationship between art and nature. While content to accept much that is non-Aristotelian into his synthesis, Case was not willing to accept the Paracelsian extreme, for reasons that should become more obvious in the next chapter. His deep indebtedness to the sort of eclecticism and syncretism primarily engendered by the Neoplatonic movement is evident in many places, as we have frequently had occasion to note; one instance is to be found in his careful choice of titles for his major works and the consequent way in which he schematized the symbolic significance of them. Perhaps trivial and indecisive in itself, even such a minor point nevertheless adds another nuance to our understanding of Case's philosophical outlook. 199. "Sed quis sum qui mirabilia naturae et philosophise scribere nunc coner? Nullus arte, si cum aliis sim conferendus, sed quantuluscunque sum, operam dabo ut ex urnulis meis purissimis philolophiae fontibus repletis, nectar reconditum hauriatur; imo totis viribus et nervis magnopere contendam, ut lapis vere philosophicus fiat, quo aurum potabile occultioris sapientiae cunctis sitientibus propinetur." Ibid., fol. 1%r. zoo. "Inaniter et otiose permulti de hoc lapide, de coelesti pulvere, de quinta essentia, de mirabili arti conficiendi aurum disseruent, totaque vita laborantes Paracelsicas umbras et nugas capiunt." Ibid., fols. 1I%r.

V

John Case on Art and Nature

I.

INTRODUCTION

IN THE PREVIOUS CHAPTER I tried to give some general idea of Case's approach to philosophy. While focusing upon certain specific issues in his writings and trying to illustrate how different tendencies functioned within his eclectic Aristotelian framework, I did not treat in detail any of the central themes found in his work. In fact, after reading through Case's writings one is left with the impression that a number of themes could profitably be studied. Sarah Mutton's recent analysis of Case's views on time shows some of the possibilities,1 though what Case has to say about the subject of time may not be quite so interesting as his discussions of a variety of moral and political issues. In the present study, which is not meant to treat all aspects of Case's thought exhaustively, I shall look at one aspect of his work in somewhat greater detail. One issue upon which Case has something valuable, and perhaps unusual, to say regards the relation of nature to art, a well-worn topic that became central in many seventeenth-century formulations of scientific endeavour, perhaps most notably with Francis Bacon. This is a question with very deep roots reaching back to early Greek thought but that came to the fore in Book II of Aristotle's Physics? where the 1. See Hutton, Concept of Time, 95-121. 2. Esp. chaps j and 2. In general see Solmsen, Aristotle's System of the Physical World, 92-117. For the range of meanings of the term "nature" in antiquity see Lovejoy & Boas, Primitivism, 447-56; and Pellicer, Natura. For the specific art-nature relationship see Close, "Art and Nature." Some useful general background, not always critically

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Stagirke's fullest discussion of "art" (TCXVTJ) is to be found. Case's treatment of the issue grows out of Aristotle's formulation, though, as we shall see, the conclusions he reaches go far beyond anything envisioned by Aristotle. Case's treatment of the problem is worth considering because of the intrinsic interest of the ideas and examples he uses and because it comes, as it does, only a few years before the historically important formulations on this subject by Francis Bacon. Indeed, Case, as well as anyone, represents a contemporary English Aristotelian treatment of man's participation in nature, which could well serve as a useful backdrop for a fuller understanding of Bacon's position and an evaluation of how precisely it differs from those of Aristotelian contemporaries. What is more, it should give some insight into how the average English university student of the period might have been introduced to the topic. Case's treatment of philosophy parallels rather closely the examinable subjects at Oxford.3 His exposition—and one expects that the same is true for many other treatments of Aristotle—shows just how far beyond the set text the teacher could go. I hope, above all else, that such an example can make clear that when men of the Renaissance learned Aristotle at university (or elsewhere) they often learned a great deal that does not occur in modern editions and translations of any particular text. The question to be considered is the relation between art and nature. This should be clear enough, but it seems necessary to underline the fact that "art" does not mean the same as "fine arts" in the modern sense. Literary and art historians do not always remember this and tend to write on art and nature in the Renaissance in a somewhat distorted way. "Art" in the traditional Western context down to quite recent times, as Kristeller and others have clearly pointed out,4 has more the meaning of "craft." There is no need to expound this more fully here, but I shall merely refer the reader to discussions of this question.5 In what follows I shall use the term "art" in this older sense, which is the sense of not only Aristotle and Case, but of Francis Bacon as well. controlled, is found in Glacken, Traces, esp. chap. X, "Growing Consciousness of the Control of Nature" (461-97). 3. See the discussion in Chapter IV, pp. 178-80. 4. Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II, 163-227 (also in Journalofthe History ofldeas12 [1951]: 496-527; and 13 (1952): 17-46). 5. Besides the extensive bibliography listed in Kristeller's article cited in the previous footnote see also Arts libfrraux.

Case on Art and Nature II.

193

ART AND NATURE

Case's most extensive discussion of the art-nature relationship occurs in the section of the Lapis philosophicus that explicates Book II of Aristotle's Physics. In addressing himself to the question "Whether art as a rival [aemula] of nature can bring about any things which are truly natural," he gives ample treatment to the question of the art-nature relationship.6 Here, as well as anywhere, we can see how much post-Aristotelian material has been absorbed into Case's synthesis. His answer to the original question is interestingly ambiguous and indecisive. While in the main he follows the Aristotelian position that "art imitates nature" (Physics, 199315-17), he embellishes the Aristotelian doctrine in such a way that the primary peripatetic notion is placed in a much broader and more fruitful context. He retains the key Aristotelian idea that nature is primary to art, as it were providing the materials for art to work on.7 Art perse is ineffectual if nature has not previously provided the proper material component. On the other hand, according to Case human intervention (art) has an important role to play and seems to be given a far more significant position in the overall scheme than Aristotle would admit. Case illustrates his position by giving several very telling examples, of which the following is typical: But medicine (which is an artificial thing), taken internally or applied externally, is beneficial only when nature itself adds its forces to medicine (for dead bodies are not cured). Thus the power of art, which is clearly an external thing, changes something only when nature supplies its matter and power, in which art's foundation stone consists. Therefore, there is no reason for the physician to boast of the health brought about by his art; nor the architect of the house he has built; nor the alchemist of the gold he has produced; nor the magician of the storms he has caused. Indeed, in all of these cases, art is appropriating to itself nothing that is natural; but, when it does take unto itself something that is natural, then it offers to our senses something that is perhaps wonderful Art does not bring about these things by itself, for medicine does not produce health, but it helps a weak nature, so that, as if aroused from slumber, it can expel the foreign agent, and can return one to his natural state.8 6. LP, 175. The precise formulation ars aemula naturae seems to originate with Apuleius, Metamorphosen 11,4- For general information on art as an imitator of nature see Janson, Apes and Ape Lore, chap. X (Ars simia naturae). 7. LP, 176. 8. "Nam ut non prodest medicina (quae res artificialis est) intus sumpta, vel foris applicata, nisi ipsa natura vires medicinae addat (cadavera enim non curantur). Ita artis

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The art—or craftsmanship—of the practitioner of any of the practical and productive disciplines must be carried out in accord with the materials provided by nature. That is to say, art (in the root meaning of the Greek TC^VTJ) is something that aids nature in its coming to fruition and does not go against nature or direct nature to a different end. Case insists upon this repeatedly. In doing so, he follows the Aristotelian tradition but also utilizes the thought of some of the significant innovators in the field of natural philosophy. One such is Giambattista della Porta, whose Magia naturalis is often considered to be an important stage in the development of the modern view of science as a productive and materially rewarding enterprise. Della Porta's work, which went through many editions and was translated into numerous languages,9 is precise in integrating the productive view of art into a basically Peripatetic structure of forms, elements and substances.10 In this—and in many other respects—della Porta's analysis of the situation is not too different from Case's. Delia Porta, however, is merely one of several writers fairly close to Case's time who had written on the subject of natural magic and whose ideas might have been known to the English philosopher. By della Porta's time, at the end of the sixteenth century, natural magic was widely discussed and was a theme that had insinuated itself into much literature on scientific, religious, and philosophical topics. Though interest in the subject expanded a good deal during the period from Ficino to Galileo, it certainly was not a Renaissance novelty, for it had deep roots in antiquity and in the Middle Ages.11 Roger Bacon, for potentia, res plane externa, nihil movet, nisi materiam vimque suam suppeditet natura, in quibus fundamentum artis consistit. Non est ergo quod iactet medicus de sanitate quam arte reddit, non architectus de domo quam struxit, nee chymicus de auro quod finxit, nee magicus de procellis quas excitavit; quippe in his omnibus ars nihil naturale efficit, sed assumpta re naturali aliquid fortasse mirabile sensibus obiicit.... Respondeo artem per se haec non efficere; medicina enim non gignit sanitatem, sed iuvat debilem naturam, ut excitata veluti a somno, expellat hostem et ad seipsum redeat." LP, 177. 9. There were more than 65 printings of the work in Latin, Italian, French, German, Dutch, English, and, perhaps also, Spanish and Arabic. For further details see Gabrieli, "G.B. della Porta." 10. See, e.g., della Porta, Magiae naturalis libri viginti, lib. I, cap. 5 ("Multas naturae operationes ex formis provenire"), 9—11. 11. There is now a substantial literature on this subject. Among those works I have found to be most illuminating are: Garin, Medioevo e Rinascimento, esp. 150-69 ("Magia e astrologia nel Rinascimento"); P. Rossi, FrancescoBacone and Jfilosofi e le macchine (1962) (used in the English version, Philosophy, Technology, and the Arts); Zambelli, "Platone,

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example, wrote on natural magic in a way not too different from the Renaissance version, even if he did not have direct access to the range of Greek sources available to a Ficino or a Pico. Even though the spectrum of Bacon's works known to writers of the Renaissance was not so broad as we might imagine, several briefer pieces emphasizing man's domination of nature through art were fairly generally known.12 As previously mentioned, John Case's friend John Williams, a fellow of All Souls, brought out one edition of Bacon that was published at Joseph Barnes's Oxford press in i5go.13 Also published during the sixteenth century was Bacon's Epistola de secretis operibus naturae et de nullitate magiae, a work stressing man's capabilities in the realm of art.14 It was, however, in the circle of Giovanni Pico and Marsilio Ficino that this positive and operative aspect of the art-nature relationship developed in a way that was to be extremely influential during the next centuries. The emphasis in the writings of the Florentine Platonists is perhaps best epitomized by Pico's reiteration of the Hermetic "Magnum... miraculum est homo'"5 with its attendant praise of man's possibilities as an active participant in controlling nature for his own purposes. Both Pico and Ficino were working within a Neoplatonic framework, but one that was very eclectic and nearly all-embracing. Ficino, perhaps more than Pico, gave clear definition to the potentialities in man for transforming the world.'6 His position was thereupon Ficino, e la magia" and "II problema della magia naturale"; Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic; and Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. 12. For Bacon's reputation in the Renaissance see Molland, "Bacon as Magician." The view of Bacon in Renaissance literature suchasthatput forward in Robert Greene's Friar Bacon, first published in 1594, is vastly different from that of more recent interpreters, who have tried to make him a "father of experimental science." For a bibliography of Bacon's writings see Little, Bacon Essays, 373-426. 13. See above, pp. 112,119. For a description of the edition see Madan, Oxford Books, I: 29. 14. This interesting and relevant work was first published in Paris in 1542 and was reprinted in Hamburg in 1618. According to the latter edition, which also adds some comments by John Dee, there was also another edition of the work, published in Oxford in 1594: "Tandem circa annum impressa est Oxoniae haec ipsa epistola a losepho Barnesio, cuius ita avide arrepta sunt et detenta exempla, ut ne unum quidem ullo studio nancisci possem" (Bacon, De secretis, 10). Little, Bacon Essays, 396, also lists an Oxford, 1594, edition. I have been unable to find any trace of such an edition, and Madan does not list it. 15. Pico, De hominis dignitate, 103. 16. In various places, but clearly in Theologia platonica, in Thtologie platonicienne, II: 223-29 (XIII, 3-4).

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taken up by numerous others, including Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, who praised man's potentialities and accomplishments in the De occulta philosophia1"7 before—in a way reminiscent of Pico—imposing severe restraints upon the operative power of man. These developments, summarized here in the briefest way possible, took place primarily within the rich tradition of Neoplatonism. Aristotelian writers were in general not so enthusiastic about the capabilities of productive art to improve upon nature, though by the sixteenth century certain Aristotelians, of whom Case is but one example, were becoming increasingly receptive to modifications entering the system on this and other issues. Case's advance over the normal Aristotelian view of the art-nature relationship lies in realizing that man, who is capable of various skills, can contribute in a significant way to the fulfillment of nature by becoming an active participant. For Aristotle, man is capable of using the products of nature for his own ends, as for example when a carpenter uses a tree to fashion a bed.l8 What man does not seem to be capable of—and this is where the Renaissance tradition of natural magic differs from Aristotle—is participating in such a way as to assist nature in bringing about a particular "natural" end. With Case, however, the natural-magic tradition, deriving from a complex range of sources for the most part Platonic and Neoplatonic in texture, is fused with the Peripatetic one. In him we find a balanced conception. On the one hand, he can rise above the rather narrow traditional Aristotelian scheme; on the other hand, he does not fall prey to some of the extravagances of the more unconventional magi. Indeed, there is a conservative note with an attendant emphasis on the "natural" that a modern environmentalist might well find attractive.19 "Art," or in more modern terminology, technology or human intervention in nature, can in many cases be fruitful, but it can make use only of the materials nature has provided. In a passage more 17. I use the proofs of an unpublished edition edited by H. Meier. 18. Aristotle, Physica II, i (igabS-igsbai). 19. As when he says: "The farmer sows and reaps, but nature produces the plant." The Latin reads as follows: "Sic agricola serit, incidit, sed natura plantam producit. [It then continues] Sic ars chymica aurum effingit, at non per se et sine naturae virtute fingit. Magici demonum subsidio non sine subiecta re naturali coelum aut aerem mutant. Et sane ut in istis exemplis constat, arte per se rem naturalem simpliciter non fieri: ita in aliis omnibus naturae effectis videre licet, artem deficere et languere, si opus naturale perficiendum spectes. Quamvis ergo ars aemuletur naturam, eamque deficientem in multis iuvet, rem tamen naturalem per se et vi sua absente natura non tacit." LP, 177-78.

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\ 97

reminiscent of the creation myth of the Timaeus than of the Aristotelian viewpoint, Case makes this point. "Art" is limited, in the same way as is Plato's demiurge, by the quality of the materials available. By the application of art, Case believes, for example, that gold can be produced from base metals, but he is clear that "a natural thing cannot be made simply by art alone (arte per se rem naturalem simpliciter non fieri).20 Other examples reminiscent of della Porta and the tradition of natural magic emphasize that art helping nature can produce remarkable things.21 Two examples he gives illustrate that Archimedes, by the use of his geometrical art, was able to raise water and that others by the study of optics and the fashioning of the appropriate lenses can concentrate the rays of the sun to produce fire.28 One further example perhaps tells most clearly of Case's fusion of Aristotelian and naturalmagic principles into a coherent view of nature based on recent information available to him. In it he brings botany into focus and gives an excellent example of just how man's intervention in nature can bring about remarkable results, but results that are basically in accord with the materials of nature and do not wander too far from fact into fantasy. You (I think) have, at sometime or another, cut the outer skin of a cabbage or of another wild bush with a knife and there, between the skin and the stem, you 20. Cited in the previous note. 21. "Instrumentum enim artis externum est, finis externus, forma vel potius figura externa, motus per se artis internus nullus est, opus denique omne quod artis est, sine spiritu pulsuque naturae est. Quid enim penecillum Appellis, quid forma depictae Veneris, quid motus in columba Architae, quid mobile illud coelum singulare opus, postremo quid ulla arte inventa, coelata, ficta efficiunt naturale? Certe nihil. Certe omnino nihil." LP, 177. The examples given are commonplaces in the literature on natural magic. See, for example, Ficino, Th4ologieplatonicienne, II: 223 (XIII, 3). 22. "Astrologi opticum et perspectivum (ut aiunt) chrystalli vitrum arte sua fabricare decent, in cuius centrum radii soils collecti in flammam commutantur, arte hoc loco nascitur flamma, quae res vere naturalis dicitur: arte ergo fieri potest res vere naturalis." LP, 179. And again: "Non te praeteribo (Archimedes insignis) qui geometrica proportione artis tuae, aquam ab imis terrae venis et medullis in altissima tecta fluere et volare doces cursumque eiusdem sursum, qui est praeter naturam, arte naturalem facis. Studiose lector, res facilis est si diligenter attendas. Nam canales suos plumbeos, ferreos aut aeneos hie artifex in altissimo fonte prope aedificia fixos lino aut alia materia sicca et combustibili implet: hac materia accensa consumitur aer, acre consumpto aqua in altum fluit, fluxu sic semel facto non refluit, ne inane et vacuum admittatur. Sic cursus aquae praeter naturam, arte naturalis redditur: rem ergo vere naturalem ars ipsa efficit. Nam hie fluxus vere naturalis est, quamvis vi quadam sic factus maneat." LP, 180—81. Once again, these examples are frequent in earlier literature.

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have opportunely grafted a bloom or a leaf by means of art. O what a wonderful fact of art! The bloom of one plant thus grafted changes the whole tree into another species; it changes it in such a way, even though the bloom is grafted onto a very small cutting or branch. Therefore, what can now prevent me from concluding that something natural has really been done by art? A pear tree has been made from a cabbage and a new species of plant from the ingrafting (as they say) of the bloom. And certainly there is no reason why you should ascribe this workmanship and this result to nature, especially since a greater force of nature may live in the root and stem of the other plant than in the bloom recently grafted; but by means of art, through the bloom having been grafted onto the cutting, a new species is born. The new species having been produced by art may properly be called a natural thing.23

Here is perhaps as good an example of the intervention of art into nature as one could find in 1600. We should notice that it fulfills Case's basic requirements of making use of the materials provided by nature and of not going against the course of nature but actually helping it in its function. This is acceptable within the canons of Peripatetic philosophy and utilizes the new way of thinking in which man becomes an active participant in the natural process. Thus he shows himself heir to Aristotle and to the Pico—Ficino—della Porta tradition that will culminate in Bacon's thoughts on the same subject a few years later. As is well known to specialists, but perhaps not so much emphasized as it might be in more general contexts, the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in England saw a great development in such agricultural and gardening techniques as grafting.24 23. "Tu (ut opinor) corticem aliquando brasicae, aut alterius agrestis fruticis incidis cultro, ibique inter corticem et truncum plantae florem aut folium arte opportune inseris. O miram rem artis! Flos alterius plantae ita insertus totam arborem in aliam speciem mutat: imo mutat, tametsi flos ille in minimum virgultum aut ramusculum inseratur. Quid nunc obstat ergo quo minus concludam, arte rem naturalem fieri? Fit enim ex brasica pyrus, novaque species plantae ex inoculatione (ut aiunt) Boris. Et certe non est quod naturae hoc opus et effectum ascribas, praesertim cum vis maior naturae in radice et trunco alterius plantae, quam in flore recenter inserto vivat: at arte per florem insitum in virgulam nova species nascitur, quae nova species arte facta, res vere naturalis appelletur." LP, 180. The reader can consider this text carefully for himself. It seems to be relatively interesting and important, even if there are problems of interpretation. The botanical terms used here, e.g., brasica [sic] and pyrus, are perhaps capable of different interpretations than I have given them. It should also be noted that grafting, as normally understood now, is a technique applicable only to shrubs and trees. 24. See Webster, Great Instauration, 465-83, and the literature cited there. For the contemporary literature see Fussell, English Farming Books, and Henrey, Botanical and Horticultural Literature.

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Case's use of plant grafting as an example of the fruitful intervention of art into a prepared and receptive nature has various parallels in contemporary English literature. Perhaps most striking is the similarity between the position he put forward and the one expressed in a far more elegant way a few years later by William Shakespeare. In a justly famous passage of The Winter's Tale (1611) we read: Perdita. Polixenes.

For I have heard it said There is an art which, in their piedness, shares With great creating nature. Say there be; Yet nature is made better by no mean, But nature makes that mean: so, over that art Which you say adds to nature, is an art That nature makes. You see, sweet maid, we marry A gentler scion to the wildest stock, And make conceive a bark of baser kind By bud of nobler race: this is an art Which does mend nature, change it rather, but The art itself is nature. [IV, iv, 86-gv]25

Yet Case did not go so far in claiming important advances through the use of grafting techniques as did Francis Bacon a generation later. In the New Atlantis (1626), improved gardening techniques, including the free use of grafting, were considered to be among the important advances bringing substantial social benefit to Salomon's House. Here the application of "art" to a receptive nature was the key factor: In these [orchards and gardens] we practise likewise all conclusions of grafting and inoculating, as well of wild-trees as fruit trees, which produceth many effects. And we make (by art) in the same orchards and gardens, trees and flowers to come earlier or later than their seasons; and to come up and bear more speedily than by their natural cause they do. We make them also by art greater much than their nature.. . ."a6 25. Many other literary parallels could be found, esp. in the other works of Shakespeare and in Spenser's Faerie Queen. Of the substantial literature on this see Wilson, "Nature and Art"; Kermode, introduction to The Tempest, esp. xxxiv-lix; C.S. Lewis, Allegory of Love, 3a6f.; and Maclure, "Nature and Art." Tayler, Nature and Art, is of limited value since "nature," "art," and "literature" are interpreted in a much more restricted sense than they were during the Renaissance. 26. F. Bacon, Works, III: 158.

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John Case and Aristotelianism

In the Sylva sylvarum, published in 1627, Bacon is much more precise and specifies a number of particular operations that will improve, in a variety of ways, the growing of trees and other plants. Included is a good bit of grafting that once again is seen as the implementation of art to improve upon the ordinary course of nature.27 Bacon goes significantly beyond Case and is much more specific in advocating particular experiments to produce valuable results in the rearing of plants. What is important to bear in mind, however, is that the basic germ of Lord Verulam's idea was already present in Case's Lapis philosophicus, a representative exposition of Aristotelian natural philosophy of a generation before. While accepting the legitimate use of art in nature, Case attempts to drive a wedge between that use and what he considers to be the unsatisfactory application of art by the Paracelsians. The dividing line he sets down is a thin one and not nearly so well defined as he would make us believe. As already noted, he emphasized that nature provides the materials upon which art can operate. While the examples cited above seem clear-cut enough, and one might conclude that Case has made a significant advance in clarifying a very complicated and obscure subject, he goes on to muddy the water considerably. Besides saying that nature provides materials by way of elements, formal and material principles, and motion, he goes on to claim that such things as incantations, amulets and the position of the stars come under the umbrella of "natural things." Quite surprisingly, he argues that "there is a power for moving, changing, and helping nature to be found in words, signs, medical preparations, and amulets. Agrippa, Guido, and Haly"8 are witnesses to this in their works. Hippocrates and Galen do not deny it, nor does Aristotle himself deny it, for he often ascribes to art what he does not grant to nature."29 A few pages further on there is a similar passage: It is evident that medical thinkers everywhere place a high value on amulets; that astrologers place not a little value on their characters, rings, and talismans, 27. Ibid., II: esp. 475-527, Centuries V and VI, where many specific examples are given. 28. These are Henricus Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486—1533), Guido Bonatti (d. ca. 1297), and 'Ali Ibn Ridwan (fl. s. XI). 29. "Philosophus quidem totus in hac re nunc videri velim, sed omissis verbis rem agrediar. Multa sane mira, multa stupenda de arte traduntur, loquatur pro se (si placet) astrologia, loquatur naturalis magia, loquatur medicina, quae si loquantur, hoc unum

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if they are made when the stars are in a particular position and conjunction. These are not tricks, nor are they deceptions of the demons, but truly natural things as Plato and Plotinus hold. I say that they are natural, for having been fashioned in such a way they have taken on a certain celestial power and have remarkable effects on diseases and evil phenomena.30 Case consequently does not deny that the stock-in-trade of the magi and of various practitioners of the occult arts have some efficacy, but he tries to reduce the virtue found in the words and inanimate objects to natural means. Thus, for him—at least in certain cases—it seems as though a drug compounded from natural herbs is to be lumped in the same category as amulets, incantations, and mystical images and symbols. Moreover, he does not clearly distinguish the activities of Haly, Guido Bonatti and Agrippa on the one hand from those of Hippocrates and Galen on the other. They are all making legitimate use of nature and are not going against the natural course of things. On the other hand, Case well realizes that some practitioners of the magical arts carry the matter to an extreme. He speaks of "incantations, words, herbs, amulets, mirrors, carvings, even images of the constellations, and many hundreds of other symbols of madness which are even more meaningless,"31 and concludes that if they have any efficacy at all, they must derive it from nature. The way in which he speaks of these things shows that he wavers in the "symbolic" approach to man's cooperation with nature. While not entirely sceptical of the efficacy of such things, he recognizes a danger in their application. certe dicent, arte posse rem naturalem fieri. Est enim vis in verbis, est vis in signis, est vis in confectis medicinis etamuletis, movendi, mutandi, adiuvandi naturam. Agrippa, Guido, Haly, voluminibus hoc ipsum testantur. Hippocrates, Galenus non negant; non id inficias ipse Aristoteles, qui arti id saepe ascribit, quod naturae non dedit." LP, 179. The Aristotelian position described here is perhaps more characteristic of the spurious works than of the genuine ones. See, e.g., Mechanica 8743. 30. "Constat ubique sapientes medicos plurimi aestimare amuleta; suosque characteres, annulos, et imagines non parvi aestimare astrologos, si certo astrorum situ et aspectu fiant. Non sunt ludibria ista, non sunt praestigiae daemonum, sed res vere naturales, ut Plato et Plotinus decent: naturales dico, quia sic factae vim quandam caelestem induunt, miraque effecta in morbis et malis profligandis habent." LP, 181. In a marginal note Case gives more specific references to Plato and Plotinus, which seem to be (Pseudo-) Plato, De iusto (perhaps 3753-^ and Plotinus, Enneades IV, 4, 40, where the efficacy of magic spells is traced to a purely natural source. Case also refers to Augustine, De civitate Dei X, 11, where Porphyry's distinction between good and bad magic is discussed. For the terminology see, e.g., Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, 88-89, 98. 132; and Zambelli, "II problema della magia naturale," 285. 31. "Carolina, verba, herbae, amuleta, specula, insculpta denique syderum figuris

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John Case and Aristotelianism III. CASE ON ALCHEMY

Case, however, is prepared to go even further in assimilating magic and man's domination over nature into his neo-Aristotelian synthesis. The next section of the Lapis philosophicus takes up the question "Whether natural gold can really be made by the chemical art?" ("Utrum arte chymica vere aurum naturale fiat?)38. While admitting that he has elsewhere been harsh—just how harsh, we shall soon see— on the alchemists, he now comes out firmly in favour of their endeavour. Alchemy is not without its dangers, he admits, and indeed it is open to many different abuses. Moreover, it is not a game to be played by beginners, for real danger to life can result from the improper use of the alchemical furnace.33 Still, Case leaves no doubt in the mind of the reader that he firmly believes in the transmutational possibilities of alchemy. In fact, he says so in so many words in a particularly revealing passage: Since sulphur and quicksilver are the common materials for producing all metals (as Aristotle and nearly all philosophers wisely teach) and since gold, the purest of metals, not only has its material component from sulphur but also its colour, and likewise silver has its from mercury, who is so dull-witted as not to see that these materials can be combined by art in such a way so that gold and silver can be made by compounding them? But it is both hard work and a difficult task to bring natural form into this matter through art. I certainly know it to be laborious and toilsome, but not impossible. Laborious and toilsome, I say, since both celestial heat and particularly solar heat are required to convert them into gold (as the Philosopher says in his Meteorology). But few among the wise understand just how art can rule over heaven and the sun.34

As can be seen from this text, Case not only believed in the powers of alchemy but also felt that there was nothing in such a belief that was idola, aliaque sexcenta ilia vaniora symbola insaniae, si quam vim praeter fraudem daemoniacam habeant, habent illara quidem a natura, nempe ab occulta et multiplied influentia aspectuque syderum, motuque rerum naturalium, aut a natural! potentia daemonuin, qui praeter longam experientiam et usum rerum, spiritualem essentiam et cognitionem (qua homines discutiendo vacillantes fallantur), adhuc post lapsum retinent." LP, 178. 32. Ibid., 181-83. F°r an outline see the tabula reproduced in Appendix VII. 33. Ibid., 181. 34. "Cum sulphur et argentum [text: agentum] vivum sint materia communis omnibus metallis procreandis (ut Aristoteles omnesque fere philosophi sapienter

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contrary to the fundamental principles of Aristotelian philosophy. The view that from sulphur and quicksilver all other metals can be produced is not immediately evident from the genuine works of Aristotle. But, as already mentioned, Case, like most others of his time, had a view of Aristotle somewhat different from ours, owing to his acceptance of certain spurious works as genuine. The view here put forward as being Aristotle's may well occur in one of the spurious alchemical works that went under his name during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.35 The Meteorology text referred to must be the one in which Aristotle speaks of the significance of solar heat in the general functioning of his system of natural philosophy.36 In that context, there is no specific alchemical meaning involved. Although the works of Aristotle do not provide the basis for alchemical beliefs Case claims to find there, he is not the first to so interpret them. Indeed, he is heir to a long line of Aristotelian commentators and interpreters who fused genuine Aristotelian doctrine with materials drawn from a wide range of alchemical writings. Chief among these perhaps were Albert the Great and Roger Bacon. Though there is some question as to the extent of their direct involvement with alchemy, owing particularly to the problem of the attribution of questionable works,37 there can be no doubt of these authors' sympathy with the alchemical tradition. Bacon himself is mentioned by Case in terms of high praise: "Pride and decent), cumque aurum metallorum purissimum, non solurn materiam a sulphure sed tincturam habeat, similiterque argentum a mercuric, quis est tarn inerti ingenio qui non videat, posse has materias arte temperari, ut ex iisdem contemperatis aurum et argentum fiant? Sed hie labor, hoc opus est, ut forma naturalis in hanc materiam arte inducatur. Certe et laboriosum et operosum esse agnosco, sed non impossible. Laboriosum et operosum esse dico, quia in auro conficiendo calor coelestis et praecipue Solaris (teste philosopho in Meteoris) requiritur: at quomodo ars coelo et soli imperet, perpauci inter sapientes intelligunt." Ibid., 181. 35. For alchemical works attributed to Aristotle during the Middle Ages see Thorndike and Kibre, Catalogue of Incipits, 1741; and Thorndike, History, I: 248-78, esp. 251-53. For the specific case of the Secret of Secrets, which has a significant alchemical component and which exerted an enormous influence in many different cultures down to the seventeenth century, see Manzalaoui, "Pseudo-Aristotelian"; and Ryan and Schmitt, Pseudo Aristotle. 36. Esp. Meteor. I, 3 (341313-37). 37. For the case of Albert see the following articles by Pearl Kibre: "Alchemical Writings Ascribed to Albertus Magnus" (which lists some thirty alchemical works attributed to Albert), "An Alchemical Tract Attributed to Albertus Magnus;" "The De occultis naturae attributed to Albertus Magnus," and "Albertus Magnus, De occultis nature."

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honour of our ancient English academy" ("Angliae decus et honor antiquae Academiae nostrae"), in a passagejust before the one quoted. The Aristotelian key to all of this lies in Case's way of formulating the putative transmutational process. It will be noted that the conceptual framework of the alchemical process is once again the familiar hylomorphic one, the key phrase being "natural form is brought into this matter" ("ut forma naturalis in hanc materiam . . . inducatur"). Thus, once again the general Peripatetic basis for Case's thought comes to the fore. But following the syncretic principle in a way reminiscent of Ficino or Steuco, he is willing to allow novelty to enter. From what Case says here and elsewhere, it does not seem unlikely that he himself was familiar with the practical aspect of alchemy and, if he was not a practitioner himself, that he had witnessed the laboratory procedure of working alchemists. This is not to say that the Lapisphilosophicus gives us specific recipes of the detailed procedures for transmutation and other alchemical operations. Besides all else, the work is not the sort where such a disscusion would fit. What Case does is to speak in rather general terms of his confidence in the art of alchemy, relating its efficacy to the Peripatetic hylomorphic structure of corporeals and to celestial influences of various sorts, which, if not strictly speaking are to be found in Aristotle, were part of the Peripatetic synthesis at Case's time.38 Case gives much emphasis to the fact that for the alchemical operations to be effective, they must be rightly carried out. Proper preparations must be made and great care must be taken in providing the proper physical conditions of transmutation. These include not only having the necessary base materials, but also waiting until astrological conditions are propitious. In doing this, the alchemist must have acquired skill through experience, for he must be able astutely to take note of the celestial conditions necessary for his task and to make use of their powers on properly prepared materials.39 Case's belief in the role of 38. An interesting example, similar in many ways to Case, of an Aristotelian approach to alchemy is to be found in Andreas Libavius (ca. 1560-1616). See the discussion in Hannaway, Chemists and the Word, esp. 75-151. 39. "Sed attentius mecum considera chymicorum in hac re solertiam. Illi parata materia globum coeli vertunt, observant tempora, aspectus notant, non ignorant influentias syderum, opportune materiam auri, igne artificiali dociliorem ad recipiendam formam auri factam, obiiciunt soli, et ut unus idemque numero radius solis ignisque caelestis est in acre, cum lumen solis per ignem in aerem transit. Ita unus idemque calor ignis et solis est, cum in materiam auri docilem et praeparatam cadat. Sic ut vides quamvis ars imperare coelo solique non possit, potest tamen observare tempora, in quibus

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astrological phenomena in influencing not only alchemical operations but others as well comes out clearly in the following passage: Moreover, to add strength to my arguments, I say that art is a rival and the best imitator of nature. . .. Therefore, it must not be doubted that [the alchemist] can also produce the philosopher's stone and purest gold, if, as he ought, he wisely applies natural active things to passive ones and various mixtures and combinations to sulphur and quicksilver, through a fire gently heating but not destroying them, (having observed the appearance of the heavens and the influence of the stars). Just as physicians—having collected herbs (with the sun being in this or that sign [of the zodiac]) just as the art will have prescribed [i.e., the art will have prescribed which sign of the zodiac the sun is to be in]—have by that art better preparations and more beneficial medicines, which still completely lose their powers, if the constellation [of the heavens] is not observed; in the same way chemists—having prepared and compounded the material of gold and silver by a gently warming fire—, if the goldproducing constellation and influence of the sun and Mercury are not, observed, cut themselves off from and deprive themselves of the hope [of producing gold]. If, on the contrary, they observe these conditions, they will without a doubt be granted the answer to their prayers and they will make natural gold by means of art.40 Here we see that Case explicitly states the answer to the question raised with regard to nature,41 namely, art is a rival of nature. It will be noted, however, that the "art" required is closely allied to having the proper "natural" conditions, including propitious astronomical positions. materiam tarn apte, tarn tempestive accommodet, ut sol et coelum non possint non suas vires in eandem materiam tarn apte et tempestive praeparatam exercere, formamque auri veram inducere". LP, 181—82. 40. "Praeterea ut vires addam argumentis meis, dico artem aemulam et imitatricem optimam esse naturae. ... Non dubitandum igitur est, quin etiam possit lapidem philosophicum, aurumque purissirnurn constituere, si ut debet naturalia activa passivis, variamque permixtionem et temperiem sulphuri et argento vivo, per ignem foventem, non vastantem (coeli aspectu et astrorum influxu observatis) prudenter accommodet. Nam ut medici collectis herbis (sole in hoc vel illo signo existente) prout ars praescripserit, arte meliores confectiones, et salubriores medicinas habent, quae tamen vires suas omnino perdunt si non observetur aspectus; ita chymici paratis, compositis, ignique fovente temperatis auri et argenti materiis, si solis et Mercurii aureum aspectum et influxum non observent, spe sua decidunt et privantur. Sin vero observent, proculdubio vota obtinebunt, aurumque arte confident naturale." Ibid., 182-83. The works of Walker, Yates, and Zambelli cited above in n. 11, are helpful in illuminating the context of this passage. 41. See the beginning of sec. II, above.

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CASE AND SCIENTIFIC PROGRESS

Exhibiting a view of progress that puts him clearly on the side of the moderns and not in the camp of the backward-looking conservatives into which modern scholars have usually put him, Case gives some clear hints of why he has confidence in the transmutational claims of the alchemists. Not only have some of the techniques and bits of knowledge previously known to the ancients been lost in later times, but also new technical knowledge has been gained by mankind with the passing of time. Case's view on progress is clearly articulated in several passages, which could well have come from either of the Bacons rather than from an avowed Aristotelian such as Case. Since these texts are of interest and only partially repeat one another, it might be well to quote both of them before discussing them: It is enough, if our ancestors, who once upon a time did not see the many achievements of art which you now see—the printing press, say; the use of gunpowder, the art of making glass from flint—did [in the end] see them. I again take the occasion here of emphasizing my point. From the powder of flint, glass is made by the power of purified fire; then too, from sulphur, by the means of the power of fire having been highly purified, gold can be made. By art the matter is prepared, by art the flame is compounded, by art the influence is observed; hence gold is born, if diligence is applied. I conclude therefore what I first proposed: that art can fashion a truly natural thing and that real and natural gold can be produced.42 Our ancestors from times past did not know of the printing press, they did not know—happily, for certain, they did not know—of gunpowder, they did not know the art of making glass from ashes, nor did they know about the smoking of aged tobacco. What need of many words? We do not know how to use many of the arts whose value they formerly understood. Why therefore do you deny that it is possible for us unfortunate ones in this age of iron to have the art of making gold, which our fortunate fathers for the most part did not know about. Indeed, God has long ago hidden this mystery from mortal creatures so 42. "Satis est si maiores viderint, qui olim multa artis opera, quae tu nunc vides, non viderunt; puta literarum typographicum prelum, Tartarei pulveris usum, artem ex silice [corr. ex filice] conficiendi vitrum. Arripio hie ansam iterum inculcandi causatn, ex silicis pulvere vi ignis depurato fit vitrum; ex sulphure ergo vi ignis sublimati fieri potest aurum. Arte praeparatur materia, arte componitur flamma, arte observatur influentia; hinc aurum nascitur, si adhibeatur industria. Conclude igitur quod imprimis proposui: artem posse rem vere naturalem fingere, aurumque verum et naturale efformare." LP, 183-

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they might strive for a longer time after the mystery of their salvation. Having breathed the smell of chemical gold and its fumes, one could easily disparage [the mystery of salvation].43

A number of important things emerge from these two passages. First of all, we see that Case holds that some of the knowledge of previous times has been lost but that other new knowledge has been gained to replace it. Thus we find that he adheres to the prisca tradition, in speaking of earlier knowledge having been lost and in referring to the present age as an "age of iron." At the same time, however, he emphasizes the creative aspect of man's abilities to formulate new knowledge and techniques. The instances of new knowledge he mentions are of interest. Printing and gunpowder are two of the commonplaces of the period, and from the sixteenth century onward they have, along with the invention of the compass, been taken to be characteristically progressive aspects of the Renaissance. In mentioning these, he is in the good company of Francis Bacon among others.44 He also mentions the smoking of tobacco as one of the new wonders of the age. Tobacco had indeed been introduced into England only a short time before, and, as has often been noted, it was less than a decade before Case that Edmund Spenser in 1590 gave poetic reference to the use of tobacco for the first time.45 In all of this, Case was very much a man of his age, as much so as were Ralegh, Spenser, or Bacon. While not mentioning the compass as an illustration of man's ingenuity and progressiveness in the realm of technical innovation, Case adds another example that is somewhat puzzling. He speaks of a new technique of making glass. This could be important; not only should we want to claim Case as a "philosopher of industrial science," but also it might shed light on technical innovation in late-sixteenth-century England. Case, however, is unduly vague when he speaks of glass being made from powdered flint (ex silicis 43. "Maiores nostri antiquitus ignorarunt typographicum prelum, ignorarunt—et faeliciter ignorarunt certe—tormentarium pulverem, ignorarunt artem ex cineribus conficiendi vitrum, ignorarunt longaevi tabaci fumum. Quid multis? et nos multarum artium usum ignoramus, quarum illi fructum olim perceperunt. Cur ergo negas quin fieri possit, ut in hac ferrea aetate nos infaelices hanc artem conficiendi aurum teneamus, quam fortunati patres maxima ex parte ignorarunt. Occultavit enim Deus mortalibus diu hoc mysterium, ut diutius salutis suae mysterio studerent, quod auro chymico fumoque suffocatus facile contemnit." Ibid., 198. 44. Novum organum I, 109-10 (Works, I: 207-9). 45. Faerie Queene III, v, 32.

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pulvere) in one place and from ashes (ex cineribus) in another. Since he has given this innovation such prominence alongside other wellattested examples, one could well suppose that he knew something of a new glass-making technique then being developed, which somehow never really came to fruition as a viable commercial possibility. According to studies on the history of glassmaking in England,46 the important changes in technique do not really fit into Case's description. During the second half of the sixteenth century the technical superiority of the Venetian method of making glass came to England, but its advance over earlier English glassmaking does not correspond to what Case says. The development of so-called flint glass, which was an important step forward, did not come until the second half of the seventeenth century. It is possible that Case may have been familiar with an early attempt to use flint,47 which he had seen in the furnaces of the alchemists. But this innovation never became a commercially viable process, at least in the years immediately after he was writing. Case argues analogically that, since these recent successes clearly indicate that new technical processes are possible, there is no reason to doubt that the artificial fabrication of gold is also possible. As fire turns flint into glass, why cannot it also turn sulphur into gold? Here is both the strength and the weakness of his method—as it is also the strength and weakness of the methods of the alchemists and of Bacon. Innovation is of course possible and practicable, but it is not always clear at the outset which procedures will prove possible and which ones not. The analogy between the production of glass and gold is a tempting and plausible one, but one that in the final analysis turns out to be manifestly false. The moral and religious sentiment at the end of the second passage cited is also worth noting. Case obviously sees alchemy as a very enticing occupation, one that could even lead one astray from the central responsibility of seeing to one's salvation, a danger emphasized in various literary contexts at the time.48 His analysis of why the discovery of secrets is so difficult is a rather feeble one, although very 46. See Singer, History of Technology, III: 206-44. The more specialized sources on the history of glassmaking in England that I have consulted do nothing to clarify Case's discussion. 47. The use of the term silex in this context is not clear and can have meanings other than "flint," as one can see by consulting various Latin dictionaries. In any case, "flint glass" as it later developed was not made from flint. 48. See the introduction to Ben Jonson, The Alchemist, and Read, The Alchemist.

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common among contemporaries. Surely, if God had the foresight to hide away the secrets of transmutation to prevent men from becoming too preoccupied with them, he could have done a better job in concealing them! We have already noted that Case sang the praises of Roger Bacon, and we have also noted that he was not entirely opposed to the writings of Haly, Bonatti, Agrippa, and others who are usually associated with the occultist and magical tradition. A prevailing modern interpretation that has emerged in the past several decades is that such writers lead in a straight line to Dee and Bacon, whose ideas form the stuff from which modern science is made. According to this interpretation, an author such as Case who represents the continuation of Aristotelianism lies wholly outside of the fruitful and productive mainstream of thought. This is not necessarily so. Certainly Case held unyieldingly to many of the traditional Aristotelian positions that were to have no place in the world-view that emerged in the seventeenth century. On the other hand—and this is what previous interpreters have failed to give him and other Aristotelians of his period credit for—he shared with non-Aristotelian contemporaries some of the ideas that were to prove most fruitful in the seventeenth century. Indeed, an interpreter such as Paolo Rossi seems not to realize how close Case was to Francis Bacon on several key issues.49 Case is indeed critical of certain contemporary tendencies. Not only do Machiavelli and the Paracelsians come under his censure, but he is particularly scornful of the Scotists, This dislike for the Subtle Doctor and his followers is characteristic of many in England who were exposed to university philosophy during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.50 By Case's time, however, there was already a revival of interest in England in various aspects of medieval philosophy and theology, including the Scotist tradition. Richard Hooker and others had begun to see a real value in the subtle reasoning of Scotus,51 but this was one aspect of the contemporary re-evaluation of medieval thought 49. Rossi, Francesco Bacone, 126-27. 50. See above, Chapter I, pp. 62-63. I" the section of the Lapis philosophic^ I am presently discussing there is an extended attack upon Scotus and his followers for holding that nature is entirely passive without having an active element. The tenor of his critique is evident from the beginning, which reads: "Scotomiam ergo vel potius caecitatem Scoti hoc loco in hoc fundamento fugio: quia naturam simpliciter servam et passivum instrumentum facit." LP, 173-75. 51. See above, Chapter I, pp. 64-68.

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Case eschewed.52 Nevertheless, he is favourably disposed to the native occult tradition not only of Roger Bacon, as we have already seen, but also of contemporaries such as Dee and his follower Edward Kelley.53 Indeed, Case's friends, acquaintances, and contacts were not wholly dissimilar to those of Dee.54 In the discussion of nature and art in the Lapis philosophicus he shows himself warmly receptive to the alchemical and magical efforts of Dee and Kelley. The extent to which he was actually acquainted with the two would be difficult to assess, but the fact that he gets Kelley's Christian name wrong could possibly indicate that Case was not in direct contact with the famous Elizabethan charlatan. On the other hand, Kelley changed names—and indeed personae—so frequendy that one could hardly be blamed for not keeping such details straight. At all events, Case quite clearly ends up on the side of Kelley and Dee, accepting at face value the account of the peculiar event said to have happened at Mortlake and elsewhere a few years before.55 He unequivocally says: "We now believe that Sir Richard [sic] Kelly is producing gold itself by the use of the philosopher's stone and without deceit or fraud."56 V.

CASE'S CRITIQUE OF THE PARACELSIANS

While accepting much novelty and assimilating a good deal of sixteenth-century innovation into his work (pace Rossi), as already mentioned, Case was unalterably opposed to the endeavour of the Paracelsians.57 The roots of Case's distinction between legitimate and illegitimate means of practising alchemy are the same as those used by 52. This is somewhat strange. Case placed a more positive evaluation on such medieval doctrines as intension and remission of forms and fourteenth-century discussions of the relation of theology to natural phenomena than did most of his contemporaries. See the previous chapter, sec. V. 53. Of the rather extensive literature on this subject, still fundamental is Calder, "John Dee." 54. E.g., he had relations with the Sidney circle. Like Dee, Case was a correspondent of William Camden, and he dedicated a work to Sir Christopher Hatton. Matthew Gwinne, writer on alchemy and the first professor of medicine at Gresham College, was one of Case's students and remained a lifelong friend. Both Nicholas Breton, another associate of Case, and Gwinne were friends of John Florio. For further details on these associations see above, Chapters II and III. 55. A useful account is in Elias Ashmole, Theatrum chemicum Bntannicum, 478-84. 56. "... ut nos nunc credimus aureum ilium Militem Dominum Richardum Kelly usu lapidis philosophic! sine fuco sine fraude idipsum fabricare." LP, 183. 57. See esp. the text quoted above, p. 181.

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Renaissance purveyors of the magical tradition per se, for example, Agrippa and Ficino.58 This comes out most clearly in the section of the Lapis philosophicus where, after the questions we have been discussing had been taken up, there is added a tabula and a series of responses to questions. Case's work being a pedagogical instrument,59 it contains various elements of use to the student attempting to master his system of natural philosophy. In the tabula relating to the question of alchemy the "chemical art" is neatly divided into (i) the magical method, which produces gold with the help of demons, and (2) the physical method, which can truly bring gold into existence.60 Of the first sort he makes the further distinction between apparent production of gold (carried out by trickery) and the true uncovering of gold (carried out by necromancy). With regard to the latter, Case's position is not quite clear: at one point he seems to say that the necromantici actually produce gold, while elsewhere he says that they bring to light gold that has been immersed in the sea or buried in the earth. In any case there is a very deep gulf between the "physical" and the "magical" art. The "magical" is on the whole to be spurned, though Case does waver on this point, and one suspects that he is not entirely consistent in his terminology. To this we shall return shortly. What is certain is that the Paracelsians are on the magical side and unacceptable to Case. They pursue, according to him, a course in which nature is not properly taken account of and art is applied in a way that runs counter to nature. The teachings of Paracelsus had come into England only in Case's own time.61 We do not seem to have enough information on Case's medical practice68 to know how he reacted to the iatrochemical aspects of Paracelsianism. In all probability, Case was rather traditionally Galenic in his approach to medicine and probably disliked the Paracelsians as much for their attempted reform of medical methodology and practice as for their acceptance of the homunculus myth. For 58. On this point see the material discussed in Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic. 59. This is evident from the arrangement of the work into quaestiones, as well as from various directives throughout the book. Case's textbooks were among the first books printed at the new university press. For further details see above, pp. 178-80. 60. See the full text quoted in Appendix VII. 61. For a summary see Debus, English Paracelsians, esp. 57ff., where it is shown that Bostocke's Difference betwene the auncient phisicke... and latter phisicke (London, 1585) is the first work published in England to give a reasonably comprehensive account of Paracelsian doctrine. In general see Webster, "Alchemical and Paracelsian Medicine." 62. For Case's medical education and practice see above, Chapter II.

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whatever the reason, he shares Francis Bacon's abhorrence of the Paracelsian challenge.63 It was a novelty and, from whatever standards it is to be judged, at best a mixed blessing. Though Case never becomes really specific in the matter, he does know of a few of the Paracelsians' major doctrines and rejects their teachings in no uncertain terms. After emphasizing that the use of art must be in accord with nature, he lashes out against them: Let the Paracelsians be silent and no longer impudently boast that they can produce natural things directly by their art without any natural thing having been made use of! Certainly, the wondrous oracles—or rather the sophisms of their art—brag that without any doubt they can impart animating and vital motions and powers into metals, stones, and all inanimate objects! Thus (how one trembles to say it) they brag that they can procreate a man merely by the chemical art without the mating of male and female! Truly, I believe that [this is done] by the philosopher's stone, for children are not produced by them [the Paracelsians] in any other fashion. I pass over their words, but only consider their ideas here. It is certain that the form of art is not causative of natural change, but that, if something natural is done, then the power of nature lies hidden behind the scenes. Therefore, if there is no principle of natural motion, something natural is not made by art.64

Here Case has certainly focused upon one of the most vulnerable of the Paracelsian doctrines, that of the homunculus. Not original with Paracelsus, this belief has a long history going back to classical and Jewish sources and continuing to have defenders during the Middle Ages in Europe,65 Paracelsus, however, gave it currency in the 63. See, e.g., Novum organum II, 48 (Works, I: 339); Sylva sylvarum X, pref. (Works, II: 641); and especially Temporis partus masculus (Works, HI: 527—39, esp. 533). Cf. Partington, History of Chemistry, II: 389-414, esp. 402. It has recently been argued that Bacon's dependence on Paracelsian ideas is greater than at first glance it might seem. See Rees, "Bacon's Cosmology." 64. "Taceant Paracelsiani, et diutius impudenter ne iactent, se posse res naturales simpliciter sua arte, sine ulla re naturali subiecta fabricare. Mirabilia certe ostentant oracula, vel potius sophismata artis suae, nimirum se posse metallis, lapidibus, rebusque omnibus inanimatis, vegetabiles, et vitales motus et vires indere. Imo (quod horrendum est dictu) se posse hominem sine maris et foeminae amplexu, arte sola chymica procreare. Credo equidem lapide philosophico; nam aliter ab illis infantuli non generantur. Omitto verba, rem solam ago: certum est formam artis non esse effectricem motus naturalis, sed intus latere naturae potentiam, si aliquid naturale fiat. Si ergo non sit principium naturalis motus, res naturalis arte non fit." LP, 178. 65. A useful brief summary is in Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, IV: 286-89. See also Scholem, Kabbalah, 351-55, where further literature is cited.

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sixteenth century.66 According to this bizarre teaching, a type of human can be produced by artificial means. This, for Case, is a prime example of the illegitimate application of art and a misuse of it against nature. Again, like Bacon, Case is sympathetic to the use of various forms of natural magic, but draws the line at some of the more extravagant claims of the Paracelsians. This attitude comes to the fore again in his Sphaera civitatis, where in the context of discussing the punishment to be meted out for various civil crimes, he raises the question, "Whether magicians [magici] and their supporters are to be justly subjected to capital punishment."67 After noting that this point was not covered in Aristotle's works, he sets out to give his own answer. Since the magici set out to deceive, they must be considered betrayers of princes. Their deception and betrayal are to be classed in the same category as sedition and, like sedition, must be punished by the capital penalty. Case thus is in the final analysis quite harsh in his judgement of the magici, by which term he seems to mean those who practise black magic as opposed to the operations of art done in accord with nature.68 As part of the same question two further points are taken up, 66. Paracelsus, Opera omnia, II: 474—78 (De homunculis) and passim. Curiously enough those interpreters of Paracelsianism who emphasize the fruitful and progressive aspects of the tradition vis-a-vis modern thought have little to say about this aspect. 67. "Utrum magici eorumque fautores capitali paena iuste sint plectendi." SC, 443. 68. After specifically stating that Aristotle does not discuss this point, Case continues: "... [magici] sunt quidem blasphemi sacrilegi, qui volantes in sinum Dei quod proprium Deo est, nempe omnia praescire flagitiosissime sibi assumunt; isti natalia fata hominibus, fatalia portenta civitatibus, mirabilia secreta omnibus se posse praedicere ubique iactitant, et sane laribus suis instructi multa mira, miracula vero nulla omnino faciunt, oculum saepe praestigiatores, at animum saepe divinatores fallunt. Simon Magus (ut ferunt) visus est in altum suis ipsius viribus volare, sed Petro orante blasphemus cecidit et spectante populo animam efflavit. Faxit Deus ut istis temporibus non cum ethnicis a veris Christi oraculis ad Delphica praesagia, a tesseris salutis ad magicorum somnia et commenta fugiamus, sed oblitus mei longior sum quam oportet, rem igitur in manibus sic probo. Proditores principum digni sunt capitali pena, ergo magici eorumque fautores pena maiore, si fieri id potuisset, plectendi. Ratio tenet, quia isti non in mortalem sed in ipsum Deum vi quadam proxime rapiuntur, eiusdemque nomine se agere falsissime mentiuntur: hinc enim ieiunant, orant, numen invocant, characteribus salutis se muniunt, aliasque cermonias exercent, sed quorsum? Certe ut simplices et ignorantes sub specie religionis facinorose fallant. Alterum argumentum est a testimonio sacrae philosophiae, quae ad istos nos convertere non solum prohibuit, sed etiam capitali pena sic facientes condemnavit. Postremo a bono civitatis hoc ipsum probo. Utile et salutare est ut capitali pena authores seditionis tollerentur; sed magici et eorum fautores sunt authores seditionis, ergo magici et fautores seditionis capitali pena tollendi." SC, 443-44.

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including the question of whether Moses was a practitioner of magic. In taking up this matter, which was very much discussed in the period and which gave rise to a very rich sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literature,69 Case does not see Moses as a magus strictly speaking as did many of his contemporaries and successors,70 but interprets him as having been given extraordinary powers as a Prophet of God: Moses did not, instructed in the magical art, perform wonders, as the magicians do; but, directed by the finger of God, as God's prophet, he performed miracles! He was versed in all of the Egyptian knowledge, but not in the same way [as were the Egyptian magici themselves], for they learned many things from the Devil, while he learned all things from God. The examples of Moses, Joseph, and Daniel in no way help [the cause of] the magici, for these [prophets], inspired by the Divine Spirit, proclaimed the most hidden prophecies of their time, the predictions of future events.71

The discussion of the use of magic in a political context helps us to understand Case's position more fully. He has no sympathy with charlatans and those who traffic with The Devil in proffering magical claims. They must be treated in the same way as traitors to the state, for they do in fact betray the confidence princes place in them. Moreover, he cannot side with those who have claimed Moses and other Old Testament prophets to have been in the camp of the magici in view of their extraordinary powers. Thus, in the final analysis, both magic working in accord with nature and that specifically directed by God in the person of his chosen prophets are acceptable, while that done in collusion with demons is not. VI. CONCLUSIONS

Case's attitude on this matter underlines his fundamental position on the nature-art problem, which might be best characterized as cautious optimism. He is quite willing to temper the traditional Aristotelian 69. For further information see the bibliography collected in my "Prisca theologia e philosophiaperennis," 233, n. 77. 70. E.g., see Cudworth, True Intellectual System, I: 20-21. 71. "Moyses non arte magica instructus mira ut magici, sed digito Dei directus miracula ut Dei Propheta fecit. Instructus fuit omni scientia Aegyptiorum, sed non eodem modo, nam illi a daemone multa, hie vero ornnia a Deo didicit. Nihil ergo magicos iuvant exampla Moysis, loseph, Danielis, quippe hii Dei spiritu inflati abditissima temporum oracula, rerum futurarum vaticinia ediderunt." SC, 445.

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position, which is rather uninspiring and leaves little room for future progress and development,72 with other ideas more in line with an incipient technological (in the original meaning of the word)73 society. Nevertheless, he sees real dangers if such application of practical art to the workings of nature are allowed to go unchecked. His solution to the art-nature problem is an attempt at compromise and balance. Indeed, 72. Other contemporary Aristotelians interpreted "nature" along more traditional lines. See, e.g., the treatise De natura in lacopo Zabarella, De rebus naturalibus, 231—52; and Collegium Conimbricense, Commentarii... in octo librosphysicorumAristotelis, I: igSff. Other sixteenth-century Aristotelians, including Pomponazzi and Nifo, seem to have had a more open attitude similar to Case's. It could be worthwhile to trace this theme through Renaissance Aristotelians. It is my impression that significant findings might emerge from such a study. It is interesting to note, however, the position on this problem put forward in Velcurio's In universam Aristotelis Physicen, a work originally published in Tubingen in 1540 but reprinted in London in 1588. Especially relevant to the point at issue is the section entitled "De arte" (41-46), of which the following extracts might profitably be compared to Case: "Verum tamen idem Aristoteles et alii physici, cum artem conferunt cum natura loquuntur de hac fabricativa mechanica, quae opera manu facta, hoc est, artificiosa corpora efficit ex materia corporali, quae materia saepissime est res naturalis— Sic ergo mere impostura est alchimica et magia, quarum profitetur utraque se posse rerum ut metallorum aliorumque corporum substantias transmutare— Siquidem mutuas operas sibi locant natura et ars. Nam haec naturam adjuvat saepissime, ut cum natura ad alimentum hominis produxerit frumentum, mox accessit huic ars, ingenio hominis excogitata, vel potius a Deo tradita, ut mola contusum frumentum fiat farina, deinde ex farina et aqua fiat massa fermentata, et ex hac massa coquatur panis aut placenta, cibus hominis quotidianus. Sic natura sponte sua producit arbores sylvestres et plantas: huic accessit ars agricultura, quae hortenses arbores, quae plantas, aliaque huiusmodi serit, plantat, inserit, propagat, colit. Sic tota fere agricultura juvat et excolit ipsam naturam. Vicissim et natura adjuvat artem, adeo ut haec prorsum nihil sine natura possit efficere. Sic sterilem agrum vel litoris arenam quantumlibet arte excolas, tamen nihil producit frumenti, quia natura eius terrae resistit et repugnat arti. Sic ex arena nullum funiculum nectes, neque ex pumice oleum aut aquam exprimes ulla arte. Contra vero plurimum sola natura per se sine arte, sine fortuna valet [There follows a section on the efficacy of nature.] Quamvis saepissime ars, ut dixi, adjuvet naturam, ut metallarius artifex segregat quidem et expolit metalla et metallaria, sed non complet, non gignit, non absolvit ea ullus artifex. lam vero longe aliud est complere, aliud est adjuvare, et ab efficiente digniore fit appellatio. Quanquam et ars ipsa variare potest naturalia accidentia, sed nullam substantiam: ut tinctor lanae candidae induit colorem rubrum aut viridem, sed natura dudum complevit, et substantiam lanae et accidentia eius nativa. Ita ergo videmus quae sit societas, quae item diversitas naturae et artis." Cited from the London edition, 43-46. Another exposition of a position similar to Case's is to be found in a work of his friend Timothy Willis. See Willis, Proposition** tentationum, 39-51. 73. A good example of this is the tabula tertia in Johann Heinrich Alsted, Encyclopaedia 1,3-

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in this he shows basic good sense. The text of Aristotle, with which he as an expositor and teacher is compelled to deal, offered him little scope for serious speculation. On the other hand, the writings of the devotees of natural magic allowed perhaps too much latitude for undisciplined speculation. The former tradition led to a sterile Scholastic Aristotelianism, which died a slow death in the late seventeenth century. The latter led to the bizarre extravagances of the Rosicrucians and to the head-in-the-sand modern occultism it engendered. Case tried to strike a middle road, as did Bacon a generation later. The fact that Case's primary allegiance was to Aristotle is important to bear in mind, for it shows, as does the example of William Harvey,74 that Aristotelianism leavened with the proper balance of new ideas from outside could still produce intellectually respectable results, even in the midst of the so-called Scientific Revolution. Case's solution to the nature-art dichotomy was not entirely successful. The current environmental dilemma indicates that even in the twentieth century we have not come up with a wholly satisfactory solution to the basic problem of how far man should intervene in nature. Case made a bold attempt to supply usable answers to some of the key problems that are still with us today. The fact that he went significantly beyond the position of Aristotle himself on this particular issue indicates once again that the multitude of Aristotelian writers of the Renaissance period are worth more careful consideration by historians than they have been given in the past. As we have seen in this instance, some of the wilder speculations coming from Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Gnostic sources could be and were integrated quite fruitfully into a Peripatetic framework, producing a fusion of ideas more luminiferous than most of us would have anticipated. One final point should be emphasized. Influences between philosophical and scientific traditions are often in two directions. We read a great deal about the enormous deleterious influence that Scholastic Aristotelianism had on major scientific thinkers. Thus we have a model of the Scientific Revolution in which Copernicus and Galileo were struggling desperately to get away from the Aristotelian grasp that was trying to hold them back at every juncture. Is it not also possible that Aristotelians of the period also got something from other philosophers and scientists and lubricated their own creaking system in some constructive manner not yet fully understood? 74. On this point see Lesky, "Harvey und Aristoteles"; Wilkie, "Harvey's Immediate Debt"; Webster, "Harvey's De generation*"; Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas and "Harvey Revisited."

VI

Conclusion

I.

C A S E S PLACE IN R E N A I S S A N C E A R I S T O T E L I A N I S M

IN THE TITLE of this book I have used the term "Aristotelianism," and it occurs frequently in the course of my argument. Up to now I have not tried to define the term. In a certain sense prescriptive definitions are impossible for broad concepts such as "science," "Platonism," or "humanism" that are employed throughout long historical periods. "Science" did not mean the same thing for Aristotle as it did for Thomas Aquinas, Francis Bacon, Claude Bernard, or Albert Einstein. Within certain limits one can define what science meant for one or another thinker, perhaps even within a particular school of thought or within a limited time span. It is not possible, however, to give a single meaningful definition to the term that can catch all of the historical instances that have gone under the name "science." The problem of finding usable, non-trivial definitions for major concepts such as "Aristotelianism" or "science" is one of the principal ones facing the historian of intellectual matters; it is most difficult indeed to isolate a set of characteristics to link all figures who have been described as "Aristotelian" throughout history. Even for a smaller part of the whole, for example, "Renaissance Aristotelianism," it is not easy to settle upon a clear and usable definition. In nearly all accounts of the history of science and of philosophy covering the period 1400—1700 Aristotelianism has been interpreted as a reactionary tendency with little positive to contribute to the forward movement of events. Yet, whenever scholars have investigated individual thinkers active during those centuries whose major allegiance was to Aristotle, it has generally been found that their contributions to the onward progress of culture have not been insubstantial. Such has been the case, for example, with

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Leonardo Bruni, George of Trebizond, Pietro Pomponazzi, lacopo Zabarella, Henning Arnisaeus, and Emmanuel Maignan. Consequently, one has every reason to believe that many other Aristotelians are still to be discovered as players with important roles in the unfolding of early modern history. Concealed beneath the umbrella of "Aristotelian" are a very large number of thinkers of very diverse orientation. Each of the men just mentioned used the corpus Aristotelicum in varying ways, emphasizing different works of the master and blending genuine Aristotelian doctrine with a vast range of interpretative and corroborative material from many other sources. Many other philosophers, scientists, physicians, statesmen, and men of letters were indebted to the writings of Aristotle and his interpreters in the most diverse possible ways. The stereotype "Scholastic" in no way describes the range of possibilities—and actualities—present in the historical development of events. Recent research in the general area of late-medieval and earlymodern Aristotelianism reveals a number of new facets about the tradition, which must be kept in mind by historians lest they dismiss anything Aristotelian as "illiberal" and uncongenial to progressive and creative thought. This they have done far too often in the past. Among the many guises the Peripatetic influence took, I might briefly mention a few to give a general idea of the way in which Aristotelianism must now be viewed in the history of thought. First, there were many tendencies within the tradition, ranging from a slavish attention to book learning to an empirical, even quasi-experimental, approach to scientific knowledge; from a nearly complete dependence on the text of Aristotle to a utilization of interpretative material taken from the whole realm of classical and medieval literature; from an unquestioning use of the medieval translations to a philological sophistication equal to that of the best humanists. Second, there was an internal development within the system during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that paralleled the generally increasing intellectual aptitude of the Renaissance. Third, Aristotelianism was open to new ideas from outside and was not the closed world sometimes supposed. The upshot of all this is that Renaissance Aristotelianism was by no means monolithic. Consequently, novelty could and did emerge among Aristotelians as well as among Platonists and Hermeticists. Even a rather conservative Aristotelian such as Girolamo Borro could have interesting things to say about falling bodies, and Borro and Case employed a prisca sapientia scheme to promote their point of view as well as did the Neoplatonists.

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Moreover, rabidly anti-Aristotelian thinkers, such as Gianfrancesco Pico and Giordano Bruno, could make ample use of Peripatetic doctrine. Borrowings, assimilations, and cross-influences were so rife during the sixteenth century that it is as unusual to find a "pure" Aristotelian as it is to find a "pure" Platonist, uncontaminated by Academic or Neoplatonic doctrine. John Case offers a useful illustration of some of the facets of Renaissance Aristotelianism I have just delineated. Indeed, in his writings are found many of the contradictory elements that make up the tradition, all in all a rather uneasy eclecticism in which very different inclinations make strange bedfellows. On the one hand, his dependence on Aristotle is nearly absolute and his praise for him nearly unbounded; on the other side, Case shows no hesitation whatever in using Stoic or Platonic doctrine, when indicated as a fruitful departure from the prescribed othodoxy. Even if his adherence to Scholastic book-learning seems at times nearly slavish, Case can still show a surprising awareness of recent alchemical knowledge. His resistance to novelty in the name of Machiavelli, Paracelsus, or Ramus was unyielding. At the same time, he readily accepted man's role as an active and determining participant in natural science (following Ficino and della Porta) or the humanists' philological method of studying texts (e.g., that of Leonardo Bruni) and certain of the recent reforms of logic (e.g., by Agricola). His interest in reviving several specifically medieval philosophical doctrines is tempered by a clear acceptance of the "New Aristotle" of the Italian humanists as indicated by his reliance on the new approach to the Oeconomics initiated by Bruni. If Case's expositions contain comment on many dry and outmoded issues, they also face many important contemporary questions—for example, the role of astrology and alchemy in natural knowledge—by attempting to solve problems where possible by recourse to an enlightened and modern Aristotelian methodology. The instance of John Case shows that a sixteenth-century Peripatetic, even one working at the periphery of the mainstream, could use an Aristotelian base in a creative and fruitful way. From the traditional doctrines of form and matter, of nature and art, and of the four causes, he could, through judicious and selective absorption of recent nonAristotelian teaching, transform the old into the new, the barren into the fruitful. In doing so, he ended up in a position, on certain key matters at least, not too different from those who attempted to eschew all things Peripatetic. The Aristotelian foundation proved to be as

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useful for him in dealing with current issues as Neoplatonism was proving to be for John Dee. Hermetic, alchemical, and humanist materials and methods could be equally well absorbed by both, and neither had much trouble accepting a wide range of classical and post-classical learning into their writings. In one main respect, however, they differed significantly. It can now be seen that Dee went too far in his acceptance of the occult, his espousal of the bizarre. Perhaps despairing of ultimate success through legitimate means—for he was a most able mathematician and philosopher, as his early endeavour discloses—he tripped over into the realm of the implausible at a certain stage of his career, passing through the thin barrier separating scholar from charlatan. Case, on the other hand, coming to maturity a few years later, did not have the same intellectual crisis, was not forced to the desperate straits of solace in magic. Progressively in his writings, the Oxford don became more eclectic, saw the value of absorbing more into his explanation of Aristotle. Even in his final work he did not fall victim to the enticements of magic or of the mistaking of symbolic efficacy for real efficacy. Even if he got somewhat tied up in his own musings on the symbolic meaning of the lapis philosophicus, the work itself was not an admission of the failure of intellectual methods. Quite otherwise, his final work is a celebration of man's possibilities; it advances far beyond Aristotle but is still anchored in the Stagirite's common sense approach to reality. The precise way in which Aristotelian thought functioned in the Renaissance is not yet very well understood, nor will it be until more detailed research has been done to clarify the individual parts of the tradition. What is needed at present are further studies of particular Aristotelian thinkers with a special attempt being made to relate their specific variety of Aristotelianism to the more general context. Particular effort must be made to understand how new material was assimilated into the traditional doctrine, thus transforming it into something useful and productive for each successive new age. This is how "The Classical Tradition and Its Influence" is to be understood. The mainstream of the classical tradition was Aristotelian. While some of the offshoots of Neoplatonism—which could influence the metaphor, allegory, and symbolism of poetry and fantasy literature—were important, the mainstream of the tradition must be sought in the philosophy, science, mathematics, and medical thought as epitomized by the Aristotelian tradition. This tradition was still vital during the

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sixteenth century, though the details of its continuing efficacy have not yet been accurately charted. My study of Case should be seen as an instance of this approach. Until we have another dozen or so similar studies, it will be difficult to understand even the general tendencies within so broad a cultural movement as Renaissance Aristotelianism. Yet the example of Case shows rather well just how vital Aristotelian thought could and did remain in the post-Reformation age. It is also an outstanding instance of how Peripatetic thought flourished within a Protestant context. Sixteenth-century Aristotelianism was not necessarily Catholic any more than it was necessarily closed to other intellectual currents. To get back to the point with which this section opened: "Aristotelianism" cannot be defined a priori and without reference to the historical and geographical variations and transformations it underwent. "Aristotelianism," like "science" or "Puritanism" can, of course, be defined in a perfectly satisfactory way, but only so long as we do not allow for historical variation and development. It is impossible to pack a definition so as to include within it all of the historical variations discoverable through intensive research on the extant primary sources for the period 1400-1700. "Aristotelianism" must be understood historically and empirically through close study and analysis of those historical persons who took Aristotle as an authority and built upon the corpus Aristotelicum; due attention must also be paid to misinterpretations, deviations, and criticisms, including those based upon spurious texts. Naturally, a consideration of Aristotelian authors discloses a wide spectrum of variant interpretations. Consequently, I prefer the term "Aristotelianisms" to be used, noting that in the same way as Platonism has been susceptible to many variant forms (e.g., Academic scepticism, Neoplatonism, and so-called Hermeticism), so too has Aristotelianism. In the final analysis, I see my study of John Case as an illustration of one of the many ways in which Aristotelian philosophy and science could be interpreted during the Renaissance. Case cannot be considered to be the most important and influential Aristotelian of the period; on the other hand, he is by no means the least important. In some ways he is average enough to furnish an example particularly worthy of consideration. What is more, he is the archetypal English Aristotelian and, for that reason, is deserving of special attention. In the present study I have by no means said all there is to say about Case, let alone about Aristotelianism in Renaissance England. Thus, I should

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like to consider my book as an introduction to the subject, which opens up avenues for further exploration, rather than a definitive and conclusive treatment of it. II.

CASE A N D T H E I N T E L L E C T U A L R E V I V A L I N E N G L A N D

In the first chapter it was argued that Aristotelian philosophy enjoyed a revival in England during the last quarter of the sixteenth century. It was further argued that this revival was part of a broader intellectual awakening that took place at the same time and that culminated in England's intellectual achievement of the seventeenth century. Evidence was presented from various sources to establish that after Elizabethan rule had been stabilized, Aristotelian philosophy flourished in a way in which it had not for fifty years, and, for the first time since the fourteenth century, England could boast of Peripatetic philosophers of international repute. It can now be seen after our extended consideration of John Case that he was a major figure in the intellectual revival, and his works are among the best examples of English philosophical writings from Elizabeth's reign. Not only are they numerous and substantial, but they are up-to-date with regard to the best Aristotelian and non-Aristotelian thought of late-sixteenth-century continental Europe. In a more dedicated way than any of his English contemporaries or immediate predecessors, Case published expositions keyed to a wide range of works contained in the Aristotelian corpus. He is the chief representative of the first generation of the Aristotelian revival, which included also Richard Stanyhurst (1547-1618), John Rainolds, and Everard Digby (1550-92). It was also the same generation that produced William Gilbert (1544-1603), who took scientific thought off into a new, ultimately very profitable direction. None of the English Aristotelians of Case's generation were so widely known abroad or so avidly studied at home as he was. Given his privileged position as a philosophical expositor, there is good reason to believe that a consideration of his life and works can be regarded as a touchstone for an understanding of the intellectual development of England during the half-century straddling 1600. Case's position in this complex process must be evaluated from at least two different perspectives: (i) as part of the internal intellectual development of England and (2) as part of a more general picture in which England came rather rapidly to a rapprochement with continental Europe.

Conclusion

223

It is not easy to determine how original and untraditional Case was within the English framework. As became apparent in our survey of philosophy in sixteenth-century England, there were really very few contemporaries with whom to compare him. Most of the science and philosophy being done in England at his time was extremely derivative, and there were few writers who left behind any substantial body of literature on philosophical and scientific themes at anything above the most elementary level. Considering philosophy in its sixteenth-century definition, it was only Case who published a tolerable number of texts upon which we can base an evaluation. Taken at face value his Sphaera civitatis or Lapis philosophicus might well appear to be remarkable English achievements, for no similar works by Case's fellow countrymen were published during the preceding generations. Both works give a useful and coherent exposition of a significant branch of philosophical thought. What is more, they both illustrate the author's awareness and concern for contemporary issues and his consequent endeavour to provide some sort of useful approach—generally tied to an Aristotelian anchor—for dealing with them. The Machiavellian threat, the moral problem of contemporary theatre, the utility of alchemy, and the possibility of man's intervention in nature are, as we have seen, themes that exercised him. These and other topics he also treated reappeared contemporaneously in the Oxford examinations and obviously reflect what was the current university teaching practice. Given the relative paucity of English philosophical works with which to compare Case's output, I feel we must conclude that his accomplishment signifies an intellectual step forward for Elizabethan England. Works such as those of Digby and Stanyhurst, published a few years before Case's first work, are of high quality, but they are not part of a sustained effort by their authors to produce a series of philosophical expositions and, perhaps what is more important, were not thought to be successful enough to warrant reprinting. Case came on to the scene when the time was ripe for a series of philosophical textbooks, and he took advantage of the printing opportunities then available to provide the first set of such manuals since the Middle Ages. For that reason John Case becomes historically important for England. His books became the standard ones for several generations of students, and they provided the kind of Aristotelian interpretation that was the basis of English university education when the major figures of the earlyseventeenth century were being formed intellectually. Case's writings have the further—symbolic as well as actual—significance of being the first substantial group of English philosophical

224

John Case and Aristotelianism

works of the age of printing to be published abroad. The repeated editions of his writings at Frankfurt and Hanau (a total of twenty-five separate printings) set the stage for Continental editions of philosophical and scientific works by Timothy Bright, William Temple, and Nicholas Hill down to William Gilbert, Francis Bacon, William Harvey, and Robert Fludd. A new age was dawning for England: the transmission of ideas and texts flowed once again out of England to the Continent, as well as in the other direction. Case's works did not create an intellectual revolution, but they do at least hint at the new age—that of Gilbert, Bacon, Harvey, Hobbes, and Boyle—that was at hand. The decade of the 15808 saw English thought begin to win respectability abroad. The German delegation sent to Oxford to inquire about Case's own Lapis philosophicus indicates this, as does the reprinting of the Temple-Digby texts by the Wechel Press at Frankfurt. Interest in the latter debate, which is really an offshoot of the general crisis caused by the publication of Ramist works, shows as well as anything England's becoming part of the general European intellectual milieu during the decade of Sidney's death. From the rapid appearance of six of Case's works at Frankfurt and Hanau between 1589 and 1600 it was but a short distance to the printing of the more revolutionary works of Harvey, Gilbert, Bacon, and Herbert of Cherbury during the decade of the 16205. During that decade England really became a centre of concerted intellectual effort that had to be reckoned with throughout Europe. One of the main arguments of the present study is that the roots of the revival must be sought in the last quarter of the sixteenth century and that one of the key figures in the revival was John Case. John Caius and John Dee (1527-1608) were somewhat isolated figures of an earlier generation, at least until Dee's popularity, notoriety, and influence became widespread. On the whole, however, a concentrated revivification of English intellectual life took place after 1570. In part at least, this had to do with the re-establishment of the Oxford and Cambridge presses, which contributed to a proliferation of Latin scholarly literature by English authors made accessible to a European respublica literaria. The philosophy and science put forward by John Case did not have the far-reaching effect of that of Gilbert, Bacon, or Harvey. Nor did his works have a lasting impact that could transform the world. Nevertheless, when all is said and done, they were an important stage in the development of early-modern English thought.

APPENDIX I

Logic Books Printed in England before 1620 THIS is A chronologically arranged list of books on the subject of logic (including a few on the borderline between grammar and logic) that were printed in England from the beginning of printing up to 1620. Short titles are given so that the books may be readily identified, but for more detailed descriptions the reader is referred to more specialized bibliographical works. An attempt has been made to be complete, but "logic" is not a clearly definable term, and in certain instances a decision had to be made whether to include a particular title. In general, the STC has been followed, and the STC numbers are given in brackets. The compiler has had access to the second volume of the revised STC, but the first volume had not yet appeared when this was being written. Those items marked with an "E" are in the English language; the remainder are in Latin. 1480 1483 1496[?] 1496 1497 1498[?] 1499[?] i5Oi[?] i5oa[?]

[Albertus], Liber modorum significandii (St. Albans) [Anon.], Logica (Oxford: T. Rood) Antonius Andreae, Logica (St. Albans) [Albertus], Questiones de modis significandi (London: J. Notary) Libellus sophistarum ad usum Cantabrigiensem (London: Pinson) Libellulus secondarum intentianum (London: Pinson) Libellits sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: Pinson) Libellus sophistarum ad usum Cantabrigiensem (London: Pinson) Libellulus secundarum intentionum (London: Pinson)

[268] [16693] [582] [270 [i5574-5l [!5572] [15576-6] [i5575>5l [!5573]

226

1510 1510 i5i°[?] 1512 1 1

5 3t?] 1515 1 1 5 5t'] 1517 1 1

5 7f'] 1524 1525 i526[?] 1527 1530 J

545 £1551 £1552 Ei553 1560 1563 !56s £1563 £1567 £1567 1568 1570 !57° Ei57o[?] 1 572 £1573

Appendices Libellus sophistarum ad usum Cantabrigiensem (London: W. deWorde) [15576] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: W. de Worde) [15576.8] [Albertus], Questiones de modis significandi (London: W. de Worde) [271] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: W. de Worde) [155771 Antonius Sirectus, Formalitates (London: W. de Worde) [22580] [Albertus], Modi significandi (London: W. de Worde) [272] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: W. de Worde) [15578] Walter Burley, Tractatus expositorius super libros posteriorum Aristotelis (Oxford) [4122] Opusculum insolubilium (Oxford: Scolar) [18833] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Cantabrigiensem (London): W. de Worde) [15576.4] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: W. de Worde) [15578.3] Opusculum insolubilium (Southwark: P. Treveris) [188333] Tractatus secundarum intentionum (Southwark: P. Treveris) [ 15574] Libellus sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensem (London: W. de Worde) [15578-7] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Bertheletus) [22250] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: R. Grafton) [25809] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: R. Grafton) [25810] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: R. Grafton) [25811] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Bertheletus) [22250.2] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Bertheletus) [22250.4] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22250.5] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: J. Kingston) [25812] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: J. Kingston) [25813] Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason [another issue] (London: J. Kingston) [25814] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22250.6] Richard Stanyhurst, Harmonia seu catena dialectica (London: R. Wolfius) [23229] J°hn Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22250.8] Lewis Evans, The Abridgement ofLogique (London: ?) [10588] J°hn Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh] [22251] Ralph Lever, The Arte of Reason (London: H. Bynneman) [15541]

Appendices 1574

227

Petrus Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo (London: T. Vautrollier) [15241.7] £1574 Petrus Ramus, The Logike (London: T. Vautrollier) [15246] 1574 John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22252] 1576 Peter Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo (London: T. Vautrollier) [15242] *577 John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22253] 1579 Everard Digby, Theoria analytica (London: H. Bynneman) [6843] 1580 Everard Digby, De duplici methodo (London: H. Bynneman) [6641] 1580 Everard Digby, Admonitioni Francisci Mildapetti responsio (London: H. Bynneman) [6838] I58o[?] John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22253.3] i58o[?] John Seton, Dialectica [another issue] (London: T. Marsh) [22253.5] 1580 Franciscus Mildapettus [i.e., William Temple], Admonitio de unica P. Rami methodo (London: H. Middleton) [23872] £1580 Thomas Wilson, Rule of Reason (London: J. Kyngston) [25815] 1581 F. Beurhusius, In Rami dialecticae libros duos (London: H. Bynneman) [1982] 1581 Johann Piscator, In P. Rami dialecticam animadversiones (London: H. Bynneman) [19961] £1581 Petrus Ramus, The Art ofLogick (London: J. Dawson) [15248] 1581 [William Temple], Pro Mildapetti de unica methodo (London: H. Middleton) [23874] 1582 F. Beurhusius, De P. Rami dialecticae praecipuis capitibus (London: H. Bynneman) [1983] 1582 John Seton, Dialectica (London: T. Marsh) [22253.7] 1582 William Temple, Epistola de dialectica P. Rami (London: H. Middleton) [23873] 1 5^ Johann Piscator, Animadversiones in dialecticam P. Rami (London: H, Middleton) [1962] 1583 G.A. Scribonius, Triumphus logicae Rameae (London: T. Vautrollier) [22114] !5&3 G.A. Scribonius, Triumphus logicae Rameae [second issue] (London: T. Vautrollier) [22114.5] 1583 William Temple, Epistola de dialectica P. Rami (London: H. Middleton) [23873.5] 1584 John Case, Summa veterum interpretum (London: T. Vautrollier) [4762) 1584 Petrus Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo scholiis G. Tempelli illustrati (Cambridge: T. Thomas) [15243] 1584 John Seton, Dialectica (London: G. Dewes & H. Marsh) [22254]

228 1585 £1588 £1588 £1588 1589 1592 1592 1594 1597 1598 1598 E1599 1599 1602 1604 1604 1605 1606 1609 1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1615 1615 £1617 1617 1617 1618

Appendices Nathaniel Baxter, Quaestiones et response in Petri Kami dialecticam (London: T. Vautrollier) [Deutscher Gesamtkatalog 13.8705] Abraham Fraunce, The Lawiers Logike (London: W. How) [ii343] [Another issue] [11344] [Another issue] [11345] Petrus Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo (London: G. Bishop) [15244] John Case, Summa veterum interpretum (Oxford: J. Barnes) [4763] Petrus Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo (Cambridge: J. Legat) [15244-3] Griffin Powel, Analysis analyticorum posteriorum (Oxford: J. Barnes) [20157] Julius Pacius, Institutiones logicae (Cambridge: J. Legat) [19083] John Case, Summa veterum interpretum (Oxford: J. Barnes) [4764] Griffin Powel, Analysis lib. Aristotelis de sophisticis elenchis (Oxford:J. Barnes) [20158] Thomas Blundeville, Art of Logike (London: J. Windet) [3142] John Seton, Dialectica (London: R. Dexter) [22254.3] John Sanderson, Institutionum dialecticarum libri quatuor (Oxford: J. Barnes) [21698] Thomas Oliver, De sophismatum praestigiis cavendis admonitio (Cambridge: J. Legat) [ 18809] John Seton, Dialectica (London: R. Bradock) [22254.7] John Argall, Ad artem dialecticam introductio (London: R. Bradock) [737] Bartholomaeus Keckermann, Gymnasium logicum (London: J.Bill) [14895] John Sanderson, Institutionum dialecticarum libri quatuor (Oxford: J. Barnes) [21700] John Seton, Dialectica (London: F. Kingston) [22255] Julius Pacius, Logicae rudimenta (London: W. Stansby) [190833] Samuel Smith, Aditus ad logicam (London: W. Stansby) [22825] Edward Brerewood, Elementa logicae (London: J. Bill) [3613] Edward Brerewood, Elementa logicae (London: J. Bill) [3614] Robert Sanderson, Logicae artis compendium (Oxford: J. Barnes) [21701] Samuel Smith, Aditus ad logicam (Oxford: J. Barnes) [22826] Thomas Blundeville, Art of Logike (London: W. Stansby) [3143] John Seton, Dialectica (London: F. Kingston) [22256] Samuel Smith, Aditus ad logicam (Oxford: J. Barnes) [22827] Robert Sanderson, Logicae artis compendium (Oxford: Lichfield & Short) [21702]

Appendices 1618 £1619 1619 1619 1620 £1620

229

Samuel Smith, Aditus ad logicam (Oxford: Lichfield & Short) [22828] Thomas Blundeville, Art ofLogike (London: W. Stansby) [3144] Edward Brerewood, Elementa logicae (London: J. Bill) [3615] John Flavel, Tractatus de demonstration* (Oxford: Lichfield & Short) [ 11031 ] Francis Bacon, Instauratio magna (London: B. Norton & J.Bill) [1162] Thomas Granger, Syntagma logicum (London: W.Jones) [12184]

APPENDIX II

John Case's Will

JOHN CASE'S WILL, written on 8 August 1598 and proven on 23 February 1600 (n.s.), is preserved in the Oxford University Archives, Archives of the Chancellor's Court, Register GG, fols, 180-81. To the best of my knowledge, it has not previously been published. The will of Case's wife, Elizabeth Dobson Case, is also preserved in the same collection at fol. io6r. Both wills are transcripts made at a later date. In addition to giving us a good deal of useful information about his possessions and financial situation during his last years, Case's will also tells us something about his friends and family, as well as his continuing interest in the welfare of St. John's College. It sheds important light, for example, on his relationships with Bartholomew Warner, Matthew Gwinne, and Ferdinando Stanley, among others. In editing the text, I have tried to preserve the original spelling as far as possible. The punctuation has been altered upon occasion in the interest of clarity.

i8or

Testamentum venerabilis Doctoris Johanis Case in universitate oxoniensi. In Dei nomine Amen O lord God be mercifull unto me a sinner my grievous offences and weake conscience bid me despaire, but the infinite merite of thy most blessed Sonne my only Savior draweth me to hope for salvation and to say againe "O Lord God be mercifull unto me a sinner." O my God, my God, turne not away thy face from me although I have ever turned my soule from thee. Thy most mercifull hand of correction, now sodainly layd uppon me, calleth me unto

Appendices

231

thee. O Lord receave me. O Jesu heale the leprosye of my harte. Behold O God I that am but dust and ashes, a worme of the earth and no man, a runnagate, an apostata, a prodigall child, the worst of all sinners. I, I say, conceaved in sinne and brought forth in iniquitye, fly with the thiefe upon the crosse to the outstretchyd armes of thy ever overflowinge mercye. Thou art onely the tower, the shielde, the strength, the light, and haven of my salvation. O save me from the mouthe of hell, and from the power of darknes. The harte never thirsteth more after the water brookes, then my soule after thee my Savior. O refuse me not, I am the workmanship of thine owne handes. If thou graunte me more dayes and yeares to live, behold I will ascende into thy temple and will glorifye thy holy name. Yet because by this harbinger of deathe thou hast arrested me to appeare. I will with Ezechias dispose my house and worldly goodes, that havinge cast of the leaden weights off this life the winges of my soule, I may swiftlie flye unto thee my Savior. ffirst therefore beinge by the grace of a sounde and perfect minde, I bequeath my soule to thee onely who gavest it me, my body to the earthe from whence it came, my goodes to the world. I say againe, O Lord, my soule to thee my creator, to thy most blessed Sonne my redeemer, to the holy Ghost my sanctifier, to the ever blessed Trinitye, three persons and on everlivinge and everlasting God whose mercy, whose greate and infinite mercye I do nowe instantly crave through Jesus Christe. Amen. Amen. The Particulars of my last will. My request is to the President and fellowes at St. Johns Colledge, that my body may be buried in their Churche: for I hardly desire to be wrapped and rest in my mothers armes which nursed and brought me up. And in token of my dutifull love unto that place I leave and bequeath the hundreth pounds which before I gave, now in the handes of Mr Chadwell, who is bounde in statute unto the Colledge and me for the payment thereof within six months or thereaboute after my decease. My will herein is that this hundreth powndes be turned to buy a piece of land and the rent thereof to be devided equally unto twoe divines, fellows of the same house, as the president and fellowes shall best devise: so that it may ever remaine and certaynely without suite and contention be geven to such who have most neede thereof those to be yearly chosen, as their offices by Mr[?] President and the ten Seniors. I also bequeath unto the same colledge within on monthe after my buriall there twenty powndes to buy a faire piece of plate withall, upon which I would have my name engraven and this posie memorare novissima. Item: I give unto the colledge for gawdies at my funerall six powndes and unto the preacher twentie shillings. All other charges of my buriall I referr unto my executor. Onely I wishe that six poore schollers may have mourninge gownes and that a smale marble stone with some verses in brasse may be fixed in the wall nere unto my grave.

232

Appendices

Item: I give and bequeathe unto New Colledge whereof I was once Chorister, a piece of plate worth ten powndes with my name engraven thereon and this posy Memorare novissima. Item: I give and bequeath unto my well beloved wife three hundreth powndes in money, and the hundreth powndes which she hath allredy in her handes and the use of all my livinges, plate and moveables, savinge those things which hereafter shall be namely and particularly excepted. But herein I would have noted that I give her these fower hundreth powndes with my other livinges and moveables, so that she keepe her selfe (beinge nowe olde) unmaryed which if she do not, then my will is that Dr Warner, his wife and children shall have, use, and possesse the one halfe of all both money, plate, and livinges. Which living art onely one coppyehold at Warbrough and twoe smale leases in St Giles with a fewe acres of meade behind Osney and a little house in Magdalen parishe called the churchhouse and the livinge at Marston and the white friers in Oxforde which I last bought. And further that my will may more fully appeare, my meaninge is that she shall have and enioy these things horinge that she will ever live with her sonne in lawe, whome I loved. And also that she never sell the basin and ewre which I had of the most honorable Ferdinando Erie of Derbye, nor the greate goblet with a cover which he sent unto her, nor the standinge piece of plate with a cover which my lord and master the Lord Chancellor bestowed on me, nor the other lesse piece of 18ov plate with a // cover which my honorable lorde and patron the Lord Buckhurst gave me; but that I say all these and every of them to be leaft as memorialls of their honors and of me their poore servant unto Dr Warner and his childrens children forever, desiringe him that he will engrave their and my names upon them. Provided notwithstandinge that if ether my wife, Dr Warner or any of his (unto whome thy gifte or legacye these thinges shall com) should decay, my desire and request is that these thinges might be the last which they sell or impawne. Hardly wishing that if ever they rise againe to good estate they will redeem them and keepe them as the reliques and tokens of my love towardes them. Item: I give and bequeathe unto Dr Warner and his wife one hundreth poundes which I have allredy delivered unto him, and my chaine of gold which was given me by the said most honorable Ferdinando of Derbye. Item: I give to Dr Warners seven children ten pounds to eche of them. Item: I give to Mrs Warner twentie spurryals and as many to Robert Warner for his preferment unto some colledge or otherwise to buy him bookes fitt for his studie, at his fathers discretion. These thinges I bequeathe presently to be paid, althoughe my desire is that all thinges which I have carefully and iustly gathered together may come after their mothers decease unto their benefite and to the benefite of their children, whome God blesse with his grace unto their confortes. Item: I give and bequeathe to John Warner second sonne to Dr Warner twentie pounds to be employd for his preferment at his fathers discretion.

Appendices

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Item: I give and bequeathe to my sonne Dr Gwinne fortie powndes to remember me. Item: I give and bequeathe to Richard Peesly and his wife Margarete my sisters daughter three score powndes to be payd within one month after my funeralls and to be bestowed or disposed by the counsaile of my overseers whome I hartely desire to have care of his continuall thrivinge, so that ten powndes hereof be bestowed one [sic] her sonne Barthemew when he cometh out of his apprenticeshipp. Item: I give him and his wife a fetherbed with all furniture thereunto belonginge with a bedstead as it shall please my wife their good aunt to bestow upon them. Item: I give to him and her all my apparaile except silke, linnen, velvet, or scarlet. Item: I give to Dr Warners twoe eldest daughters, Alice and Martha, my twoe paire of virginalls: to eche of them one paire. Item: I give and bequeathe to Thomas Abbots who maryed my sisters daughter twenty pownds to be bestowed for his best thrivinge by the advise and counsaile of my overseers within the space of one yeare after my deathe. Item: I give and bequeath to George Best my kinseman dyer in Londen fortye pounds to be payd within halfe an yeare after my buriall. Item: I give and bequeathe to John Best, my unruly and unhappy kinsman, ten powndes to be bestowed by my executor for his best helpe and reliefe, desiringe my wife to bestowe nowe and then some old apparaile on him, if he wilbe quiet and directed by her. Item: I give and bequeathe to the towne of Woodstocke, where I was borne, fortye powndes to be equally lent to foure poore occupiers likly to thrive, for the space of six yeares without interest, puttinge in very good assurance for the returne thereof at the end of those six yeares. At which time my will is that other foure shall have yt, and so from six yeares unto six years to continue I hope forever. The which, I pray allmighty God, it may as my meaninge is in the givinge thereof. Item: I give and bequeathe to the citty of Oxforde twentie powndes be employed in like sorte for ever to twoe poore occupiers, ten powndes a man for six years with like assurance. Item: I give and bequeathe towardes the universitie new librarie nowe to be built and furnished by Mr Bodley ten powndes by him and my overseers to be disposed to the use thereof. Item: I give and bequeathe to the churche of Mary Magdalene five poundes towards the buying of a pall. Item: I give St Giles churche fortye shillinges. Item: I give to Elizabeth ffilbye for the stocke left by her father thirtie poundes whereof six poundes is payd for placing her in service. Item: I give Mr Henry Price to the makinge of a ring with a posy of remembrance twentye shillinges.

234

Appendices

Item: I give towards the repayringe of the poore almes house in Woodstocke five pownds to be bestowed within one yeare after my decease at the discretion of Mr Mayor and his brethren there. Item: I give to the poore prisoners of the castle in Oxforde forty shillinges to be given quarterly, ten shillinges at a tyme, and to the prisoners in Bocardo twentie shillinges likewise by equal portions to be given them. // 181 r Item: I give to every one of my servants then beinge their whole yeares wages and twentie shillings a piece besides. Item: I give to John Earseley and my man John Ellis fiftie shillings a piece. Item: I give John Russe that writeth my physiques for me five powndes. Item: I give and bequeathe to Dr Dochen, Dr Gwin, Dr Warner, and Mr Holloway to eche of them a ringe in value of fiftie shillinges with these wordes engraven Brevi moriendum desiring. Item: to be the overseers of this my last will and testament because I know they loved me while I lived therefore I request this their last and iust paines for me to see my last will, intent and meaninge truth iustly and fully to be performed of which thinge I double not because a dyinge friend hath requested them. Provided not withstanding that if they have any orasion to travayle at any time to see thinges performed, my executor shall see all thinges discharged. Item: I give to eche of their wives a ringe in value XXs a piece with the posye engraven Dead, yet alive, J.C. Item: I give to Thomas White and Henry Dochen apothecaryes, to eche of them a ringe in value XXs with the like posy. And to my brother George Carter a ring of like value. Item: I give to every of my godchildren iis a piece. Item: I give and bequeath to Sir William Spencer as a dutifull remembrance for all his kindnesse my beste and fairest night coife wrought with gold. And to my Lady his wife my boxe and seemy glasse covered with green velvet with all the instruments thereunto belonginge. Item: I likewise give to the good Lady Mounteagle my christall iewell and crucifixe. Item: to Mr Richard ffettyplace I give my cellar of glasses, my watch and two pictures upon clolhe [i.e., clothe] and to Mrs ffetyplace my best wrought purse. Item: I give and bequeathe to every heade or governer of every colledge a faire handkerchiefe as I have appoynted and layd out whilest I lived to be deluded to those that goe to my funerall. Item: I give and bequeathe twentye powndes to my executor and overseers to be employed to the purchase of so muche as may best be bought therewithe to this purpose that yearly the revenue thereof bestowed on the poore of Magdalene parishe in Oxforde yearly forever at the discretion of suche feoffees as shalbe put in trust therewith. To conclude, I nowe make and appoynte my welbeloved wife Elizabeth Case

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the only executrix of of [sic] this my last will charginge her soule to deale iustly with me not onely for these legacyes mentioned but also for all suche thinges as otherwise I have or shall charge her withall hereafter before I die, havinge my perfecte memorie. Thus once againe, O Lord, I crie "have mercye, have mercye upon me" and then, if it be thy will, let thy servant depart in peace. O Lord God I end, yet whilest I breathe I beg for thy mercye. The totall sume of my suite is for onely mercye by the merites of thy onely sonne Jesus whose name is health and in whome onely is salvation. O Jesu, Jesu, Jesu esto mihi Jesus. Amen. By me John Case

Because my soule and harte wisheth peace unto all suche upon whome I have bestowed any legacye in this my last will and testament, for further explanation thereof I thought good to add this muche. That whereas I have geven divers summes of money or other legacies unto diverse either absolutely or upon condicion to be bestowed upon divers uses, my meaninge is that all suche giftes which are absolutely given by my will shalbe delivered unto them if they live one quarter of a yeare after my decease excepte some other tyme be appoynted specially before. But if they dye before that tyme, then my meaninge is that my welbeloved wife then to keepe them to herselfe, or els dispose of them as shall seeme best to her, so that my poore kinred and their offspringe be especially respected. And touchinge suche legacies which are geven to good uses, my will is that they shall all remayne in my wives fundes and Dr Warners till actually they are to be employed unto that ende or endes for which I gave them. But if it so changes that they be not converted to suche uses as I intended then my will is that alsoe these legacies shall remayne in their handes and to be disposed by them as I have privately appoynted. And because there as yet remaynes some small thinges undisposed, first I bequeathe the remaynder of my bookes, if any be left ungiven away at my death, unto poore schollers to be distributed at the discretion of Dr Warner except inye such bookes which he liketh himselfe for his owne use or for his children; and my limmed bookes which I give to Dr Gwyn. By me John Case Ita tester ego Johannes Case eger corpore sanus animo 8° Augusti anno salutis 1598. // This last will and testament of John Case Dr of Phisicke endited by 18 iv himselfe, was by him the day and yeare above written, readd,

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subscribed, sealed, and deluded to his executrix as his last will in the presence of us. Mathewe Gwynne Bartholemewe Warner John Ellis Richard Peisley

Probatum fuit hoc prius testamentum venerabilis viri Johannis Case in medicinis doctoris defuncti nuper, dum vixit universitatis oxoniensis personae privilegiati coram nobis Thoma Thornton sacrae theologiae professore dictae universitate Vicecancellario vicesimo tertio die mensis februarii anno domini secundum computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae milesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo nono ac per nos approbatum et insumatum et pro valore et viribus eiusdem pronuntiatum; comissaque fuit et est administratio omnium et singulorum bonorum, iurium, creditorum et chatallorum died defuncti died testament! concernati[?] executoris in dicto testo nominati. Primitus in persona venerabilis viri Bartholomei Warner in medicinis doctoris habenti speciale mandatum dictum iuramentum subeundi in periculum animae dictae executoris [sic] (ut apparuit media fide viri[?] Williellmi Willmot) in forma iuris iurati et per Deum venerabilem virum Batholomeum Warner nomine procurati dictae executoris [sic] acceptum et admissum. Salvo iure cuiuscumque.

APPENDIX III John Case's Letters

so FAR AS I have been able to discover, the extant correspondence of John Case is not very substantial. In addition to the prefatory and dedication letters to his various works, apparently only nine other letters from his pen have survived. These include several prefatory letters he wrote for works published by friends, as well as a few personal letters. Of the latter group only one (addressed to William Camden) has been previously printed. Here I reprint that letter, as well as four others by Case to Robert Cotton and one by Camden to Case, which are preserved in manuscript. For the sake of convenience and completeness, I also reprint Case's letters prefaced to early editions by John Rider, Nicholas Breton, and Richard Haydocke. In publishing these letters I have attempted to reproduce the manuscript texts as accurately as possible, though I have made conventional distinctions between "i" and "j" and between "u" and "v." I have also modified punctuation and capitalization when necessary for the sake of clarity. In the case of letters extant in more than one manuscript or printed version, I have recorded only those variants that significantly alter the meaning of the text, and I have not noted orthographical variations. The letters are here printed in chronological order. 1. P R E F A T O R Y LETTER BY J O H N C A S E

Source: Bibliotheca scholastica. . . , compiled by lohn Rider (Oxford, 1589), fol. *4v. loannes Casus adolescentibus linguae Latinae studiosis. Adeste tyrunculi, ad Musas currite: nam molesta et longa via studendi (quae

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vobis in limine metum injecit) tollitur. Brevissimae vitae stadium, brevissimum artis studium postulat. Dignus ergo laude is est, qui Prisciani taedium, qui Pythagorae silentium sustulk. En Bibliothecam, et quasi gazarn vobis offert Riderus Anglus. In qua, non solum literas, syllabas, dictiones Anglolatinas, sed etiam classes, regulas, et syntaxeis breviter et ingeniose docuit. Nam praeter alphabetum et sylvam verborum, florem ilium, Anglicanae grammatices scriptorem Lilium, hie cortex, hie codex redolet. Non est quod mireris (erudite lector) auctorem multas in hac sylva spinas, id est, per multa in hoc opuscule verborum monstra (quae barbaras dictiones nominal) intrivisse: quippe apud oratores istiusmodi(lapide philosophico, hoc est, ingenio et arte perpolita) auream speciem, sonum et sensum habent: ut lentulitas et appietas apud Ciceronem. Adesdum ergo papiri, ingeniose puer, adeste tyrones, emite multos in hoc uno libello Hbros: discite in eo rerum ac verborum pondera, authoris industriam approbate. Ab aedibus meis Oxonii 30 Septembris 1589.

2. JOHN CASE TO N I C H O L A S BRETON

Source: Nicholas Breton, The Pilgrimage to Paradise... (Oxford, 1592), fol. f 3V. To my honest true friende Master Nicholas Breton It is a needlesse thing (friend Breton) in these our daies to revive the olde art of loving, seeing there are already so many courts of Venus, so many Palaces of pleasure, so many pamphlets or rather huge volumes of wanton love and daliance. This were to put fire to flax, and to offer soft bleeding harts as sacrifice to Cupids bowe and arrowes. But I mistake your meaning, the onely tide of your booke is Love, and the object Heaven. Love is the name, but God is the marke and the matter at which it aimeth. This Love quelleth and killeth Love, and yet is Love, not the Love of Martha, but the Love of Mary who loved much, who Loveth Christ. This Love made Mary Magdalens teares, and maketh the best Mary living to ascende to Jerusalem and there to seeke her lover in the Temple. But finding him not among the Doctors shee taketh the wings of an Eagle, and in her sacred thoughts flieth above the Sunne, never ceasing to seeke, till she have founde her Lover. Loe heere is Love, and heere is labour, but the labour is light, where the love is great. For the hart there onely liveth, where it loveth. Marvell not therefore if this lovelie Lady become a pilgrime upon earth, and passe the sea, and wildernesse of this worlde, till shee enjoyeth her Love, But, to be short (friend Breton) because this booke of yours touching the Love and pilgrimage of that pearlesse Lady is as a christal of truthes wel knowen unto me, I am both in respect of your selfe whom I love and favour, and also in duty towardes her, whom I serve and honour, most willing to subscribe unto it. Your wit, pen, and art therein sounde well together. The song is sweete, the

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ditty sweeter, but that rare Phoenix is the sweetest Phoenix, whom your wit, pen and art can but well shadow with all your Muses: for as an image is but an image, and the tincture of any thing is not the substance thereof, so the coulours of her honours are in your booke, but the life of her vertue is in her selfe. Your friend in true kindnes lohn Case, M.D.

3. JOHN CASE TO R O B E R T COTTON

Sources: MSS BM Harl. 6995, fols 129—30; Add. 4160, fol. 194. Jesus. Tametsi (dignissime doctissimeque Cottone) modium salis (ut aiunt) tecurn non devoravi, illas tamen scintillas in te artis, ingenii, virtutis cerno; ut mihimet satis facere nullo modo possum, donee te Laelium (hoc est) intimum omnium amicorum habeam. Nomen, fama, genus familiae tuae, me ad hoc foedus ineundum tecum plurimum alliciunt, sed haec umbrae sunt et caduca vel naturae vel fortunae munera, quae aliis possunt contingere. Verum enim vero opes internae animi nempe fides, scientia, virtus stimuli sunt, ut tibi medicus et amicus fiam: medicus, ut corporis sanitati; amicus, ut mentis saluti consulam. De corpore quid dicam? est illud quidem (ut verbo concludam omnia) focus melancholiae ratione plenis, in quo iste fumus alitur, monstra sunt (mi Cottone) quae crocodilus iste (melancholiam intelligo) tarn in animo quam in corpore gignet, si Hippocratis arte et ense non rescindatur. Nam hinc flatus lateris, hinc tremor cordis, hinc deiectio appetitus, hinc vertigo capitis, hinc denique mentis maxima damna et mala oriuntur, qualia sunt timer, furor, horror animi, si affectum. Frenisis, frenitis, mania, si morbi et humoris istius effectum species. Haec dico non quod sciam te in hoc oceano malorum obrui et immergi, sed ut te praemonitum et praemunitum habeam, me hydram sinas vivere, nam proculdubio si irrepserit (cum tota tua constitutio sit melancholica) capita acquiret multa et difficillime expelletur aculeos fixit. De salute mentis nihil dicam, es enim doctus, pius, prudens, qui arte, fide, constantia, illam potes regere, meum est solum affectus (qui ab humoribus pendent) curare. Suadeo igitur ut eremum et solitudinem, ut studium rerum difficilium' et sollicitudinem fugias, teque a curis liberum dedas honesti recreationibus et deliciis quibus turn animates turn vitales spiritus revivescant. Suadeo etiam ut leniter purgatrice medicina hepar et lienem aperias urgeo. Denique ut ad me Oxonium cum tua Penelope venias; nemo gratior, nemo gratiosior veniet. Vides (vir ornatissime) doctorem tuum, vides quo animo ad te scribit, scribit i. Harl.: difficillimum.

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certe amice, amice igitur quaeso interpreteris omnia. Nil mihi rescribas attamen ipse rem. Vale 27 Octobris 1592. Novus non fallax, quia senex amicus tuaeque dignitatis studiosus. Joh. Casus [Outside address] To the Ryght Worshipful! and his assuryd good frend Mr. Cotton geve thes at Combe.

4. JOHN CASE TO ROBERT COTTON

Source: MS BM Cotton Julius C III, fol. Sir. Emanuel. Vides (vir illustris) affectum amantis non fructum sapientis viri. Votis tuis satisfecit amor, cum labor scribentis sine arte splendorem non habeat. Scripsi ad oraculum bonarum literarum sed excuses scripta, quia plenus negotiis scrips! haec raptim omnia. O vivat vir doctus utinam, nam mihi crede oliva fertilis est Angliae, Laurus Academiae nostrae. Multi sunt hodie qui recte scribunt, sed pauci Camdeni qui et recte scribere et vivere recte student. Vale, saluta Penelopen tuam, saluta socrum et omnes meo ipsius nomine. Iterum vale 7 Novembris 1592. Devotus tibi, J. Casus

5. J O H N CASE TO W I L L I A M C A M D E N

Sources: MS BM Cotton Julius C V, fol. 50 [C]; William Camden, Epistolae. . . (London, 1691), 49-50 [E]. Joannes Casus G. Camdeno1 Sidus bonarum literarum, doctissime Camdene, postquam accepi a Cottono tuo, dignissimo viro, te morbo periculose laborare,2 illico perculsus animo, ut pars tui, idem quasi vulnus et dolorem sensi: nam quamvis inter nos haud magna intercessit familiaritas et consuetudo, cum tamen eadem mater utrumque peperit, aluit, educavit, natura suadet, ut fratres, Minerva iubet, ut amici simus. Quemadmodum ergo si chordam unius instrumenti tangas, aliam consonam alterius instrumenti moveri videas, ita quidem est idem fere sensus et mirabilis quasi concentus inter eos, qui sese mutuo propter virtutem 1. Joannes . . . Camdeno add E. 2. C: laboram.

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diligunt. Compatior ergo tecum, mi suavissime Camdene, et quantum sanitatis ardor febris a tuo corpore detrahit tantum a me animo conceptus dolor aufert 3 quietis, donee a tyrannide morbi te liberum et immunem audiam. Scio equidem, vir prudens, non deesse Aesculapios, qui et possunt et volunt oracula medicinae consulere, tibique omnia alexipharmaca, quibus acquiri potest sanitas tua, oportune adhibere. Verum enim vero4 mater haec tua et mea, Oxonium intelligo, cum Anglia, dulcissima utriusque Patria, praematura tua morte aut diuturno morbo magnum naufragium facerent, en fratres fratri, en medici et amici viro amicissimo et doctissimo opem, artem, consilium, si opus sit, offerimus: sin vero, quod maxime in votis et optatis est, morbus vires suas virusque5 amiserit, una omnes et singuli tibi pristinam sanitatem ex animo congratulamur. Raptim vale.6 VIII Novembris 1592. Virtutum tuarum studiosissimus Jo. Casus [Added in margin of C] Si nova haec febris urgeat, primum glisteribus alvum leniendum, turn reserandam venam (si vires ferant huic diascordium cum syrupo acetositatis citri et aqua cardui benedicti sumendum, postremo lapidem bezoardicum et cornu monocerotis cum eadem aqua aegrotantibus propinandum esse suademus victumque tenuem semper praescribimus. Colis ter faeces humorum tollit, vena aperta aestum caloris sedat, diascordium venenum morbi pellit, bezoardica spiritus turn vitales turn animales optime conservant.

6. W I L L I A M C A M D E N TO J O H N CASE

Source: MS BM Add. 36,294, fol. 32V. Domino Doctori Caso pridie Calendas Decembris 1592. Valetudine, quam habes (ornatissime Domine Doctor), fruaris et habeas, precor, integerrimam. Ego vero valetudine sum infirmissima, ita iactatus et exagitatus, infestissima ilia Saturni prole, ut Romam advolarem febrique Deae in summa parte vici longe, si qua spes esset aTroppiiTTeiv, medico utor et fidelissimo et eruditissimo Doctori Fostero, sed tenuis spes est, ut me relictum videat ante [m]enses aestivos, tibi vero (vir optime) pro singulari amore redamo,1 consilio gratias habeo, de utroque animo omni observantia plenissimo colo, laudes vero illas et tuo et Cottoni amore promanantes in te de 3. 4. 5. 6.

C: auferet. C add. cum post vero. C om. virusque. C om. vale.

i. Cod del. pro post redamo.

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Republica literaria meritissimum bona tua cum venia refundo. Plura velim, sed inter scribendum tanta capitis. Gravedo incumbit, ut abrumpere cogar, quod hae valetudinariae et vacillantes literae pro me loquntur. Vale, vir optime, ornatissime, et amantissime, et ab eo salve, qui te ex animo amat et aestimat.

7. J O H N C A S E TO R O B E R T COTTON

Sources: MSS BM Harl. 6995, fols. 165—66; Add. 4160, fol. 195. Dignissime Cottone, a quo Londinum sum profectus, mihimet non placui in valetudine mea, nee aeger, nee sanus sum, langueo tamen neutrumque corpus habeo. Utut vero se res habent meae, non possum oblivisci tui, quern in praecordiis meis collocavi, te ergo prae ceteris inter amicissimos saluto optoque ut repuerascens quasi Janus te fronte serena intueatur, utque vivas, valeas sisque in omnibus quae conaris ter quaterque beatus. Res gallicae hie non loquuntur. Ferunt mense Februario futurum Parlamentum. Pestis adhuc saevitet tamen theatra histrionibus ubique patent. Dominus Thesaurarius non recte valet. Noster Camdenus convalescit, ad quern iam in navicula me confero. Quaeso Penelopen tuam meo ipsius nomine saluta, eamque ut os de ossibus tuis, et carnem de carne tua delige. Sic enim iussit Christus, sic iussit ecclesia, sic natura iussit: Christus, quia ex duobus unum individuum fecit: ecclesia, quia in ho[c] misterio nuptias inter se et Christum celebrat; natura, quae uxorem sociam non servam, dimidium quasi viri non mancipium dedit. O quam pium et quam iucundum est videre Saram et Abrahamum, id est uxorem et virum, unaninii consensu in eadem domo, cohabitare et tanquam chordas dulcisonas optime sonantis lyrae inter se consentire; haec harmonia mentis non curis in consensu animorum non vocum concentu inest. Iterum vale, vir dignissime meque, ut soles dilige. 28 Decembris 1592. Tuus semper in omni officio, J. Casus Equi bonique quaeso haec scripta consulas, nam doctor tuus valetudinarius Londini non valens Oxonii scripsit. [Outside address] To the Right Worshipfull his very good frend Mr. Cotton at Combe. Give these.

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8. JOHN CASE TO R O B E R T C O T T O N

Sources: MSS BM Harl. 6995, fols 60-61 [H]; Add. 4160, fols. 183-84 [A]. Dr. John Case to Mr. Robert Cotton1 lesus. Talentum gratiarum amoris et officii a me debetur tibi; pensum ergo mihimet quotidianum imposui donee persolverim, nam etsi opes desunt, crescit tamen Hesiodi vitis, quae gratissimae mentis uvas et grana fundit. Ver iam et aetatis tuae, et hyems senectutis meae: en soils ortum, ego occasum video, sed ut sol cadens non minus lucis et splendoris quam oriens habet, ita semes in caelum hinc avolantes cum Scipione illo maiore suos Scipiones salutarent agnoscerentque multum honoris deberi illis qui prudentiam, iustitiam, pietatem colunt. Es quidem (vir dignissime) Scipio et Patronus meus, devotus studiis, Mecaenas doctis; eo nomine saluto, diligo amplector dignitatem tuam, et ut olim cadentes in cymbam plurimum delectati erant conserendis plantis, quarum fructus se noverint nunquam" percepturos; ita sane te iam arte, honore, fama crescentem videre est quidem mihi permagnae voluptati, tametsi cedrum et culmen adhuc honoris debiti virtuti tuae non video. Perge studiis macte virtute annales et historias nostrorum temporum volve. Apollo in illis est, ipsaque temporis filia, veritas, flos, veris multum nos capit, ut fructus autumni magis, sic est in rerum difficilium studiis, in quibus flos et fructus insunt. Robur, ingenium, artem, validum acutum, prudentem natura, industria minerva dedit, laborem, studium, experientiam adde vives. Sed uxorem duxisti, et Penelopen non Xantippen tibi; caeterum mundus a studiis avocat, verum est illos, quibus mundus deest. Mille sunt curae in nuptiis; imo tibi prudenti nullae, verumtamen hominis est curare familiam, at modus est. Hie modus sine modo urget quem quaeso nisi ilium, qui modo non studet; at studes tu quidem modo, studes virtuti rerumque multiplici cognitioni studes; quare (vir illustris) absens senex tuus apud te testatam relinquo fidem, relinquo votum, nihil scilicet te habere melius quam ut possis nihil optatius quam ut velis studia et oracula scientiarum amplecti, quaerere perscrutari. Sed rivos claudam et concludam has literas cum hac catastrophe: te, tuos, tuamque domum deligo. Fac quaeso ut me diligentem vos reciproce diligatis. Vale 3° Martii 1592 [1593 n.s.]. Fide, affectu, amore tuus J. Casus [Outside address] To the Right Worshipfull his very assuryd good friend Mr. Cotton give these at Combe. 1. Dr Cotton add, A 2. H: nuncquam

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9. JOHN CASE TO R I C H A R D H A Y D O C K E

Source: Giampaolo Lomazzo, A Tracte Containing the Artes of Curious Paintinge . . . Englished by R[ichard] H[aydocke]. . . (Oxford, 1598), fol. *i. lohn Case D. of Physicke to His Friende R.H. of New Colledge. When I first heard (learned and kinde friende M. Haydocke) of your purpose in setting forth a large Booke concerning the Arte of Painting, two things caused me much to marvaile; first how you could winne time, and weane your selfe from Hippocrates to Apelles; and then what matter you could yeelde us from a Painters pot and pencell: But after reading a few lines of the worke, I utterly chaunged my minde, and beganne contrariwise to wonder, how so excellent a Booke coulde bee compiled upon so meane a subiect; Meane I say in name, but not indeede: meane as we call a Gnatt, in whose life, parts, forme, voice and motion, Nature hath bestowed her best arte, and left unto us wonders to beholde. What shall I say more? One shaddow of man, one image of his panes, in this Booke, sheweth us better use. For if Hippocrates will reade an Anatomic, heere-hence he may learne exact and true proportion of humane Bodies; if Dioscorides will make an Herball, here he may have skill to set forth hearbes, plantes, and fruites, in most lively colours. Geometritians heere-hence for Buylding may take their perfect Modelles. Cosmographers may finde good arte to make their Mappes and Tables. Historians cannot heere want a pencell to over-shaddow mens famous Actes, Persons, and Morall pictures. Princes may heere learne to builde Engines of warre, and ornamentes of peace. For (Vitruvius who writeth of Building to Augustus the Emperour) saith, that all kinde of warlike Engines were first invented by Kings and Captaines, who were skilfull in the Arte of Painting and Carving. One thing more I adde above all the rest (my good friende M. Haydocke) that in reading your booke I finde therein two notable images of Natural and Morall Philosophic, the one so shaddowed with preceptes of Nature, the other so garnished the best colours of Vertues; that in mine opinion, I never found more use of Philosophic, in any booke I ever read of the like theame and subiect. And truely had I not read this your Auctor and Translation, I had not fully understoode what Aristotle meante in the sixth booke of his Ethickes, to call Phidias and Polycletus most wise men; as though any parte of wisdome did consist in Carving and Painting; which now I see to be true; and more-over must needes confesse the same, because God Himselfe filled Bezaleel the sonne of Uri, with an excellent spirit ofWisedome and understanding, to finde out curious workes, to worke in Golde, Silver, andBrasse, and in Graving stones to set them, and in Carving of wood, even to make any manner of fine woorke. [Marginal note: Exod. cap. 55 vers. 31.] In like manner hee indued the heart of Aholiah with Wisdome (as the Texte saith) to worke all manner of cunning in embrodred and needle-worke. And this he did for the making of his Arke, his Tabernacle, his Mercy-seate, his glorious Temple, which were the wonders of the Wordle [sic], and the only rare monumentes of this Arte. If these thinges be

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true (kinde friend) as they are most true: I marvaile much, that after so long studie, so great labour, so much time spent in translating so good, so learned, so profitable an Auctor you should now draw backe from your intent and purpose, desiring rather to suppresse, then presse or print the same. Trully I speake not this any way to flatter you, but rather to edge and incourage you to greater labours. Because I finde you have used this your translation greate art, knowledge, and discretion. For walking as it were in golden fetters (as al Translators doe) you notwithstanding so warilie follow your Auctor, that where he trippeth you hold him up, and where he goeth out of the way, you better direct his foote. You have not only with the Bee sucked out the best iuyce from so sweete a flower, but with the Silke-worme as it were woven out of your owne bowels, the finest silke; and that which is more, not rude and raw silke, but finely died with the fresh colour of your owne art, Invention and Practise. If these Adamantes draw you not to effect this which you have so happilie begunne: then let these spurres drive you forward: viz. Your owne promise, the expectation of your friends, the losse of some credit if you should steppe backe, the profit which your labours may yeeld to many, the earnest desire which your selfe have to revive this Arte, and the undoubted acceptation of your paines, if you performe the same. But I make no question hereof, because you ever tolde me, that I and your friendes should over-rule you heerein; which thing we now challendge, and draw you to the print of your owne name although you be unwilling. And so leaving you (as I hope) resolved, I commit you to the good successe of your worke and protection of the Almightie.

APPENDIX IV

The Apologia Academiarum

THE ONLY WORK of Case known to remain in MS, aside from the few letters published above in Appendix III, is the Apologia academiarum, which is preserved in MS Oxford, Corpus Christi 321. It contains Case's most sustained attempt to defend the value of education against its opponents, a theme that crops up frequently in Case's printed works.1 The Apologia was completed in 1596, as we learn from the MS. It really deserves eventual publication in full along with a detailed study of its meaning and place within the educational context of Elizabethan England. Here I shall publish Case's prefatory letter to the reader along with the titles of the sixteen chapters that make up the work. The Apologia was written for "the reigning Queen Elizabeth" and was dedicated to Thomas Sackville, the earl of Dorset and chancellor of the University of Oxford, who was also to receive the dedication to the Thesaurus oeconomiae, published a year later. Though the MS does not contain a letter of dedication, it does have a rather lengthy and interesting "letter to the reader," which gives us a useful insight into the circumstances of the composition of the work. It is not clear why the Apologia was not published, for it certainly would have been of interest to Case's contemporaries. One would think that its spirited defence of grammar-school and, especially, university education would have been of great attraction and would have fitted in well with the publishing programme of Joseph Barnes. Moreover, there must certainly have been strong support for Case's position among the Oxford community in general. In any event the work was not published during Case's i. Especially SC, 495-506, but also see the prefatory letters to SVI, SQM, TO, and LP.

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lifetime. In the next century, an attempt seems to have been made to get it published by Christopher Potter,2 who was successor to Archbishop Laud as vice-chancellor of the University during the Civil War. At the end of the MS is written "Imprimatur Chr. Potter Vicec. Oxon. Jul. 10, 1641." Once again, however, the attempt was unsuccessful. Case mentions the Apologia academiarum in his Thesaurus oeconomiae3', it was known to later writers such as Anthony Wood4 and J. Gillow5; but it is not included in the list of Case's works in the DNB article and does not seem to be known to writers on education in Renaissance England. The work, as it has come down to us, is preserved in a contemporary or slightly later MS copy for which a description has been available for more than a century.6 As far as I have been able to discover, no part of the work has previously appeared in print. In preparing this partial edition the orthography has generally been followed, but the punctuation has occasionally been altered. Various corrections and changes have been made in the MS by a later hand. These are, at least in part, alterations made in preparation for publishing it in 1641.

[MS Corpus Christi 321] Apologia academiarum authore Joanne Caso medicinae doctore oxoniensi ar annodomini 1596. Hoc opus conscripsit doctissimus ille vir regnante Serenissima Regina Elizabetha non multo ante obitum suum et dedicavit illustrissimo Comiti Domino Dorset turn temporis Academiae Cancellario. Summa capitum quae in hoc opere continentur. gr Lectori candido et studioso. 4r Expectas fortassis (humanissime Lector) volumen in universam philosophiam, quod olim promisi. Te quidem mea non fallit industria, quae concepit et perfecit opus, sed inopia rerum qua pressus a typo et praelo ad praxim assiduam medicinae vocor. Cum opes Galenus dederit, caniciem aetatis persolvam tibi: interim autem (ne otiosus videar) hoc encheiridion in lucem mitto, in quo pro te, pro tuis studiis, pro literis et Academiis genium a. For a sketch of his life and career see DNB. 3. TO, 278, cited above p. 140. 4. Wood AO I, 687. 5. Gillow, Dictionary of English Catholics, I: 423. 6. H.O. Coxe, Catalogtts codicum MSS. qui in collegiis aulisque Oximiensibus hodie adservantur (Oxford, 1852), II (Corpus Christi, 167).

248

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ingeniumque meum, tanquam legates et oratores constituo. Legatio de re magna est ad maximam et clementissimam Principem Elizabethan! Deam tutelarem nostram.1 Utinam oratio rei magnitudini et personae maiestati consonet. Sed utcunque est, veritate armata est, et uti spero in legationis munere non deficiet: Odium saepe veritatis umbra est; at fama solidae virtutis umbram istam fugat.2 Pergam ergo, et literarum non parcam hosti, quern aut revocare consilio si possim,3 aut ratione ut possim4 vincere et refutare contendam, De sereno principis nobiliumque affectu in nos et causam non dubito: te autem candidum lectorem, amor patriae, amor ecclesiae, academiae amor, amor denique philosophiae, religionis, pietatis reddet; reddent te Musae studia, collegia tua quae omnia uno impetu concident, si ruant Athenae. Veni ergo, mecum (erudite lector) in hoc speculo parcas et fata intuere nostra; si furiae vincant, nos miseri; si non vincant, fortunati sumus.5 Quippe in miseria nostra reipublicae vulnus, in fortuna prospera reipublicae salus inest. Ut enim vita humana mors est sine literis, ita sine academiis et literatis magna imperia nihil aliud sunt quam luporum et tyrannorum latibula; aut quasi mortuorum vanissima sepulchra, in quibus non homines, sed vultures et scorpiones vivunt. Nam hominum memoria, honor, fama, sine literis virtute et tuba probe ante actae vitae pereunt. Haec summa est legationis meae: omnia in eo folia animum, amorem, et zelum loquuntur 6 meum in academiam, patriam, ecclesiam, trinam et tamen unam quasi matrem omnium, 7 quam trinus et unus Deus gratiose et mirabiliter hucusque conservavit. Impii sumus si, ingrati simis; et sane cavendum est, ne ignavi et securi simus; quippe impetu leonum fracto, vulpes ubique latrant: Sic iterum, sic saepe premunt; ubi vincere aperte Non datur; insidias armaque tecta parant

Irruit in nos palam Hacatus monstrum illud, qui saepe horribilem hanc vocem eboavit, artes tollantur, tollantur academiae, tollantur ecclesiae, tollantur fides, religio, Christus.8 Sed Antichristum istius sectae lex sancta, crux iusta sustulit. Huic successerunt alii eodem spiritu, sed omnia insidiose dissimulantes zelo, Barroistas intelligo, qui nigras volantes satyras sparserunt in quibus idipsum 1. ex ad maximam — nostram con, ad maximum et clementissimum Principem lacobum 2. cod. add. in marg. virtutis comes invidia 3. possim can. ex possum 4. possim carr. ex possum g. cod. add. in marg. Vita sine literis mors 6. loquuntur con. ex loquntur 7. cod. add. in marg. Academia, Ecclesia et Patria trina numero, re tamen una mater omnium 8. cod. add. in marg. Hacatus et Barrous hostes academiarum et ecclesiae

Appendices

249

loquuntur9 quod illi: Quorsum artes? quorsum ista gentium et philosophorum idola? quorsum curiosa inventa hominum? Non Deum, non fidem, non religionem, sed vanissimam idaeam, fraudem, superstitionem docent: tollantur ergo academiae in quibus sophistica haec monstra phantasiae vivunt. Pessime sophista Decipies alios verbis vultuque benigno: Nam mihi iam notus dissimulator eris. (Martial, lib. 4, epigr. 89)

Sed istos cometas nostrae aetatis splendidissima sidera radiis ingenii, religionis, Juris obscurarunt, suffocarunt et extinxerunt leges.10 Qui ergo iam restant ecclesiae et academiae hostes? Hostes a tergo sunt, hostes in sinu, ambitio et assentatio, quae spem precio et prece emunt. Hostes illi canem bovi invidentem foenum, hi vero canem in fluvio // natantem spe falsa et umbra deceptum prae 4v se ferunt. Sed Pollux et Castor apparent nobis et serenitatem pollicentur. Est enim in solio maiestatis Dea; Dii academici sunt in curia; sunt quoque aliquot angeli, qui nostros orbes versant. Honoris causa nominarem,'' sed serena nocte non opus est digito quo stellas demonstrem conspicuas. Attolle oculos, intuere, cole. Habes (studiose lector) umbram legationis meae; procedat nunc genius, causam agat: si bene loquatur, officium puta, si erret pro humanitate tua amice admone, candide interpretare. Vale Oxonii. Tui studiosus J. Case Cap. I. Unde, qua antiquitate et quid Academia. Cap. II. Qualis esse debeat Academia et cur olim tam honorifice et religiose maiores nostri de Academiis cogitarunt. Cap. III. Quod status turn ecclesiae turn reipublicae plurimum enervetur si ruant Academiae. Cap. IV. Quod Cathedrales ecclesiae praeclara gymnasia in omni regno sint quasi minores Academiae, quodque illis demolitis maximum damnum et dispendium respublica patiatur. Cap. V. Quod Anglia semper ecclesias, scholas, Academias struere et fundare studuerit: quodque earum luminibus illustrata, aliis nationibus longe praeluxerit. Cap. VI. Quod reges, senatores et proceres Angliae acerrimi semper propugnatores et patroni turn Academiarum turn ecclesiarum fuerint, quodque scholae publicae et privatae seminaria optima literarum non minus dotandae sint privilegiis quam si essent ipsae parvulae Academiae. 9. loquuntur corr. ex loquntur 10. cod. add. inmarg. D. Bilsonus, D. Bancroftus, D. Soume, D. Cosens, D. Hookerus 11. cod. add. in marg. Quidam e senatoribus quidam etiam e servientibus sacrae maiestati fuerunt academici

yc 6v 8r lor nr iav

250 i3v 14v i5t i6v

iyr iyv i8v i8v igv aor

Appendices

Cap. VII. Quae causae sint quae quosdam ad oppugnandas Academias et ecclesias cathedrales maxime incitant. Cap. VIII. Quod Academiarum Herostrati male semper perierint quodque sint gravissima paena plectendi. Cap. IX. Quod privilegia ac libertates concessa Academiis sint nervi bonarum literarum et quod illi qui ea negant Academias ipsas graviter vulnerant. Cap. X. Quod Academiae nee astutiores nee captitaliores hostes habeant, quam qui contra statuta principum et nobilium literis abutuntur ad possessiones et dignitates in eis aucupandas quibus omnium indignissimi haberi debent. Cap. XI. Quod Academici semper faciliorem prae aliis accessum ad rempublicam et honorem invenirent quodque in cathedris ecclesiae et civitatis locati magis longe quam alii utrique prosint. Cap. XII. Quod vita Academica sit laboriosior quam ulla quae corporis viribus perficitur. Cap. XIII. In afflicta quidem multo autem magis in florente republica conservandas et non nisi in extremis enervandas esse Academias. Cap. XIV. Quod depravata vita studentium non sit iusta causa destruendi Academias; quodque studia bonarum artium aucta conservant, suppressa easdem perdant. Cap. XV. Quod argumenta eorum qui oppugnant Academias sint nullius ponderis. [Written at the end in different hand] Imprimatur Chr. Potter Vicec. Oxon. Jul 20 1641

APPENDIX V

Prefatory Letters and Liminary Verses to Case's Works HERE ARE LISTED the names of those to whom Case addressed prefatory letters in his various works and the names of those who contributed liminary verses to his works. Further information on these men will be found in Chapters II and III. I. Summa veterum interpretum (1584) Dedication letter to Robert Dudley. Letter to Case by Nicolas Morice. Poems by: Nicolas Morice, Laurence Humphrey, John Underbill, Francis Willis, John Read, John Prime, "Mira Guarda," Tfhomas] Dfrope], Ralph Ravens, and Timothy Willis. II. Speculum quaestionum moralium (1585) Dedication letter to Robert Dudley. Poems by: John Underbill, Laurence Humphrey, Thomas Bickley, Arthur Yeldard, William Cole, Martin Colepepper, Edmund Lillie, Oliver Withington, John Delabere, Anthony Ail worth, Francis Willis, John Read, Nicholas Balgay, Thomas Dochen, Robert Crane, Thomas Drope, Richard Eedes, Bartholomew Warner, Michael Greene, Martin Read, "Mira Guarda," Ralph Ravens, Sabine Chambers, John Williams, Richard Harley, Griffin Powel, John Prime. III. Apologia mttsices (1588) Dedication letter to William Hatton and Henry Unton. Letter to Christopher Hatton.

252

Appendices IV. Sphaera civitatis (1588)

Dedication letter to Christopher Hatton. Poems by: Richard Latewar, John Underhill, Francis Willis, Laurence Humphrey, Edward Cradock, Edmund Lillie, Martin Heton, Matthew Gwinne, John Prime, Edmund Lillie, Nicholas Morice, William Gager, William Paddy. V. Reflexus speculi moralis (1596) Dedication letter to Richard Fettiplace. Poems by: Thomas Holland, M[atthew] G[winne], Bartholomew Warner, Richard Latewar, Henry Price. VI. Abecedarium (1596) Dedication letter to John Fettiplace, VII. Thesaurus oeconomiae (\597) Dedication letter to Thomas Sackville. Poems by: Thomas Holland, H[enry] Pfrice], VIII. Lapis philosophicus (1599) Dedication Letter to Thomas Egerton. Poems by: Thomas Thornton, Edmund Lillie, Thomas Holland, Thomas Ravis, Richard Latewar, George Abbot, Thomas Singleton, Henry Bust, Thomas Dochen, Matthew Gwinne, Bartholomew Warner, Ralph Hutchinson, William Thorne, Edward Herbert, James Hussey, Richard Haydocke, Thomas James. IX. Ancilla philosophiae (1599) Dedication letter to John Egerton.

APPENDIX VI

The Title Page of Lapis Philosophicus ONE OF THE striking features of Case's work, which until recently had not been noticed, is the ornate title page of the Lapis philosophicus. A few years ago, however, Professor S.K. Heninger reproduced it with its accompanying descriptive poem.' Because of its intrinsic interest I have decided to print the title page once again (plate 3). It is of a remarkable artistic crudity in nearly every respect, but at the same time rather sophisticated in other ways. The emblems used are mostly trite and conventional, but it is not without interest that they appear coupled to an Aristotelian book rather than to a text more at home among iconographers and symbol-interpreters. Along with representations of blind fortune, father time, and abundant nature, we find also vacuum, which is unusual for two reasons. Vacuum is not a normal subject for visual representation (the problem of plausibly representing it is not easy) and, second, it is a feature that does not really, strictly speaking, apply to Aristotelian philosophy. In the text of the Lapis philosophicus Case does not come out very strongly in favour of a vacuist position, making the title page all the more curious. Possibly the most noteworthy thing about the tide page is that it portrays a sort of emblematic approach to Aristotle. This is an evident aspect of the approach I have alluded to already in which Case evidently had some sort of general programme in mind when he titled his various works.2 Though more could be written on this title page, I am generally content to follow the interpretation outlined by Professor Heninger. I feel that I should mention a further detail, however, which he did not 1. Heninger, Touches of Sweet Harmony, 217-20. 2. See above chap. IV, sect. IX.

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discuss. The inscription "Casus in occasum vergit vivitque sepultus" actually contains a pun worth considering. Casus means "death" or "the end of time," but it is also the Latin for Case's name. Thus the figure portrayed in sepulchral style seems to be Case himself, already dead when the book appeared. Consequently, an alternate (rather free) translation for the inscription might read: "John Case has come to his death, though entombed he still lives." Moreover, the line of verse in the text,3 presumably written by Case, reads slightly differently: "Casus in occasum vergens haec ante sepulchrum." This can be translated as "John Case declining in his life [wrote] these words before the grave." It is the last line of the decastichon and seems obviously to have been written shortly before his demise. Indeed, it seems probable that Case died before the publication of the Lapis philosophicus, and the changed wording of the title page seems to indicate this.

3. Reproduced in Heninger, Touches of Sweet Harmony, 220.

APPENDIX VII

Tabula from LP', 195 DISTINCTIO ADIUNCTAE QUAESTIONIS SEU APPENDICIS. UTRUM ARTE CHYMICA VERUM AURUM FIAT? Verum, quod aliunde petit, ut solent necromandci, qui aut in mari immersum, aut in terra defossum in lucem trahunt, quod tamen se confecisse gioriose iactant. / Magica, quae daemonum auxilio freta producit aurum, idemque aut Apparens et adulterinum idque bifariam vel per

Ars Chyraica est aut

Physica, quae demonstratur posse aurum verissime efficere

1. Deceptionem visus, ut venefici et praestigiatores solent, qui lapidem aliquando apparens aurum efficium. 2. Operationem indoctorum in hac arte, qui inaniter laborantes saepe tincturam auri et argenti efficiunt, aurum vero ipsum non possunt; quia philosophiam non sapiunt.

1. Ab authoritate multorum antiquissimorum fideque dignissimorum virorum, qui testantur fieri posse, factumque fuisse. 2. A consequenlia necessaria; quia fieri poiest arte ut causae materiales auri et argenti (nimirum Sulphur et Mercurius) opportune accommodentur efficientibus causis, quae non possunt non producere effectum. 3. A natura et proprietate ignis, qui calore suo geometrico oranes corruptas faeces et sordes rerum naturalium absumit, quintasque essentias, partes puriores fovet, alit. etconservat. Sic tartaro sulphuris consumpto purissimum aurum efficit. 4. A probabititate, quia ars aemula naturae res saepe vix minus difficiles factu quam aurum facit, puta vitrium ex radicibus siiicis, salem ex aqua, nitrum ex terra aliaque mutta vi et virtute ignis. 5. Ab experientia, quia ex stanno argentwn, ex auruhako aurum in parva quantitate quoudie vi ignis elicitur: ratio ergo non est, quin eiusdem virtute ex propria materia utriusque utrumque fiat. 6. A dignitate et perfectione anis, quae recte perfectrix naturae in minimis non dicitur, si in maximis eandem ad \ivum non imitetur. 7. A djfficiliori, quia lapidem philosophicum fieri posse fatendum est, nisi omnia antiquitati fidem detrahamus; at lapis philosophicus est et factu difficiltor, et multo pretiosior auro, ut R. Baconus, Agrippa et alii philosophorum antesignani docent. 8. A contrario sensu, quia omnis ratio in contrarium adducta facile refutari potest.

APPENDIX V I I I

The Authorship of The Praise of Musicke PROBABLY THE MOST WIDELY discussed aspect of scholarship on John Case has been the problem of whether he was the author of the anonymous treatise The Praise of Musicke, which was published at Oxford by Joseph Barnes in 1586.* Since Case did publish the Apologia musices two years later with the same press, the assumption has often been made that he was the author of the earlier vernacular treatise as well." Some interpreters have asserted that the Latin work is a translation of the English one.3 The Praise of Musicke appeared with a dedication letter by the printer Joseph Barnes to Sir Walter Ralegh, in which the latter is asked to become the patron of the work since "it is an orphan of one of Lady Musickes children." 4 How this phrase is to be interpreted is not clear, but various commentators have plausibly, it seems to me, argued that it means that the author was already dead by the time the work was published.5 Moreover, there is a good deal of internal evidence to indicate different authorships for Praise of Musicke and Apologia musices,6 1. The most important literature is Haslewood, "Praise of Musicke"; Madan, Oxford Books, I: 279-80; Ringler, "The Praise of Musicke"; Barnett, "John Case"; and Binns, "John Case." 2. Even by authoritative and well-informed publications such as Grove's Dictionary (by J.A. Fuller-Maitland) and DieMtuik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (by R.A. Harman), among many others. See now, however, the excellent article (by J.W. Binns) in the New Grove Dictionary. 3. E.g., Barnett, "John Case," 256, 257. Binns's refutation of this position seems conclusive. 4. Praise of Musicke, fol. *2v. 5. E.g., Madan, Oxford Books, I: 279. A different interpretation is given by Barnett, "John Case," 258. 6. Esp. in Madan, Barnett, and Binns, cited in n. i, above.

Appendices

257

On the other hand, there is a near contemporary reference to Case as author of the English work. The poet Thomas Watson wrote a brief poem entitled A Gratification unto Mr. John Case, for His Learned Booke Lately Made in the Prayes ofMusick, which is datable to the last decade of the sixteenth century.7 This makes it clear that Watson, one of Case's contemporaries, believed the philosopher to have been the author of The Praise of Musicke, an attribution repeated a few years later by Thomas Ravenscroft in his Briefe Discourse... (1614).8 What makes this particularly interesting, however, is the fact that Watson's poem was set to music by William Byrd and published in London in 1589 just three years after the publication of The Praise of Musicke.9 The contemporary evidence offered by Watson and Byrd might seem quite convincing in favour of Case's authorship. Equally, or more, convincing are the arguments for the opposite conclusion: namely, Case's failure to mention the work in any of his writings and Barnes's characterization of the work as an "orphan." It is really rather difficult to choose between the two alternatives, but the arguments gathered by J.W. Binns in the most recent article on the subject seem to tip the balance against Case's authorship.10 He has shown (i) that Case does in fact mention the Praise of Musicke in one of his works (SC, 712) and (2) that the precise content of the Praise of Musicke is very different from the Apologia musices. The way in which the Praise is mentioned in the Sphaera civitatis seems to preclude any possibility of its being Case's own work.J * In conclusion, I think that we must be left in the position specified by Madan many years ago: "The author of the 'Praise of Musicke' may one day be discovered; but he will probably be found to be some other than Dr. John Case."12 7. The poem is contained in a collection copied down by John Lilliat and contained in MS Oxford, BL Rawl. poet, 148, fol. loor. The poem itself is undated, but the collection itself contains material dated between 1589 and 1598. The poem has been printed several times, e.g., in Haslewood, "Praise of Musicke," 543-44; Thomas Watson, Poems, 10-11; and Barnett, "John Case," 256—57. Also see n. 9, below. 8. Ringler, "The Praise of Musicke"; Barnett, "John Case," 256. For the original see Ravenscroft, Brief Discourse, fol. *49. The text is published in the Byrd Edition, XVI: 16-32. Also see the note at XVI: 188. The work is extant in MS London, Royal College of Music, 2041, and two fragments of a version printed at London in 1589 survive. See Byrd Edition, XVI: 183-84, and Neill, "John Case." Also see above, chap. II, p. 126. 10. Binns, "John Case." 11. Ibid., 445, Binns also supplies other evidence in favour of this viewpoint. 12. Madan, Oxford Books, I: 280.

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Bibliography

THIS BIBLIOGRAPHY is divided into two sections: the works of John Case and other works cited. Each of these is in turn subdivided into manuscript and printed works. For both of these categories an attempt has been made to provide a full, but brief, description. In the case of manuscripts, more detailed information can generally be obtained from the relevant descriptive catalogues. A good deal of care has gone into assembling as complete a listing as possible of the printed and manuscript writings of John Case. Undoubtedly, some editions or manuscripts have been overlooked, but the bibliography, printed here is far more complete than any currently available in print and should be the basis for future bibliographical work on him. Those items not seen personally by the compiler have been marked by an asterisk (*), and those seen in a photographic copy are preceded by P. An attempt has been made to locate all printed editions of Case's works, and many libraries have been visited in this quest. The works are listed chronologically, STC and Shaaber1 references given, and library locations provided. Normally locations in the Bodleian (OB), British Library (BM), or Bibliotheque nationale of Paris (BN) have been given where possible, and at least two locations2 1. M. A. Shaaber, Check List of Works of British Authors Printed Abroad in Languages Other than English to 1641 (New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1975). 2. I use the following abbreviations: Esc Escorial, Real Biblioteca GN Gottingen, Niedersachische Staats- und Universitats Bibliothek KKB K0benhavn, Kongelige Bibliotek MH Cambridge, Mass., Harvard College Library MuSB Miinchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek WoA Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek

260

Bibliography

are provided for editions not in any of the three great collections. It may be a somewhat sobering thought for those who assume that they can rely upon the BM and BN as "complete" collections of early books to learn that the BM contains less than forty per cent of Case editions, the BN slightly more than fifty per cent, and that by using the two libraries together one could see seventy per cent of known Case editions. If OB is added, there are still six editions (of thirty-seven) not contained in any of the three libraries. I am particularly indebted to Joseph Freedman for information on Case editions in German libraries. Section II of the Bibliography is generally limited to those works cited in the book. A few additional items have been included, but no attempt has been made to list all studies relevant to the subject. Standard works (editions of classical authors—even Aristotle—of Shakespeare, Spenser, etc.), general histories, and reference works have not been included unless there is some specific reason for doing so, for example, if they contain important information relevant to the argument. Collections of texts are generally entered under the name of the editor and anonymous works under the first significant word of the title. The bibliography has been compiled for ease of use and to provide the reader with adequate bibliographical information to locate the items cited in the notes by short-title form only.

I. WORKS OF JOHN CASE

A. Manuscripts London, BM, Harl. 6995. A miscellaneous collection of original letters, containing three from Case to Robert Cotton (fols. 60—61,129-30,165—66). London, BM, Cotton Julius C. III. A miscellaneous collection of letters to Robert Cotton, including one by Case (fol. 81). London, BM, Cotton Julius C. V. Letters of William Camden, including one by Case (fol. 50). London, BM, Add. 4160. A collection of State Papers and letters, including three from Case to Cotton (fols. 183-84, 194-95), which are draft copies of those contained in MS Harl. 6995. London, BM, Add. 36,394. Correspondence etc. of William Camden in his own copies, including a letter of Camden to Case (fol. 32v). London, BM, Add. 39,839 (Tresham Papers, vol. III). A miscellaneous collection dated 1598—1605. It contains a letter (fol. 29), which is damaged

Bibliography

261

and partially illegible, dated 2 October 1599, said by the catalogue (i.e., the card file in the BL) to be a letter of Thomas Tresham to John Case. Oxford, University Archives, Archives of the Chancellor's Court, Reg. GG. Contains a transcript of John Case's will (fols. 180-81). Oxford, Corpus Christi 321. Early i7th century. John Case's Apologia academiarum (1596) (fols. 1-21). B, Printed Editions i. Case's Works la. Summa veterum interpretum in universam dialecticam Aristotelis, authore M. Johanne Case Oxoniensi, olim Collegii Divi lohannis Praecursoris socio. London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1584. STC, 4762. BM, OB. ib. Summa veterum intepretum in universam dialecticam Aristotelis; quam verefalsove Ramus in Aristotelem invehatur, ostendens. Auctore loanne Case Oxoniensi, olim Collegii D. loannis Praecursoris socio. Frankfurt: Johannes Wechel, 1589. Not in Shaaber. WoA, MuSB. ic. . Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1592. STC, 4763. OB. id. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1593. Shaaber C-155. BM. ic. . Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1598. STC, 4764. BM, OB. if. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1598. Shaaber C-156. OB. ig. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1606. Shaaber C-i57_ BN. *ih. . Frankfurt: Ex officina typographica Egenolphi Emmelii, impensis Petri Kopffi, 1622. Bibliotheca Thysiana (University of Leiden). Not in Shaaber. 2a. Speculum moralium quaestionum in universam ethicen Aristotelis, authore magistro lohanne Caso Oxoniensi olim Collegii Divi lohannis Praecursoris socio. Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1585. STC, 4759. BM, OB. ab. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1589. Shaaber C-142. BM. 2C. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1591. Shaaber C-143. WF, Esc. 2d. . Frankfurt: Ex officina typographica loannis Saueri, impensis Nicolai Bassaei, 1594. Not in Shaaber. MuSB, KKB, Schmitt. 2e. Speculum quaestionum moralium, in universam Aristotelis philosophi summi ethicen, cui additur brevis commentarius in magna moralia Aristotelis, qui ab authore reflexus speculi moralis nominatur, lohanne Case Oxoniensi doctore in medicina olim Collegii Praecursoris socio authore, nunc denuo recognitum et a mendis plerisque repurgatum. Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1596. STC, 4760. BM, BN, OB. 2f. . Frankfurt: Nicolaus Bassaeus, 1597. Shaaber C—144. WoA. This and successive editions do not contain RSM. 2g. . Frankfurt: Ex officina typographica Wolfgang! Richteri, impensis omnium heredum Nicolai Bassaei, 1604. Shaaber C-145- BN. 2h. . Frankfurt: Ex officina typographica Wolfgangi Richteri, impensis omnium heredum Nicolai Bassaei, 1609. Shaaber C—146. BN.

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OTHER WORKS CITED

A. Manuscripts Cambridge (England), UL, Dd. 2. 11. Not earlier than 1588, fol. 14. A lute piece by John Dowland, entitled "Dr Cases Paven."

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Index

Here are entered principally the proper names and places occuring in the text and appendices of the book. "Aristotle" and "John Case" are not indexed. Also not included are names of modern scholars cited in the footnotes and the names of those persons mentioned in Case's will which do not occur elsewhere in the volume. Abbot, George, 112-13, 123, 252 Acciaiuoli, Donate, 59, 151, 152, 155 Agricola, Rudolph, 33, 38, 79, 142, 219 Agrippa, Henricus Cornelius, 49, 158, 196, 200, 201, 209, 211 Albert the Great, 121, 184, 203 Alcala commentators, 46, 66 Alexander ab Alexandro, 159 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 60 Alexander the Great, 17 Allyngton, Robert of, 32 Alsted, Johann Heinrich, 145, 215 Anaxagoras, 165 Anglicanism. See Church of England Anthony, Francis, 109, no, 120 Antonius Andreae, 31, 225 Apelles, 131, 132, 197, 244 Archimedes, 197 Archytas of Tarentum, 165, 197 Argall, John, 35, 128, 228 Aristophanes, 79 Arnisaeus, Henning, 6, 218 Arnold of Villanova, 121, 169 Ascham, Roger, 45, 63 Ashmole, Elias, 118, 121, 210 Ashworth, E.J., x, 38 atomism, 5 Augustine of Hippo, St., 201

Augustus, Emperor, 244 Averroes, 22 Ayhvorth, Anthony, 93, 117, 124, 251 Bacon, Francis, 4, 8, 11, 27, 28, 33, 34, 36, 44, 46, 47, 49, 171, 191—92, 198200, 206—7, 212—13, 216—17, 224, 229 Bacon, Roger, 112, 119, 123, 159, 194-95, 203, 206, 208-10 Balduino, Girolamo, 35, 36 Baldwin, William, 140 Balgay, Nicholas, 116, 118, 251 Bancroft, Richard, 88, 114, 249 Barbaro, Ermolao, 18, 62 Barkley, Lady Katherine, 59 Barnes, Joseph, 36, 72, 73, 87, 89, 90, 98—100, 119, 122—24, *32' 137' 1 4*> 189, 195, 246, 256, 257 Barrow, Henry, 248 Barrow, Isaac, 45 Basel, 24, 26, 175, 182 Basel, University of, 117 Batt, Robert, 55, 57, 65 Baxter, Nathaniel, 7, 51, 228 Bellarmine, Robert, 119 Bembo, Pietro, 143 Bessarion, Basil, 50 Beurhusius, Fredericus, 59, 227

ag6

Index

Bever, Johannes, 149, 173 Beza, Theodore, 73, 105, 158 Bible, 63, 70, 108, 214 Bickley, Thomas, 112, 251 Bilson, Thomas, 249 Binns, J.W., xi, 257 Bishop, George, 71 Blundeville, Thomas, 33, 228-29 Boas, F.S., 129-30 Bodin.Jean, 143 Bodley, Sir Thomas, 103, 105, 108, 233 Boethius, 151-53 Bologna, University of, 16, 41 Bonatti, Guido, 200—201, 209 Bonus Ferrariensis, 121 Borrhaus, Martinus, 151-52, 158-59 Borro, Girolamo, 178, 218 Boyle, Robert, 67, 171, 224 Bradshaw, Roger, 59 Bradwardine, Thomas, 14, 17, 32, 66, 67, 168 Brandolini, Lippo, 79 Brant, Sebastian, 153, 158 Brerewood, Edward, 33, 74, 149, 228-29 Brescia, 154 Breton, Nicholas, 9, 94, 98, 109, 123, 125, 167,210, 237-39 Bricot, Thomas, 34 Bright, Timothy, 7, 59, 68, 72, 224 Bruni, Leonardo, 5, 16, 18, 24, 26, 99, 155, 161,175-77,218-19 Bruno, Giordano, 8, 28, 44, 48, 49, 58, 118, 219 Buchanan, George, 158 Bucknell, Richard, 59 Bude, Guillaume, 158 Bull, John, 88, 126 Bullinger, Heinrich, 20 Buonamici, Francesco, 170 Burgersdijk, Franco, 46, 67, 73-74 Burghley, Lord [William Cecil], 134, 136, 242 Buridan, Jean, 38, 66, 67, 151-53 Burley, Walter, 14, 27, 28, 31, 151-53, 159, 226 Buste, Henry, 117-18, 123-24, 128, 252 Bynneman, Henry, 71 Byrd, William, 126, 257 Caesar, Julius, 79, 188 Caesarius, Joannes, 33, 79

Caius, John, 25, 36, 224 Calvin, John, and Calvinism, 10, 73, 158 Cambridge, 24, 68, 73, 99 Cambridge, University of, 7, 15, 17, 18— 21, 25, 29, 31, 34, 40, 44-46, 49-50, 52-59, 61-68, 70, 72, 127-28, 133, 140, 185, 224; Clare Hall, 58; King's College, 58; Trinity Hall, 59 Cambridge Platonists, 27, 45, 49 Camden, William, 94, 95, 99-100, 105, 113, 117, 121, 123, 126, 210, 237, 240-42 Camden Chair of History, 44 Camerarius, Joachim (the elder), 22 Campion, Edmund, 3, 96, 105, 114—15, 134 Cano, Melchor, 22 Canterbury, 112, 114 Cardano, Girolamo, 49, 59, 158 Carr, Nicholas, 33, 60 Carre, M.H., 4 Carter, Peter, 34, 68 delta Casa, Giovanni, 118, 120 Casaubon, Isaac, 174 Case, Elizabeth Dobson, 80-82, 104, 230, 232, 234-35 Cassander, Georgius, 79 Catena, Pietro, 151, 157 Catholic Church. See Church, Catholic Cato, 56—57 Celaya, Joannes de, 151, 154, 155 Cesalpino, Andrea, 20, 74 Chaldaic Oracles, 49 Chambers, E.K., 130, 139 Chambers, Sabine, 114, 251 Chapman, George, 105 Charpentier (Carpentarius), Jacques, 48-49 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 9 Cheke, John, 60 Chester, 96 Chichester, 112 Christopherson, John, 60 Church, Catholic, 9, 18, 27, 37,41, 46, 66, 74-76,85, 114-16 Church of England and Anglicanism, 19, 22, 42, 62, 65, 114—16, 236 Cicero, 16, 17, 41, 63, 73, 79, 130, 177, 238 Clark, Andrew, 53 Clarkson, William, 91 Claudian, 69, 153

Index

297

Coimbra commentators and the Conimbricenses, 38, 46, 57, 66, 74, 98, 140, 141, 149, 152, 156, 157, 169, 171, 215 Colepeper, Martin, 112, 116-18, 132, 251 Cole, William, 124, 251 Colet, John, 24, 62 Cologne and the Schola coloniensis, 16, 152, 154, 157 Complutenses. See Alcala Contarini, Gasparo, 59, 143 Cooper, Thomas, 112 Copenhaver, B.P., x Copernicus, Nicolaus, and Copernicanism,8, 28, 51, 168,218 Cordell, William, 80, 84 Coryat, Thomas, 9, 159 Cosin, Richard, 249 Costello, W.T., 6 Cotton, Robert, 94-96, 110, 117, 237, 239-43 Coventry, 112 Crab, Gilbert, 151, 154 Cracow, 16, 154 Cradock, Edward, 118, 120-22, 252 Crakanthorpe, Richard, 11, 33, 35, 71, 73. M9 Crane, Robert, 90, 132, 251 Cranmer, George, 65 Crassus, Lucius, 151 Crellius, Fortunatus, 35, 38, 56, 57 Cromwell, Oliver, 27, 46 Cromwell, Thomas, 62 Cudworth, Ralph, 67 Curio, Coelius Secundus, 175, 178 Curtis, M.H., 6

Digby, Kenelm, 49 Digges, Leonard and Thomas, 22, 24, 25, 47 Diogenes Laertius, 16, 175-76 Dioscorides, 244 Dobson, Anne, 104 Dobson, Elizabeth. See Case, Elizabeth Dobson, John, 81 Dochen, Nicholas, 57 Dochen, Thomas, 90, 91, 93, 104, 11718, 124, 131, 153, 234, 251-52 Donne, John, 11, 38 Douai, 76 Dousa, Jan, 105 Dowland, John, 88, 126 Drope, Thomas, 113, 187, 251 Dublin, 114 Dudley, Robert (earl of Leicester), 82, 86-88,92,97, 122, 123, 125, 133-35, 141,251 Duhem, Pierre, 168 Duns Scotus and Scotism, 15, 18, 30, 31, 51, 55,62-68, 75, 151-53, 159, 209 Durandus a S. Porciano, 67 Du Vair, Guillaume, 108

Danby's botanical garden, 44 Daneau, Lambert, 151, 158 Daniel (the Prophet), 214 Daniel, Samuel, 105 Davidson, A., x Day, John, 55-57, 65, 112, 224 Dee, Arthur, 121 Dee, John, 22, 24, 47, 49, 50, 54, 121-22, 159. 195. 209-10, 220 Delabere, John, 117, 124, 128, 131-32, 251 Demosthenes, 60, 63, 79 Descartes, Ren6, 8, 28, 44 Digby, Everard, 7, 8, 25, 35, 36, 40, 45, 47—52, 68, 70, 71, 149, 163, 222—24, 227

Ellis, John, 103—4, 23^ Ely, 112 Elyot, Thomas, 17, 112, 159 Ennius, 151 Epicureanism, 68 Erasmus, Desiderius, 15, 18-19, 24, 26, 34, 45, 62, 158 Essex, Lord, 134 Euclid, 24, 131 Euripides, 79 Eusebius, 60 Eustachius a S. Paulo, 66-67, 73~74 Eustratius, 151 Evans, Lewis, 33, 226 Everard, John, 58

East, Thomas, 126 Edinburgh, University of, 61 Edward VI, King, 19, 41, 52, 135 Eedes, Richard, 113-14, 123, 126, 127, 187, 251 Egerton, John, 102, 137, 252 Egerton, Thomas, 77, 101-2, 104-5, J 1 3> 119, 137, 252 Elizabeth I, Queen, 4, 6, 9, 18, 19, 25, 33, 37. 42, 53. 58. 87. 93-94. 9^, 102, 108, no, 117-19, 121, 124, 127-28, 130-31, 134,

183,

186,

222,

247-48

298

Index

Farnbye, Giles, 88 Feingold, M., x Fernel, Jean, 119, 158 Ferrara, University of, 16 Fettiplace, John, 99, 133, 137, 252 Fettiplace, Richard, 98, 104, 133, 137, 234. 252 Ficino, Marsilio, 16, 20, 49-50, 94, 164, 166-67, 194-95. i97-98> 204> 211

Fitzgeoffrey, Charles, 105 Flavel, John, 33, 36, 40, 42, 229 Fletcher, Andrew, 37 Fletcher, H.F., 7 Fletcher, J.M., 41 Florence, 24, 26 Florio, John, 113, 119-20, 134, 137, 210 Flower, Francis, 89 Fludd, Robert, 10, 27, 224 Fonseca, Pedro de, 6, 35, 38, 46, 57, 74, 141 Foster, Dr., 241 Fowler, John, 85, 115 Fox, John, 105, 111 Fox Morcillo, Sebastiano, 20, 59, 158 Frank, R.G., 44 Frankfurt, 7, 50-51, 69, 72, 89, 98, 224 Fraunce, Abraham, 33, 228 Freedman, J.Z., x Freige, Johann Thomas, 152, 158 Freudenthal, J., 47, 49 Fuchs, Leonard, 119 Fuggles, J.F., x Gaetano da Thiene, 16 Gager, William, 92, 113, 117, 119, 123-24, 126-29, 131, 134, 252 Galen, 60, 91, 117, 120, 169, 200-201, 211, 247 Galilei, Galileo, 5, 8, 28, 178, 194, 216 Gassendi, Pierre, 28, 44 Geber, 121 Gentili, Alberico, 99, 105, 127, 134, 143 Gentili, Scipione, 105 Gentillet, Innocent, 182 Geraldus Odonis, 151, 153-54 Gesner, Conrad, 103 Gilbert, N.W., 6 Gilbert, William, 7, 10, 27-28, 33-34, 140, 222, 224 Gillow,J., 247 Gines de Sepulveda, Juan, 22, 149, 152, 156, 158

Glasgow, University of, 61 Gloucester, 113 Golius, Theophilus, 24 Grafton, A.T., x Granger, Thomas, 229 Grant, Edward, 109 Greene, Michael, 251 Greene, Robert, 195 Gregory the Great, 108 Grouchy, Nicholas, 23, 24 Guarini, Giambattista, 175 Gwinne, Matthew, 3, 100, 103—4, 1O9— 10, 113, 117-23, 126, 131, 134-35, 210, 230, 233—36, 252 Hacket, William, 248 Haddon, Walter, 45 Hakluyt, Richard, 58 Hall, A.R., 7 Haly ( 23^ Pereira, Benito, 66, 98, 152, 156 P^rion, Joachim, 23, 34, 178 Peter of Mantua, 16 Peter of Spain, 39 Peterson, Robert, 118, 120 Petrarca, Francesco, 18 Petrella, Bernardino, 36 Phidias, 132, 244 Philo Judaeus, 60 Philostratus, 79 Piccolomini, Alessandro, 164 Piccolomini, Francesco, 170 Pico della Mirandola, Gianfrancesco, 71, 163,219 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, 16, 18, 49, 50, 62, 165, 166, 195, 196, 198 Pindar, 79 Pisa, University of, 41, 178 Piscator, Johann, 227 Pits, John, 114 Plato, 16, 17, 41-44, 50, 57, 63, 165-67, 183, 197, 201 Platonism and Neoplatonism, 5, 28, 45, 47-50, 68, 94, 163-64, 166, 189-90, 195-96, 216, 218—21 Platt,John, 85, 115 Pliny, 41, 42, 44 Plotinus, 50, 201 Plutarch, 60, 175 Pole, Reginald, 42 Polycarp, 67 Polycletus, 131-32, 244 Pomponazzi, Pietro, 22, 164, 215, 218 Pontano, Giobanni, 158 Pope, Edmund, 84 Porphyry, 34, 50-51, 79, 141, 145, 201

della Porta, Giambattista, 194, 197-98, 219 Postel, Guillaume, 49-50 Potter, Christopher, 247, 250 Powel, Griffin, 33, 36, 40, 42, 107-8, 123, 141, 148-49, 228, 251 Powell, Gabriel, 112 Price, Henry, 104, 109, 123-24, 134, 188, 189, 233, 252 Prideaux, John, 67, 113 Prime, John, 115, 123, 251-52 Priscian, 238 Proclus, 50, 60 Prudentius, 153

301

Psellus, Michael, 50 Ptolemy, 131 Pythagoras and Pythagorianism, 5, 165, 238 Quintilian, 41-42, 79 Rainolds, John, 60, 65, 70—71, 100, 113,

128-29, 134> i??' 222

Ralegh, Sir Walter, 207, 256 Ramus, Petrus, 8, 24-25, 28, 33-36, 38-39. 45- 48, 50-51. 55. 7*. 7 2 . 1 1 9< 141-42, 145, 158, 181, 219, 224, 227-28 Ravens, Ralph, 109, 114, 124, 134, 231 Ravenscroft, Thomas, 257 Ravis, Thomas, 113, 252 Read, John, 103, 109, 251 Reade, Martin, 109, 251 Recorde, Robert, 22, 25, 140 Reformation, 19—22, 39—40, 48, 50—51, 61,87 Regius professorships, 44 Reigersburch, Jonas van, 99-100 Reuchlin, Johannes, 49-50, 158 Richard de Bury, 108, 123 Rider, John, 90, 108, 111, 113-14, 117, 123, 132, 237-38 Robortello, Francesco, 22 Rome, 16, 24, 76 Rome, Collegio Romano, 156 Rome, English College, 58, 85 Rosacrucians, 216 Rosenberg, Eleanor, 134 Rossi, Paolo, 4, 209, 210 Ryan, L.V., x Sackville, Thomas (earl of Dorset), 97, 99, 102, 104, 137, 187, 246-47, 252 Sacrobosco, Joannes de, 159 St. Albans, 17, 30 St. Andrews, 99 Salisbury, 90, 116 Sallust, 79 Sanderson, John, 33, 228 Sanderson, Robert, 33, 36, 141, 228 Savile, Henry, 66, 168, 177 Savile chairs, 43-44 Savonarola, Girolamo, 71 Scaliger, Julius Caesar, 49, 55, 59, 105 Scaliger, Justus Joseph, 105 scepticism, 5, 221

302

Index

Schegk, Jacob, 22, 35, 59, 70, 141, 147 Scheibler, Christoph, 46, 73 Scholasticism, 18, 20, 21, 33, 46, 57, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66-69, 74-76, 79-80, 107, 124, 130, 137-38, 147, 149, 156, 158, 171, 216, 219 Scotism. See Duns Scotus Scotus Eriugena, Johannes, 51, 151 Scribonius, Adolphus, 59, 68, 69, 72, 227 Scripture. See Bible Sedleian professorship, 44 Seneca, 16, 153 Sennert, Daniel, 165 Sepiilveda. See G'mis de Sepulveda Seton, John, 18, 32—34, 36, 38-39, 51, 59, 68, 141, 226—28 Shakespeare, William, 11, 125, 127, 199 Shirwoode (Sherwood), Reuben, 58 Sidney, Sir Philip, 3, 9, 11, 68, 94-95, 105, i n , 113, 119, 123-25, 134—36, 159, 210, 224 Sigonio, Carlo, 22 Simon Magus, 213 Simplicius, 50, 60 Singleton, Thomas, 113, 124, 252 Smiglecius, Martinus, 33, 46, 67 Smith, Samuel, 33, 36, 74, 228-29 Smith, Thomas, 94 Snappe, George, 115 Socrates, 183 Some (Soume), Robert, 249 Sophocles, 60 Soto, Domingo, 6, 22, 36 Spenser, Edmund, 3, 11, 104, 105, 125. !99. 207 Stanley, Ferdinando (earl of Derby), 96, 104, 230, 232 Stanyhurst, Richard, 22, 26, 34—36, 68, 111, 222-23, 226 Stapleton, Thomas, 64 Stephens, Jeremy, 108 Steuco, Agostino, 59, 60, 162, 164, 204 Stevin, Simon, 25 Stier, Johannes, 67, 73, 145 Stoicism, 5, 28, 45, 130, 164, 219 Stone, John, 55 Strasbourg, 69 Strasbourg Academy, 21 Strode, Radulphus, 38, 142 Sturm, Johannes, 20, 26 Suarez, Francisco, 46, 66—67, 74

Swineshead, Richard, 14, 17, 27, 32 Sylla, Edith, x Syrrect, Antoine, 31, 226 Taisner, Jean, 50 Tarleton, Richard, 105 Tegli, Silvestro, 182 Telesio, Bernardino, 8, 28, 44, 171 Temple, William, 7, 25, 35, 45, 47-48, 5°-51.55> 59- 224, 2 2 7 Thales of Miletus, 165 Theocritus, 79 Theophrastus, 50, 79 Thomas, Thomas, 72 Thomas Aquinas and Thomism, 22, 55, 57. 65-67, 144, 149-52, 163, 217 Thomas of Erfurt, 15, 30 Thorne, William, 105, 113, 117, 123, 252 Thornton, Thomas, 113, 123, 236, 252 Thucydides, 79 Timpler, Clemens, 35 Tiraboschi, Girolamo, 11 Titelmans, Frans, 59 Toledo [Totetus], Francisco de, 57, 59, 66, 148, 150—52, 156, 169 Tomitano, Bernardino, 36 Tomlins Readership in Anatomy, 44 Torricelli, Evangelista, 171 Tresham, Sir Thomas, 103 Trapezuntius, Georgius, 42, 79, 218 Trapp, J.B., xi Tucker, Thomas, 81-82 Tubingen, 69-70 Tunstal, Cuthbert, 24 Turba philosophorum, 121 Turin, University of, 25 Twisse, Brian, 67 Underhill, John, 90, 111, 251-52 Union, Henry, 88, 95, 109, 119, 124, 133. »35. 251 Usher, James, 66 Valla, Lorenzo, 18, 33-34, 42, 177 Valladolid, 76 Vatable, Francois, 23 Vaughan, William, 105, 107-9, J1 9 Vautrollier, Thomas, 72, 86, 141 Velcurio, Johannes, 68, 69, 215 Venice, 16, 24, 26, 143, 154, 157

Index Vergil, 34, 69, 79, 153 Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 59, 151, 158 Verro, Sebastian, 68, 69 Versoris, Johannes, 152, 154-55 Vesalius, Andreas, 49, 50 Vettori, Pier, 22, 152, 155, 178 Vienna, 17 Vimercato, Francesco, 23, 59 Vitruvius, 244 Vives, Juan Luis, 71 Vyse, Ruth, xi Wainman, Ferdinand, 84 Walker, D.P., x Walsingham, Francis, 105 Warner, Bartholomew, 90, 103-4, 110, 116-18, 230, 232, 234-36, 251-52 Watson, Thomas, 60, 126—27, 257 Webster, C., xi Wechel Press, 7, 50, 224 Weiss, Roberto, 19 Westminster, 24, 30 Westminster School, 95 Weston, Edward, 115 White, Sir Thomas (founder of St. John's College), 78—79 White, Thomas (founder of Sion College), 104,116 Whitgift, John, 64, 105

3°3

Wiclif, John, 27-28 Wilkinson, John, 23 Willet, Andrew, 20, 45, 70, 112 Williams, John, 90, 112, 118-20, 123—24, 134. !95. *5» Willis, Francis, 110, 132, 251—52 Willis, Timothy, no, 118,120,215,251 Wilson, Thomas (logician), 33, 36, 39, 51, 68, 141, 226-27 Wilson, Thomas (fl. 1612), 109 Winchester, 112 Withington, Oliver, 117, 251 Wittenberg, University of, 41 Wood, Anthony a, 127, 247 Woodstock (Oxon), 6, 77-78, 86, 233-34 Woolton, John, 20 Wotton, Henry, 38 Wroth, William, 84 Yates, Frances, x, 64 Yeldard, Arthur, 124, 132, 187, 251 Zabarella, Jacopo, 6, 35-38, 46, 57, 59, 67, 69, 74, 98, 141-42, 148, 152, 157, 163, 169-70, 215, 218 Zanchius, Hieronymus, 22, 35, 57 Zenoof Elea, 165 Zoroaster, (Pseudo—), 49 Zwinger, Theodor, 145, 151, 158

McGILL-QUEEN'S STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF IDEAS 1. Problems of Cartesianism Edited by Thomas M. Lennon, John M. Nicholas, and John W. Davis 2. The Development of the Idea of History in Antiquity Gerald A. Press 3. Claude Buffier and Thomas Reid: Two Common-Sense Philosophers Louise Marcil-Lacoste 4. Schiller, Hegel, and Marx: State, Society, and the Aesthetic Ideal of Ancient Greece Philip J. Kain 5. John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance England Charles Schmitt