Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans 9780674044807, 0674044800

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JEFFERSON and the INDIANS The Tragic Fate of the First Americans

JEFFERSON

we and the

INDIANS

THE TRAGIC FATE OF THE FIRST AMERICANS

oo S Anthony F CG. ‘Wallace

THE BELKNAP PRESS of HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts

London, England 1999

Copyright © 1999 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wallace, Anthony F. C., 1923Jefferson and the Imdians : the tragic fate of the first Americans / Anthony E-C. Wallace.

p. cm. ISBN 0-674-00066-8 (he. : alk. paper) 1. Indians of North America—Government relations—1789—1869.

2. Indians, Treatment of—North America. 3. Indians of North America—Social conditions. 4. Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826—Views on Indians. 5. Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826— Political and social views. 6. United States—Politics and government—1789—1815.

7. United States—Race relations. I. Title EQ3.WI8 1999

323.1'197073— dca 99-21558

To Betty

my companion on the Jefferson journey

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Preface

Tos some, JEFFERSON was an enigma in his own time, revered by reviled by others. ‘Today, two hundred years later, he is an enigma with charisma, fascinating to the public and the scholarly world alike. His image looms over us from a cliff in the Black Hills and from the Memorial in Washington; visitors throng his house and gardens at Monticello, where he longed to live among his books, even though he perennially sought public office. His inspiring one-liners, most notably “all men are created equal” and “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” have taken on a life of their own, attaining meanings far removed from what Jefferson himself likely intended. In our own time, Thomas Jefferson has

become a culture-hero, the American Prometheus, our version of the universal ‘Trickster, that morally ambiguous mythic being who steals fire from the gods and brings the arts, sciences, and social institutions to the world. Joseph Ellis has called Jefferson the American Sphinx, and, along with other biographers, has noted his many inconsistencies. Jefferson’s advocacy of national independence, minimal government, and maximal individual freedom has been hailed as the world’s charter for democracy and also as the authority for isolationism, states’ rights and nullification, and revolutionary militias. He has been praised as a critic of slavery and condemned as a hypocritical slave-owning racist. His relationship with a black slave, Sally Hemings, his wife’s half-sister and the mother of one or more of his own children, has been characterized as a long-term union of mutual affection and respect, as an example of sexual exploitation by a master who refused to emancipate his concubine or her children while he lived,

and as an unthinkable association for a gentleman of virtue. And, with respect to Native Americans, Jefferson appears both as the scholarly admirer of Indian character, archaeology, and language and as the planner of cultural genocide, the architect of the removal policy, the surveyor of the Trail of Tears.

vil @ PREFACE The fascination with Jefferson has grown, perhaps, because he embodied some of the major dilemmas of American culture—fault-lines in the national character where differing views on how to share the spaces of the world grind together. He evokes an awareness of classic problems in a democracy: what to do about slavery; how to deal with ethnic differences; how to define the proper balance between freedom and governance; how to preserve agrarian values in an increasingly industrial world; how far to expand the nation’s boundaries; how to manage an emerging commercial empire's foreign affairs, by defensive isolation or aggressive alliance building; how to decide on war and peace; how to balance the budget while promoting the national interest; how to respond to the conflicting claims of religion and science. On some of these issues, Jefferson was at times a shape-shifter, articulating one policy in public only to execute another

in private, or later publicly. In no domain of his life as a philosopherpolitician-official do such dilemmas appear more conspicuously than in his relations with Native Americans. This is a book about Jefferson’s attitudes, beliefs, and behavior toward

the Indians. It does not pretend to be a survey of Native American cultures of his time or a compendium of tribal histories. I have tried to be fair in assessing Jeffersons conduct in Indian affairs, but viewed from the late twentieth century, some of his actions appear to be hypocritical, arbitrary, duplicitous, even harsh. Certainly some of the unintended consequences of his policies of civilization, removal, and protection of frontier populations against Indian retaliation for encroachments and atrocities were catastrophic for the Indians. Thomas Jefferson played a major role in one of the great tragedies of recent world history, a tragedy which he so elegantly mourned: the dispossession and decimation of the First Americans.

In the chapters that follow, we trace the development of Jefferson's ambivalent attitudes toward Indians and the hardening of these attitudes into presidential policy. The Introduction tells the story of Jefferson and John Logan, the Great Mingo, the eloquent Indian whose tragic fate symbolized for Jefferson, and for generations of readers, the coming doom of the red race. Chapter 1 describes the business world in which Jefferson grew up, a world of real estate speculators, including his father’s friends, obsessed with obtaining Indian land. Chapter 2 examines Jefferson’s political rhetoric toward Native Americans during the Revolution; his experiences as war governor led him to depict the Indians first as cruel enemies

PREFACE @ x and then as friendly neighbors. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 deal with Jefferson's proposals for scholarly studies of Indian languages, cultures, and ancient origins. Chapter 6 takes up the Federalist program for “civilizing” the Indians, which Jefferson observed in the 1790s, adopted when he became President, and found difficult to implement. In Chapters 7, 8, and 9 we follow Jefferson's Indian policy as President: purchasing Indian lands, establishing peace and trade with the tribes of the Louisiana Territory, and encountering opposition to the civilization program from Native American religious and political reformers. ‘The last chapter brings him back to his philosophical labors in the quiet study at Monticello, and the Conclusion considers the legacy of his dealings with the First Americans. Throughout, we find the same theme recurring, the self-serving Jeffersonian conception of Native Americans that is revealed in the carefully edited story of Logan which he presented to the world in 1785 in Notes on the State of Virginia: the Indians as noble but doomed savages, tragically slaughtered in wars precipitated by a few murderous frontiersmen and a few vengeful warriors, a surviving remnant yearning to be civilized but fated to lose their land to a deserving white yeomanry.

Contents

Introduction: Logan's Mourner I

1. The Land Companies 21

2. Lhe Indian Wars 50

3. Notes on the Vanishing Aborigines 75 4. Native Americans through European Eyes 108

5. In Search of Ancient Americans 130 6. Civilizing the Uncivilized Frontier 161 7. President Jefferson's Indian Policy 206

8. The Louisiana Territory 241

g. Confrontation with the Old Way 276

to. Return to Philosophical Hall 318 Conclusion: Jefferson’s Troubled Legacy 335 Notes 341 Acknowledgments 375 List of Illustrations 377 List of Documents 379

Index 38r

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JEFFERSON and the INDIANS The Tragic Fate of the First Americans

HN ci logan’s Tament || “ Lappeal to any whice man to say ifeverhe'emtered Logan's cabin -hungy, ad he gave hin aot meat; if ever he came cold and naked,

“and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and - bloody ar {the French and Indian War, 1755-1763), Logan re "mained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love | forthe white, that my countrymen pointed as they passe, and suid, ~ ‘Logan is the fiend of white men.” Lhad even though to have lived | with youu but for the injuries of one man- Col. Cresapy the last © spring in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of. "Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a | drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature: This called on © me for revenge. [have sought it I have killed many? I have fly. | gluited ny vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of | peacé; But do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear:

| Who is thereto mourn for Logan? —Not ones

a INTRODUCTION

Logans Mourner | ia His Notes on the State of Virginia, which ‘Thomas Jefferson began writing in 1781 and first published in 1785, he inserted an English render-

ing of a speech by the Indian leader ‘Tachnedorus, or John Logan. ‘The address had been delivered to the victorious Lord Dunmore, governor

of Virginia, on the occasion of the signing of a peace treaty with the Shawnees in 1774. It was the valedictory address of a defeated warrior.’

Jefferson introduced Logan’s Lament, as the speech came to be called

(see opposite), ostensibly as part of his refutation of the claim of the famous French naturalist, the Comte de Buffon, that the American aborigines, like other products of the New World, were deficient in natural abilities in comparison with Europeans. An elegant writer but no speechmaker himself, Jefferson was an admirer of eloquence in any mode, and he declared that Logan's speech was in no way inferior to the best examples of classical rhetoric, including Demosthenes and Cicero.’ The impact on the public of Jefferson's story of Logan the Great Mingo and of the speech itself was extraordinary. Its popularity derived in part from its succinct expression of an apocalyptic view of Indian history that was becoming increasingly prevalent in Jefferson’s time, helped along in various ways by Jefferson himself. Logan, the last of his line, was symbolically the last of a dying race, consumed in the holocaust brought by the European invaders, tragically destined to become extinct, yet facing annihilation without surrender. He had sought, too late, to join the white man’s world. Now, a doomed but unrepentant savage, he must die alone. Logan’s Lament has been endlessly reprinted, beginning with Washington Irving’s Sketch Book and later in the McGuffey Readers, and has been memorized and recited by millions of schoolchildren. It still endures as an example of rhetorical excellence; a few of my own colleagues and students report learning it in their youth. At a small park in Ohio, on the site of the treaty-signing, there stands a memorial monument with Logan's speech

2 @ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER inscribed in bronze. And below, another bronze plaque was added in 1979,

a tribute by a class of fifth-grade students, honoring the brave Logan, who fought to defend his people.? Even Jefferson's detractors, like the nineteenth-century historian Brantz Mayer, have conceded the power of Logan’s words; in 1867 in a book devoted to questioning the veracity of Jefferson's account of the murder of Logan's family, Mayer admitted, “For ninety years “Logan’s speech’ has been repeated by every school boy and admired by every cultivated person as a gem of masculine eloquence.” Scholarly interest in Logan continues to this day, and the general image of the Indian as noble savage conveyed in the story of Logan and in other sections of Jefferson's Notes has animated a long tradition of American novel and drama.° The immediate historical context of Logan’s Lament was sketched by Jefferson in a prefatory passage in the Noges. The events he narrated there, and the circumstances that he did not reveal and perhaps even concealed,

make the story of Logan and Lord Dunmore’s War a paradigm for Indian—-white relations, not only in Jefferson’s time but for later generations as well. The story of Logan embodies a tragic, self-fulfilling philosophy of

history that describes the process by which the fall of the Indian nations and the acquisition of their land would be accomplished. These themes come up again and again in Jefferson's career, both public and private, and form the leitmotif of his Indian policy. Thus Jefferson's story of Logan, and Logan’s Lament, may be regarded as an epitomizing event, to use anthropologist Raymond Fogelson’s apt phrase—a narrative that encapsulates, in an account of a single salient happening, the attitudes, values, feelings, and expectations of a community about important, complex, ongoing historical processes. It serves as a rationalization of the past and a vision of the future, a paradigm of destiny, a parable of fate. And the spin that Jefferson gave the affair reveals the leanings of a political mind.°

The Story of Logan Jefferson's first account in the Nofes of the incidents necessary for under-

standing Logan’s speech was terse: “In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant of the frontiers of Virginia, by two Indians of the Shawanee tribe. ‘The neighbouring whites, according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary

INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER @ 3 way. Col. Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had committed on those much-injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately a canoe of women

and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting an hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one

fire, killed every person in it.” | Jefferson continues, “This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, between the collected forces of the Shawanese, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Logan however disdained to be seen among the suppliants. But, lest the sincerity

of a treaty should be distrusted, from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the following speech to be delivered to Lord Dunmore.”’ A letter by Devereux Smith, a Pennsylvanian at Pittsburgh, written to the governor and Council of Pennsylvania a few weeks after the events, generally confirms Jefferson's account but adds important information. Smith conveyed the disturbing news of impending war in the Ohio valley

and of the criminal provocations of the bellicose Virginians who were intruding on both Pennsylvanian and Indian territories. Smith reported that a party of Virginians led by Michael Cresap had attacked peaceable Shawnees, ostensibly in revenge for a previous murder, killing and scalping three and wounding two more. About the same time, a party led by

Daniel Greathouse killed and scalped nine Indians, including Logan's kin, at Baker's ‘Tavern, fifty-five miles down the river, across from the mouth of Yellow Creek (which enters the Ohio several miles above present Wheeling, West Virginia). It was these last murders and the mutilation of Logan's pregnant sister that spurred Logan to take revenge. According to Smith, Logan's attacks were directed particularly at settlements along the

upper Monongahela River and in the neighborhood of Redstone Creek, whence Cresap’s and Greathouse’s men had come.® While these events were taking place on the frontier, Jefferson was busy

with the early politics of the Revolution. In late April 1774, when the

4. @ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER murders of Logan's kin occurred, Jefferson was in Williamsburg preparing to attend the meeting of the House of Burgesses and helping to establish the Virginia Committee of Correspondence. The Virginia Assembly met

in May, resolved on a general day of fasting and prayer to protest the closing of the port of Boston, and was promptly dissolved by Lord Dunmore. Jefferson returned to Albemarle County, where he prepared his instructions to the Virginia delegates to the First Continental Congress, later published as_4 Summary View of the Rights of British America. It was

during this spring and summer that Logan and his war party collected their thirteen white scalps and one prisoner along the Monongahela, terrorizing the settlements and causing thousands of refugees to flee eastward. Illness prevented Jefferson from attending the first meeting of the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in the fall, but he was active during

this time on patriotic business. In October the decisive battle of Point Pleasant was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, and at the subsequent peace treaty the Shawnees relinquished their land claims in

Kentucky. :

How did Jefferson obtain the text of Logan's speech? It was first published in William Bradford’s Pennsylvania Journal on January 20, 1775, from a copy sent Bradford by James Madison of Montpelier as “a specimen of Indian Eloquence and Mistaken Valour.” Two weeks later Logan’s speech, in less polished language, appeared in Dixon and Hunter's Virginia Gazette. Jefferson's text is almost identical to the Madison version. But in his Appendix to the Notes on the State of Virginia, which was published separately in 1800, Jefferson claimed that he had heard the speech at Lord Dunmore’s in 1774 and had written it down in his memorandum book in the form published in the Noses. His informant, he said, was General John Gibson, to whom Logan had delivered his speech and who had translated it into English for Lord Dunmore—an assertion confirmed by Gibson.’ Despite certain inaccuracies in Jefferson’ narrative, it was not publicly challenged until 1797, when a testy Federalist politician, Maryland Attorney General Luther Martin—Michael Cresap’s son-in-law—published letters in the press claiming that Logan's speech was a fabrication and that the charge against Michael Cresap of murdering Logan's family was a calumny. Jefferson, now vice-president and future candidate for the presidency, felt it necessary to rebut this attack. He solicited depositions from surviving participants and observers of the affair and in 1800 published an amended version of the story of Logan. The speech remained

INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER @ 5 the same in this Appendix, but Jefferson provided a new narrative of the preceding events. The new version corrected a couple of errors. The initial Indian provocation was characterized as robbery only, not murder, of “certain land adventurers on the Ohio.” Cresap, no longer described as “infamous” for many murders of Indians, was now a captain, not a colonel (his father, the famous frontiersman and Indian trader Thomas Cresap, was the colonel and was not involved in the massacre). ‘The murder of Logan’s family

occurred across from Yellow Creek on the Ohio River, not the Great Kanawha, at Baker's ‘Tavern, across from a Mingo town near Steubenville,

Ohio. Jefferson failed to mention that the massacre had been perpetrated in Cresap’s absence; however, some of Cresap’s party, led by Daniel

Greathouse, had taken part, and Cresap had participated in two other attacks that resulted in the death of some of Logan's other relatives.” The Appendix also contained the text of a note tied to a war club left behind by Logan at the scene of one of his attacks, comparing the outrage at Baker’s Tavern to the infamous massacre of twenty peaceable Conestoga

Indians along the Susquehanna ten years before: : Captain Cresap, What did you kill my people on Yellow Creek for? The white people killed my kin, at Conestoga, a great while ago; and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to war since; but the Indians are not angry; only myself. Captain John Logan"

Logan had in fact been born along the Susquehanna, about 1725, a son of the notable Cayuga chief Shikellamy, who served among the population of displaced Indian refugees along that river as a kind of viceroy from the Iroquois confederation known as the Six Nations. In the community where Logan grew up, Moravian missionaries were a familiar presence. After his father’s death in 1748, Logan for a time took his place as Six Nations deputy, but after the French and Indian War and the murder of his Conestoga kin by the “Paxton boys,” he, like many other Indian resi-

dents, moved to western Pennsylvania and then on to the Ohio River valley, where he and the other Iroquois became known as Mingoes. ‘There

he took a Shawnee woman as wife. He entertained white visitors with

6 @ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER civility (according to the Moravian missionary John Heckewelder) and preferred to live close to white settlements.” The modifications Jefferson inserted into the Appendix seem to have satisfied, or at least stifled, his critics. But in 1851 the historian Brantz Mayer published a book, 7zh-Gah-Jute; or, Logan and Cresap: An Historical Essay, defending Cresap and attacking Jefferson. Mayer revealed that

Jefferson had suppressed a letter from General George Rogers Clark, written in response to Jefferson's appeal for testimony, that exculpated Cresap from the murder at Baker’s Tavern and blamed Greathouse, whose actions were “more barbarous” than Jefferson had described. According to Mayer, Logan's sister's unborn near-term child had been ripped from the womb and “stuck on a pole.” And while granting the literary excellence of

Logan's Lament as reported by Jefferson, Mayer also implied that the original speech, if ever there was one, was merely an “outburst” from a drunken “blood-stained savage.” Clark’s letter was found among Jefferson's papers after his death, and historians have puzzled ever since over his motives in concealing it. Jeffer-

son had accepted other testimony that partially exonerated Cresap; and Clark, an old friend of Jefferson's from Revolutionary War days and a companion of Cresap’s in the spring of 1774, was probably the best-informed observer Jefferson could have consulted. Jefferson left no written explanation for his failure to print Clark’s letter in the Appendix, though he did entrust a verbal message to Samuel Brown, who had forwarded Clark’s letter to Jefferson, explaining “what was thought best as to General Clark's deposition.” ‘This cryptic remark in his thank-you note to Brown remains his only known comment on this episode of censorship.

Clark's letter itself, however, suggests the reason for its suppression: Jefferson did not want to’see his protégé Clark and other brave settlers portrayed as conspirators in a scheme to precipitate a general war against the Ohio Indians for the purpose of seizing their lands. Ever protective of his idealized yeomanry, Jefferson used Cresap and Greathouse as scapegoats for a horde of frontier speculators, surveyors, and settlers who were planning that summer to establish a permanent settlement in Kentucky and were prepared to make war on the Shawnees and any other Indians who claimed hunting rights in the region. Clark was a member of one well-armed, organized body of nearly a hundred men, and Michael Cresap joined it along the way. During the summers of 1773 and 1774, several other

groups of thirty to forty armed men each were also roaming through

INTRODUCTION: LOGANS MOURNER ¢ 7 Kentucky and along the Ohio, surveying likely town sites for George Washington and other eastern speculators (of whom Jefferson was one) and provoking increasingly violent retaliation by the Shawnees and Cherokees. Heckewelder, the Moravian missionary who visited the region in 17721773, recalled conditions on the frontier at the time: “The whole country on the Ohio river, had already drawn the attention of many persons from the neighbouring provinces; who generally forming themselves into parties, would rove through the country in search of land, either to settle on, or for speculation; and some, careless of watching over their conduct, or

destitute of both honour and humanity, would join a rabble (a class of people generally met with on the frontiers) who maintained, that to kill an

Indian, was the same as killing a bear or a buffalo, and would fire on Indians that came across them by the way;—nay, more, would decoy such as lived across the river, to come over, for the purpose of joining them in hilarity; and when these complied, they fell on them and murdered them. Unfortunately, some of the murdered were of the family of Logan, noted man among the Indians.”™

Before the Logan massacre, John Connolly, Lord Dunmore’s man in Pittsburgh, had circulated an inflammatory statement falsely accusing the Indians of planning a general war. Crucial passages of Clark’s letter reveal that Connolly's circular prompted Cresap’s “little army,” already bent on attacking a Shawnee town, formally to declare war: “The War Post was

planted, a Council Called and the Letter read and the Ceremonies used by the Indians on so important an Occasion acted, and War was formally declared.”” It was after this declaration of war that the massacre of Logan's family occurred. Historians and contemporary observers have intimated that the massacre of Logan's family was planned by Lord Dunmore or other Virginians with the expectation that the inevitable retaliation by Indian kinsmen would so terrorize the frontiers that Virginia would be forced to conquer the Shawnees and Delawares and terminate the presence of these tribes in Kentucky and western Pennsylvania." Whether Jefferson was privy as early as 1774 and 1775 to the information

contained in Clark's letter may be doubted. But his intimate correspondence with Clark in the conquest of the Ohio valley during the Revolution suggests that he might have been aware of Clark’s information well before receiving the letter, perhaps even while he was writing his version of the events in the Nofes in 1781. By 1797, when Jefferson was preparing his

8 ¢ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER rebuttal to the charges of Cresap’s son-in-law, the split between the eastern-based Federalists and the western-favoring Republicans was widening, and Jefferson's political ambitions were becoming more dependent on the support of voters west of the Appalachians. He would not have been eager to condemn the fathers of the voters of western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and western Virginia (including present West Virginia and Kentucky) as murderous Indian-haters or as irresponsible land-grabbing adventurers. This reluctance would have been especially persuasive after Kentucky in 1792 became a state with its own electoral votes and after the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794—an uprising to protest a federal excise tax on whiskey producers. The whiskey tax, along with its heavy-handed military suppression by Washington and Alexander Hamilton, aroused Jefferson’s anti Federalist ire. The “rebellion” itself (which amounted mostly to verbal protests, mass meetings, and the tar-and-feathering of a few well-to-do tax collectors) was centered among Scotch-Irish settlers in the valley of the Monongahela and especially the Redstone district, where Cresap’s party had originated. ‘This area had become one of the two principal routes of entry into Kentucky and the Ohio valley, the other being the Cumberland Gap at the southern edge of Virginia, and as such was important to Jefferson's own political aspirations. Under these circumstances, it would have been difficult for Jefferson to condemn a whole population as war mongers; and no doubt many honest, well-meaning farm families disapproved of the barbarous acts of Cresap’s and Greathouse’s men and their kind. In reality, Lord Dunmore’s War, though precipitated in 1774 by the massacre of Logan’s family, was not about Cresap, or Logan’s murdered

family, or Logan's reprisals. It was about the taking of Indian land.” Jefferson's transformation of these events, and the economic and political maneuverings behind them, into an atrocity story full of drama and pathos tells much about Jefferson and his public-relations strategy in Indian affairs. Irving Brant, biographer of James Madison, has claimed that Clark’s letter, in exonerating Cresap, was merely “an attempt to wash out blood with whitewash.”’® But Jefferson's presentation of the massacre of some inoffensive Indians on the upper Ohio as the cause of Lord Dunmore’s

War may be seen as an attempt to wipe out ink with blood. For by focusing intensely on a single atrocity perpetrated by a few violent white men, it distracted attention from a larger set of legal and political issues

INTRODUCTION: LOGANS MOURNER @ 9 involving rights to the land west of the Appalachians—issues of which Jefferson was undoubtedly aware. These included, foremost, the questionable validity of Virginia's purchases from the Iroquois Confederacy of land in Virginia, western Penn-

sylvania, West Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky. But also at issue was the ongoing effort of the Shawnees and other local groups who used and occupied these lands to resolve their complaints by peaceful negotiation with British and Virginia authorities, even after the Logan massacre. Another sticking point was the mutually contending claims of large speculative land companies, of General Washington's regiment and of Washington himself, and of thousands of settlers pouring over the Allegheny Mountains through the Monongahela valley to the north and the Cumberland Gap to the south, not to mention the ongoing boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia over the Monongahela region. Jefferson himself, in this period, had an interest in lands claimed by at least two of the well-known land companies, the Loyal Company and the

Greenbrier Company, and had taken initial steps toward investing in a small independent speculation at the mouth of the Great Kanawha. There is no reason to suppose that he colored his account later to defend these claims. But these investments, and his connection with the principals in several companies and enterprises, suggest that he must have been well informed about the issues in dispute. Dr. Walker, chief agent of the Loyal Company, was his father’s friend, one of Jefferson’s guardians in his youth,

and later one of his consultants on Indian affairs. Patrick Henry, soon to become Jefferson’s predecessor as governor of revolutionary Virginia, was an associate of Jefferson in land speculations in the west. Jefferson knew George Washington as a fellow burgess in Williamsburg and as an ally in opposing the pretensions of the Grand Ohio Company to carve a new colony, Vandalia, out of Virginia’s western marches. Jefferson was interested in buying up lands surveyed by Andrew Lewis, chief agent of the Greenbrier Company and commander of the Virginia force that defeated

the Shawnees at Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, where Washington as well as Jefferson had land interests. Jefferson would

shortly delegate to his friend George Rogers Clark the task of wresting Virginia's western lands from British and Indian dominion. And finally, he was personally acquainted with several of Virginia's royal governors, including Lord Dunmore himself (who was a silent partner in the Vandalia scheme).

10 @ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER Thus, while Jefferson was composing 4 Summary View of the Rights of British America in the summer of 1774 and preparing to attend the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia in the fall, he was surely cognizant that the territory claimed by Virginia between the Allegheny Mountains and the Ohio River, from Pittsburgh down to the Kentucky River, was in

chaos. The lands south of the Ohio River as far down as the Great Kanawha supposedly had been ceded to Virginia by the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix in 1768, in a treaty at which Thomas Walker was Virginia's representative; and lands from the Great Kanawha on down to the Kentucky or even Tennessee rivers had been ceded to Virginia by the Cherokees at treaties to which Virginia appointed Andrew Lewis as negotiator. But the title to these lands had been obtained at treaties negotiated by royal superintendents of Indian affairs—Sir William Johnson with the Iroquois and John Stuart with the Cherokees—and therefore were defined as Crown lands. As yet the Crown had not sold or granted any of this territory and

was denying Virginia and the other colonies the right to dispose of it themselves because it lay west of the Proclamation Line of 1763, which restricted English settlement west of the Appalachians. In A Summary View of the Rights of British America, after comparing the American taking of Indian land to the Saxon invasion of England, Jeffer-

son accused King George III of falsely applying to America the feudal notion, so foreign to Saxon law, that the Crown held an underlying title to all lands. Under color of this claim, Jefferson said, the Crown was now making the settlers’ acquisition of new lands for cultivation extremely difficult.” In defying the Crown, the emigrating settlers hoped to gain title by surveying and improving tracts that they could later purchase as squatters with pre-emption rights, from whoever eventually established ownership.

Thus, to Washington, Jefferson, Clark, and no doubt Cresap and many others, movement onto the western lands was not only a personal eco-

nomic move but a patriotic act in defiance of illegitimate restrictions imposed by a distant authority. What appeared to later observers as atrocities against the Indians may have been perceived by many frontier fami-

lies—remembering atrocities perpetrated on their own relatives and friends less than a decade earlier—as a necessary process of ethnic cleansing (to use a later generation’s phrase), a displacement of inveterate enemies who refused to let God’s people settle upon land they had recently

bought from the Indians in fair and public treaty. By an ironic twist,

INTRODUCTION: LOGANS MOURNER @¢ 11 Logan, as an Iroquois, was a member of the confederacy that had sold these very lands. But by 1781 and 1782, when Jefferson was writing his Notes on the State of

Virginia, the Revolution against the British had been won. With the task ahead being the orderly acquisition and settlement of western lands, it was time for reconciliation. Lord Dunmore’s War had been a minor skirmish compared with the campaigns of the Revolution. It was time to bury the disputes among land companies and between states; time to absolve the western populace generally of crimes against innocent Indians; and time to recognize the virtues of America’s native peoples. In short, it was time

to mourn for Logan, even as the new nation sought its destiny in the western world, where now—it would henceforth be claimed by Jefferson—the land had always been legitimately acquired by purchase, not by force of arms. In addition to finding the necessary scapegoats for the bloody murder of Logan’s family, Jefferson's story of Logan carries another, more subtle,

and perhaps subconscious, message about the darkening prospects for civilizing the Indians. In the passage which introduced Logan's speech as an example of native eloquence, Jefferson praised the intelligence of the American Indians and asserted that their savage state, like that of his own Celtic and Anglo-Saxon ancestors, was merely a result of historical and environmental circumstance, and that they, like the northern Europeans, had the capacity to rise up the ladder of progress. Proposals to Christianize and educate Indians were not new in 1780, but the results were as yet equivocal. Without saying so explicitly, Jefferson, in presenting Logan as the apotheosis of Indianhood, was suggesting that the attainment of civilization might never be the Indians’ fate, despite their aspirations to it. Just as the line of Logan, the friend of the white man, who had “thought to live with you,” had been unfairly extinguished by white men, so the race itself was destined one day to become extinct. Ultimately, in Jefferson's view, the Indian nations would be either civilized and incorporated into mainstream American society or, failing this—as in the prototypical case of Logan's family—“exterminated.” The Jeffersonian vision of the destiny of the Americas had no place for Indians as Indians. Despite Jefferson’s wish to put the bloody past into a kind of historical limbo, the massacre at Baker’s Tavern and the ensuing conflict had a grisly

sequel. In 1781, during the Revolution, Virginia militiamen from the Monongahela district, in revenge for Indian raids on their settlements,

12 @ INTRODUCTION: LOGAN'S MOURNER massacred a group of Delawares—"civilized" and pacifist Moravian converts, men, women, and children, ninety in all—at Gnadenhiitten on the Tuscarawas River, a branch of the Muskingum. Starving in refugee camps farther north, the Indians had returned to their old town to scavenge for food. In circumstances of barbarity comparable to the Logan killings and to the slaughter of the peaceable Conestoga Indians by the “Paxton Boys,”

the militiamen, after a vote, imprisoned, then tomahawked, clubbed to death, scalped, and burned the victims in their own houses.

The following year Colonel William Crawford, Washington's land agent and surveyor, was captured while retreating from a failed mission against the Delawares, and as commander of a force that included veterans of the Gnadenhtitten massacre, was burned at the stake in retribution. Those events were not reported by Jefferson in the Appendix in 1800, although he must have known of them, for the Gnadenhiitten massacre gained great notoriety as the criminal action of “white savages.” Even some white people believed that the commander at Gnadenhiitten, Colonel Daniel Williamson, should have been brought to trial for murder. Neither Logan nor Cresap long survived Lord Dunmore’s War either, and they never knew of the fame, or infamy, they acquired from the pen of Thomas Jefferson. Cresap fought in the Point Pleasant campaign and died of illness in New York a year later after marching his company of Maryland riflemen to join Washington before Boston. Logan died about 1780. During the Revolution, he had allegedly collected additional American scalps and prisoners. But his rage turned to melancholy and, according to Heckewelder, he became increasingly intemperate and deranged and was murdered at last by an Indian kinsman. Jefferson was advised of Logan’s death in January 1781.” Thus ended the tragic life of Captain John Logan in circumstances of which Jefferson was probably unaware while he was originally writing the Noges, circumstances which were communicated to him by Heckewelder and published in the Appendix in 1800.7! Logan's murderer was a nephew, chosen and deputized to execute his uncle because, as the victim’s closest relative, he would be immune from obligatory revenge. Years later he told a white visitor on the Allegheny River why the council ordered the killing: “Because he was too great a man to live .. . he talked so strong that nothing could be carried contrary to his opinions, his eloquence always took all the young men with him... He was a very, very great man, and as I killed him, I am to fill his place and

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THE LAND COMPANIES s = 23 fought, for themselves they conquered, and for themselves they have right to hold.”? He denied “the fictitious principle that all lands belong origi-

nally to the king” and declared that his majesty “has no right to grant lands of himself. From the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the

lands within the limits which any particular society has circumscribed around itself, are assumed by that society, and subject to their allotment only. This may be done by themselves, assembled collectively, or by legisla-

ture, to whom they have delegated sovereign authority; and if they are allotted in neither of these ways, each individual of the society may appropriate to himself such lands as he finds vacant, and occupancy will give

him title.” In addition to denying the legitimacy of the Crown's claim to a preemption right over Indian land, this passage would seem to sanction, by impli-

cation, the purchase by private citizens of “vacant” lands occupied by Indians, with title being subject to later confirmation by the state. ‘Iwo years later, however, in his “Draft of a Constitution for Virginia,” Jefferson stated explicitly that only the state held the right to purchase Indian land:

“No lands shall be appropriated until purchased of the Indian native proprietors; nor shall any purchases be made of them but on behalf of the public, by authority of acts of the General assembly to be passed for every purchase specially."* Thus on the eve of the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson had firmly concluded that purchases of Indian land by private companies or individuals were as invalid as purchases by the Crown. The Virginia Constitution of that year adopted the Jeffersonian principle, which largely followed the traditional British practice of delegating the right to purchase exclusively to colonial authorities, who might then grant lands to private persons. After the Revolution ended, Jefferson again asserted that Virginia's white settlers had acquired Indian lands primarily by peaceful purchase (although some areas in the Tidewater region had been acquired by conquest during the wars with the Powhatans in the seventeenth century). “That the lands of this country were taken from them by conquest, is not

so general a truth as is supposed. I find in our historians and records, repeated proofs of purchase, which cover a considerable part of the lower country; and many more would doubtless be found on further search. ‘The upper country we know has been acquired altogether by purchases made in the most unexceptionable form.” In the original manuscript of Notes on the State of Virginia, where this passage occurs, after the word “search” he had added, and then crossed out, the qualification, “It is true that these

24 ¢@ THE LAND COMPANIES purchases were sometimes made with the price in one hand and the sword in the other.”

Later in the Notes, Jefferson elaborated on the process by which an individual or company could acquire title. In the first half of the seventeenth century, he wrote, lands were purchased from Indian proprietors by individuals, and the title was confirmed by the Virginia Assembly. Later, under the land laws, large tracts were purchased from Indian owners by the colony itself, and title to individual portions was granted by the governor, while the surviving Indians were allowed to live on residual “allotments” (reservations).’ Jefferson's account has been basically confirmed by later historians. In 1655 these procedures were regularized by the Virginia

Assembly in an act which prohibited future private sales of lands by any Indian to any white individual. Thus, Virginia gradually came to accept the legal thesis that the native occupants possessed the right of soil and that their lands could be legally alienated only by a cession to representatives of the colony, particularly the governor, who (before the Revolution) held his authority from the Crown. It was this understanding, well-

established by the time of his birth, that Jefferson was expressing in the Wotes.®

By the early eighteenth century, when the “upper country’—consisting of the lands of the Piedmont, where Jefferson lived, and the Shenandoah valley—was becoming of interest to white settlers, the original inhabitants, the Siouan-speaking Monacans, were no longer living there, having dis-

persed among other native communities to the south. No record of the purchase of any of the Piedmont lands from the Siouans themselves seems to exist. Lewis Evans, whose Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America (1754) is cited as an authority by Jefferson in the Notes, expressed the opinion that some of the lands of the Monacans were seized

by Virginia through force. Other Monacan lands, he believed, were acquired by the Iroquois through conquest.’ The Iroquois themselves claimed to have conquered several tribes in Maryland and Virginia, including the “Toderichroonies,” their term for all the Siouan-speaking tribes of the southeast, and raids by the Iroquois on Virginia's dependent tribes continued into the eighteenth century. The general disorder produced by these incursions led Governor Spotswood in 1721 to propose a treaty with the Iroquois Confederacy, which at that time consisted of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. They lived in villages in what is now New York State, extending roughly

THE LAND COMPANIES @ 25 from the Hudson River west to Lake Erie. (A sixth tribe, the Tuscaroras, joined the confederacy in 1722, making up the last of the Six Nations.) This Treaty of Albany in 1722 settled Iroquois disputes with the Indians of Virginia and established a boundary between the lands claimed by the Jroquois within the chartered limits of the colony and the lands owned by the colony itself, its citizens, or grantees of the Crown. The Iroquois referred to Governor Spotswood, and to other governors of Virginia, as Assaraquoa, “The Great Sword,” probably because of the ceremonial swords they wore (the term may also have been the origin of the designation “Long Knives” for Virginians). At Albany in 1722, Governor Spotswood represented himself as the spokesman for all the surviving Indians of Virginia, including the Powhatans, Nottoways, Meherrins, and the various Siouan groups. A boundary was fixed between these tribes and the Six Nations, who agreed not to allow their warriors to travel east of what was identified in the treaty as the “high ridge.””° Virginia's interpretation of this agreement was that it cleared all Indian title to lands within its charter limits south of the Potomac and east of the main range of the Allegheny Mountains, thus freeing for settlement not only the Piedmont but also the great Valley of Virginia, through which ran the waters of the Shenandoah River. The Albany ‘Treaty was one of the “purchases made in the most unexceptionable form” that Jefferson alluded to in the No¢es. This was also one of the purchases most important to Jefferson personally, because Monticello and other properties he owned were located on the lands allegedly conveyed to Virginia by the Iroquois. Within two decades after the Albany treaty, plantations were being established in substantial numbers in the Piedmont and the Shenandoah valley, between the Blue Ridge and the Alleghenies. Peter Jefferson was one of those who availed himself of the opportunity created by the Albany treaty, in 1735 patenting a thousand acres in the Piedmont along the Rivanna River, one of the tributaries of the James. Here in Albemarle County he built Shadwell, the house where in 1743 Thomas Jefferson was born; nearby, Thomas would build Monticello and the city of Charlottesville would rise. After a six-year period living at Tuckahoe, an estate farther down the James that his father was managing for his deceased friend Peter Randolph, Thomas Jefferson at the age of nine returned to Shadwell and spent the rest of his youth there until his departure for William and Mary College in Williamsburg at the age of seventeen.

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THE INDIAN WARS @ 53 tion, although I did not understand a word he uttered.”* This charming anecdote leaves unclear the actual frequency of Outacite’s visits to Shadwell during Jefferson's youth.

After the French and Indian War ended in 1760, the next of Virginia’s frontier wars prior to the Revolution was the conflict with the Shawnees, formerly resident in Kentucky, who still claimed the right to hunt there and to prevent encroachment by Virginia’s hunters, explorers, land speculators, surveyors, and settlers. As we have seen, in the spring of 1774 the murder of Logan’s family occurred along the Ohio River, precipitating Lord Dunmore’s War. Governor Dunmore ordered Colonel Andrew Lewis, an experienced Indian fighter from the French and Indian War, to lead one army of Virginians against the Shawnees, while he himself commanded another, setting forth from Fort Pitt. Colonel Lewis’s command reached the Ohio River first, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, with the intention of crossing it to destroy the Shawnee towns, but the Shawnees crossed the Ohio and attacked first at Point Pleasant. In a pitched battle, the Virginians prevailed and the Indians retreated across the river, but it was a bloody encounter: of Lewis’s army of about 800 men, 81 were killed,

including Lewis’s brother, and 140 wounded; about 200 Shawnees were killed, out of a force equal in size to the Virginians’.° At the subsequent peace treaty, the Shawnees accepted the terms dictated by Lord Dunmore. ‘They yielded their hunting rights south of the Ohio in return for a white promise not to hunt north of the Ohio, agreed to return prisoners and stolen property and to stop harassing boats on the river, and allowed the whites to set the conditions of future trade. By this treaty, it seemed, the security of the lands claimed by Virginia speculators and land companies was now obtained, and settlers flocked to Kentucky. Indeed, charges were made immediately that the whole war was contrived and provoked for this very purpose. According to Thomas Wharton (a land speculator himself), Patrick Henry explicitly charged that Lord Dunmore, wishing to settle his family in America, “was really pursuing this war in order to obtain by purchase or treaty from the Natives a tract of Territory.” Henry thought Dunmore had designs on the north

side of the Ohio; the historian Thomas Abernethy, however, is of the opinion that Dunmore’s “chief concern [was] the settlement of central Kentucky.”®

In the period between Lord Dunmore’s War and the Revolution, when

he first served as lieutenant (commanding officer) of the Albemarle

54 @¢ THE INDIAN WARS County militia, Jefferson penned a series of bellicose remarks about Native Americans and their British instigators which certainly reflected and appealed to a conventional Virginian image of Indians as cruel and ruthless enemies. But by 1775 he had specific—if mistaken—reasons for charging the British with instigating Indian attacks. In order to understand Jefferson's life-long ambivalence toward Native Americans, one must ask what

information he was privy to throughout the formative revolutionary period, both when he was a militia officer and later, from 1779 to 1781, when he served as governor of Virginia.

The War with the Cherokees Around the time that the battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775, signaled the outbreak of armed conflict between the colonists and Britain, rumors began to circulate in the south about the supposed activities of the aging superintendent of Indian Affairs for the southern colonies, John Stuart, in inciting an attack by the Indians. On August 4, 1775, Purdie’s Virginia Gazette published an extract of an anonymous letter supposedly written from Charleston, South Carolina, on June 29, making the charge explicit: “We lately learned by intercepted letters, and otherwise, that there have been endeavours to set the Indians upon us. Mr. Stewart, the superintendent of Indian affairs, is accused of being the person who has forwarded this wicked design, and he is fled for safety.” Stuart, despite his infirmities, had indeed fled from Charleston in May and soon after proceeded to Savannah, Georgia, and thence to Pensacola, Florida. But in fact, in line with prevailing British policy, Stuart was

urging the southern Indians of to attack the frontiers but to remain neutral in the conflict. In September 1775, however, Stuart received from General Gage, commander-in-chief of British forces in North America, a letter advising him that the rebels had already “opend the Door” to Indian warfare by bringing down the “Savages” against the British in Boston. Stuart was ordered to urge the southern Indians to “take arms against his Majesty’s Enemies, and to distress them all in their power.”® Gage’s authority to persuade the Indians to take up the hatchet had been given by the ministry in England Gust as John Dickinson had charged in his 1775 draft of the “Declaration [of ] the Causes and Necessity of their Taking Up Arms,” which Jefferson

THE INDIAN WARS @# 55 helped write).? But Stuart nevertheless refused to interpret his orders as implying that the Indians should be encouraged to launch “an indiscriminate attack upon the Provinces.” Rather, he thought they should be encouraged to serve as auxiliaries to Loyalist troops in a “concerted Plan,” presumably against revolutionary military units. Stuart continued to drag his feet through the winter of 1775-1776. In the spring he dispatched his brother Henry to visit the Overhills Cherokees, many of whom, independent of British urging, were threatening to go to war against the Wataugan settlements in what is now northeastern ‘[ennessee. [he Cherokees complained that the original “lease” of their lands, and later the Henderson purchase itself in March 1775 at the Treaty of sycamore Shoals, had been fraudulent. Stuart, with the help of the resident British trader Alexander Cameron, persuaded the Cherokees to send letters in May warning the Wataugans to vacate the disputed lands within twenty days.

The Wataugan response was duplicitous. On the one hand, a reply to Stuart and Cameron expressed friendship for the Indians and loyalty to the king (but no promise to give up their settlements). But a forged letter, purportedly from Henry Stuart, was sent to the revolutionary conventions in North Carolina and Virginia and to the Continental Congress and was published in Purdie’s Virginia Gazette on June 7, 1776. This letter described

a British plan to send an army north from Florida, mobilizing Creek and Cherokee warriors along the way, to attack and destroy all rebel settlements on the Carolina and Virginia frontiers." This forged letter may very likely have been in Jefferson’s mind in July 1776 when he wrote in his draft of the Declaration of Independence that the king “has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence.”!! The same charge, in the same language, had a month before been included in the preamble to his draft of a constitution for Virginia.” But the ultimate source of the paragraph was more likely the anonymous letter from South Carolina of 1775, which mentioned in the same breath fears of a slave

rebellion and an Indian onslaught. This charge was given even wider currency by Thomas Paine’s Common Sense (published February 14, 1776), which referred to “that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up

the Indians and the Negroes against us.” Thus Jefferson's allusion in the

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THE INDIAN WARS #s 73 Jefferson was visited by a delegation of Kaskaskia Indians headed by a mixed-blood chief named Jean Baptiste du Coigne, who brought with him his wife and son. They had come from the Illinois country and were pro-American. Du Coigne himself had served as Clark’s emissary to the Wabash Indians and had come to the rescue of an American garrison besieged by hostile Indians. He had no doubt learned of the great governor of Virginia from Clark, and his infant son bore the name Jefferson. The Kaskaskia chief was formally presented to Jefferson, with whom he

smoked “the pipe of peace.” Ordinarily Jefferson did not smoke, but he thought it “a good old custom handed down by your ancestors, and as such

I respect and join in it with reverence. I hope we shall long continue to smoke in friendship together.” The two men exchanged gifts, Jefferson presenting the chief with a silver medal and a commission (not otherwise described) and du Coigne giving Jefferson several buffalo skins bearing carefully painted figures, which were duly hung on the walls of the main entrance hall at Monticello and perhaps formed the nucleus of his celebrated collection of Indian artifacts. As part of the state visit, du Coigne delivered a “friendly discourse” before Jefferson and some members of the assembly. It was a statement of friendship and alliance on behalf not only of the Kaskaskias but of other tribes in the Illinois country. Jefferson in reply offered an explanation of the war with England (“They at length began to say we were their slaves”)

and an optimistic assessment of its course (“They have now waged that war six years, and have not yet won more land from us than will serve to bury the warriors they have lost”). He went on to urge the Indians not to take up the hatchet against the British unless the British attacked them first; in that case, they had the right to take revenge, and “General Clark will . .. show you the way to their towns.” He apologized for the interruption in the flow of trade goods and promised an ample supply as soon as the war was over (and “the English cannot hold out long”). But the most interesting part of Jefferson's little speech was its conclusion: “You ask us to send schoolmasters to educate your son and the sons of your people. We desire above all things, brother, to instruct you in whatever we know ourselves. We wish to learn you all our arts and to make

you wise and wealthy. As soon as there is peace we shall be able to send you the best of school-masters; but while the war is raging, I am afraid it will not be practicable. It shall be done, however, before your son is of an age to receive instruction.”

74 @ THE INDIAN WARS It is not clear how soon the “best of school-masters” reached Kaskaskia to teach young Jefferson du Coigne, but apparently the lad was still living

in 1796, when Jefferson gave his French friend and fellow anticlerical philosopher Constantin Volney, then traveling in America, a letter of introduction to the Kaskaskia chief, in which he offered to take care of “my name sake Jefferson.” What is most significant in his reply to du Coigne is its adumbration of what later became known as the civilization policy: the plan of the federal government to send teachers, missionaries, and capital goods into the villages of friendly Indian tribes to teach them white methods of agriculture and domestic husbandry.

As is clear from his growing awareness of the importance of distinguishing between friendly and hostile tribes and his sympathetic response: to du Coigne, Jefferson’s experience as war governor was mellowing his

perception of the Native Americans as enemies. No longer were they merely “merciless savages” from whom, at great price in blood and treasure, America’s lands had been wrested by force. They were now, as he put it to du Coigne, some sort of brothers: “We, like you, are Americans, born in the same land, and having the same interests.” ‘This stance of paternalistic solicitude that Jefferson increasingly displayed as the Revolutionary

War was coming to an end was accompanied by the development of a scholarly interest in Indian language, culture, and history that continued for the rest of his life and influenced the course of ethnological research in America. It is to that subject that we now turn.”

a CHAPTER THREE

Notes on the Vanishing Aborigines

ae Jefferson left the Virginia governor's office in 1781, his letters to

George Rogers Clark shifted from matters of war—which continued unabated in both the east and the west—to matters of science. In December 1781 he asked Clark to send to Monticello “some teeth of the great animal whose remains are found on the Ohio” and commented that in his retirement he was eager to pursue studies in natural history. In Clark’s reply, in addition to remarks about animal bones, he alluded to “the pow-

erful nations that inhabited those regions,” perhaps a reference to the vanished builders of the impressive ceremonial mounds that dotted the Ohio valley.’

Jefferson's curiosity about the mammoths of the Ohio valley had been piqued by a visit of some Delaware Indians to Williamsburg about the time he was becoming governor. After matters of business had been discussed, the Indians were asked some questions about their country, and particularly what they knew of the large bones found at Great Salt Lick on the Ohio. Years later, Jefferson described the response with relish: “Their chief speaker immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and with a pomp suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject, informed him that it was a tradition handed down from their fathers, That in antient times a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big-bone licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffaloes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians: that the Great Man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enraged that he seized his lightning, descended on the earth, seated himself on a neighbouring mountain, on a rock, of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the whole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell; but missing one at length, it wounded him in the side; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash,

76 @ NOTES ON THE VANISHING ABORIGINES the Illinois, and finally over the great lakes, where he is living at this day.”

Jefferson, who believed that nature would never permit any link to fall from the Great Chain of Being, took this as confirmation of the mammoth’s continued existence to the north and west of the Great Lakes. Jefferson's interest in natural history was further stirred by the queries of Francois Marbois, the secretary of the French legation in Philadelphia, whose questionnaire on the new states with whom France was now aligned had come into Governor Jefferson's hands in mid-1780. By late fall

Jefferson was busy at Monticello gathering information to answer the queries. Although work on the project was delayed by General John Burgoyne’s invasion of Virginia and the evacuation of the capital to Charlottesville, as well as by his own retirement in June 1781 and by the death of his wife in September, he was able to put a completed manuscript of Notes on the State of Virginia in the hands of Marbois by the end of December. In the following several years before its first publication in Paris in 178s, Jefferson sent the manuscript to a number of friends and acquaintances for their comments and corrections. Information on Native Americans was contained in two sections of the Notes, one entitled “Productions, Mineral, Vegetable and Animal” and the other “The Aborigines.” ‘The first Indian essay was an elegiacal mixture of salutation and farewell, crystallized in the story of Logan, which, as we have seen, served in later years to rationalize Jefferson's and future generations’ drive westward to fulfill America’s destiny. The other was largely a statistical review of the decline of the native population. But even in this essay, Omissions, errors, and distortions, however unintended or unavoid-

able most of them may have been, also had the practical function of further sanctioning the cause of white settlement in the New World.

Jefferson's Elegy for the Indians In the first section of the Notes, Jefferson’s praise of the racial characteristics of Native Americans was couched as a rebuttal to the popular French naturalist the Comte de Buffon. Buffon’s Histoire naturelle argued that the peculiar environment of the New World had stunted the development of its native flora and fauna (including the aborigines) and retarded even the European colonists who settled there. Jefferson staunchly defended the productivity of his native land, trotting forth facts and figures on the large quadrupeds of America, including the mammoth whose

NOTES ON THE VANISHING ABORIGINES @ 77 bones were found in Ohio, and which, he claimed on the basis of Indian fables like the Delaware legend, still lived in the north and west of the continent. He then proceeded to refute Buffon’s assertion that “the savage of the new world” was defective in sexual ardor and potency (“the most precious spark of the fire of nature”) and therefore was timid and cowardly, stupid, incapable of love or loyalty, lacking any sort of communion, commonwealth, or “state of society.” ‘To the contrary, declared Jefferson, “the Indian

of North America” was as ardent as the white man, free, brave, preferring death to surrender, moral and responsible without compulsion by government, loving to his children, caring and loyal to family and friends, and equal to whites in vivacity and activity of mind. The women, to be sure, were forced to submit to unjust drudgery and, owing to their circumstance, produced fewer children. But that was the result of culture, not nature. “It is civilization alone which replaces women in the enjoyment of their natural equality.”

He went on to consider in particular the equality of Indian intelligence

with that of whites and argued that when all the facts were in hand, “we shall probably find that they are formed in mind as well as in body, on

the same model with the ‘Homo sapiens Europaeus.’” As proof of this natural equality of mind, he cited the Indians’ bravery and skill in warfare, of which “we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised,” and their “eminence in oratory.” The exam-

ple of Indian oratory which he brought forward was, of course, Logan's Lament. Jefferson turned next to a comparison of Indians “in their present state with the Europeans North of the Alps, when the Roman arms and arts first crossed those mountains.” He pointed out that it took sixteen centuries before the Anglo-Saxons produced an Isaac Newton. The implication was clear: given time and exposure to European civilization, the Native Americans too could rise to the same level of culture as the whites, as Enlightenment theories of progress would predict.? Writing to General Chastellux a few years later (in 1785), he declared that he had “seen some thousands [of Indians] myself, and conversed much with them, and have found in them a masculine, sound understanding . . . I believe the Indian to be in body and mind equal to the white man.” The question thus arose whether the Native Americans, when “civilized,” might be admitted to membership in the new republic. Jefferson

78 «@ NOTES ON THE VANISHING ABORIGINES does not seem to have advanced that idea at this period, but twenty years later he was to embrace it, confidentially. In a letter to Benjamin Hawkins in February 1803, he expressed the opinion that citizenship and amalgamation with whites was inevitable: “In truth, the ultimate point of rest and happiness for them is to let our settlements and theirs meet and blend together, to intermix, and become one people. Incorporating themselves with us as citizens of the United States, this is what the natural course of things will, of course; bring on, and it will be better to promote than to

retard it . . . We have already had an application from a settlement of Indians to become citizens of the United States.”* The means of promoting this idea was the conversion of the Indians to the white man’s way of agriculture, domestic manufactures, and education—a policy to be pursued by Congress and President Jefferson in the ensuing years. This vision of a Native American citizenry blending happily into white society depended upon Jefferson's belief in the inherent racial equality of Indians with whites and their innate capacity for climbing the ladder of cultural evolution. To the other ethnic minority within the bosom of the United States, the blacks of African descent, most of them slaves, Jefferson was less generous. In the section of the Notes devoted to his proposed revision of the laws of Virginia, he described blacks as physically ugly, offensive in body odor, and oversexed but underloving. “They are more ardent after their female, but love seems with them to be more an eager desire, than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. [heir griefs are transient.” But what truly disqualified blacks from membership in white society, according to Jefferson, was their inferiority in mental faculties. ‘They were, he felt, “in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations

of Euclid.” In art and oratory, they stood far below the Indians, and although gifted in music, were incapable of writing a decent poem (Phyllis Wheatley’s productions, he felt, were “below the dignity of criticism’).° That said, he nevertheless deplored the immorality of the institution of slavery, although he defended what he regarded as the humane practices of Virginia slaveowners like himself and compared them favorably with those of ancient Rome, even though the Romans’ slaves were mostly white. And he proposed, unsuccessfully, a bill for the emancipation of all slaves born

after a certain date, thus anticipating a gradual abolition of slavery as current slaves eventually died. But these free blacks ought not be allowed to remain within the state (as emancipated slaves were not by current law).

NOTES ON THE VANISHING ABORIGINES @ 79 The deep-rooted prejudices among whites, and the memory of past injuries among blacks, “will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.”

The only solution was to educate the free black children in tillage and artisanship and then, when the females reached eighteen and the males twenty-one years, “they should be colonized to such place as the circumstances of the time should render most proper,” where they could have their own country—perhaps the West Indies or even Africa. ‘To replace them, white immigrants should be invited to come to Virginia, lured by “proper inducements.” Failing such a solution, he foresaw in the perpetuation of the slave system the inevitable corruption of white masters, the degeneration of the yeomanry into sloth and depravity, until God himself intervened and permitted the “extirpation” of the slave masters. In an oft-quoted passage from the No¢es, Jefferson wrote: “Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep for ever: that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situations, is among possible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference.”” This was Jefferson in apocalyptic mode. But there was something of the same tone underlying his hope for eventual amalgamation with the Indians. In the section on “The Aborigines” he drew attention to the virtual extinction of the native population of Virginia, and he lamented that “we have suffered so many Indian tribes already to extinguish” without saving even records of their languages.* And there is discernible in his story of

Logan's Lament a kind of mordant fascination with the image of the Indians as a conquered and dying race. For Jefferson did believe that those Native Americans who refused to sell their hunting grounds, now depleted of game, and adopt “civilization,” or who even took up arms against the United States, were destined for extinction.

The Tidewater Indians of Virginia “The Aborigines” provided a largely statistical review of the decline of the Indian population in Virginia. In 1743, when Jefferson was born, the Indians east of the Appalachian Mountains were already becoming a distant

memory. The Algonkian-speaking chiefdoms of the Powhatan Confederacy, whose prosperous agricultural villages had spread throughout the

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. 39 iBasil Nn aS1 after a drawing ; V. ingH. byLizars Hall, 1827-1828.

1 oe

“Chiefs of the Creek Nation, i nda a Georgian Squatter.

Engraving by W. Library, H.University. ) y sub Courtesyyofib the Beinecke y; Yale *

CIVILIZING THE UNCIVILIZED FRONTIER os 191 the advances of Indian women who offered marriage, and eventually wed his white mistress. No more attached to organized religion than was Jefferson, he did not actively solicit the visitations of northern missionaries; this meant that English schooling, generally a missionary activity, was not

carried out. But in the case of white technology, he was an agent of acculturation in the same mode as the old resident traders and the newer federal trading houses established by the Trade and Intercourse Acts. He dutifully distributed hundreds of plows and other farm equipment pro-

vided by the Federalist program. | Where he differed sharply from traders and missionaries was with regard to political organization. He sought to impose on the Creeks, and as best he could on the other tribes, his conception of a centralized Indian

state with legislative, executive, and administrative branches, strong enough to unite the several autonomous geographical districts, the factions, and the divided authorities of traditional chiefs and the newer warrior leaders. During Jefferson's administration his efforts had some success, but they were blighted after 1805 by the inflammatory, antiwhite, anticivi-

lization rhetoric of the Red Sticks, followers of the Shawnee Prophet ‘Tenskwatawa and of his brother Tecumseh. During the War of 1812 Andrew Jackson’s army crushed the Creeks, and after the war anti-American

sentiment continued to hamper the federal civilization program in the

Creek country.* | “Uncivilized” Whites

Each of the communities of “civilized” Indians had complaints about the conduct of some of the white people whose settlements were closing in upon them. The Brothertons in New Jersey and the Goshen Delawares in Ohio were plagued by bootleg whiskey sellers. The Creeks, Hawkins reported, suffered seriously from the depredations of horse thieves and trespassing whites, who grazed their cattle on Indian lands and set fish traps

in their streams.* Indians, on the other hand, also committed crimes, particularly horse stealing. Retaliatory assaults and murders occurred on both sides, in defiance of federal and state law and Indian custom. Such incidents as these, set against a recent history of frontier warfare, with all of its bloody atrocities, could not but maintain an atmosphere of distrust and apprehension. The readiness to exploit and to kill was exacerbated by the excessive use of alcohol by Indians and frontiersmen alike.

woe ) gnters olk heroes. € lependary Wetzel familybecame Pp alnip I om Lan caster Coun Pen h W ; , nsylivania, the I ty, y. ) Wetzels, along with ten oth ili moved to the sev

ret omer ans Carly 1n th V i a mea ite “Indi In these turbulent rontier fi ier whiwhite comm uNnIt1es ndaian fi h ” Ld a

Virginia frontier near Wheeling in th l . esW ar. LWO of the five ers were Cabroth YrtuyNn

ipa i ering an i " escape

e Kevolution i Wetzel gained . Martin of infamy by participating ybyp pating in the slaughter of 1i head’ Cc

a ;paign prisoners during Br odhead’ against the Delawares on the 178 Muskingum in an mu uSKIN in ndian emissary who was his w y WmMmuracring aWetzel reputation fori m ewis earned y | Id ; ess an e

on his way to arrange a peace

d n horseback who had secretly escorted hi fe

‘ a an Cc

“hie OT , € made i act, Neac Pave. asAKeproacne NS CXCuUse. “Hme W oTnin u an indtan L WIS, 1 é .claimed e€wis, i1nae n men. ) Yrnever aS a a Seri f Ind: )Omade i 1 (he t h i 4 Nave ed wo i except i i pher enumerates at least kalli W | walerly to be burned at the stake. R

Cr Of If y accident); nis Diogra

52 Ings. He was arrested once for a Pp ticular]

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Beh Bene eae ieee eg eg,eeOR oe pee re :%die Weta LSE meng Jovsk ele fengevtodig |. ame, caer i | res ecane ae ues, poet oe — Ss"ee E= : am oes cme A yk £ ay Eeeeye care “yess i. a“ea SB ube Sy .ee geacaeee ee RR eee EOC ener PEO Siew Sen aSiti i ie es hs an es 5 Serene ER MES Hd ‘god [eset Esouaaneeent ne eee Boe < eeeee ae a be ec ee iEpap tas en peNSP ee“gyn Le Seoee hare ating Pate Sh Chie gee “Tee Stine caer aia eae CS MASSE ee Teee anteH ceeoers mn ne,St oo,BPA era ierere He ems sed De 4EE Fy osES PL mE ail SES Ponape Ee eesets ates BPfeBe oS Aee eile: In private correspondence he was even more explicit, suggesting that the part of Louisiana north of New Orleans “will probably be locked up from American settlement, and under the self-government of the native occupants.”*4 To the economist DuPont de Nemours, a friend from his days in Paris, he suggested that “our policy will be to form New Orleans,

and the country on both sides of it to the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all above that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a Marechausee to prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we have

filled up all the vacant country on this side” (a process he estimated to require fifty years).*

PRESIDENT JEFFERSONS INDIAN POLICY @ 225 This proposal for a wholesale exchange of populations, and the other provisions of the amendment, were not accepted by Congress or the gen-

eral population, but they indicate clearly that with the acquisition of Louisiana, Jefferson’s Indian policy had by July 1803 reached its mature form as a plan for obtaining Indian land for the expansion of the white population of the United States. The plan, reduced to simplest forms, had seven elements:

1. Maintain peace with the Indians, using a limited system of forts garrisoned by regular army troops to try to prevent white encroachment and other abuses, which might provoke border warfare, and to suppress incipient Indian uprisings. 2. Use a nonprofit, whiskey-free chain of publicly supported fur trade factories to counter the influence of foreign (primarily British) traders and to get leading Indians so far into debt that they would be willing to sell land to pay off their obligations. 3. Employ the Indian superintendents and agents under the direction of the War Department to keep the tribes from alliances with encircling, hostile foreign powers (at one time and in one place or another, Britain, Spain, and France) and to persuade them to sell land. 4. Encircle the eastern tribes by first acquiring the land on the east bank of the Mississippi, compressing them into a vast but ever-shrinking enclave between the Mississippi and the Appalachian mountains. 5. As game diminishes in the eastern enclave, offer the tribes the capital goods and education needed for survival as European-style agriculturists and citizens of the republic in exchange for their lands. 6. For those who reject the offer of “civilization” as the sole alternative to their extinction, removal into the Louisiana Purchase, which will become the next native enclave, where refugees and aboriginal residents can freely hunt for skins and furs and trade to mutual profit with the United States and her citizens, until such time as the land is needed for white settlement. 7. When border trouble escalates to the point of threatened or actual war, obtain Indian lands as the price of peace.

The legal authority and administrative mechanisms necessary to carry out this plan were, by 1803, already in place, in the form of two constitutional provisions; one that gave Congress the right to supervise commerce with the Indian tribes, now expressed through the Trade and Intercourse

226 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY Act of 1802, and a second that gave the President the power to enter into treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate, including treaties with Indian tribes for the purchase of their lands. Jefferson was certainly sincere in his belief that Indian people must ultimately adopt the white man’s ways in order to survive. He and his contemporaries were determined to carry out the intentions of their Federalist predecessors in providing them with the tools and education necessary to ascend from the communalistic hunting stage to the level of agricultural society with private property. This governmental philanthropy was extremely moralistic, especially as it allied itself with missionary evangelism. It was also (at least to us, by hindsight) patently self-serving, the missionary and the plow justifying the relentless pursuit of Indian lands. And it was psychologically and culturally extremely naive, expecting rational calculations of economic self-interest to induce a total transformation of Indian society in a very brief period of a few years, not really paying

any attention to the impossibility of persuading many Native Americans to suddenly abandon cherished values of communal responsibility, mutual aid, and kinship obligation, and demanding the relinquishment to strangers of the graves of their ancestors. Furthermore, it ignored the simple economic fact that the cash crop on which Indians had traditionally depended for the purchase of European goods—including, in some cases, agricultural tools—was the harvest of skins and furs that they secured from the very hunting grounds Jeffersonian philanthropy demanded that they sell. White folks in many frontier communities, such as Redstone and Greenbrier, were having a very hard time getting their farm surpluses to market and were consequently cash poor. [here was no guarantee that Indian farmers in the backcountry of Georgia or Tennessee would fare any better. From the rational point of view of many a Native American, it would in principle have been perfectly possible to combine fur-trade hunting, communal property, and the perpetuation of traditional social organization and religion with selected elements of white technology. Recent history records a number of very successful hybrids of European technology and non-Western social and religious culture.

Cessions North of the Ohio In the letters to Dearborn and Harrison, Jefferson had suggested that the process of land acquisition north of the Ohio begin with the owners of the

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY @ 227 territory fronting on the Mississippi: the Cahokias (now extinct), the Peorias, and the Kaskaskias. All were members of the old Illinois Confederacy whose tribes were now reduced to a few dozen surviving families by disease, dissipation, and the long wars with the Iroquois, the Sac and Fox,

and other northern Indians. Over a century earlier the Illinois tribes had converted to Christianity under the influence of French Jesuit missionaries

and had remained loyal to the French and to the United States, France's ally, during the Revolution and the subsequent wars in the Ohio valley. In so doing they earned the hatred of the pro-British, anti-American tribes around them. In 1790 the Kaskaskias, reputedly the largest surviving group, having absorbed the others, suffered heavy losses in a battle with the Potawatomis; in 1802 they were attacked by a Shawnee war party and again endured serious casualties. They lived in a village at the mouth of the Kaskaskia River, along the Mississippi about sixty miles south of St. Louis,

and numbered between too and 200 individuals.** Their chief was the same Jean Baptiste du Coigne whom Jefferson had met twenty years earlier at Charlottesville and who had named his infant son in honor of the French-speaking governor of Virginia. Harrison in his memoirs recalled du Coigne as “a gentlemanly man, by no means addicted to drink, and possessing a very strong inclination to live like a white man; indeed has done so as far as his means could allow.”*”

In his instructions to Harrison, Jefferson suggested that a spy be introduced into his friend du Coigne’s village to sound him out and subtly suggest the idea of a cession. Harrison went about the business promptly and on August 13, 1803, by a treaty held at the territorial capital, Vincennes, secured a cession from the Kaskaskia chiefs and warriors, on behalf of

“the several tribes of Illinois Indians,” of all their land in the Illinois country except for a reservation of 350 acres near the town of Kaskaskia (the site of the ancient village) and an additional 1,280 acres, to be located later. In return, the United States undertook to protect the Kaskaskias from other Indian tribes, granted them an annuity of $1,000, and promised to erect a church for the Catholic congregation and pay the expenses of a priest (who would also teach the three Rs) for seven years. These emoluments, it was asserted, would procure them “the means of improvement in the arts of civilized life.” For du Coigne, the United States undertook to build a house “suitable for the accommodation of the chief of the said tribe” and to enclose for his family’s use 100 acres with “a good and sufficient fence.”*? Chief du Coigne continued to live at Kaskaskia and

228 © PRESIDENT: JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY died there some time before the tribe was removed in 1832 to the Indian territory west of the Mississippi. By the 1803 treaty with the Illinois tribes, the United States obtained a large tract of land in what is now the state of Illinois between the Mississippi and Illinois rivers on the west and the ridge bounding the eastern watershed of the Wabash River. Along the Mississippi the frontage, as Jefferson desired, was extensive, running from the mouth of the Ohio

River north to the mouth of the Illinois River, just above St. Louis, a distance of nearly 200 miles. ‘The next year, Harrison extended the United States frontage along the Mississippi by a cession extorted from the Sac

and Fox which extended from the Illinois River north to the mouth of the Wisconsin River, near the site of the great trading post at Prairie du Chien.* These two acquisitions of Indian lands along the Mississippi north of the Ohio effectively achieved Jefferson's purpose of pinching the tribes of the Western Confederacy between American holdings. The strategy now

was to secure the territory on the north bank of the Ohio, between the Kaskaskia line in Illinois (on the eastern boundary of the future state) and the Greenville line in eastern Indiana. Only one tract within this stretch

on the north bank (all of it in the future state of Indiana) had yet been secured, the so-called Clark’s Grant at the falls of the Ohio, containing 150,000 acres promised by Virginia to General George Rogers Clark and

the officers and men who served with him in the conquest of the Ohio country during the Revolution. ‘The south bank of the river lay in the state of Kentucky; the Indian title there had been extinguished long ago by the Iroquois and Cherokee quit-claims on several occasions, most recently in the 1780s, and by the Shawnee relinquishment after Lord Dunmore’s War In 1774.

The lower part of this tract, from the Wabash to Clark’s Grant, was in

the possession of the Delawares, to whom it had been granted by the Miamis and Piankeshaws as an asylum for members of that tribe displaced by the Greenville ‘Treaty. On June 27, 1804, the secretary of war wrote to

Harrison that it would be advisable “to obtain the tract between the southern line of the Vincennes territory and the Ohio.”” The Vincennes territory was a large block of land around the town of Vincennes reserved at Greenville in 1795 and reconfirmed to the United States by a treaty at Fort Wayne in 1803. Harrison acted promptly, at Vincennes on August 18, 1804, obtaining from the Delaware tribe the rights to the land between the

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY ¢ 229 Vincennes tract and road and the Ohio, from the Wabash to Clark’s Grant; ten days later the Piankeshaws, who as the original occupants were co-claimants to the region, confirmed the cession. Harrison's hasty arrangement of these cessions, however, left a legacy of

bitterness, recriminations, and resentment that would culminate in the War of 1812. Protests against the Delaware cession of 1804 were communicated to Harrison as early as March 1805, when the three principal chiefs

of the White River Delawares—Tetapachsit, Buckongehelas, and Hockingpomska— who had signed the agreement of cession, sent Tetapachsit’s nephew, Billy Patterson, to William Wells, the agent at Fort Wayne, with a message denouncing the treaty. They claimed that it was “unlegal” because the Delawares did not have the right to sell the land. ‘They accused Harrison of fraudulently converting a simple treaty of peace and friendship into a land sale, and they asked that the President be advised and that he “take measures” to prevent the land from being settled. Billy Patterson verbally explained the Delaware chiefs’ views in a speech translated by John Connor, a respected white trader in Indiana, and it was witnessed by Johnston, the U.S. factor at Fort Wayne. The Patterson speech was very specific on the charge that Harrison had tricked the Indians into putting their marks on a paper that they could not read and that he had described as being merely a testimonial of mutual good will (see next page).*!

But the information had already been communicated to Harrison by Wells that not only the Delawares but also the Miamis (through their famous war leader Little Turtle), the Potawatomis, and in fact, the whole body of the Western Confederacy protested the Vincennes treaties. And Little Turtle had sent an address to Jefferson himself, and agent Wells had sent an accompanying letter, so that Harrison had to conclude that “the matter will be fully before the President.” Harrison in early March 1805 therefore wrote a long letter to the secretary of war, whose contents no doubt also reached the President, denying the charge of fraud, asserting the right of the Delawares and the Piankeshaws to sell the disputed land, and accusing Wells and Little ‘Turtle of a conspiracy to subvert Harrison's

plans and to revive the old Western Confederacy under Little Turtle’s command. He regarded as “improper” the suggestion that a special conference be held with the Delawares and Piankeshaws, Miamis, and Potawatomis to negotiate the issue and demanded that Wells be advised that he

was to report directly to Harrison as his superior, not directly to the President or the secretary of war—an administrative reform which Dear-

230 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY

| __ Billy Patterson's Message to the President "Friend and Brother, my Chiefs inform you that their minds are " oubled concerning the visit they made Governor Harrison. Last | summer at Vincennes they were invited to that place -. [and] was “told by the Governor that he wish them to become more civilized _ “and that he would give them an addition to their annuity of Five . _ hundred Dollars a year to enable them to procure the necessary "articles for the purpose of enabling them to cultivate their lands and | that he was present when che Miamies gave all White River to the “ Delawares and that he would give chem an instrament of writing © that would show chat the country. on Whice River belonged to the

Le eo ee ee ae

| Friend and Brother! When these words was spoke to our chiefs “by the governor they were much pleased with what he said, the

| Governor then wrote two papers which he told our chiefs contained _

| the words he had just spoken to them and he wished them to sign “them both that he would send one to the President of the United _ | States and one they could keep themselves in order that the good

"red people. Our chiefs cheerfully signed these papers Friend and Brother! You may judge how our chiefs fele when | they returned home and found that the Governor had been shutting “up their eyes and stopping their Ears with his good words and got

"them to sign a Deed for their lands without their knowledge, Fiend and Brother! The Chiefs of my nation now declare to you | from the bottom of their hearts in the presence of God that they | never sold Governor Harrison or the United States any land at

| Vincennes last summer to their knowledge, Friend and Brother! My chiefs declare to you that they are not _ | willing to cell the lands on the Ohio from the mouth of the Wabash

~ to Clarks Grant at the Falle and that they consider it out of their “power to do any auch thing without the consent of the other nations

Hie his country ice ee ee aS as Friend and Brother! My chiefs wishes you to prevent this land

= being soriled by the white people; "Friend and Brother! These are the words that was put in my

| mouth by the chiefs of my nation, in order that I might deliver them

Pon we eee BR ee Ry eke ee ta,

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY #@ 231 born duly instituted by requiring that Indian agents be responsible to the governors of their respective territories.” Jefferson and Dearborn discussed the problem, and then in May 1805 Dearborn reported to Harrison the President’s decisions on the subject: first, that a conference should be held, as soon as possible, with the chiefs of the Delawares, Miamis, and Potawatomis “for the purpose of such an

explanation of the doings, so much complained of, as will satisfy the chiefs, generally, that the transaction was not only open and fair, but such as they have no right to object to.” And the offending chiefs should be

“severely reprimanded” in front of the other chiefs and told that in the future “no chief, who so far degrade themselves as to deny their own doings, will be considered as deserving of the confidence of their father, the President of the United States, or admitted to any conference with him, or any of his principal officers or agents.” At about the same time Jefferson was writing directly to Harrison, mostly about the latter's administration of Indian relations in Louisiana, but he mentioned the affair of the Delaware treaty in passing: “The Little Turtle is indisposed. Ambition will account in some degree for his effort to produce a great confederacy; but perhaps we also may have been defective in our kindnesses to him.

A liberality towards him which would not be felt by us, might prevent great embarrassment & expence.””

Although still convinced that Wells and Little Turtle were plotting against him, Harrison obediently convened the tribes at Vincennes in August 1805 in order to settle the Delaware treaty affair “to the satisfaction of the President” (and he vowed to the secretary of war “that I will answer with my head to execute every wish of the President relative to the Indians in this quarter”). And the treaty at Vincennes did indeed turn out, on the surface, to be a love feast. Harrison was reconciled with Little Turtle and

Captain Wells (with whom he agreed to “a general amnesty and act of oblivion for the past”). The Delaware chiefs “explicitly acknowledge[d] the Treaty,” and the Miamis and Potawatomis agreed that the Delawares had a

right to sell because the land had been given them by the Piankeshaws years ago. [he land claims of the various tribes on the Wabash and White rivers were settled to mutual satisfaction. “In pursuance of the President’s directions,” Harrison promised Little Turtle an annuity of $50 and ordered

Captain Wells to go to Kentucky and there “purchase a negro man for him.” And, as a final coup to earn the President’s approval, Harrison was able to secure from the Miamis, Eel Rivers, and Weas their land on the Ohio east of Clark’s Grant.

232 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY This cession, and the cession from the Piankeshaws a few months later of land in Illinois that included a stretch of a few miles on the Ohio just

below the Wabash, completed the acquisition of all the lands on the north bank of the Ohio.” In his annual message to Congress on December 3, 1805, Jefferson congratulated himself on his accomplishment of his goal: “it completes our possession of the whole of both banks of the Ohio

from its source to near its mouth, and the navigation of that river is thereby forever rendered safe to our citizens settled and settling on its extended waters.”*’

But the aftermath of the Delaware treaty affair was not happy for everyone, particularly not for the Delaware chiefs principally involved in it: Buckongehelas, ‘[etapachsit, and Hockingpomska, and their spokesman, Billy Patterson. Buckongehelas was already an old man at the time of the treaty at Vincennes. He had been for many years a principal war chief of the Delawares, leading the warriors during the Revolution (when he laid siege to Wheeling, West Virginia), at the defeat of St. Clair by Little

Turtle, and at the battle of Fallen Timbers. Buckongehelas distrusted whites in general, having heard John Heckewelder’s warning back in 1781 that the Delaware converts on the Tuscarawas, who were friendly to the Americans, were in danger of being attacked by frontier whites: “I admit that there are good white men, but they bear no proportion to the bad; the bad must be the strongest, for they rule. They do what they please. They

enslave those who are not of their colour, although created by the same Great Spirit who created us. They would make slaves of us if they could, but as they cannot do it, they kill us. There is no faith to be placed in their words. ‘They are not like the Indians, who are only enemies while at war, and are friends in peace. They will say to an Indian; ‘My friend, my brother.’ They will take him by the hand, and at the same moment destroy him. And so you [addressing himself to the Christian Indians] will also be treated by them before long. Remember that this day I have warned you to beware of such friends as these. I know the long knives; they are not to be trusted.”** ‘These Christian Indians were indeed massacred a year later at Gnadenhiitten. Buckongehelas’s distrust of white promises was renewed in 1794 when the British, after having encouraged the western confederates to resist the

Americans, then refused to give the fleeing Indian survivors of Fallen Timbers asylum in the British fort nearby. Buckongehelas signed the Treaty of Greenville to end the war, and he signed the Vincennes treaty in

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY # 233 1804, but he remained a conservative to the end, refusing to trust the Americans and urging the Delawares not to forsake their religion and other customs. He was chief of the largest Delaware town on the west fork of the White River, Wapecomekoke, near present Muncie, Indiana, until

his death, supposedly of natural causes, in 1805. Colonel John Gibson informed Harrison of the death of “the Great Chief and Warrior Bokongehulas.”” Gibson at the same time referred to Tetapachsit as “the other Chief of the Delawares.” ‘Tetapachsit presided over the so-called Munsee Town (on

the actual site of Muncie, Indiana). He too was an old man, a former fighter against the Americans, but now somewhat more friendly. He had invited the Moravian missionaries to establish themselves near the Delaware towns on the White River. Although he publicly opposed the traffic in whiskey, he himself was a whiskey trader, bringing barrels of whiskey into his own village. He confessed his sin in a public ceremony: “My children you see how old I am, how gray my hair is; I am still not on the right road as God desires it of us. We have also often admonished you not to drink, nor to commit any evil, but nothing came of it. We remained as we were. We chiefs have now discovered why you have not changed either, because we ourselves do not do what we tell you to do.” In March ‘Tetapachsit was seized by Delaware followers of the famous

Shawnee Prophet ‘Tenskwatawa, who had accused him of causing the death of Buckongehelas by witchcraft. Under torture, he confessed to witchcraft and implicated a Delaware Moravian convert, Joshua. Although he later repudiated his confession, ‘Tetapachsit and Joshua were brought before the Shawnee Prophet, who claimed to have special powers to identify witches. Tenskwatawa condemned them to death. Tetapachsit was tomahawked by his own son and thrown alive into a great fire, which burned up part of the nearby woods. ‘Tetapachsit’s nephew, Billy Patterson, a converted Christian, was also seized and burned at the stake as a witch.

‘Tetapachsit’s widow, a young woman who had replaced the murderous sons mother in the old chief’s affections, nearly suffered the same fate but was saved by her brother. And finally, Hockingpomska, also prominent in the Vincennes treaty affair, was accused of witchcraft but rescued by friends.*

The Delaware witch hunt singled out as victims or practitioners of witchcraft precisely the four men who were most closely involved in the sale of the Delaware lands along the Ohio River. It hardly would seem to

234 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY be a mere coincidence. When Harrison learned of the Delaware witch hunt, he sent a passionate speech to them, condemning the recent murders and urging them not to follow the “dark, crooked and thorny” path down which the Shawnee Prophet was leading them. “My heart is filled with grief, and my eyes are dissolved in tears, at the news which has reached me

... He [‘this pretended prophet’ tells you that the Great Spirit commands you to punish with death those who deal in magic, and that he is authorized to point them out .. . Let your poor old men and women stay

in quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadful idea of being burnt alive by their own friends and countrymen. I charge you to stop your bloody career . . . if you wish the friendship of your great father the President.”°? But Harrison would not be able to check the career of the Prophet and his brother ‘Tecumseh; and eventually Jefferson would be drawn deeply into the problem. Jefferson's other accomplishments in obtaining land in the old Northwest Territory were in northern Ohio and southern Michigan. South of Lake Erie, between Sandusky and Cleveland, and west of the Greenville

Line lay country occupied by remnants of various Indian nations but claimed by Connecticut on the basis of colonial charter. This was the Connecticut Western Reserve, which Connecticut ceded to Congress in 1800 with the hope that it would go to the Connecticut Land Company and the company of Connecticut “sufferers” of British depredations during the Revolution. The directors of the Connecticut Land Company and the Sufferers’ Company petitioned Jefferson directly, asking him to appoint

commissioners to treat with the Indian proprietors. Jefferson complied, and the commissioners duly met with the representatives of the interested tribes, a motley collection of Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippewas, Potawatomis, Munsees, Delawares, and Shawnees. On July 4, 1805, they ceded the Western Reserve, amounting to about 1,200,000 acres, for a price of about one cent per acre in annuities payable by the United States and about one and a half cents per acre payable by the land companies in a combination

of cash and annuities, the total amounting to $32,666.67. Jefferson also took personal initiative in obtaining a cession of the lands surrounding Detroit, in extreme northern Ohio and southern Michigan. In 1803 the old Northwest Territory had been split in two, one half becoming the new State of Ohio. In 1805 Jefferson had created the new territories of Michigan and Indiana out of the other half. General William Hull, the first governor of Michigan Territory, was instructed to call together the

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY @ 235 chief men of the tribes in the Detroit area, mostly Ottawas, Potawatomis, and Chippewas, the “Three Fires.” Jefferson, anticipating war with Britain, desired the neutrality of the Indians in that quarter.

His message, as relayed by Hull, was threatening in tone: “we have learnt that some tribes are already expressing intentions hostile to the United States, we think it proper to apprise them of the ground on which they now stand, and that on which they will stand; for which purpose we make to them this solemn declaration of our unalterable determination, that we wish them to live in peace with all nations, as well as with us; and we have no intention ever to strike them or to do them an injury of any sort, unless first attacked or threatened; but, that, learning that some of them meditate war on us, we, too, are preparing for war against those, and those only, who shall seek it: and that, if ever we are constrained to lift the hatchet against any tribe, we will never lay it down till that tribe is exterminated, or driven beyond the Mississippi. He adjures them, therefore, if they wish to remain on the land which covers the bones of their father, to keep the peace with a people who ask their friendship without needing it; who wish to avoid war without fearing it: in war they will kill some of us; we shall destroy all of them. Let them then continue quiet at home; take

care of their women and children, and remove from among them the agents of any nations, persuading them to war, and let them declare to us explicitly, and categorically, that they will do this; in which case they will have nothing to fear from the preparations we are now unwillingly making, to secure our own safety.”**

He also ordered Hull to acquire the land about Detroit, from the Western Reserve on the south and east to Saginaw Bay on the north, comprehending the eastern half of the peninsula. The Indians were compliant, being suspicious of British promises and not eager to offend the President, and Hull treated the 700 to 800 native visitors “kindly” and gave them “what they want to eat.” They proposed to live under the protection of the United States, vowed neutrality in the coming conflict, and in November 1807 agreed to a cession of land. It was somewhat smaller than Jefferson desired, extending south only to the Maumee River and north far short of Saginaw Bay, with a number of reservations for their villages, but the price was only $10,o00—not more than two cents an acre for land worth $2.50 at public auction.” These transactions completed Jefferson’s program of land acquisitions north of the Ohio. By 1807 he was preoccupied by the prospect of war with

236 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY Great Britain, which would inevitably bring at least some of the tribal factions of the northwest into the fray on the side of the British and their Indian allies in Canada.

Cessions South of the Ohio Persuading Indian tribes to sell land south of the Ohio River proved more difficult. Almost all of Kentucky was clear of Native American title, except ' for small tracts owned by the Chickasaws along the Mississippi and by the Cherokees south of the Cumberland. But most of Tennessee remained in Cherokee and Chickasaw hands, and most of Georgia was occupied by Creeks and Cherokees. Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks held nearly all of present Mississippi and Alabama, and Florida, still under Spanish sovereignty, was largely taken up by the displaced bands of Creeks known as Seminoles. ‘These were all large tribes, still capable of putting thousands of warriors into the field despite their internal factional disputes, and many of them were warmly attached to Spanish, French, or British interests. It was prudent to move warily among them. Furthermore, there was no one in the southern department comparable to the aggressive Harrison, who was governor, military commander, and

Indian superintendent all at once. William Claiborne was governor of Mississippi Territory, but Benjamin Hawkins and General James Wilkin-

son led the negotiations with the Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Creeks. Hawkins was, of course, principal agent among the Creeks; among the

Cherokees, the agent responsible for land negotiations was Return Jonathan Meigs. Both of these men, domiciled in the states of Georgia and ‘lennessee, reported to the secretary of war. Georgia authorities were unhappy that Hawkins had obtained only part of the lands in the Oconee—Ocmulgee fork during his negotiations at Fort

Wilkinson in 1802. In 1803 Dearborn ordered him and General James Wilkinson to run the 1802 boundary and to negotiate another treaty with the Creeks to secure the remainder of the lands around the fork. Hawkins again commenced difficult and protracted negotiations with the Creeks, whose split between the Upper and the Lower factions, general resentment against frontier outrages, and irritation at incessant demands by the state of Georgia for the return of slaves, horses, and other property seized in the course of many years made reaching a generally acceptable agreement difficult. Dearborn consulted with Jefferson about the problem and

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY # = 237 was advised that the United States government did not wish to intervene in factional disputes, even if it led to a nation splitting into two or more tribes.*°

Hawkins was able to secure the cession, but the Senate rejected it on the grounds of improper financial arrangements. Eventually in 1805 a compli-

ant Creek delegation led by William McIntosh visited Washington and negotiated directly with Jefferson. Jefferson insisted on the grant of the entire Oconee—Ocmulgee fork and also the right to build a road across Creek territory from Fort Hawkins on the Ocmulgee to Fort Stoddart on the Mobile River at the edge of the Choctaw cession of 1802. The Creek delegates in November 1805 were persuaded to sign the treaty of cession on Jefferson's terms, receiving in return a tribal annuity of $12,000 a year for eight years and $11,000 a year for ten more. This was the last of the Creek

treaties during Jefferson's presidency.*’ Thereafter a rising tide of native

nationalism, partly home-based and partly inspired by the Shawnee Prophet’s emissaries from the north, stiffened Indian resistance to further cessions of land in the south.

Jefferson had wanted to secure the banks of the Mississippi, and on November 16, 1805, two days after the Creek Treaty of Washington, his agents among the Choctaws, James Robertson and Silas Dinsmoor, obtained a cession of land from the chiefs of that nation. This cession, however, was for land on the Florida border, between the Natchez Trace and the Creek boundary. ‘This location was contrary to the agents’ instruc-

tions, and Jefferson in disgust refused to submit it to the Senate for ratification. [his was a curious act on the part of a President who publicly

asserted that the United States would buy Indian land whenever the proprietors wished to settle their debts and secure capital for civilization. In this case, the Choctaws wished the largest part, $55,500, of the purchase money to be paid to British merchants and traders to whom they were in debt; beyond that, $3,000 annually was to be paid as a tribal annuity, plus a personal bonus of $500 and a $150 annuity to the three principal chiefs. Jefferson did finally submit the treaty to the Senate for ratification in 1808, when deteriorating relations with Great Britain and Spain suddenly made the despised cession militarily valuable. His message of transmittal to the Senate was candid: “Progressive difficulties, however, in our foreign relations, have brought into view considerations, other than those which then prevailed. It is now, perhaps, become as interesting to obtain footing

for a strong settlement of militia along our southern frontier, eastward

238 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY of the. Mississippi, as on the west of that river; and more so than high up

the river itself. The consolidation of the Mississippi Territory, and the establishing a barrier of separation between the Indians and our southern neighbors, are also important objects. ‘The cession is supposed to contain about five millions of acres, of which the greater part is said to be fit for cultivation, and no inconsiderable proportion of the first quality, on the various waters it includes; and the Choctaws and their creditors are still anxious for the sale.”®

Not only was Jefferson concerned about invasion from the south by Spaniards and their Indian allies; he was also worried, on the basis of advice from General Wilkinson, about Aaron Burr and other American adventurers’ plans (in which Wilkinson himself was implicated) to invade

Mexico or possibly Florida. Sealing the border through the Choctaw cession was now imperative. The other major goal of Jefferson’s southern policy was to obtain more

land from the Cherokees. The last Cherokee cessions of land, on the Clinch and Holston Rivers in Tennessee, had been made in the 1790s. The settlers were now pressuring the government to persuade the Cherokees to

give up land north of the Tennessee River. There was already a federal store at Tellico, whose secret purpose was to get the Cherokee hunters to run so deeply in debt that the chiefs would feel the need to sell lands to pay off their obligations. The factor at Tellico, J. W. Hooker, described his personal indoctrination by Jefferson in March 1801 in colorful language: “when he was at the Norard in conversation with Mr. Jefferson he | Jefferson| asked him if he could get the Cherokee. to run in debt to the amount

of ten or twelve thousand dollars in the public store. Mr. Hockker told him for answer fifty thousand. Well, says he, that is the way I intend to git there countrey for to git them to run in debt to the publick store and they will have to give there lands for payment. Mr. Hockker’s answer was if that is your Deturmeanation you must git sum other pursun to keep the store.”>? Hooker did, however, accept the position, and under his guidance

the store consistently advanced more credit to the Cherokees than it received in skins and furs.”

Another gambit to secure the desired lands was to approach the Chickasaws, who were perfectly willing to sell their overlapping claims to Cherokee territory. In October 1805 agent Meigs at Tellico secured from certain Cherokee chiefs, by means of bribes of annuities and private reser-

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY #@ 239 vations (promptly leased to white men), the sale of a tract immediately south of the old Hopewell ‘Treaty line, including Colonel Wofford’s settle-

ment. In addition, the treaty provided the right-of-way for a road from Tellico to the Tombigbee River.” Shortly after this cession, the same chiefs obediently made their way to Washington and, with Benjamin Hawkins as a witness, on January 7, 1806, agreed to sell all Cherokee lands north of the Tennessee River. Jefferson delivered an unctuous farewell address to the departing delegation, congratulating them on their progress toward civilization and urging them to make even more strides forward.” This transaction ended Jefferson's program of acquisition of the lands

of the southern Indians.% It merely exacerbated, however, the tensions within the Cherokee nation over the question of land sales, removal, and civilization.

The Land that Jefferson Obtained Jefferson's policy of “obtaining lands” resulted in the acquisition of close to

200,000 square miles of Indian territory in nine states of the present Union, mostly in Indiana, Illinois, ‘Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Missis-

sippi, Arkansas, and Missouri. His agents, under his general mandate, conducted approximately thirty-two treaties with about a dozen tribes or tribal groups, including the Osage treaty, which was not ratified by the Senate until after he left office, and the treaty at Fort Wayne with the Ohio tribes, completed by Harrison in September 1809.

The land thus acquired far exceeded the immediate needs of the expanding white population or the desires of the Native Americans to divest themselves of hunting grounds in order to take advantage of the civilization program. When one looks at the location of the tracts secured, one realizes that for the most part they were chosen primarily to clear Indians from the banks of the great rivers, the Ohio and the Mississippi, and to compress the eastern tribes into an interior region west of the Appalachians and east of the Mississippi, where they would be easier to dominate. It was essentially a military strategy: secure the supply lines and encircle the enemy. As he left office, the banks of the Ohio were safe, much but not all of the Mississippi shoreline was in the government’s hands, and public roads traversed Indian territory in a number of directions, connecting Ameri-

240 @ PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S INDIAN POLICY can forts, frontier settlements, and centers of commerce. Jefferson had seen to the national security and the future expansion of the growing white population into the remaining Indian territory east of the Mississippi, a task which Andrew Jackson would nearly complete a few years after Jefferson's death.”

em CHAPTER EIGHT

The Louisiana Territory

Te LouIsIANA PURCHASE confronted Jefferson with a new and

little-known population of Indians. For years he had sought to acquire for the United States more information about the inhabitants of the vast domain west of the Mississippi. Part of the interest, as always with Jefferson, was strategic: to draw the tribes on America’s borders away from

menacing alliances with her real or potential enemies, particularly the British. One means for countering foreign influence was to open up trade with these Indians, hopefully weaning them away from English traders working out of Canada and Florida. Plans for the Lewis and Clark expedition, which would advance American commerce with the Indians of the west, were being made well before news of the purchase reached Washington in the summer of 1803. Jefferson had for many years sought to encourage the exploration of these territories

in order to find a direct water route to the Pacific Ocean for American traders. This had been a plan of his father and other associates in the Loyal Company as far back as the 1750s, when they projected an expedition up

the Missouri to the Rocky Mountains and then down the rivers flowing westward into the South Sea.

Jefferson made a number of efforts to promote the Missouri transit scheme. As early as 1786, while minister in Paris, he proposed to the American adventurer John Ledyard, a survivor of the late Captain Cook’s

voyage to the South Seas, that he undertake to cross North America, approaching the New World either by traversing Russia to Kamchatka, or from the Atlantic westward. Apprehended by emissaries of the Empress Catharine, Ledyard was prevented in his object and died soon after

in Egypt. A few years later, in 1792, hearing of the discovery of the Columbia River, Jefferson persuaded the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia to establish a fund to finance an expedition to locate the Northwest Passage. The eminent French naturalist André Michaux was

242 @ THE LOUISIANA TERRITORY selected to head the party, and Jefferson wrote him a letter of instruction on behalf of the Society: “The chief objects of your journey are to find the shortest and most convenient route of communication between the U. S. and the Pacific Ocean, within the temperate latitudes, and to learn such particulars as can be obtained of the country through which it passes, it’s productions, inhabitants and other interesting circumstances.” He went on to specify that the chosen route was to be up the Missouri to its headwa-

ters and thence across by land “to some principal river of the Pacific Ocean—perhaps the Oregon.” But Michaux’s journey was canceled when Jefferson learned that the intriguing Citizen Genet was using Michaux as a secret agent to provoke Kentucky irregulars into an armed assault on Spanish Louisiana, hoping to embroil the United States in France’s war with Great Britain and her ally Spain.’ A few years later, in 1799, when Jefferson's Albemarle County neighbor Captain Meriwether Lewis was stationed in Charlottesville as a recruiting officer, he applied to Jefferson for the Northwest Passage assignment but was turned down. (In his biographical sketch of Lewis, written many years later, Jefferson misremembered the event, placing “Captain Lewis” as a recruiting officer in Charlottesville in 1792, seven years prematurely, when he was only eighteen and not yet even a volunteer militiaman let alone a captain in the regular army.)* Lewis's chance would come soon, however. Shortly after taking office as President in 1801, Jefferson chose Lewis as his private secretary, domiciled in the White House. By 1802, the two were making plans for the expedition to the Pacific, notifying Spanish and British authorities of their intentions to mount a “literary pursuit” and putting together estimates of cost. Lewis was sent off to Philadelphia and the American Philosophical Society for a crash course in science with the most eminent professors (Benjamin Smith Barton, Caspar Wistar, Benjamin Rush, Robert Patterson, and, in Lancaster, Andrew Ellicott) to prepare him to make observations in natural history, medicine, and navigation.° In January 1803, Jefferson delivered a secret message to Congress, describing the plan and requesting the necessary appropriation of funds ($2,500). He characterized the purpose of the expedition as being primarily commercial, to divert the immense fur trade of the Missouri tribes from Canada to the United States, and incidentally to find a “continued navigation . . . possibly with a single portage, from the western ocean, and

finding to the Atlantic a choice of channels through the Illinois or

THE LOUISIANA TERRITORY @ 243 Wabash, the Lakes and Hudson, through the Ohio and Susquehanna or Potomac or James rivers, and through the Tennessee and Savannah rivers.” Congress approved the plan, and Captain Lewis was appointed to lead the exploring party, with his friend Captain William Clark as second in command.

The Corps of Discovery Jefferson wrote Lewis a formal letter of instructions dated June 20, 1803. On the subject of Indians, he was ordered to learn and record as much as he could about the tribes they would meet along the way and to invite the tribes to peace, friendship, and mutually profitable relations with American fur traders (see next page).” The Indians of the lower Missouri water-

shed were reasonably well known to the Chouteau brothers and their trading organization in St. Louis, and to various other French, Spanish, and British traders, but they were an unknown quantity to Jefferson and to other Americans of the eastern seaboard. ‘They were, in fact, occupants of

several different culture areas, ranging from the village-dwelling, corngrowing Osages, Mandans, and Omahas along the lower Missouri to the more mobile hunting bands of Yankton and Teton Sioux now encroaching on the Plains, to the traditional horse-stealing and buffalo-hunting “wild Indians” like the Pawnees, to the hunters and gatherers of the Great Basin and Plateau. These people were not like the relatively sedentary, and by now harried and depopulated, village dwellers of the east. Whites of the

eastern seaboard, who had dealt with eastern Indians for two centuries, were not familiar with the customs of the western tribes, their politics, or their intertribal alliances and hostilities. There is no need to describe here the adventures of Lewis and Clark in their three-year journey to the Pacific Ocean and back. The experiences of the Corps of Discovery have been recounted many times, most recently by Stephen Ambrose in Undaunted Courage. James Ronda has carefully chronicled their relations with the Indians, and in an earlier chapter we reviewed the ethnographic significance of their observations.® Jefferson's plans for the exploration and mapping of the Louisiana Purchase envisaged expeditions to the southwest and to the north in addition

to the Lewis and Clark drive up the Missouri. To the southwest lay the Spanish possessions in Texas and New Mexico. The boundaries between Spain and the United States were uncertain, awaiting diplomatic negotia-

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