Japheth ben Ali's Book of Jeremiah: A Critical Edition and Linguistic Analysis of the Judaeo-Arabic Translation [1° ed.] 1845533380, 9781845533380

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Japheth ben Ali’s Book ofJeremiah

Copenhagen International Seminar General Editor: Thomas L. Thompson, University of Copenhagen Editors: Niels Peter Lemche and Mogens Muller, both at the University of Copenhagen Language Revision Editor: James West Published in the series: The Origin Myths o f Holy Places in the Old Testament A Study o f Aetiological Narratives

Lukasz Niesiolowski-Spano The Expression ‘Son o f Man’ and the Development o f Christology A History o f Interpretation

Mogens Muller

Japheth ben Ali’s Book ofJeremiah A Critical Edition and Linguistic Analysis of the Judaeo-Arabic Translation

Joshua A. Sabih

Routledge

R

Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2009 by Equinox, an imprint of Acumen Published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, 0 X 1 4 4RN 711 Third Avenue, N ew York, N Y 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint o f the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © Joshua A. Sabih 2009 A ll rights reserved. N o part o f this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notices Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful o f their own safety and the safety o f others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility. To the fullest extent o f the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter o f products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation o f any methods, products, instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bible. O.T. Jerem iah. Arabic. Japheth ben Ali. 2009. Japheth ben Ali’s book o f Jerem iah / a critical edition and linguistic analysis o f theJudaeo-A rabic translation [by] Joshua A. Sabih. p. cm. — (Copenhagen International Seminar) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-84553-338-0 (hb) 1. Japheth ben Ali, ha-Levi, 10th cent. Sharh Yirmeyahu. 2. Bible. O.T. Jerem iah.—Commentaries. 3. Judeo-Arabic language. 4. Arabic language—Dialects. 5. Karaites. I. Sabih, Joshua A. II. Japheth ben Ali, ha-Levi, 10th cent. Sharh Yirmeyahu. English and Hebrew. III. Bible. O.T. Jerem iah. English. Sabih. 2009. IV. Title. BS1524.A73J36 2009 224L2046—dc22 2008039927 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-84553-338-0

(hardback)

ISBN 978-1-84553-664-0

(paperback)

Typeset and edited by Queenston Publishing, Hamilton, Canada

To my wonderful mother, my wife Lena, and my children Simon Ismael and Anne Amina

Contents Illustrations

vii

Abbreviations

xii

Acknowledgments

xiii

Part I A Theoretical Overview of Judaeo-Arabic as Scriptolect 1 Introduction

1

Aim of the Book Method

2 3

Scriptolect Polysystem Theory The Subject of the Book

4 5 8

2 Middle Arabic

13

Middle Arabic: Presentation

13

The History of the Term 1Middle Arabic’ Middle Arabic as Scriptolect

14 28

3 Judaeo-Arabic

41

Introduction

41

Judaeo-Arabic Language The Status and Functions of Judaeo-Arabic Non-linguistic Factors

44 45 45

Linguistic Factors Is Judaeo-Arabic a Jewish Language? Periodization of Judaeo-Arabic Pre-Islamic Judaeo-Arabic Modern Judaeo-Arabic

48 51 63 65 69

4 The Linguistic Status and Cultural Function of the Medieval Judaeo-Arabic Language Introduction The Language Situation of Medieval Arabic-speaking Jews Arabic/Hebrew Diglossia

71 71 72 75

viii

•

Contents

Medieval Hebrew Arabic Language The Division o f Function Between Hebrew and Arabic

77 80 83

The Issue of the Use o f Hebrew/Arabic in Jewish Poetry

88

5 The Function of Scripts in Medieval Arabic Scriptolect Introduction The Script in the Polysystem Theory Hebrew Script Arabic Script in Karaite Writings al-QirqisanTs View The Arabic Text The English Translation

6 Conclusion

95 95 97 100 103 108 108 110

115

P art II The Critical Edition and Linguistic Analysis

7 Description of the Manuscripts

119

8 Description of the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

129

Introduction The Method of Transcription From Hebrew into Arabic Consonants Vowels A Description of the Transcription of Hebrew Consonants into Arabic Consonants Vowels Masoretic Points and Accents Hebrew Text

129 133 134 134 136 137 137 140 141 144

Textual Remarks

144

9 The Edited Text

149

10 Translation

319

11 Orthography and Phonetics

411

Orthography Arabic Orthography

411

411

Contents

•

ix

Hebrew Orthography

412

Judaeo-Arabic Orthography

412

Vowels

413

Short Vowels Long Vowels The Consonants

413 414 416

Hamzah

416

12 M orphology an d Syntax

421

Pronouns Independent Pronouns

421 422

Demonstrative Pronouns Pronominal Suffixes Verbs

427 430 431

The Infinitive The Perfect Suffix of the Perfect

431 432 432

Verba T ertiaew /y

433

Verba Tertiae Hamzatae The Imperfect

433 435

Moods Imperative Forms Negation The Compound Verb a>0 /

435 439 439 439 441

Verba Tertiae Hamzatae (Imperfect) Prepositions

442 442

Relative Clauses

446

The Noun

449

Gender Dual Plural Unusual Plural Word order

449 449 449 450 450

13 D iscu rsive A n alysis

453

The Arabic Translation: Sharh Genre

454

X

•

Contents

Syntax Perfect and Imperfect

455 457

Waw Consecutive + Perfect

458

Waw Consecutive + Imperfect Waw + Cohortative Waw +Jussive

459 461 461

Moods The Cohortative

462 462

The Imperative Participle Negation Lo + Imperfect

462 463 463 464

al + Cohortative

464

Lo+ Noun+ Verb (imperfect)

464

Vocative Prepositions Number and Gender

464 464 465

Asyndesis and Syndesis Asyndesis Syndesis Word Order Hebrew Lexemic Interference

467 467 467 468 468

New Arabic Lexemic Strata

469

B ibliography

471

Index

489

Illustrations 1. Drory’s Hebrew/Arabic diglossia.

9

2. Macuch’s Samaritan Hebrew/Arabic diglossia.

10

3. Blau’s definition of NA.

25

4. Literary diglossia.

26

5. BL.Or. 2549 (MS A).

120

6. NLR.Arav-Evr 070 (MS B).

121

7. JTS.ENA 3913 (MS C).

123

8. BL.Or. 2503 (MS D).

124

9. BL.Or. 2504 (MS E).

127

Abbreviations al-Kitdb

BEO

FasI, The Hebrew Arabic Dictionary of the Bible Known as Kitab Jami al-’AlfazAgron A Grammar of Christian Arabic, Based Mainly on SouthPalestinianTexts from the First Millenium Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales

BJRL

Bulletin of John Rylands University Library of Manchester

BO CA CMA

Bibliotheca Orientalis Classical Arabic Contemporary Middle Arabic

GMJUA HCSB HEMA

A Grammar of Medieval Judaeo-Arabic,Jerusalem The Harpercollins Study Bible, New Revised Standard Edition Handbook of Early Middle Arabic

ASP

IHEM

Institut des hautes Etudes Marocaines

IOS JA JPS

Israel Oriental Studies Judaeo-Arabic Jewish Publication Society Hebrew-English Tanakh, 2nd edition

JSS JQR JSAI JSI

Journal of Semitic Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Journal of Social Issues

MA

Middle Arabic

MJA MMA

Medieval Judaeo-Arabic Medieval Middle Arabic

al-Muqaddimah MSA al-Muzhir NA OC REJ SBB SGEA

’Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddimah Modern Standard Arabic as-Suyutl’s al-Muzhir ft Vlum al Lugah wa ’Anwa'iha New Arabic (Neo-Arabic) Oreins Christianus Revue des Etudes Juives Soncino Books of the Bible:Jeremiah, 4th edition Studies in The Grammar of Early Arabic Based upon papyri datable to before A.H.300/CE912 Standard Middle Arabic Sub-standard Middle Arabic Zeitschrift fur Arabische Linguistik Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

SMA SSMA ZAL ZDMG

Acknowledgements This book is the fruit of a long and arduous process of researching and writing. It was initially a thesis that was submitted to the Faculty of The­ ology, Copenhagen University, in 2006 for the degree of doctor theologies (dr.theol.), the highest academic degree in Denmark. In this regard I would like to thank the members of the evaluation committee: Professor Thomas Thompson (chairman), Professor Kerstin Eksell and Professor Geoffrey Khan for insightful comments and encour­ agements. My special thanks go to my friend and colleague, Dr. Ingrid Hjelm, for her generosity, her advice, and for her reading the material through. I do also thank Dr. Jim West, who kindly agreed to proofread this manuscript. My thanks should also go to Mr. Benjamin Richter from the Institute of Microfilmed manuscripts, the Hebrew University, who kindly made me a microfilm-copy of the NLR.Arav-Evr 070. I would also like to thank my colleagues and students at Carsten Niebuhr institute for their understanding and encouragement. My most heartfelt thanks go to my wife, Lena Sabih, for her wisdom, patience, and love. I also thank her for giving me two beautiful children Simon-Ismael and Anne-Amina; and for being there for me and for our children during my work on this book. Finally, I am grateful to the Danish Research Council for the Humani­ ties for a grant assisting in this book’s publication.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009, Unit 6, The Village, 101 Amies Street, London SW112JW

P art I A Theoretical Overview of Judaeo-Arabic as Scriptolect

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1

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Introduction

The linguistic map of the Middle East, North Africa and Spain began to change to the advantage of Arabic, following the Arabo-Islamic con­ quests, beginning in the seventh century CE. This historical develop­ ment, expanding over several centuries, changed not only the religious, political, economic, social and linguistic make-up of the old order, in which Arabs and Arabic represented a minor and peripheral element, into a new order, in which the geo-political space came under the political-religious power of the Arabs/Muslims and was subjected to their cultural and lingual hegemony. In short, the Arabs shifted from the periphery, which they had occupied before the conquests, to the centre, a position which gave them the means necessary to implement, inter alia, a new policy of language stratification. The latter began with the administrative reforms introduced by the fifth Umayyad Caliph, Abd alMalik ’ibn Marwan, who reigned between 685-705 CE. One of the new policies of ’Ibn Marwan’s reforms was the introduction of Arabic as the language of administration. Arabic, becoming dominant over other Mid­ dle Eastern languages and idioms, became the lingua franca of the vast Arabo-Islamic Empire—to the amazement and envy of many, including those who did not share with their co-territorial Muslims the religious view of the glottogenesis and sacred status of Arabic. Even non-Muslims fell under the spell of its magic and dominance. The result of this linguistic shift, which took place within almost every ethnic and religious group that adopted Arabic, was the birth of new Arabic varieties, such as Medieval Middle Arabic and its various ethnolects: Medieval Judaeo-Arabic, Christian Middle Arabic, Samaritan

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009, Unit 6, The Village, 101 Amies Street, London SW112JW

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Middle Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic. The latter, Medieval Middle Arabic is not a language but rather a scriptolect, a category, which includes several varieties representing speech communities or literary tradi­ tions. In other words, Medieval Middle Arabic designates a w ritten form of Arabic from the post-conquest period until the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, the second Arab renaissance. It also stands for the heterogeneous and diversified language situation of post-conquest, Arabo-Islamic societies. Classical Arabic and pre-Islamic Arabic are well studied, whereas other forms are still to be studied, in particular, Medieval Middle Arabic and Middle Judaeo-Arabic. As a m atter of fact, many aspects of the ethnic, religious, cultural and lingual diversity of the post-conquest Arabo-Islamic societies still remain veiled due to a certain prejudice against those writings which have been written in non-Classical Arabic varieties. Many still think it not worthwhile to venture inside the insecure areas one finds in Medieval, Non-classical Arabic, such as Judaeo-Arabic, Christian Middle Arabic, Samaritan Middle Arabic or even Muslim Middle Arabic and their lit­ erary productions. This area of study is still excluded from ‘canonized’ Arabic literature in many universities. Needless to say, Medieval Middle Arabic and its various ethnolects and sociolects are an ideal field for the study of comparative philology and literature, not to mention the his­ tory of both Islam and minority religions in the Middle East and North Africa. Aim of the Book

I attempt, in what follows, to reintegrate the Judaeo-Arabic language variety and its literature into the realm of Arabic Studies by focusing on the nature and functions of Middle Arabic on the one hand, and by analys­ ing the functions of the Arabic language and the script in the medieval Karaite-Jewish-literary system on the other. Moreover, this study is a scientific effort in the fields of Arabic sociolinguistics and Arabic Bibli­ cal research. In light of the contribution of Karaites in the Middle Ages in the area of Arabic Bible translation, as well as of other non-Classical Arabic linguistic features that our edited text presents, I have set out to do the following: 1. To investigate the status and functions of the Arabic Language and Arabic script in the medieval Karaite literary system. 2. To undertake a linguistic and textual investigation with the purpose of editing Japheth ben Ali’s Biblical text, transcribed into Arabic script, and his Arabic translation of the Book of

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Introduction

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3

Jeremiah. This is done on the basis of five manuscripts: A. BL.Or. 2549 B. NLR.Arav-Evr. 070 C. ENA. 3913 D. BL.Or. 2503 E. BL.Or. 2504 To my knowledge, no critical edition of Japheth ben Ali’s Arabic trans­ lation or of the Hebrew text in Arabic characters of the Book of Jeremiah has yet been produced. Despite the fact that the five manuscripts are not complete, there are very few passages that are missing. A critical edition of these manuscripts seems very im portant for biblical research and for research in cognate fields, such as medieval Judaism or the history of Islamic-Jewish relations. I have undertaken this work in conjunction with an international project under the supervision of Dr. David Sklare from the Hebrew University, which is collecting and editing all of Japheth ben Ali’s biblical works.1 The first three manuscripts (A, B, C) use the Arabic script for both Hebrew and Arabic portions of the texts. These are the only extant manuscripts, which contain the Hebrew text in Arabic characters, the Ar­ abic translation and the Arabic commentary, manuscripts A and C have been recognized as Japheth’s MS B, however, has neither been described nor has its author been identified prior to this book. This is the first time that this Ms has been identified as one of Japheth’s commentaries on the Book of Jeremiah.2The last two manuscripts (D and E) are written in He­ brew script, even though they are copies from a later period (fourteenth/ fifteenth centuries, cf. Part II). The linguistic make-up of these texts and the use of the Arabic script in biblical texts are subjected to a two-fold analysis: 1. A theoretical discussion of Middle Arabic andJudaeo-Arabic. 2. A brief textual and linguistic analysis of the edited text. Method

In order to understand why and how medieval Arabic speaking Jews used Arabic, we need, first, to focus our critical analysis on the state of research and the various theories in historical linguistics, sociolinguis­ tics and cultural theory. This book seeks to demonstrate that classical 1.

Personal com munication o f Paul Fenton, professor o f Medieval Jew ish Studies at the University o f Sorbonne—Paris IV.

2.

For further details, see Part II.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

philology is no longer adequate to interpret the mechanism of how languages develop and behave within various literary systems. The descriptive discipline of philology has been used to gather the necessary linguistic and textual data and I believe the process of editing this text offers a clear demonstration of its usefulness. Using sociolinguistics as a discipline, together with Even-Zohar’s pol­ ysystem theory, I have adopted a neologim, which I call scriptolect, to designate the nature and function of this lingual type. Middle Arabic, including Judaeo-Arabic, is simply a scriptolect of a heteroglossic and multi-level variety. It is used primarily in writing, but it comprises, on the performance level, the non-Classical Arabic features in which socio-cultural and religio-ethnic differences have been encoded. It stands for the literary production of the various religio-ethnic groups within Arabo-Islamic space3 (Braudel 1979; Stillman 1997). It is this very important feature that our edited text clearly illustrates. In addition to the linguistic features, the script used is a non-linguistic marker that no linguistic theory has yet been able to explain adequately. Scriptolect

In sociolinguistics, several types of ‘-lects’ have been identified, which result from variations in language-in-use. All such ‘-lects’ refer to a form of code-switching by users in various settings. Sociolects and eth­ nolects refer, accordingly, to various social and ethnic groups, as well as to the type of language variety they use. In the 1970s, Derek Bickerton (1975) identified the concepts of acrolect, mesolect and basiled, to refer to phenomena of code-switching in Creole languages, reflected by users, who also spoke the standard languages. Later, these sociolinguistic concepts came to designate code-switching between the registers of any language. Acrolects are the normally spoken form of a literary language. In the case of the medieval language-situation, Classical Arabic would be con­ sidered an acrolect within an Islamic setting. If, however, this religioethnic setting be altered, the language variety would also change. The acrolect of a Judaeo-Arabic community was not Classical Arabic but medieval Judaeo-Arabic. Since the Arabo-Islamic society was a multi­ ethnic and multi-religious society, the type of acrolect within non-Mus3.

The term space used here in the sense that Ferdinand Braudel and l’ecole des annales gave to it: ‘“espace” is one source “duplication” which reflects upon, at one and the same time, all the realities of history, all the elements comprising the expanse-states, societies, economies and those ensembles whose unity is space and time determined’ (Stillman’s translation, 1997,229).

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Introduction

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lim communities would hardly be Classical Arabic, but rather the com­ munity’s own acrolect, the sum of which are called Middle Arabic. Functionally, scriptolects can be understood both as acrolects and as literary varieties at the same time. A scriptolect’s linguistic structure would be, as in the case of Middle Arabic, a blend of Classical Arabic and New Arabic as well as of linguistic forms that belong to neither. In addition to these linguistic features, scriptolects have various local man­ ifestations as ethnolects or sociolects, in which the type of script used serves as a marker for ethnicity and religious identity. Medieval Middle Arabic has, for instance, several local manifestations: Medieval JudaeoArabic, Christian Middle Arabic, Middle Arabic, Samaritan Middle Ara­ bic and Muslim Middle Arabic. While these ethnolects share the same linguistic structure, they differ in vocabulary, register and sometimes script. Instead of using the term ‘local manifestation,’ I have used the term heteroglossia, according to which, such ‘local manifestations’ are designated as voices (cf. Chapter 2). The other aspect—in fact the most im portant one—is th at although emphasis is placed on parole with regard to acrolect, mesolect and basiled, scriptolect is literary. Pofysystem Theory

To resist the all too frequent judgments o f ‘language corruption,’ ‘lack of adequate knowledge of grammar,’ and ‘failure to write correctly,’ Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory (1979,1990), as a general theory, aims at describing and explaining such linguistic features in term s of functions within a system of meaning and within a socio-cultural context. As in sociolinguistics, the text produced is used as ‘data’ or as the ‘linguis­ tic output’ of someone other than a grammarian. This type of data is sometimes called ‘performance data’ which contains non-standard fea­ tures and ‘errors,’ which a linguist like Chomsky (1965) believes should not be included in the grammar of a language. Our edited text presents many o f ‘these non-standard’ forms in comparison with Classical Arabic as a literary variety. Neither is the language of the text 100% consonant with the ‘rules’ of New Arabic. It could be described as a hybrid. However, rather than focus on rules in a Chomskyan sense, this book attempts to shift the focus to the regularities of these linguistic features in what is called Middle Arabic. These linguistic features proper to Middle Arabic can also be explained in terms of their functions within the literary text, which we consider, according to polysystem theory, as a product and as reflecting a literary system. When, within the Arab world, Jews were exposed to the Arabic lan­ guage and Arabic literary models in medieval times, they began speak­

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

ing and writing in Arabic. They were ‘citizens’ within the cultural realm of post-conquest, Arabo-Islamic societies. The culture in which they participated—as both producers and consumers—is the type of cul­ ture that different scholars have given different labels; such as ‘AraboIslamic space,’ ‘Mediterranean society,’ etc. These qualifiers—implying the pluralism and the traffic of information, knowledge, literary mod­ els and material goods—reflect an awareness on the part of their users of the complexity of cultural, linguistic and religious phenomena, as well as of their ideological implications, or rather, their impact on their opponents, i.e., the ideologues of nationalism and essentialist percep­ tions involving concepts o f‘identity’ or ‘ethnicity’4 (Silberstein 2000). The process of adopting the Arabic language and its literary models by Jews is a very complex phenomenon. This has tremendous significance on how some modern Israeli scholars interpret Jewish identity and eth­ nicity, partly on account of the present situation in the Middle East, and partly because of an Orientalistic hegemony in academic fields such as in Arabic and Semitic studies. Due to the failure of nationalistic views, both Arab and Zionist, I have chosen to employ an alternative theory, which hypothesizes general laws, governing not only linguistic phe­ nomena, but also cultural, political, social and other phenomena. This is how polysystem theory sees, for instance, phenomena related to the use of Arabic language, its script and its literary models. It does not explain the adoption of Arabic by Jews with the use of moral or religious terms like ‘degradation’ and ‘cultural alienation.’ Contact between cultures and societies, however, has always been part of the historical existence of human societies. Most societies around the globe have come into being, survived and changed because of interference. Of course, a pre­ condition for interference must be some form of contact—whether direct or indirect. The opposite, however, is not necessary. Contact may occur, of course, without generating substantial interference. Hence, ‘interference’ and ‘contact’ are distinct processes, interconnected but not fully overlapping (Even-Zohar 1979,1990). Before the adoption of Arabic, Hebrew and Aramaic had a special status and performed specific functions within Jewish literary history. From an historical point of view, the transition from Aramaic, the language used by Jews in both writing and speech, into Arabic, which began to function as a written language in the system ofjewish written languages, resulted in a new taxonomic distribution of these languages within the post-Arab conquest Jewish literary system. Due to the adoption of new Arabic lit4.

Cf. Khan (1992,1993a, 1993b), Drory (2000,1992), Olszowy-Schlanger (1998).

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Introduction

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1

erary models, Arabic language in both Rabbanite and Karaite writings gained new function, which neither Hebrew nor Aramaic had been able to fulfil. It is at the very centre of this book to demonstrate that the Arabic language could not be disposed of, in spite of the high number of Arabic works that have been translated into Hebrew. The main claim of my book is that the Arabic language served a set ofsocio-cultural and literary functions within the new Jewish literary Polysystem. It is equally important to investigate the status and function of the Ar­ abic script within the same literary system. Since the nineteenth centu­ ry, great attention has been paid to medieval Judaeo-Arabic literature,5 but only recently have scholars such as Joshua Blau, Geoffrey Khan, Haggai ben Shammai, Nasir Basal andjudith Olszowy-Schlanger consid­ ered this issue seriously. Among the few nineteenth century scholars that touched the subject are Reinhart Hoerning (1889), Hirschfeld (1891) and Samuel Poznanski (1897). To my knowledge, Hoerning is the pio­ neer of this field. He made the first scientific analysis of Karaite biblical manuscripts, written in Arabic characters/script. He drew the attention of scholars to twenty Karaite manuscripts in the British Museum (now at the British Library), which were transcribed into Arabic characters. Later, scholars began to speculate on the ideological, or, as they called it, the sectarian motives that were implicit in such a phenomena. Despite the progress that has been made, aimed at ‘understanding’ and ‘solving’ the issue of the Arabic script, much work is still needed. A general theory is required, which is capable of interpreting linguistic and palaeographic data. Towards this end, I apply polysystem theory to this wealth of data. The text I edit, here, is based on five manuscripts, three of which are written exclusively in the Arabic script. The function of the Arabic script is determined by the following cri­ teria: 1. the language or languages of the text. 2. the genre of the text. 3. the theological and ideological affiliation of the author or scribe. 4. the socio-cultural position of the audience. Jacob Neusner (1990, l) has rightly indicated that ‘a document that utilizes two or more languages but is addressed to a single audience con­ 5.

The term Judaeo-Arabic here has nothing to do with the linguistic make up of the literary production of Arabic speaking Jews. It refers rather to the literary produc­ tion itself. Every written work that was produced by Arabic speaking Jewish schol­ ars, I consider as Judaeo-Arabic, regardless of its language. See Berman (1997).

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

veys to its readers information not only through what is said but also through the language in which a message is set forth.’ Similarly, documents that employ two different scripts, or a single script that is different from its language, convey to its readers informa­ tion not only through the content of the message but also through the graphics of the language or languages used. Writing Hebrew in Arabic script has been interpreted as sectarian behaviour or simply as a benign phenomenon in Judaism. It is, however, of the utmost importance to the history of Jewish literature, as well as to understanding how the me­ dieval Judaeo-Arabic literary polysystem configured the interrelation­ ship of its conflicting systemic components; namely the Rabbanite and the Karaite literary systems. The Karaite’s use of Arabic script, which resulted in giving it the very function the Hebrew script used to have— or still had in the contemporary Rabbanite’s literary system—is a m atter that should not be taken lightly. We know that the Karaites held the scriptural text as the very word of god. Instead of dismissing the issue of script as merely a sign of cultural ‘assimilation’—the position of Joshua Blau6since 1961—the issue requires reconsideration, as this ‘unorthodox move’ was deliberate, well calculated and constituted a part of the cul­ tural strategy of the Karaites. This strategy was made clear in the con­ ception of the Karaite literary system, which set out to challenge the Rabbanite system and its hegemony over medieval Jewish discourse. The Subject of the Book

Now to describe the present book more thoroughly: it is composed of two parts. The first part contains, in addition to an introduction and a conclusion, four chapters that deal with theoretical aspects of the language-variety and the script used in the edited text of Japheth ben Ali the Karaite. The question of the linguistic structure of Medieval Middle Arabic is the subject of Chapter Two of this book. One cannot talk about a text like ours without describing, analysing and defining its lingual type. Middle Arabic has been the subject of many scientific works, none of which has been satisfactory. The aim of this chapter, therefore, is to offer a different definition, which takes into consideration the state of research in the field of Arabic linguistics and ‘linguistic data’ of the sort that our edited text offers. Due to the complexity of the linguistic struc­ ture and the heteroglossic make-up of Middle Arabic as a scriptolect, functioning as a literary variety in its local manifestation, I place it in the medial position between Classical Arabic and New-Arabic. 6.

See below.

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Introduction •

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When two or more people communicate with each other in speech, we call the system of communication that they employ a code. In most cases that code will be something we may also want to call language. Wardhaugh (2000, 21) Chapter Three discusses )udaeo-Arabic: its status and periodization. Its status as a jewish language has been discussed in detail in order to describe it as a local manifestation of, and as a voice within, Middle Arabic. The jewish status of this lingual type is seen in its linguistic and nonlinguistic features in the jewish literary system. Features like Hebrew/ Aramaic lexemes, jewish subject-matter, and, to a lesser degree, the Hebrew script are markers that indicate the jewish identity of judaeoArabic. Our analysis of judaeo-Arabic is based on sociolinguistics which has been successfully implemented to define lingual phenomenon as 'performance'; i.e., as language-in-use within its various historical manifestations. In this regard, judaeo-Arabic goes back to the pre-Islamic period, for which we do not possess any written document. As a testimony that it did exist, we are in possession of various accounts, based on Arabo-Islamic historiography and l;ladith literature. Creating a Judaized language of the host language, as in the case of]udaeo-Arabic, follows a consistent pattern in the cultural history of the jews. The last two chapters (Chapters Four and Five) deal with the most pertinent question of the functional aspect of both Arabic language and script. In Chapter Four, the linguistic status and cultural function of medieval judaeo-Arabic language variety is discussed in overlapping contexts: 1) the jewish literary system and 2) Hebrew-Arabic literary diglossia. When Arabic culture reached its height in all areas of science,

Medieval jewish literary diglossia

Hebrew Figure 1.

Medieval Middle Arabic (Medieval judaeo-Arabic)

Drory's Hebrew/ Arabic diglossia.

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]apheth ben Ali's ]udaeo-Arabic Translation of the Book ofjeremiah Medieval Samaritan literary diglossia

Samaritan Neo-Hebrew Figure 2.

Medieval Middle Arabic (Medieval Samaritan Arabic)

Macuch's Samaritan Hebrew/Arabic diglossia.

philosophy and belles lettres, during the tenth and eleventh centuries, CE, the interaction between Arab and Jewish cultures was at its peak, dynamically.Jews discarded Aramaic because it was no longer functional. The absorption of Arabic into the newly establishedJudaeo-Arabic literary system was, according to Hary: A part of a wider process of interaction through which new functions and new patterns of writing, which had not been used in Hebrew writing prior to contact with Arabic culture, entered the Hebrew system. In essence, Arabic functioned in a different literary system than did Aramaic,

and therefore some of the old Aramaic writing patterns were abandoned. (1992, 198, emphasis is mine)

In these intercommunities' use of Arabic, one will see another form of how languages and varieties competed with each other and how their functions had to be negotiated in each community. We shall see that the overall Medieval Arabic diglossic situation had different faces according to each religious and ethnic community. According to Drory, 'the penetration of Arabic as a literary language into the Jewish repertoire of written languages in the east' did not displace Hebrew as a written language, but shared with it written functions, creating, therefore, Hebrew and Arabic diglossia. Macuch speaks about a similar Samaritan literary diglossia: Samaritan Hebrew or Aramaic vs. Arabic. There are two traditionally transmitted Samaritan (S) languages, viz. Samaritan Hebrew (SH) and Samaritan Aramaic (SA). The former as language of the Holy Writ, the Pentateuch, was similar to )udean Hebrew driven out from living usage by the Aramaic vernacular in the

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last centuries B.C., but continued to be used as a liturgical language besides SA and was even, at least, occasionally revived for literary purposes after SA was completely driven out by Arabic, the new spoken language of the Samaritans. Beginning in the thirteenth century the colophons of Samaritan manuscripts which used to be written in SA are consistently written in a new kind of artificial Hebrew, which, in spite of its Hebrew basis, is thoroughly saturated by Aramaic and occasion­ ally also Arabic elements or neologisms formed from both languages; its syntax is entirely influenced by Arabic. I call this mixed language Samaritan Neo-Hebrew. (1989,531-584)

In this theory, Arabic and Hebrew are two codes that compete for the same function: the w ritten variety. As we shall see, if Arabic competed with Hebrew for the same function, considering that Arabic had already won the battle over not Hebrew, but Aramaic, Berber, Greek, etc. as a spoken media, how would one explain the Judaization of Arabic and the use of Medieval Middle Arabic or of Classical Arabic? It is true that Hebrew, together with Classical Arabic and Medieval Middle Arabic, were used as written languages in the Middle Ages, as was also Aramaic. In the Islamic West, the situation was different. Arabic became the lin­ gua franca of the whole region. Therefore, one should speak of two kinds of diglossia: Hebrew/Arabic and Aramaic/Arabic. The Arabic element in both diglossias created a third type of diglossia Classical Arabic vs. Medieval Middle Arabic. We need here to remind ourselves that we are talking about literary diglossia. With regard to the division of functions between Hebrew and Arabic, the dominating view on Judaeo-Arabic has been that medieval Jews wrote their poetry most exclusively in Hebrew (Blau 1978,1997, 2002). Chapter Four refutes this assumption by giving a few examples of Jewish partici­ pation in the literary genre of Arabic poetry. It is true that most medi­ eval Jewish poetry that is known was written in Hebrew, but this fact does not warrant the consistent exclusion of Jewish poetry in Arabic from the Jewish literary system7 (Drory 2000). Today, more Arabic poems written by Jews are known,8making Blau’s position untenable. Our edited text shows a peculiar use of the Arabic script in the tran­ scription of the Hebrew Biblical text. It has been identified as a Kara­ ite phenomenon. Chapter Five deals with this im portant issue, offer7. 8.

On the use o f‘literary system* instead o f‘literary canon/ see Even-Zohar (1979) and Sheffy (1990). In this connection, I am preparing a critical edition of 'Ibn ash-Sha”ar al-Mawsilf s (thirteenth century) biography of Judah al-HarlzI (twelfth/thirteenth centuries) with an English translation.

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ing a new interpretation based on textual evidence. In this chapter, I include al-Qirqisanf s text on the issue of the Arabic script with an Eng­ lish translation. In line with the theoretical apparatus and strategy of this book, classical philology has not been in a position to provide us with an adequate explanation as to why a group of the Karaites has transcribed the Hebrew Bible into Arabic script. Instead of using descriptive language such as ‘assimilation into’ and ‘cultural detachment from’ the Arabic culture by means of the ‘use’ or the ‘rejection’ of Arabic, I see the Karaite transcription as a marker of non-Rabbinate identity and as a counter­ attack to the Islamic claim that the Hebrew Bible had been altered. The use of Arabic script in this context had also a liturgical function, since the Karaites used the Hebrew Bible as their siddur (prayer book). Part II of the book contains the following: 1. A description of the five manuscripts used in the critical edi­ tion. 2. The critical edition of Japheth ben Ali’s Arabic translation in Arabic and the Arabic transcription of the Hebrew text (MSS A, B, C) on one hand, and the Arabic translation with the He­ brew text in Hebrew scripts (MSS D and E) on the other. 3. An English translation. 4. A description of the Hebrew text in the Arabic script. 5. A linguistic analysis of the Judeo-Arabic text and discursive analysis.

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- 2 Middle Arabic Then the faculty ofMudar [linguistic competence to speak correctly] became corrupt due to their contact with non-Arabs. The reason for its corruption [evolution] is the new generation began to hear ways of speaking linguistically different from what Arabs were used to. They adopted these new ways and used them when they spoke, due to the impact of non-Arabs on the speech of Arabs. He also heard how Arabs spoke in proper Arabic. At the end on hearing both ways, he became confused. Choosing from both the speech of the Arabs and the non-Arabs, he created a new faculty [language variety], which was different from the first one. This is the meaning of the corruption [evolution] of the Ara­ bic language. (’Ibn Khaldun 1958,555)

Middle Arabic: Presentation

The concept o f‘Middle Arabic’ (MA) was introduced in the middle of the nineteenth century by the German Arabist Heinrich Leberecht Fleischer (1801-1888) as the name for a post-conquest language-variety attested in medieval written texts (Fleischer 1847,148-160). At that time, German historical linguistics was dominant not only in Western Arabic linguis­ tics, but also in modern linguistics in general (Larcher 2003, 547). The term ‘Middle Arabic’ was picked up by the famous East German Arabist Johann Flick who used it in his book ‘Arabiyya (Arabic language), which he wrote in German in 1951.1 He considered ‘Middle Arabic’ a histori­ cal language-variety that came about after the Arabo-Islamic conquests in the seventh century. Linguistically, it differs from pre-Islamic and Classical Arabic (CA) with regard to case and mood endings. It seems that he treats MA and New Arabic (NA) as if they were one and the same. La veritable n atu re du m oyen-arabe e t sa difference reelle avec la langue classique sont fondees sur un changement de structure dont la marque exterieure est labandon de le flexion desinentielle. (Fuck 1954,91) 1.

I have consulted the French translation, which appeared in 1954.

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This view influenced Joshua Blau in his early research into the history of Arabic language to such an extent that the concept ‘MA’ became a sociolinguistic concept in modern Arabic linguistics due to the impact of his prolific writings. In the words of the French Arabist Pierre Larcher (2003, 547): Joshua Blau est le linguiste qui a fait passer le moyen arabe d’une con­ ception essentiellement historique h une conception essentiellement sociolinguistique (essentiellement, car aucune de deux dimensions n ’exclusive de l’autre: ce n’est qu’une question de ponderation.

Since then, we have seen a number of scholars participating in the debate, which has centred on Blau’s fluid definition of the term ‘MA.’ This volume is an attem pt to offer a different definition of the term ‘Middle Arabic’ based on a sociolinguistic investigation of the devel­ opment of this lingual medium in its w ritten production (cf. Part II). I believe that questions about the nature of MA are still among the issues of the history of Arabic that need to be investigated further by using sociolinguistic methodology and polysystem theory. It is equally impor­ tant—for structural reasons—that I present a brief review of the history of the term ‘Middle Arabic,’ which will show the nature of the scientific debate among scholars regarding this issue. As far as my definition is concerned, it will be presented in two forms: the embedded form and the independent form. In my discussion of the term ‘Middle Arabic,’ the reader will meet terms such as scriptolect, heteroglossia, etc., embedded in the discussion itself. The independent form refers to my own definition of the term ‘Middle Arabic’ which I have qualified as different. The History o f the Term ‘Middle Arabic’

My investigation in the history of Arabic language and linguistics in general, and in medieval Judaeo-Arabic in particular has led me to the conclusion that MA—including Medieval Middle Arabic (MMA) and its w ritten production—are as rich as the Classical Arabic language variety and its literature, if not richer. This concept o f‘MA’ has not always been well defined—for several reasons. What is obvious, however, in regard to the questions of how the term ‘Middle Arabic’ came about and to which language variety it was to be associated with in modern scholarship, is that not everyone was happy with the term itself. The reason for this scientific unease is due to conflicting definitions/views of the term ‘Mid­ dle Arabic.’ This is why I begin this book by defining Middle Arabic and the historical frame of the w ritten texts that we are dealing with. This, I have called Medieval Middle Arabic (MMA). As readers might notice,

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Middle Arabic

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I have chosen to begin with a more manageable definition of the term based on my own investigations in MMA literature and linguistics. The term Middle Arabic has been used primarily by two schools in modern scholarship: historical linguistics and sociolinguistics. My gen­ eralization does not exclude other trends of thought, but rather, it aims at capitalizing on the two salient schools within linguistics that have invested a great deal in the term itself. Regarding historical linguistics, I already mentioned two names, Fleischer (1847) and Fuck (1951,1954).2 The sociolinguistic school is represented by Hary (1992) and Versteegh (1997). Joshua Blau is in a unique position, since in my view his fluid defi­ nition shows two overlapping positions.3 In his early research, he was a representative of German historical linguistics. Later, in the second phase of his career, he moved towards a more sociolinguistic position. He is still oscillating between both positions, especially in his latest work, A Handbook o f Early Middle Arabic (2002). In his 2003 work, however, Blau reiterated his first position, according to which MA represents an historical phase emerging from a post-conquest diglossia: During its long history, Arabic (=A) proper passed through two linguis­ tic stages. One was that of Old Arabic (=OA), which is characterized by the tendency towards a synthetic structure, including the use of final vowels to mark cases and moods. This stage is represented mainly by Classical Arabic (=CA). The other is that of Neo-Arabic (=NA) (to which modern Arabic dialects belong), which reflects much more analytic lingual type, and is devoid of case endings. This stage is attested by NA layer of Middle Arabic (=MA) texts. MA texts clearly demonstrate the existence of the NA lingual type as early as the first century of Islam. (Blau 2003, 297)

At the other end of the debate regarding the concept of MA, Versteegh has been a staunch opponent of considering MA as ‘the missing link between CA and modern dialects and is therefore of extraordinary importance for the history of both’ (Blau 1966-67,36): 2.

Naima Boussofara-Omar (2006, 55-80) interprets the ‘middle varieties’ or ‘third language’ as simply diglossic switching. She denies the existence o f Middle Arabic : Although there has been interest in the intermediate varieties of the Arabic language, i.e. those involving some mix of Classical Arabic (CA), Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), and national dialects, research on these varieties has generally been limited to describ­ ing the linguistic features of a third language or middle varieties.. .in this paper, I argue that what is called third language (or middle varieties) are in fact diglossic switching, and that there is no variety conventionalized as third language. ( Boussoufara-Omar 2006,55)

3.

This is not an attem pt to belittle Joshua Blau’s huge scientific contribution.

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In modern studies of Arabic, the collective name for all texts with deviations from Classical grammar is Middle Arabic. The term in itself has led to a lot of ambiguity, and it is essential to explain first what it does not mean. In the history of English, Old English, Middle English and Modern English are distinguished as chronological periods, and it is tem pting to take the term Middle Arabic to mean a stage between Classical period and modern period, say between 800 and 1800. As a m atter of fact, some writers use the term ‘Middle Arabic’ in this way. In his Handbook of Christian Middle Arabic (1966-67,1,36), Blau stated that ‘Middle Arabic’ constitutes the missing link between Classical and modern dialects. (Versteegh 1997,114)

Against the diachronic historicity of MA, Versteegh considers it an ahistorical category, not a ‘discrete variety of the language.’ In support of his argument, he offers various types of MA from various periods: medieval and contemporary MA. What is essential in his argument is that MA is a corrupt version of Classical Arabic. Some people regard Middle Arabic as a discrete variety of the language, a special brand of Arabic, situated between the Classical language and the colloquial language. This is not in accordance with the true nature of these texts. Anyone wishing to write in Arabic does so with the Clas­ sical in Mind. The amount of deviation or distance from the colloquial varies with the degree of education of the author of the text. Thus, some Middle Arabic texts exhibit only an occasional mistake, whereas in other texts the entire structure of the language is almost colloquial. But even in the most extreme cases colloquial interference the texts still cannot be regarded as truly dialectal, because they continue to be approximations of Classical Arabic, albeit with a lot of colloquial fea­ tures thrown in. (Versteegh 1997,114-115)

According to Versteegh, there are only two varieties of Arabic, CA (Modern Standard Arabic) and Colloquial Arabic (NA). As long as a text is not written completely in NA, it is CA, but with deviations regardless of their amount. In other words, as long as a text contains an attem pt towards writing in CA, the written text should be considered a CA text. In every community, there is a certain distance between the collo­ quial language and the w ritten norm, in spelling, lexicon and even in structure. But in those communities in which there is an institutional­ ized relationship between a high and low variety (called diglossia) the distance between the w ritten standard and normal everyday speech is very large. (Versteegh 1997,15)

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Typologically, Versteegh recognizes the existence of various types of MA texts. He categorizes these types based on: 1. the ethnicity and religious confession of their producers/ writers. 2. periodization of MA into medieval MA texts and contempo­ rary MA. Regarding the ethnicity and the religious confession of MA writers, he mentions three types: Muslim MA, Christian MA, and Judaeo-Arabic (Jewish MA). Regarding his periodization, he recognizes two distinct periods: medieval MA and contemporary MA. Interesting to us is Versteegh’s change of heart with regard to ‘MA is not a discrete variety.’ He confesses that in the case of the non-Muslim types of MA (ex. JudaeoArabic), one might see a Jewish and a Christian MA ‘special variety.’ As we have above, Middle Arabic is not a special variety of the language but the name of a category of texts with deviations from the Classical standard language. When Jews and Christians write in Arabic, however, it is legitimate to regard their language as a special variety, since their brand of w ritten Arabic became a special in-group form of Arabic, a new norm. (Versteegh 1997,121)

Equally interesting is Versteegh’s idea of Contemporary MA. The salient or functional aspect of MMA and CMA is that neither of them constitute a ‘discrete variety.’ The reason for his periodization is that MMA and CMA differ from each other with regard to their socio-cultural function. During the post-Nahda (post-renaissance) the issue of the use of colloquial elements in literary texts became a debated issue among the Arab intelligentsia. Cases of linguistic mistakes/deviation from gram­ matical norms can result from the lack of mastery of Arabic, but they can also be the result of an intentional literary or stylistic strategy. In the usual definition, the term ‘Middle Arabic’ also includes literary texts with dialectal elements, such as the memoirs o f ’Usama ibn Munqid. There is a large difference, however, between the mixed literary texts of the Classical period and examples from modern literature. After the period of the Nahda ... in Egypt, the emphasis on ‘Egyptianization’ stimulated some writers to experiment with the diglossic reality of their language. Some writers felt that the use of dialect in dialogues was unavoidable when reporting the speech of illiterate people, and started using a combination of standard and colloquial. (Versteegh 1997,26)

Unlike most sociolinguists, Versteegh’s approach with regard to periodization of MA texts is partly correct. He does not include the pre-

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Islamic MA in his periodization because he is an opponent of the preIslamic diglossia. Some of the pre-Islamic inscriptions, however, which were written in non-Arabic script (Aramaic, south-Arabic), do reflect traces of case endings mixed with non-case endings (cf. Vollers 1906; Wehr 1952; Spitaler 1953; Corriente 1971, 1975; Diem 1978, 1991; pace Noldeke 1904; Fuck 1951, 1954; Blau 1961, 1977, 1981, 2002, 2003; Ver­ steegh 1984,1997). In my view, he seems to ignore the linguistic reality of medieval (and to a certain degree modern Arab society) as a multi­ ethnic, lingual and religious society. As such, the heterogiossic4 nature of MMA and CMA texts do represent this reality. There is no evidence for applying the term ‘variety’ to Judaeo-Arabic and Christian MA and excluding Muslim MA. MA is a multi-level variety with distinct linguistic features shared by Muslims, Jews, Christians, and Samaritans etc. MMA’s linguistic structure is different from the linguistic structure of both CA and NA proper. This applies to CMA as well. Instead of understanding the Arabic diglossia as two varieties whose functions are kept apart: lit­ erary vs. spoken, there is also a literary diglossia according to which two distinct varieties compete over the same function and status: CA vs. MA (MMA and CMA). Using Versteegh’s argument, which was used to differ­ entiate between MMA and CMA, namely the intentional use of colloquial features in modern Arabic literature, I would argue that some medieval authors were well versed in both CA and MMA, besides of course, NA. In fact it was natural for Jewish writers to be influenced by Arabic cul­ ture, since it was predominant at that time, this influence mark on all types of literary work and is reflected in various aspects of Hebrew lit­ erature, e.g., the themes of the works, methods used, the basic premises and professional terminology. Furthermore, Arabic compositions were copied outright; for example, Jewish grammarians copied entire chapters from Arabic grammar treaties and adapted them to Hebrew grammar, physicians and other intellectuals copied entire chapters from various books in Arabic into Judaeo-Arabic (Hebrew characters) in order to make them accessible to potential Jewish readers; and even grammar books dealing with the Arabic language were copied in their entirety into Hebrew characters for the same purpose. (Basal 1997,197)5

Some of the Jewish writers, for instance, wrote poetry in CA, but prose in MMA (al-Harlzi d. thirteenth century).6 Some of them wrote in a ‘kind 4. 5. 6.

See later in this chapter. Cf. Basal (2007, 2008). I am preparing a critical edition and an English translation of al-Ilariz.f s Arabic biography written by Mubarak ’ibn ash-Sh“ar al-MawsilT.

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of literary NA mixed with CA as in the case of ’Ibn Sahl al-’Isra’ili.’7In the case of Jews, Christians and Samaritans, who had literary and linguis­ tic traditions prior to their adoption of Arabic, standardized MMA texts became for later generations a source of linguistic and literary models, not CA (cf. Zafrani 1989). Those non-Muslims were aware of the differ­ ence between not only CA and NA, but also of MMA, CA and NA. In mod­ ern Arab societies, the Arab intellectuals and common people are fully aware of the difference between Modern Standard Arabic and Colloquial Arabic, but some choose to ‘mix both varieties,’ not because they are not competent in writing in MSA, but they do it intentionally. It is, for that reason then, that MA (including MMA and CMA) is a scriptolect, whose main function is to accommodate various scripts and a heteroglossic, and multi-level variety used in writing (cf. below). Hary (1992), being a sociolinguist, describes, in his work on a fifteenth century Judaeo-Arabic manuscript: The Cairene Purim Scroll, MA (he gives it the sign Bn) as a multiglossic variety. As such it is situated between CA (variety A) and NA variety (variety C). Multiglossia refers to the com­ plexity of the linguistic structure of MA. It is a continuum between two main varieties, which he considers as prototypical varieties (A) and (C). Hary’s explanation of MA as positioned between (A) and (C) is problem­ atic. According to him, CA is not a functional part of Middle Arabic Mul­ tiglossia. It, however, influences both MA and NA. The continuum encompasses the area of Variety Bn, Middle Arabic, and the ‘ideal’ prototypical Variety C, but not variety A itself. While Variety A influences both variety Bn and C, it is not part of Middle Arabic. (Hary 1992,49)8

Hary presents MA as a complex variety that includes NA, but not CA. Multiglossia, in this sense, becomes a continuum between two proto­ typical varieties: CA and NA. While NA is the ideal prototypical variety, CA, according to Hary, becomes a mere ghost of a prototypical variety. In other words, we do not see CA physically, but we see its shadow—its influence (compare with Versteegh’s view). Perhaps he should have used 7. 8.

’Ibn Sahl al-’IsraTlT has written his poetry in CA. His Muwashshahat, however, do contain NA. I do not understand what Hary meant when he described Variety A as, ‘roughly standard Arabic’ (Hary 1992,49) I take it that standard Arabic means Classical Ara­ bic. But roughly Classical Arabic is not Classical Arabic. It is Middle Arabic. Further­ more, I do not see how New-Arabic can be the ideal prototypical variety for Middle Arabic writers. How can variety C be represented in the continuum, but not Clas­ sical Arabic? Middle Arabic cannot be identical with either Classical Arabic or New Arabic.

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diglossia instead of multiglossia, since he spoke of only two varieties: MA and NA. Functionally, MA is the written variety (high variety) and NA the spoken (low variety). In performance, Middle Arabic authors used Varieties Bn and C; that is, they wrote in Variety Bn and spoke in Variety C. Although some of these authors were also competent in Variety A, they did not use it often in their general writings. Their knowledge of Variety A, however, certainly influenced the varieties Bn and C of Middle Arabic. Variety A, then, is a part of the whole picture of Arabic in the Middle Ages, but is not part of Middle Arabic. (Hary 1992,50)

It is true that this type of diglossia has existed (and it still does), in which MA is the written type and NA the spoken type. At the same time, MA and CA appear as two competitive varieties in another form of diglossia: literary diglossia. It cannot be denied that many writers who wrote in MA were likewise competent in CA (cf. below). In addition, the linguistic structure of MA does include the grammatical features of CA. The continuum is within MMA; that is, between the various levels of MMA. My understanding of this type of continuum between various levels within the same variety corresponds to Blau’s typification of MA texts. MA texts are composed of SMA and SSMA, but neither is CA nor NA (cf. Blau 2002). Regarding the diversity of MMA texts, Hary divides MA into two sub­ varieties: Literary Written Middle Arabic and Dialectal Spoken Middle Arabic. He re-uses Blau’s division of Middle Arabic: ‘Middle Arabic Substandard’ and ‘Middle Standard.’ The term ‘Literary W ritten Middle Arabic’ oscil­ lates between two end sub-varieties: ‘slightly colloquial texts’ on the left end and ‘highly colloquial texts’ on the right end (cf. Hary 1992,58). As I have illustrated above, MMA has manifested itself in a written form, but not in a colloquial oral form. There is no pure dialectal spoken MMA. MMA is a literary variety, and, as such, it functions in formal situ­ ations, both written and spoken. What Hary describes as ‘highly collo­ quial texts’ and ‘slightly colloquial texts’ are simply two levels of MMA variety or ‘voices’ of the heterogiossic MMA. What Hary considers as prototypical varieties are two; namely CA and NA, two varieties with distinct functions: written vs. spoken, in addition to a complex variety MMA as a multi-level and heterogiossic scriptolect with a distinct lin­ guistic structure and literary function: CA vs. MMA (literary diglossia) on one hand and MMA vs. NA on the other. In the early works of Blau (1961,1966-67) he had a more pronounced historical view, stemming from the influence of ninteenth century Ger-

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man historical linguistics. He made the same mistake as Fiick did, when he confused MA with NA. He failed to differentiate between NA—Blau uses the term ‘Neo-Arabic’; i.e. Arabic dialects, and MA. Contrary to my definition of MA (cf. below), Blau uses the term in the following ways9: 1. A type of NA. 2. An older type of NA. 3. Written NA. 4. Vulgar language. 5. The missing link between Old Arabic and Modern Arabic dia­ lects. 6. Middle Arabic Literary Standard: a) Middle Arabic standard i.e., some kind of Classical Arabic with Middle Arabic admixture. b) Middle Arabic Substandard: b. 1. Some kind of classicized Middle Arabic, b. 2. Semi-classical Middle Arabic. 7. An admixture of Classical Arabic with Neo-Arabic. Corriente (1971,20), agreeing with Blau and Fiick, speaks of MA as the opposite of CA. He views Arabic diglossia—not literary diglossia—thus: CA versus MA. In the discussion between Corriente and Blau, It is clear that Blau is of the opinion that Arabic diglossia began after the AraboIslamic conquests. In his paper, ‘The Beginning of the Arabic Diglossia’ Blau lists a summary of his opponents’ views. Corriente believes, based on the redundancy of the case endings, that the dialects with and without vb*1 (case and mood endings) co-existed before the rise of Islam. The case endings had a rhetorical prestige and social value, but their functional yield had to be almost zero, since they did not impede the mutual understanding between the two types of dialects. Abdo’s view is of the sort that the case endings were redundant because the final vowels constituted invariable parts of the words origi­ nally; a kind of *Uj ‘undeclension’ of certain lexemes (nouns, adverbials, prepositions) in pre-Islamic Arabic dialects and in CA. On the latter point see Baalbaki (1990,17—34; cf. Blau 1988,1-37). Without going into the thorny issue of the beginning of the Arabic diglossia, in my view, the pre-Islamic linguistic situation was diglossic. I include here Blachere’s view vis-a-vis the adoption of a koine Arabic: Lorsqu’un idiome est parle sur une aire etendue, il se fragmente en dialectes d’autant plus differences que les relations entre les groupes ethniques utilisant ces dialectes sont plus laches et que l’epoque de la 9.

Cf. Hary (1992).

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dislocution linguistique remonte plus haut dans le passe. Si, pour une cause quelconque, un dialecte est promu au rang de la langue de civi­ lisation, les autre parlers ne disparaissent point pour autant, mais leur domaine se stabilise et leur emploi tend a se reduire aus besoins de la vie familiere. Toutefois, dans le temps meme oil dialectes at patois passent en quelque sorte h la vie ancillaire, la langue de civilisation tend k devenir un idiome artificiel, perdant d’autant plus de conatct avec la vie qu’il est l’instrument d’une minority plus restreinte qui l’affecte cl l’expression d’idees, de notion etrangeres a la masse. C’est done seulement par sa diffusion dans de larges couches de la societd que cette langue savante parvient a conserver son adherence au reel et sa faculte de s’adapter &l’expression de toutes les activity humaines. (Blach&re 1952,66) Although Blau uses, especially in the second phase of his career, both synchronic and diachronic analyses to explain the term ‘Middle Arabic,’ the perception that MA is, diachronically, the missing link between CA and modern Arabic dialects, is still the matrix of his historico-sociolinguistic theory (Blau 2003). Applying synchronic analysis, he equates MA with NA as if they were one and the same (Fuck 1951; Corriente 1971). The diachronic analysis, which he used, led him to consider MA as ‘an older layer of NA.’ This view is reiterated in 2003 (cf. Blau 2003, 297-304). Since MA, in its complex grammatical structure, includes the grammar of both NA and CA it must be older than NA, though similar to it. What might add to the confusion of the term, as used by Blau, is the complexity of MA and the variation exhibited in its linguistic structure, as well as the heterogiossic nature of its discourse; that is, the ethnic, social and religious ‘voices’ represented within it. Since variation leads to language change, Blau sees, in the internal variations that MA texts show, a reason to presume that MA is a middle stage in the language change from CA to NA. Another puzzling use of the term ‘Middle Arabic’ is Blau’s description of the functional difference between MA and NA. It seems that what one can deduce from Blau’s multi-use of the term that NA is a spoken variety, whereas MA is a literary variety. Blau’s understanding of MA is that NA and MA are the same linguistically, but are different culturally. I believe that he speaks of another differentiating factor between the two: the functional factor. In language-in-use, the function of MA is lit­ erary/formal whereas NA is purely informal/spoken. What we are dealing with is the modality of MA as a language variety and literature. When one speaks of the socio-cultural function of a language, as in the case of MMA, what is meant can be found by answering the question why MMA

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was used (and why MMA is used, despite the fact that in the minds of its users, it is not as prestigious as MSA). In my opinion, the answer lies within the analysis of discourse, genre, form and the religious-cultural functions of MMA texts. It is not always about conformity with certain norms. It can also be about ideologies, attitudes, and religion. That is why I have chosen the term heteroglossia instead of Hary’s ‘multiglossia.’ The difference between the two terms is enormous. Hary rejects Fergu­ son’s term diglossia on the basis th at in Arabic there are more than two varieties. He proposes the term ‘multiglossia’ to indicate that there are more than two and that the mechanism of the usage of these varieties can be characterized as a continuum. He applies the same theory to MA, which he considers as multiglossic to explain the linguistic non-unifor­ mity of the MA texts. While I am keeping Ferguson’s diglossia and Hary’s continuum, I do not see any reason to treat MA as multiglossic, since the two main grammars that make up the overall grammatical structure belong to existing varieties: CA and NA. These two grammars become voices, hence the term heteroglossia. The Routledge Companion to Semiotics and Linguistics gives the following definition of heteroglossia: For Mikhail Bakhtin the term ‘heteroglossia’ captured the fact that any society consists of groups of diverse constitution and interests. Their diversity gives rise to difference in language (-use) so that members of any society speak with many diverse ‘voices,’ which are in contestation in any utterance. (Cobley 2001,200) It is customary to distinguish two types of Neo-Arabic. Its older layer is usually called Middle Arabic, whereas its late stratum is referred to as Modem Arabic dialects. Were it not for extra-linguistic considerations, we might forgo the term Middle Arabic altogether. (Blau 1988,256)

On the one hand, he claims th at there is no linguistic difference between the components of NA: MA and NA, but in the same page, he refutes his claim by stating the following: Nevertheless Middle Arabic and Modem Arabic dialects have quite different cultural significance, and even the linguistic set-up of the dia­ lects during the first Islamic centuries, when Middle Arabic emerged, was, it seems, quite different from th at of the m odem ones. (Blau 1988,256)

In term s of the development of the Arabic language, according to Blau, MA is a ‘branch’ of NA, representing the latter’s first phase. Or as Blau puts it: ‘It seems convenient and justifiable to distinguish between these two types of Neo-Arabic’ (1988,256).

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It is evident that the term ‘Middle Arabic’ as it has been used by Blau is problematic, and it becomes even more problematic when the MMA variety is fragmented into three ‘sub-types.’ A word of caution here is sufficient: it is clear that in Blau’s mind the linguistic features of MA are gleaned from written texts, not from real life as in the case of Modern Arabic dialects. Therefore, one should understand that we are dealing here with the written form of MA, which Blau calls ‘Middle Arabic Literary Standard’:10 Middle Arabic features penetrated into Middle Arabic Literary Standard to a lesser or greater degree. In fact the language of Middle Arabic Liter­ ary Standard constitutes a whole range of styles with infinitely varied mixtures of Middle Arabic and Classical Arabic elements. (Blau, 1988,257)

MA texts exhibit a complex variety, in which layers of linguistic tra­ ditions operate as a single grammatical structure. These grammatical layers, to which Blau applies the term styles, are simply voices, indicat­ ing the heteroglossic nature of MMA. In other words, MMA is the name of a heteroglossic linguistic variety that functions as a literary variety. Therefore, it should be considered functionally an asymmetric variety of NA on one hand, and a parallel variety to CA on the other. In medieval Arabo-Islamic society, people spoke in NA and used both CA and MMA as literary varieties. The conflict between CA and NA varieties resulted in the emergence of MMA, and not the other way around. The presence of voices or styles reflects a conflict situation between the social, ethnic, and religious actors in medieval Arabo-Islamic society. It is exactly what ’Ibn Khaldun (in al-Muqaddimah) had in mind when he spoke of the amalgamation of Arabic ways of expression and the non-Arabic ways of expression. MA is the variety in which the ethnic, religious, and cultural diversities are en­ coded. It is only in the light of analysing MA discourse that we actually can understand the use of MMA and the internal fluctuation of its linguis­ tic structure between the almost-CA variety and the almost-NA variety. Hary (1992) has pointed to the fact that Blau was not the only one who used the term in an inaccurate way. Besides Blau, we have Corriente11 10. Blau, in his discussion of a thirteenth century Christian manuscript written in Coptic script, reveals further ways in which he uses this term: I used ‘Middle Arabic Literary Standard’ as a general term, including Middle Arabic Stand­ ard (a type called there ‘Some kind of Classical Arabic with Middle Arabic admixture’) and Middle Arabic substandard (to which I assigned ‘Some kind of classicized Middle Arabic’ and ‘Semi-classical Middle Arabic’).

11. Corriente speaks of Middle Arabic as the opposite of Classical Arabic. He views Arabic diglossia—not its literary diglossia—thus: Classical Arabic versus Middle

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NA

Middle Arabic Modem Arabic dialects figure 3.

Blau's definition ofNA.

(1971), Miller (1986) and Hopkins (1984). It seems that the term Mid-

dle Arabic, whenever it was used by these scholars, referred to NA, and therefore treated it as a 'branch' of the NA variety. The confusion that the term 'Middle Arabic' has generated in the field of Arabic language studies is largely due to misinterpretations of 1. MMA's linguistic structure as a variety with a variegated linguistic structure: CA and NA elements. 2. the unstable distribution of these linguistic elements in MMA texts. 3. the assumption that these texts must represent a blurred historical period in the history of the Arabic language. As to the question of whether MA should be viewed as a kind of 'missing link between CA and NA,' it is very unlikely that it is the case. Nevertheless, the question remains why Blau believes that MA is a kind of transitional phase between CA and NA. The answer is: 1. the dating of the beginning of the Arabic diglossia. 2. the coexistence of the grammar of both NA and CAin MMA's texts. Blau understands the development of the Arabic language, from 'Old Arabic' to Neo-Arabic, as linear, i.e., from point OA to point NA via MA. He assumes the pre-Islamic dialects were of the yi_JCI type (with case and mood endings), and the difference between them was not decisive enough to warrant a diglossic situation, which would have begun, in his view, only after the Arabo-Islamic conquests (cf. below): Arabic diglossia arose as late as the first Islamic century in the towns of the Arabic Empire, to a great extent as a result of the great Arab Arabic Corriente (1971, 20).

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]apheth ben Ali's ]udaeo-Arabic Translation of the Book ofjeremiah

conquests, without the intermediary of any koine. There arose no common Bedouin language in the military camps to constitute the basis of Islamic early Standard Arabic, either. (Blau 1988, 1)

One would also think that the development of Classical Arabic is linear, which is very hard to prove. The post-conquest linguistic situation, as I mentioned earlier, was characterized by its complex form of diglossia. MMA is, on the synchronic level, a multi-level scriptolect/variety. MA (as in the case of MMA and CMA) emerges as a competing written variety with CA, not with NA on one hand, and 'peace-broker,' as it were, between the high and low variety on the other. This very fact should reshape our understanding of the Arabic diglossia and its various forms. I consider MMA a functional parallel to CAin the literary diglossia. This form of diglossia helps us understand why friction existed between the early Arab philologists (and the modern classicists) and those who wrote in MMA. MMA did not appear as one of the NA dialects. It had no geographical anchoring as had the NA dialects. Its geographical identity is encoded in its dialectal elements only. It cannot be the missing link between CA and Modern Arabic dialects for the simple reason that MMA could not have existed ifNA had not already been there! Another reason for the non-historicity of treating MMA as a historically-missing link between CA and Modern Arabic dialects is the linguistic reality of the non-Arabic speaking communities and the process of their adoption of Arabic. All the information gleaned from various medieval texts seems to point in one direction. Non-Arabs, both Muslims and nonMuslims, did not begin to speak or write in CA as the first stage in their acquisition of Arabic. Since MMA is a written variety, whose linguistic structure includes, inter alia, NA, it was not the second stage towards Uterary Diglossia

Classical Arabic Figure 4.

Literary diglossia.

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Neo-Arabic either. It would be naive to understand the development of the Arabic language, in its medieval setting—or in any other social set­ ting known to us - as a movement from Classical Arabic to New Arabic via medieval Middle Arabic. There is nothing to support such a claim. Besides, the adoption of Arabic by the non-Arab ethnic groups and the complex process involved seem to indicate the opposite, namely that MMA is the outcome of a mixture of NA and CA. In Egypt, for instance, the adoption of Arabic by the Coptic speaking communities was not a straightforward process. Casanova (1901) published a Christian Arabic Egyptian text from the thirteenth century, in Coptic letters, that pro­ vides us with what might be described as the process of adoption of Ara­ bic by an invaded non-Arab ethnic group. The text is written in MMA, which Worrel (1934,135) describes this way: ‘It represents a form of Ara­ bic that is neither colloquial...nor classical, but the pedantic compro­ mise now called “modern literary”.’ New Arabic must have preceded medieval Middle Arabic, which was, as in the case of Classical Arabic, a literary variety and not a spoken one. The fact that it was used as late as the thirteenth century disproves Blau’s theory that Middle Arabic was a transitional language variety between Classical Arabic and Neo-Arabic. In the case of Samaritan medieval Mid­ dle Arabic, see Shehadeh (1989, 481-516), Stenhouse12 (1989, 585-623), and al-Samiri (2002). In addition to the linguistic data gleaned form MMA texts, Casanova’s Coptic text points to another reality of MMA, namely the use of the nonArabic script in some MMA texts, such as this Christian text. In this con­ text, the use of non-Arabic script should be interpreted as a cultural, ethnic or religious marker. The use of non-Arabic script points also, in my view, to lingual realities. It must be said that the adoption of Arabic by the non-Arab communities went through a complex process, which began by the adoption of the spoken variety of Arabic. Their adoption and/or creation of literary Arabic took place later. Since many MMA texts have been written in non-Arabic script,13 one can say with a great deal of certainty that MMA was actually the written form that most Ara­ bic speaking communities used.

12. Stenhouse follows Blau in repeating the same fluid definition adding to our confusion. He equates Middle Arabic with New Arabic or the spoken Arabic in medieval times: ‘At the outset, it should be noted that “no texts are written in pure Middle Arabic”.’ 13. Regarding this point see Chapter 4 and Part 2. The Qur’anic text was transcribed into Hebrew script in the Middle Ages.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah Middle Arabic as Scriptolect

In my view, Middle Arabic is a scriptolect, which is a heterogiossic variety or a multi-level variety. According to the functional approach, discourse requires that we look at language in both its local and global dimensions, and that both dimensions are relevant. Local instances of language-in-use are rich in socio-cultural significance; large-scale norms, values, and ideologies are in­ scribed in discourse patterns. The most incisive approaches to discourses are those that combine the detailed analysis of language, in particular instances of its use, with the analysis of social structure and cultural practice. (Coupland and Jaworski 2001,134)

In this vein, Bakhtin (1986), who uses the term heteroglossia argued that we must expect language to show a rich mixture o f genres or what he called voices so that many or most language texts will be multi-voiced or heterogiossic as in the case of our edited text (cf. Part II). I am applying Bakhtin’s term heteroglossia to Middle Arabic texts since they reflect not only a complex linguistic reality, but also a diverse socio-cultural, religious, and ethnic reality: Karaites vs. Rabbanites, Muslims vs. Jews, and Karaites vs. Samaritans, etc. Middle Arabic writings are heterogiossic in terms of ethnic origin, religious affiliation, social status and cultural strategy. The attitude of an Arabic speaking Jew toward Arabic-in-use was quite different from his Muslim co-user of Arabic. A Samaritan, writing in Middle Arabic, did not have the same linguistic appreciation for Classical Arabic as his co­ territorial Muslim. In addition, a Karaite, writing in Middle Arabic used the Arabic script in situations where a Rabbanite would not think of doing so, as in the case of transcribing the Hebrew Biblical text into Arabic characters (Part II: BL. Or.2549, NLR.Arav-Evr.070, ENA.3913). Instances like these suggest that MMA was not only a diverse variety, but also a heterogiossic one. It represents the various social, ethnic, and religious communities. Each community’s linguistic behaviour or use of Arabic re­ flects the multi-voices or genres of its structure. The latter can be seen in how each community has configured the linguistic structure of MMA. Besides MMA being a heterogiossic variety, it is also a multi-levelled variety. The latter concept has been used by the Variationist theory of Modern Arabic linguistics, which views the Arabic linguistic situation as multi-levelled or reflecting a continuum (Eid 1990, 3-37). This multi­ level variety is viewed as a case of linguistic variation whose explana­ tion lies at the interactional level of ‘form,’ ‘use,’ ‘social context’ and ‘religious-cultural function.’ The form of MMA texts cover several lit-

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erary genres such JSUjll ‘letters genre,’ 5-**.>11 ‘translation,’ ‘exegesis/commentaries,’ 111 »U3VI, that Modern regional Arabic dialects, or Modern New Arabic, should replace standard Arabic as national languages or the use of one regional dialect as a common language to all speakers of Arabic (cf. Daher 1987,125-159). The distribution or division of tasks/functions between Classical and New Arabic is the result of the configuration of the Arabic-literary sys­ tem in the eighth to ninth centuries by early Arab grammarians, theo­ logians, and litterateurs. Daher refers to this as modern version of the ‘classicists,’ who advocated the use of Classical Arabic to the exclusion of regional Arabic dialects as the national language of Arab countries. The hierarchical nature of the Arabo-Islamic literary system shows that Classical Arabic, the language of the Qur’an, was given the higher value since the codification of CA by the Arab grammarians (Fuck 1954,89) has made similar observations: Mais pourtant cet arabe litteraire (classical Arabic) d’empire maintient fermement la flexion d&inentielle et la syntaxe des cas et des modes et sa structure interne, malgre certains traits post-classique, doit etre encore consideree comme classique. A l’oppose, la langue d’usage courant qui etait parlee dans les couches basse et moyenne de la population citadine depuis l’epoque de sa formation, aux temps de la conquete du debut de l’islam, etait devenue du moyen-arabe au sens de I’histoire de la langue. Ce moyen arabe, par suite des importantes transform ation politiques et economiques qu’entraina la chute de I’empire arabe, avait largement gagne du terrain, la haute societe s’en garda exempte, pour I'essentiel jusquau cours 3/9‘ siecle et il fut d’abord tout h fait exclu du domaine litteraire. (empasis is mine)

It appears from Fuck’s statement that MMA and CA became not only two varieties which were linguistically distinct, but also two sociolects. The previous statement about the use by Jews and Christians of Mid­

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die Arabic instead of Classical Arabic suggests that Middle Arabic in its realization—or as language-in-use—within each ethnic community, became also an ethnolect. Sociolect, in the sense that the socio-genesis and language-use of Middle Arabic was restricted to the low strata of the urban speakers of Arabic, which later on, in Fuck’s view, were upgraded to being sociolects representing the upper class of Arab-society. Sociolect in the view of Labov is the group-use of language: Labov and others have been concerned with group behaviour, the sociolect, insisting that such behaviour is im portant in studies of how people actually use language not only to communicate verbally but also for a variety of purposes too. (Wardhaugh 1998,184)

’Ibn Khaldun identifies this MMA as a sociolect with the Arabic vari­ ety of a certain segment of Arabo-Islamic society, the new generation. The latter was not content with imitating the speech of either their ancestors or their co-territorial non-Arabs. Instead, they created their own language-variety, which was classified as inferior to the languagevariety of their ancestors. ’Ibn Khaldun is not speaking of New Arabic here, but of a synthesis, a mixture o f the ways o f non-Arabs speaking Arabic and the ways o f Arabs speaking Arabic. I believe that this is what is called Middle Arabic today. We know that one of the concepts used by ’Ibn Khaldun in his theory of language acquisition (aaM ujL-aa) is ‘hearing’ Hearing, therefore, both by non-Arabs and Arabs speaking Arabic caused the natural development of a new language variety: Middle Arabic, whose status is inferior to Classical Arabic, not to New Arabic, which can be identified in ’Ibn Khaldun’s theory of sociology of language with the ways o f non-Arabs speaking Arabic a-UII Ail:

(j* ^diU lt (j! U jlu i u i u j dulS ^jll

*; jirto l A£l*ll S AA u A u i Lai Ajl

jf .

JJ* j j j i ' £ a u l> j

y b jlC . q a

^ A ila

>_J_)«J1

o l A j oJA

d 1 ) * ■It

ajUall a jp £ l

a J jC -

jjju J

Ai.1^ _)a $ \ Aalc J a la ili

(jU-illI Jlui

lAAj tpjVI

Then the faculty of Mudar [linguistic competence to speak correctly] became corrupt [evolved] due to their contact with non-Arabs. The reason for its corruption [evolution] is that the new generation began to hear ways of speaking [linguistically] different from the ones, which Arabs were used to. He then adopted these new ways and used them when he spoke due to the impact of non-Arabs on the speech of Arabs. He heard also how Arabs spoke in proper Arabic. At the end on hearing

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

both forms, he became confused. Choosing from both the speech of Arabs and non-Arabs, he created a new faculty [language variety], which was in ferior [different] to th e first one. This is the meaning of the corruption [evolution] of the Arabic language. (’Ibn Khaldun 1958,555)

After the introduction of Classical Arabic as the only literary variety in the Arabo-Islamic literary system, labelling MMA and its literature as corrupt and worthless, relegating it together with NA to the lowest posi­ tion, MMA, however, became in the non-Islamic literary systems:Jewish, Christian, and Samaritan literary systems, a literary variety occupying the highest position to the exclusion of CA. In each of these literary sys­ tems MMA acquired an ethnic identity, hence an ethnolects (Hary 1992). My argument is that MMA was also used by Muslims. The Grammar of early Arabic based essentially on Islamic papyri from the first three cen­ turies of Islam (Hopkins 1984), in addition to other Islamic literary texts covering various genres shows that MMA was not used exclusively by non-Muslims (cf. Fleischer 1847) As indicated by Larcher (2003,550), La grammaire de Hopkins (1984) fondle sur des papyri des premiers siecles de l’hegire et presque tous musulmans, est cependant venue rappeler qu’en la maniere de la confession n’etait pas to u t: le type de discours et le dege de l’education du scripteur ne sont pas moins importants.

Actually, MMA (its modern form: educated spoken Arabic) was used by Arabic-speaking Muslims. As indicated by Blanc (i960, 79-161), the language situation in the modern Arab world has changed significantly in new directions. Two of these directions came to be known as Modern Standard Arabic and one or more educated spoken forms that combined fea­ tures o f Classical and Colloquial It should be borne in mind that the latter form(s) are not always restricted to the spoken form; Modern MA can also be seen in the modern Arabic written press. The synchronic lin­ guistic structure of MMA and its primary function as a written-variety, including both literary and non-literary texts from the post-conquest era, indicates its status as a scriptolect used by various ethnic groups to serve in the capacity that neither CA nor NA were able to fulfil, namely writing. Used by every Arabic speaking ethnic and religious group in their written production o f both literary and non-literary texts, meant to each of them that MMA could be w ritten in non-Arabic script. Judaeo-Arabic, one level within the MMA multi-levelled variety, used Hebrew script or square script instead of or together with Arabic script. Within JudaeoArabic literature, one finds Jewish writings written, for the most part, by the Karaites in Arabic script. It is also attested that Maronite Christians

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use the Syriac script in their Arabic-writings. Copts used the Coptic script and Samaritans the Samaritan script. This diversity of scripts testifies to the importance of the script in MMA. In each script, religious affilia­ tion and ethnic identity were encoded. As we shall see later, the ques­ tion of script in, for instance Karaite writings has played an important role in the edification and dissemination of their literary system. Unlike Classical Arabic, upon which is based the sanctity of the Qur’anic and the Arabic script, MMA ‘desacralized’ the Arabic script by substituting it with another script type. A similar move was undertaken in the te n th / eleventh centuries by the Karaites, when they transcribed the Hebrew Bible into Arabic, a move that caused uproar among the Rabbanites and some of the conservative Karaites (cf. Part II). The ‘w ritten’ character of MMA, defining MMA by its main characteristic, supports my proposal that MMA is a scriptolect: The principal question that we should address concerns the relation­ ship between these two varieties (Classical Arabic and New Arabic) of the language in the written production, both literary and non-literary, in early Islam. The language of many o f the preserved written sources does not correspond to the form of Arabic as it was codified by the grammatical tradi­ tion. This applies both to the formal literary language of the latter period and to the language o f early papyri. ( Versteegh 1997,114 [emphasis is mine])

Theoretically, it is possible to speak of ‘pre-Islamic’ or ‘Modern Middle Arabic,’ but since the Middle Arabic variety can only arise in a literary diglossic situation, i.e., two or more literary varieties, not one written and the other spoken, one should not hesitate to apply the term to the above-mentioned periods. MMA, however, is im portant in terms of its historical settings and its prolific written forms. MMA’s raison d’etre is reflected in addition to its linguistic input, in its socio-cultural function in the multi-ethnic, religious, lingual Arabo-Islamic society, e.g. the role that Jewish and Christian writings played in the cultural history of the Arabo-Islamic societies in general and the religious and ethnic minorities in particular. Today, Christian intellectuals write in Modern Standard Arabic—a product of the Arab modern renaissance and the linguistic and literary changes that ensued from it. The Arab Christians are considered the precursors and initiators of Arab modernism. The list of Christian writers, poets, and political reformers is very long and includes many outstanding figures in Modern Arab history. Linguistically and functionally, MMA is distinct from both CA and NA. Ferguson (1959) describes the Arabic linguistic situation as being diglossic. The diglossic situation exists in a society when it has two lan­

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guage-varieties/codes that show clear functional separation; that is, one language-variety is employed in one set of circumstances and the other in an entirely different set. Diglossia is a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a stand­ ard or a regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written literature, either of an ear­ lier period or in another speech community, which is learned largely by formal education and is used for most written and formal spoken purposes but is not used by any sector of the community for ordinary conversation. (Ferguson 1959,336)

It has been agreed among sociolinguists that the two varieties of the Arabic diglossia are CA and the various regional colloquial varieties. To each of them specific functions were assigned, and each one was viewed differently by those who are aware of both. In the Arabic diglossic situa­ tion, CA represents the prestigious or high variety (H), whereas the spo­ ken regional dialects—new forms—are considered the low varieties (L). A key defining characteristic of diglossia is that the two varieties are kept quite apart in their functions. One is used in one set of circumstances, while the other is used in an entirely different set. The H variety bears prestige, while L variety lacks prestige. In fact there may be so little pres­ tige attached to the low variety that people may deny that they know it although they may use it far more frequently than the H variety. Associ­ ated with this prestige evaluation of the H variety, there is likely to be a strong feeling that such prestige is deserved because the H variety is more beautiful, logical and expressive than the L variety. That is why it is deemed appropriate to literary use, religious purpose, etc in forms that are found neither in Classical Arabic nor in New Arabic. As we shall see, Ferguson’s diglossia does not solve our problem regarding the status and function of MMA, which can be identified with neither CA nor NA. The linguistic blend—a unique linguistic characteristic of MMA—is a mixture of linguistic features that belong to two or more different varieties. The writer of the blend is exposed to the grammar of more than one variety. In certain cases, Middle Arabic writers seem to give us the impression that they are writing in Classical Arabic, emulating both its grammar and its literary styles, but for different reasons they fall short of that task. Some scholars blamed this on their lack of mastery of Clas­ sical Arabic (Blau 1961, 1981; pace Hary 1992; Drory 2000). This reason, however, does not explain how some authors could write in Classical

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Arabic and Middle Arabic. Our edited text (cf. Part II) exposes a high per­ centage of CA linguistic features, indicating that Japheth ben Ali was ac­ quainted and with CA. Even the Karaite al-Quiqisani, in his monumental work (quoted from the Qur’an [Nemoy 1939-45]). ’Ibn Ezra, in his book mDNtobNi rmNnobN in d d quotes Arabic poetry, and the various Ar bic literary models (’Ibn Ezra 1975). The list of Jewish poets who wrote poetry in Classical Arabic is quite significant. Their names and some fragments of their poetry have been preserved in various Arabic works (Dayf 1953). Famous among them is c* ^ _*'> and ^ M M A writings feed on Variety A (H) and Variety C (L). It has no prototypes, but it creates and renews itself by freeing itself from and / or not conforming to either of the two. In other words, it is not a variety that is stuck between its desire to reach the prestigious variety and its failure to get rid of colloquial features. The term blend, as I use it, does not imply a ‘mixed language.’ The latter means ‘a combination of the grammatical system (phonology, morphology and syntax) of one language with the lexicon of another’16 (Bakker and Mous 1994,4-5). MMA writings exhibit linguistic variations. In other words, each text’s linguistic make-up should be seen in the light of whichever of the other two varieties, CA and NA, has influenced it most. Statistically, the texts of early Muslim papyri reflect a greater exposure to the influence of what would later become known as Classical Arabic than both Medieval Judaeo-Arabic and Christian Middle Arabic. Within Judaeo-Arabic litera­ ture, similar linguistic variance occurs according to each text’s genre, social setting, and attitude of the text’s author vis-a-vis the Arabic lan­ guage and script (cf. Part II). From this vantage, one can easily speak of MMA ‘levels’ to which I apply the term voices or styles. Since MMA texts exhibit several voices, it should be described as a complex variety or heterogiossic variety. According to the polysystem theory, MMA would be polysystemic. Even-Zohar, (1990). In short, there are three factors, which explain how Middle Arabic came about and distinguishes it from CA and NA: 1. its linguistic structure, 2. its internal diversity and 3. its socio-cultural function. This fundamental definition of MMA as a competing literary vari­ ety with CA should change our understanding of the nature of Arabic 16. At this stage, I am very reluctant to consider the Arabic translation in the edited text as a mixed language (cf. Part II).

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diglossia from being a diglossia of two distinct varieties: a high vari­ ety represented by Classical Arabic and a low variety represented by New Arabic, into diglossia,17 in which more than two varieties can ful­ fil a particular function. Linguistically, Middle Arabic is a mixture of the grammatical feature of both Classical and New Arabic. As such, it does not exclude both varieties, but rather solves the tension that has always existed between them. In other words, Middle Arabic is a synthesis of the grammar of at least two varieties. The texts that are written in Middle Arabic exhibit internal variations, which I call heteroglossia, due to the competition within its grammatical structure, between the grammars of two language-varieties, i.e. Classical Arabic and New Arabic. Middle Arabic does not move along a continuum between Classical Arabic and New Ara­ bic, but it has the ability to create and standardize its own grammatical forms (’Ibn Khaldun, above). Some of these are called pseudo-corrections. In other words, pseudo-corrections are not merely failed attempts to emulate Classical Arabic. It could be that pseudo-corrections were genu­ ine forms before the codification of Classical Arabic. If they were genuine forms in the pre-codification period, one cannot call these pseudo-correc­ tions. Texts that belong to MMA, in certain circles, were considered Classi­ cal Arabic (because of archaic lexemes and some Classical Arabic features) despite their deviations from the norms of Classical Arabic. Rabbi ’Ibn Issakar ben Mordokay ben Susan al-Maghribi (sixteenth century) wrote, in his introduction to his Arabic translation of the Hebrew Bible, that he was forced to substitute CA >iro nahwi used by Saadia (d. 942) with the Arabic of his time and of his native country, Morocco (Zafrani 1989, 22). According to Blau, Middle Arabic and modern Arabic dialects are the same since they exhibit the same linguistic features; both of them are of the Trdb-less type. Culturally, however, Middle Arabic is different from Modern Arabic dialects. Middle Arabic is usually transm itted in literary texts, mingled, as a rule, with Classical elements and often very im portant culturally, whereas 17. I do not agree with Hary about changing the term ‘diglossia’ with the term ‘multi­ glossia’ on the basis that there are more than two varieties. Of course, the shift from Classical Arabic into Colloquial can sometimes be gradual going from one end of diglossia to the other end through an intermediate stage. There is not always a clear-cut shift. It is in this sense that I am using the phrase ‘continuum from Clas­ sical to Colloquial’ and vice versa. The intermediate stage is represented by Middle Arabic. This phenomenon is well attested in the works of the early Arab grammar­ ians to which they gave the name ‘corrupted Arabic’ which exhibits linguistic fea­ tures such as tashif in the sense of tahrijf (alteration), lahn (solecism), etc. as-SuyutJ mentions some of the grammatical mistakes that some Arab poets have made (cf. al-Muzhir, 497-504).

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Modern Arabic (dialects), as a rule, culturally inferior, has not produced literature in the true sense of the word. (Blau 1981, 3)

One thing is sure, MMA, in its complex relationship to CA and NA, views Classical Arabic as its rival despite the burden of NA, which it carries within it. This is because MMA, though different from CA was competing with it for the same function: the literary. It is true that MMA is culturally superior to NA (Modern Arabic dialects), not because the former has pro­ duced literature and the latter has not, but rather because of the literary diglossia, from which Modern Arabic dialects are excluded. The Arabic diglossia have always been understood as the literary variety (high) ver­ sus spoken variety (low) on the basis of their functional asymmetry, i.e. CA functions as the literary variety, whereas the spoken-dialects func­ tion as the language of everyday life. The literary diglossia occurs, how­ ever, when two varieties are competing for the same function. In fact, the early Arab philologists rejected MMA because ‘it was mixing bad Arabic with good Arabic’ i.e. NA and CA. In their eyes, MMA was a transgression of the agreed functional distribution: the use of CA in the formal situation and Colloquial Arabic in the informal situation. MMA, a ‘corrupted form’ of CA, however, became functionally a written variety.18 It was mentioned earlier that the process of urbanization had an impact on, inter alia, the linguistic situation of Medieval Arabic and its kind of diglossia. It was in urban areas that New Arabic came into being. The Arabic traditional view (’Ibn Khaldun), the interaction between NA and CA, which led to the birth of MMA, took place in the urban areas as well. Therefore, MMA, as an urban variety, is an expression of the aspirations of the newly established middle class (Flick 1954). New Arabic, however, from the time of its inception, has the vernacular of the lower social strata Today, the term is used for Modern Ara­ bic dialects, in Arabic al- ‘ammiya, which denotes its socio-cultur­ al status, i.e. the language of uncultured people. It is unthinkable that Muslims would translate the text of the Qur’an into Variety C (L) or MMA. In modernjudaeo-Arabic—as well as in other Jewish languages—the text of the Hebrew Bible has been translated and even recited in some mod­ ern Arabic dialects (Zafrani 1989; Bar-Asher 1988; Hary 2000). The middle class of medieval Arabo-Islamic society was ethnically and religiously heterogeneous. It consisted of non-Arab Muslims, Jews, Christians, etc. 18. The role o f Modern Arabic dialects in literary production is greater than that which medieval NA had. Even works that are w ritten in Modern Standard Arabic (the modern version o f Classical Arabic) are full o f colloquialism. The latter are meant to provide a realistic touch to the style o f Modern Arabic literature, such as on finds in the works o f Egyptian novelist and Nobel Prize winner, Nagib Mahfuz.

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It is not surprising that MMA, instead of Classical Arabic, was the lin­ guistic channel of this urban middle class. In addition, two more factors, which played an indirect role in the emergence of Middle Arabic, were: l) the Arabization policy led by the Umayyad dynasty which was later consolidated by the Abbasid and 2) the emergence of non-Muslim writ­ ers to whom Classical Arabic did not enjoy religious status. In the case of Arabic speaking Jews, Hebrew was the sacred language par excellance and a language of prestige.

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Judaeo-Arabic

In most cases and in the weakest sense, Judaeo-Arabic literature is literature in Arabic written in Hebrew letters. Thus the significance of this characteristic is to mark out certain works as having been written, composed or copied by Jews. This mark is weak since it would include works which were copied by Jews without any criterion. Thus, Arabic works by Plotinus, ‘Abd al-Jabbdr, al-Ghazali, 'Ibn Rushd, Yaha Suhrawardi, or even the Qur'an which were copied in Hebrew letters would be considered a part of Judaeo-Arabic literature in their manuscript forms...These works belong to Arabic literature and Arabic thought, but in so far as a specific manuscript was copied in Hebrew letters and was intended to be read by Jews alone, it forms part ofJudaeo-Arabic literature. (Berman 1997,35)

Introduction

In defining the scope of the Judaeo-Arabic language-variety (=JA) in its medieval Arabic setting, we must ask what the category ‘language vari­ ety’ comprises and what the significance ofJudaeo-Arabic as a modifier is. The time frame is also an issue, with which I deal, since this book deals with the subject ofJudaeo-Arabic writings in the Middle Ages. As it has been defined in the first chapter, Medieval Judaeo-Arabic (=MJA) is a member or/and a voice within Medieval Middle Arabic (MMA). MJA’s texts are invariably written in a language-variety that contains linguis­ tic features belonging to two different linguistic structures or varieties, namely, Classical Arabic and New Arabic. In addition to these two fea­ tures, two other linguistic features have been generated by language change and variation, and by the diglossic function of MMA (MJA) as a literary variety: pseudo-corrections and standardized pseudo-correct forms. That is, situations might arise when what is considered a pseudo-

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correct form becomes in another MJA text a standardized form belong­ ing to MJA proper. The term ‘language-variety’ is frequently used in sociolinguistics as a non-judgmental designation. It is used as indicative of the specific varie­ ty that has been used exclusively by Arabic-speaking Jews. JA stands also for the sum of other Jewish-Arabic varieties, including MJA, which has been used since pre-Islamic times. In the medieval Arabo-Islamic period, Jews usedJA in their writings, both literary and non-literary. Before pro­ ceeding to the linguistic structure of Judaeo-Arabic let me define what I mean by the expression that Judaeo-Arabic1 is a ‘language-variety.’ Wardhaugh defines variety: A variety of a language is a set of linguistic items. According to Hudson, this definition also allows us to treat all the languages of some multilingual speakers, or communities, as a single variety, since all the linguistic items concerned have a similar social distribution Hudson and Ferguson agree in defining variety in terms of a specific set o f‘linguistic items’ or ‘human speech patterns’ (presumably, sounds, words, grammatical features, etc.) which we can uniquely associate with some external factor (presumably, a geographical area or social group). (Wardhaugh 2000, 21)

JA designates also the Jewish literary and non-literary production, in addition to the Jewish cultural and socio-religious ‘space’ or domain. It is a modern concept that seeks to describe and systematize the whole culture and mentality of the Jewish communities in its contact with the Arabo-Islamic culture and languages. It is concerned exclusively with what is strictly Jewish in a non-Jewish environment. It tells the story of the history of the different Jewish communities that have lived and been dominated by Arabs and Islam. Diachronically, it covers a long history, from the pre-Islamic period until modern times. The transition from the pre-Islamic period to the post-conquest period is very significant in that the number and cultural-religious position of the Arab Jews in the pre-Islamic period represented only a small fraction of world Jewry. As far as their cultural-religious status within Judaism is concerned, pre-Islamic Judaeo-Arabic played no significant role in the shaping of pre-lslamicjudaism or Jewish literature. Their literary contri­ bution in pre-Islamic and post-conquest Islamic literature is very signifi­ cant. Injudaeo-Arabic studies, however, the post-conquest period is more 1.

It is the post-conquest form of Judaeo-Arabic (MJA) that is the subject of this research. As far as pre-conquest Judaeo-Arabic is concerned, although we concur to its existence, we do not have any document written in it to allow us to make any scientific evaluation.

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im portant simply because of the vast number of texts extant, which bear witness to the development and codification of Judaism in general and JA literature in particular. After and due to the Arab conquests in the seventh century, the traditional habitat of the Jews in the whole of the Middle East, North Africa, Spain and a large part of Asia, found itself in a new situation. Jews living under Islam became a protected and au­ tonomous community. Suddenly, Arabic-speaking Jews began to travel, move and choose their place of residence freely. They lived as Dhimmis in the Islamic lands p u y i j b Bar al-’Islam; i.e., they had to pay taxes to the political authorities in exchange for their security and as a symbol of their forced submission to the rule of Islam. Most of the works of this period are written in MJA and Hebrew. The latter knew a revival period due to its contact with Arabic and Arabic literary models (Zafrani 1980; Schippers 1994; Drory 1992, 2000; Brann 2002,365-379). Due to the nature and socio-cultural function of this vast Judaeo-Arabic literature, JA is and should be considered one of the most significant linguistic channels through whichjewish culture and religion have been divulged to an unprecedentedly-large audience. The primary recipients or audience of this intellectual activity has been Arabic-speak­ ing Jews whose native language was Arabic. Because of the position of Arabic-speaking Jewish scholars, who became the spiritual leaders to whom the whole of world Jewry looked for guidance, Judaeo-Arabic reli­ gious thought, philosophy and poetry travelled beyond the geographical borders of traditional Dar-al-’Islam, the realm of Arabo-Islamic space. One should add that Islamic polemical literature, historiography, Qur’anic ex­ egesis and sectarian theologies show that Muslims, not to neglect Chris­ tians and Samaritans, were familiar with Judaeo-Arabic thought and lit­ erature. There are even warnings from these scholars to the rest of the Muslim community not to follow the religious ideas of Jews and Chris­ tians, the impact of which is still seen in the theologies and eschatology of Islamic sects (cf. Lazarus-Yafeh 1981; ben Shammai 1997,15-32). JA—MJA in particular—is clearly an expression of the Jewish personal­ ity with an Arabic outlook. That means that the Jewish-Islamic encoun­ ter, in this period of both groups’ histories, has to be understood not as an encounter of two linguistically and mentally separate communities, but simply as an encounter between two religious communities within a single multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Genetically, J A is a lan­ guage variety, which sprang from the Arabic language.2Linguistically, it 2.

The term Arabic language is not an exhaustive one, since there are many varieties of the Arabic language. It is given here to denote genetically this ensemble of these varieties.

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differs from the CA and other varieties of MMA such as Christian Middle Arabic and Samaritan Middle Arabic because of MJA’s use of Hebrew and Aramaic lexical items on one hand, and the Hebrew script3 in which most extant MJA texts have been written or copied on the other. The use of the Arabic and Hebrew scripts used in the Karaite text of Japheth ben Ali (cf. Part II), was also common in MJA writings. A word of caution would seem in order: JA language-variety is not a uniform language. It shows the same diversification as the Arabic language itself. In short, it has its own diglossia. It must be said now that Judaeo-Arabic culture in general and JudaeoArabic language in particular are complex phenomena. The actual state of research shows how difficult it has been for scholars and specialists in the field of Judaeo-Arabic linguistics to reach a consensus regarding issues such as the status and function of JA. The definitional parameters that decide for and against it being a ‘Jewish language’ are its periodiza­ tion, its socio-cultural function and the issue of Judaeo-Arabic poetry. These issues are related to the main issue at hand, namely the function of the Arabic language and script in the Karaite medieval writings and literary system. Judaeo-Arabic Language

JA is a Semitic language with the following linguistic characteristics: Arabic, Aramaic and Hebrew lexica and Arabic morpho-syntax (gram­ mar). Due to socio-cultural, religious, and language-in-use reasons, the JA variety has become an autonomous variety, reaching the status of an independent language, an ethnolect. As a result, variety (MJA) may no longer be viewed as a social variety, but rather as an ethnic or religious variety and, indeed, it may come to be cultivated as such to the point of being viewed as a separate language. (Fishman 1975,22) In a diglossic language situation, medieval Arabic-speakingjews used a spoken variety of JA and NA (New Judaeo-Arabic=NJA) in addition to MJA as a literary variety. That is the reason why NJA and MJA are contrasting and complementary functional varieties. The Jewish diglossic situation, contrasting and complementary functional varieties—NJA and MJA— correspond to other diglossic situations in Medieval Arabic. According to the latter, (cf. Chapter 2), the functional varieties were NA vs. CA and 3.

The issue of the script will be discussed in the next section of this chapter and in Chapter 5. In Part II of this volume, texts that are written in both Arabic and Hebrew scripts will be presented.

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MMA vs. NA. The medieval literary diglossia, however, was configured differently depending essentially on the type of literary system in which it was used. In the Islamic literary system, MMA and CA were two liter­ ary functional varieties, whereas in the Karaite literary system MJA and Hebrew constituted the two literary functional varieties. In the Samari­ tan literary system, however, Samaritan, Neo-Hebrew, and Samaritan Middle Arabic were used as two literary functional varieties. The Status and Functions of Judaeo-Arabic

Non-linguistic Factors Since we cannot determine the status of Judaeo-Arabic on linguistic grounds alone, non-linguistic factors such as the religious, social and geographical factors should be considered as equally important as the linguistic ones. After all, one cannot study language independently from its societal functions. This volume puts an emphasis on how the Arabic­ speaking Jews used MJA variety in writings; that is, we shall look into the performance and language-in-use as they are represented sociolinguistically in Medieval Judaeo-Arabic texts. As Chomsky states, in the absence of an ideal speaker-listener, the relevance of the perform­ ance and the non-linguistic factors in the analysis of a given language is heightened: Linguistic theory is concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, in a completely homogenous speech community, who knows its language perfectly and is unaffected by such grammatically irrelevant conditions as memory limitations, distraction, shifts of attention and interest, and errors (ran­ dom or characteristic) in applying his knowledge of the language in actual performance. This seems to me to have been the position of the found­ ers of modern general linguistics, and no cogent reason for modifying it has been offered. To study actual linguistic performance, we must consider the interaction of a variety of factors, of which the underlying competence of the speaker-listener is only one. (Chomsky 1965,3-4, italics my emphasis)

In the Jewish community, JA language-variety has been used by Jewish performers and as such, it must be viewed as an autonomous language in the Khaldunian sense (cf. Chapter 2), Joshua Blau considers JA as an inde­ pendent language different from its co-territorial language varieties: We come, therefore, to the conclusion that Judaeo-Arabic proper, i.e. the writings of Jewish authors addressing a Jewish audience, must be accorded the status of a language of its own right. (Blau 1981, 49, empasis mine)

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Blau’s definitional parameters seem, at first, to be based on one param­ eter: the religious and ethnic identity of the variety-performers or us­ ers/writers/senders and receivers/readers. What he is saying is, since the speaker/writer and the listener/reader are both Jewish, then the chan­ nel/language/code should also be Jewish. It has a set of functions, some of which are social, cultural, literary, and religious. In other words, this set of functions determines the status ofJA as an independent language-variety. The combination of the identity of the speech community and the lingual type it produces as different from the corresponding lingual type in other speech communities, are determining factors of the independence of JA. In Blau’s view, the identity of the speaker-listener draws specifically on a Jewish religious and ethnic register (Bible, Talmud, Midrash, Rabbinic Taqannot/Fatwas ‘legal decisions,’ etc.). MJA language-variety was used to transmit and consolidate the Jewish-ness of the Arabic-speaking commu­ nities. Serving in this capacity, MJA must have been different from other Arabic varieties used by the other co-territorial communities. Hary adds to the speaker/listener param eter a second one, namely the subject m atter of the transm itted material, i.e. the Jewish-ness of what has been transmitted. Judaeo-Arabic has been spoken and w ritten in various forms by Jews throughout the Arabic speaking world; its literature is concerned for the most part with Jewish topics and is w ritten by Jewish authors for Jewish readers. (Hary 1992,74)

Hary adds a second parameter to the sender/receiver or writer/reader parameter, namely the nature of the content channelled through JA. This content is also Jewish-oriented. MJA (=MMA) has functioned as exclusively Jewish expressing, Jewish topics. According to Berman in the above-men­ tioned quotation, JA literature was not composed exclusively of Jewish writings; it also included Islamic and Christian writings transcribed into Hebrew characters. In other words, JA did not transmit only Jewish subject matters. It also concerned itself with issues that were relevant to AraboIslamic culture, as in the field of philosophy, medicine, astronomy, etc. Thus, Arabic works by Plotinus, ‘Abd al-Jabbar, al-Ghazall, ’Ibn Rushd, Yaha SuhrawardI, or even the Qur’an which were copied in Hebrew letters would be considered a part of Judaeo-Arabic literature in their manuscript forms...These works belong to Arabic literature and Arabic thought but in so far a specific manuscript were copied in Hebrew letters and were intended to be read by Jews only, they form part of Judaeo-Arabic literature. (Berman 1997,35)

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It is clear that the definitional parameters of the variety of a language are of both a linguistic and non-linguistic nature. JA variety-language’s non-linguistic definitional parameters, as indicated above, are: l) the Jewish-ness of the JA users (writers/speakers and readers/receivers), and 2) the subject m atter it channels. These non-linguistic definitional parameters are even more applicable in a confessional society4 than in a secular one. The type of society that we had in the Middle Ages was a religious society, in which groups and communities were categorized or classified according to each individual religious identity. It is also correct to say that the Jewish communities, both mainstream and sectarian, were considered by the Islamic authorities as autonomous communities. There is no dispute as to the genesis of post-conquest Judaeo-Arabic (MJA). It derives from the post-conquest diglossic Arabic linguistic situ­ ation. It is the result of the contact between Jews and Arabs. The na­ ture of that contact was the consequence of the domination that Arabs wielded over Jews and other communities after the great Arabo-Islamic conquests in the seventh century. It is the very expression of how Ara­ bic came to be the dominant language in the Middle East, North Africa, Spain and their heterogeneous communities. Saadia Gaon (d.942) has ex­ pressed this socio-linguistic reality in the introduction to his commen­ tary on the book of Genesis: jo mmbN ’ooobN nimbi* ir o jo tnpobN iNnobN in id n rib roobN jumbi* bnn >by nnbiobN nibbN >bN nnnpbi* mbbN rw m [ it is ] the translation of the meanings of the Holy Book, called the Torah, which is apart from the prophetic books, from the ancient lan­ guage into the dominant language in the translator’s contemporaries and his native country. (Derenbourg 1873,6-7)5

According to Blau (1981,1988) and Hary (1992), MJA is simply a ‘branch’ of Middle Arabic: Together with Christian and Muslim Arabic, Medieval Judaeo-Arabic constitutes a branch of Middle Arabic and dates back to the eighth cen­ tury C.E. (Hary 1992,74) 4.

Confessional society is a society which has a confessional policy of religion, a certain religious tradition or community is politically established, with a more or less intimate interaction between religion and politics. This alternative is the predominant one in Muslim countries.... The state apparatus is subordinate to religion and religious leaders have a decisive say in politi­ cal affairs. (Westerlund and Hallencreutz 1998,2-3).

5.

For a discussion of Derenbourg’s incorrect rendition of the word: DQ^TpbN ‘the ancient’ with nonpbN ‘the holy’ and omission of i?nN. see Avishur (1992,4-13)

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As far as the origin of JA is concerned, we have two main theories.

Whereas Newby (1971, 220) insists upon the idea of pre-Islamic JA, Josh­ ua Blau claims JA emerged because of the Arabo-Islamic conquests: Middle Arabic originated among the lower strata of the native urban population immediately after the great Arab conquests and as a consequence of them. Accordingly, it is very likely that some of the Jewish citizens of the towns also started speaking Middle Arabic as far back as the seventh century CE. Yet to our knowledge, unlike the Christian Arabic documents, no Jewish literary works composed prior to the ninth cen­ tury have been preserved and only a few short and unimportant dated documents prior to A.D 1000. (Blau 1981,19)

In a later article, Blau alludes to the possibility of the existence of Ju­ daeo-Arabic texts and papyri prior to the works of Saadia Gaon (d. 942). These texts exhibit an early form of JA orthography, which differs from the standard orthography used in later JA writings. Although, he does give a precise date, it is certain that they go as far back as the eighth or ninth centuries (cf. Blau 1992, 31; Blau and Hopkins 1988, 381-400, and Tobi 2001,17-60). It should be borne in mind that the MJA language-va­ riety and literature arose in an Arabic-speaking environment, in which Arabic was the vernacular of many religious and ethnic communities in general, and the Arabic-speaking Jews in particular. Linguistic Factors One of the linguistic characteristics is that MJA texts use Hebrew and Ar­ amaic lexical items, reflecting its independence from other Arabic varie­ ties. The ratio of lexical items, however, varies from text to text and from genre to genre. Statistically we find a high ratio of Hebrew and Aramaic vocabulary and grammar in the texts of a religious nature, whereas in non-religious works they diminish and vanish completely in the scientif­ ic and philosophical literature. In the texts where Hebrew and Aramaic lexical items are present, we find them written in two distinct ways. One way is that they are integrated into the morpho-syntactical structure of the Arabic language. The second is that they are written in their original form. The latter phenomenon is peculiar to Biblical translations. The extent of Hebrew (Aramaic) elements depends on the personal style of the author, as also on the literary genre and especially on the presupposed knowledge of Hebrew of the audience addressed. Yet, however large the ratio of Hebrew elements, they do not alter the basic structure of the text, which remains Arabic. The fundamental

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fact concerning the contact of Hebrew with Arabic is that, despite the great prestige of Hebrew as hallowed language, it was Arabic, backed by a mother-tongue group that absorbed Hebrew, which was no longer a living language. (Blau 1981,133)

In Japheth’s text (Part II), Hebrew components occur in the Arabic text: Example: Jer. 14:19

bto noa fool ntNovw on rm n’i m m tom tm nnN Nawbb KPni n>ONVtnbi nnd Nnn mn Nib p’bi NJivm : nNnniN ntni Have you, really rejected Judah? Or have you despised Zion? Why have you stricken us, so there is no cure? We have even had a hope, but found no good; and we hoped for healing, but met a surprise.

If the presence of the Hebrew-Aramaic lexical items in Judaeo-Arabic literature poses a problem of definition, then the issue of the use of the Arabic script in transcribing the Biblical Hebrew text is no less problem­ atic. It only remains to be said that not all Judaeo-Arabic literature was written in the Hebrew script. In fact, there are texts, especially those of Karaite provenance, which are written in Arabic script (cf. BL. Or. 2549; NLR. Arav-Evr.070; ENA.3913). The issue of the use of the Arabic script in the medieval Judaeo-Arabic writings is a decisive factor to the effect that the Karaite literary system has been more pronounced in the favour of Arabicising the Jewish literature. The three above-mentioned manu­ scripts, which are three of five manuscripts that I have used in the edi­ tion ofjapheth’s Arabic translation of the Book ofjeremiah, demonstrate how the Karaites transcribed the Hebrew text into Arabic script (cf. Part II). In the Karaite literary works, the issue of the script was openly dis­ cussed (cf. al-Qirqisanl 1939-1945; ben -Shammai 1982, 115-126; Basal 1997,197-225; Khan 1992,133-141,1990b; Sabih 1996,617-639). It should be borne in mind, in this respect, that the issue of Arabic/Hebrew scripts and their use in the MJA was of two kinds; the use of Arabic or Hebrew scripts in general, and the use of Arabic or Hebrew scripts in transliter­ ating the Hebrew Bible. It is no wonder that early works written in MJA were of a religious nature, such as Bible translations, which indeed indicate its communal function. One should also bear in mind that at this stage the Jewish com­ munities came from different linguistic backgrounds, Persian, Aramaic, Greek, Berber, etc. It was a challenge, concerning which medieval Jew­ ish scholars were very aware, for multilingual communities to be united

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under the banner of Islam as one cultural political space adopting the Arabic language without embracing its religious ideals or pedagogy. This is the reason why the JA language-variety and literature have never been the subject of study by the Arab grammarians. As an exception to this rule, one finds the following pre-Islamic poets: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

eLpc. j j J j * J t as-Samaw’al ben ‘Adya’ (d. 560). j«j1I (jjjiaJl of Kinanah ben ’AbT al-hurqayq al-Yahudl (d.?). Jjfcdl o' y*- of £ iy * Sharlh ben ‘Imran al-YahudT (d.?). ^ ^ 4 1 ijjll ’abu az-Zinad al-‘AdTmT (d. ?). < 4 1 j i 41 (jjiaJI yJ ,jj jjjjII ar-Rabf ben ’AbT al-huqayq al-Yahudl (d.?).

6. < 4 1 j i 41 of ’abu adh-Dhayyal al-Yahudl (d.?). 7. jjJ o) j j Dirham ben Zayd (?). And some of the Spanish Jewish poets who wrote their poetry in Arabic. Among these, one finds 1.

oj (Jjaill j i ’Abu al-Fadl ben Hasday.

2. of j f i ’Ibrahim ben al-Fakhkhar al-Yahudl. 3. i/Jujl' 0^1 o M ’Ilyasben al-Mudawwar alYahudl at-Tabib ar-Rundl. 4. ^ i j i 41 o j *-*^ Of j»t-uBassam ben Sham‘un al-YahudT. 5. »jcLill JjcU J chh IJ jajsI Qasmunah bint ’Isma'Tl the poetess. Babti (1998), al-Maqqariy (1949). 6. ni^N mu ovnb YiNn'bDi ovrnN

n n ra *iv9N vnpn yv'?'?

nnN nsw

imsnv’ n rn N n

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Rabbinic Hebrew together with Biblical Hebrew. The purists were not able to see language change and variation as natural phenomena. The concept of the sanctity of the Hebrew text was confused with the sanc­ tity of both its script and language.8 This view recognizes that the lin­ guistic structure of Medieval Hebrew is a mixture of several linguistic varieties. Medieval Hebrew resembles Middle Arabic proper since both are heteroglossic. Saenz-Badillos himself noticed this complexity of Medieval Hebrew and the internal dispute among medieval Jewish schol­ ars about its status. He wrote: In Christian territories, certain translators, like those of the ’Ibn Tibbon family, who felt keenly the problem of using both languages—Arabic and Hebrew—com plained th a t Hebrew had an excessively limited vocabulary in com parison w ith Arabic. However, Al-Harizi and Profiat Duran countered by blam ing the situation on the ignorance of those using th e language. While th e Jews of central Europe were taking great liberties w ith th e rules of Hebrew gram m ar, authorities like ’Ibn Janah and Moses and Abraham ’ibn Ezra exerted them selves in a variety of ways in order to recover the language in its full purity. The legiti­ macy of RH as a m eans of expression, on its own or mixed w ith BH, was doubted by th e m ost extrem e purists,9 although ’Ibn Janah, like Tanhum b. Joseph Yerushalmi and others, defended it. (Saenz-Badillos 1996, 206)

The Karaites, however, used only Hebrew and Arabic as their writ­ ten languages. They did not use Aramaic, except for an early work of Anan ben David, the book of ha-mitsvot. At an early stage of the Karaite 8.

In the Rabbinical tradition, the Biblical text and its script is sacred. In Jewish mysticism, Kabbala >, the consonantal, devoid o f any vowels, text o f the Torah: ‘a ete ecrite primordialment sous la forme de feu sur blanc; au m oment de la creation, elle se trouvait en presence de Dieu com me une serie de lettres non encore reunies en mots. S’ils n’y avait pas eu le peche ’Adam, les lettres se se seraient reunies pour former une autre histoire....Apr£s la venue du Messie, Dieu eliminera la combinasion actuelle des lettres, ou bien il nous apprendra a lire le texte actuel suivant une autre disposition.’ (Eco 1994, 42)

In another Kabbalist text, consonants o f the Hebrew texts in their Aramaic script, have their own sem antic values: ‘Le n o triq o n [one o f the three fundamental tech ­ niques o f kabbalistic Biblical interpretation: Gematria and Temourah] est la tech ­ nique de l’acrostiche (les initiales d’une serie de mots form ent un autre m ot)’ (Eco 1994, 43). 9.

Saadia Gaon is one the purists who has defended the ideal of the ‘purity of the language,’ in terms of its clarity, correctness and freedom from lahn (See Chapters 2 and 3; Allony 1969).

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literary production Hebrew was proposed as the sole literary language by some Karaites such as Binyamln al-Nahawandi (ninth century).10 Of course, this was rejected by the majority of the Karaites. With the exception of some Karaite writers from Persia, as in the case of al-Nahawandi who wrote only in Hebrew, the rest of the Karaite writers wrote exclusively in Judaeo-Arabic. The type of Hebrew used by the Karaites shows that they were aware of the two distinct varieties or ‘dialects’ of Hebrew. Olszowy-Schlanger (1998) describes Karaite Medieval Hebrew as a ‘mixed language.’ In the Middle Ages, the Karaites were perfectly aware these two ‘dia­ lects’ or levels of the Hebrew language, and as we shall see, they com­ bined them to create a new and specific linguistic entity. This mixed language, used in the marriage documents, is apparent in the orthogra­ phy, grammar and vocabulary of these documents. (Olszowy-Schlanger 1998,97)

Arabic language As to the other variety of the Jewish literary diglossia: Arabic, I shall be brief because the next chapter will deal with the functions of the Arabic script in Judaeo-Arabic. Blau was taken aback by the fact that the Ara­ bic language was adopted by Jews within a very short time. ’Ibn Tibbon (d. 1190), however, was not. In the introduction to his translation of Bahya’s book: Hovoth ha-Levavoth, he stated some of the causes: Most of the Geonim in the dispersion under the rule of Ishmael in Ba­ bylonia, Palestine, and Persia were speaking Arabic, and likewise all the Jewish communities in those lands were using the same tongue. Most of the commentaries they wrote on the Bible, the Mishnah, and the Talmud, they wrote in Arabic, as they similarly did with other works, as well as with their Responsa, for all the people understood that language. (Blau 1981,19, emphasis is mine)

’Ibn Tibbon, who was not happy about the use of Arabic at the expense 10. Al-QirqisanI, in his discussion of whether vows containing the name of God are valid when taken in a language other than Hebrew, says:

ajUj

Ulu Lua

q\U1

Y Aj) aIjS ^

A) ^

And in this contention there is also an answer to Binyamln’s claim that we should speak nothing but Hebrew among ourselves (Nemoy 1939,4,645). What al-Nahawandi proposes here is that they, Jews, use Hebrew not only as their written language but also as their spoken language. Al-Qirqisanf s rejection of this proposal is understood when he refers to it only as a claim.

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of Hebrew, blamed Hebrew for being too deficient to be able to func­ tion as a language of science. He saw no alternative but to use Arabic, since everyone, including Jews, spoke and understood it. What he did not say was that not everyone spoke and understood Hebrew. Therefore, it is no surprise that the religious class, the Rabbis (Geonim) and the Karaites, were forced to use Arabic, due to the simple fact that the main social force, the common people, spoke and understood Arabic, not Hebrew. The other religious force, the Karaites, who began to wield some influence with the common people, used mainly Arabic in their lit­ erary system. Tbn Tibbon described Arabic in terms of language-in-use: it was both spoken and written. He himself was acquainted with Arabic; he even translated from it into Hebrew. His work consisted in disseminat­ ing the canonized Judaeo-Arabic thought of the Rabbanites among the European Jews to counteract the non-canonized Judaeo-Arabic thought of the Karaites. To him the answer to the question why he translated from Arabic was, without doubt, because it was the language in which the canonization of Jewish thought took place. Notice that he referred to the religious authority of his time: the Geonim. The tremendous work of codification of medieval Jewish thought hap­ pened to take place in an Arabo-Islamic environment, which provided not only the conceptual framework but the language as well. The absorption of foreign elements is a sign of vitality of the absorbing culture or religion... Additional evidence of the vitality of the absorbing culture is provided if it confines this foreign influence within certain limits, thus preventing it from becoming too strong and undermining the foundations of the absorbing culture. A living culture disregards or rejects all elements in other cultures, which conflict with its own fundamental values, emotional attitudes or aesthetic criteria. (Lazarus-Yafeh 1981,73)

The impact of Arabic went beyond Judaeo-Arabic itself. It influenced other language varieties, such as Medieval Hebrew. The impact of Arabic grammar and literature was so significant for the grammatical thinking of the Jewish grammarians and on their style and poetic models, that parts of Arabic grammatical works were transcribed into Hebrew and re-used by Jewish grammarians in their Hebrew grammatical treatises (Basal 1997, Khan 2000, Drory 2000). Linguistically, the influence of the Arabic language on Medieval Hebrew can be seen in its lexicon, mor­ phology and syntax. In 1982, Goitein published two documents found in the Cairo Genizah. The first document is written in Hebrew with some Arabic. It is a prayer for not only the Caliph but also the head of the Jeru-

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salem Yeshiva, the Jewish community, and the local congregation. The second, however, is written in Arabic but in Hebrew script. Besides the document’s historical value, it sheds some light on the linguistic struc­ ture of Medieval Hebrew and its Arabic component. The second type of this linguistic structure is found in Spanish Jew­ ish poetry, which used two languages: Hebrew and Arabic. Some Jewish poets wrote their poems in Hebrew with an Arabic introductory note.11 The latter’s function was to give some valuable information about the poem itself, the person it was dedicated to or the occasion of its writ­ ing or recitation. The Arabic introduction, which Joseph ben Samuel ha-Nagid wrote in his father’s diwan, the Son of Psalms, illustrates our point. This Diwan is the (sum of) his rhymed sayings and pieces that he wrote by using various meters, and which used to be sung in his presence. (Za'ima 1992,26)

Notice that this type of poetry was in use in the Islamic East, but it was the innovation of the Islamic West, namely Spain and the Maghreb. This truly bilingual poetry is, in my view, the type called al-matruz, in which a strophe or metric line in Hebrew alternates with another one in Arabic. This type of poetry is known for its use in singing and mu­ sic. The alternation of verses in Hebrew and Arabic expresses how the identity of the medieval Jewish community was mapped. This is, in fact, what the term al-MapHz (lit. woven fabric) means, i.e., the interlacing of what is Arabo-Islamic with what is Jewish. The Samaritans have used the same poetic genre, in which Samaritan Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic alternates.121 concur with Shehadeh with regard to the significance of the Samaritan Arabic liturgy both linguistically and culturally (Sheha­ deh 2000, 247-284). The latter point leads us to raise the following question: why did this poetic genre13 appear in the Islamic West but not in the East? Accord­ ing to Stillman (1997), the Islamic West, including its Jewish commun11. Levin (1980) considers these introductory notes the work of copyists. 12. R. Tsedaqa Hassafarey, Kitab at-Tasabih, The Book o f Commendations, the Best Wishes, Commendations and Supplications to God, which was written by Samaritans between the tenth to twentieth centuries CE. For further references, see Shehadeh (2000). 13. Zafrani sees in this poetic form a symbol of the Jewish reality in the Islamic West, the birthplace of the bilingual poetry. ‘Le po£te juif insure, de temps a autre, dans la trame des compositions hebrai'que de style traditionnel, des strophes ou des stiques de langue arabe dialectale. Cette juxtaposition, ce passage d’une langue a l’autre, c’ est la realite culturelle et linguistique du Maghreb juif’ (Zafrani 1980,7).

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ities, should be considered as a distinctive geographical and cultural zone within the Arabo-Islamic space. The Jews of the Maghreb and Spain should also be considered ‘a distinctive group of related sub-cultures within the greater body of Arabic-speaking Jewry.’ It is this reality that Zafrani (1996) describes, vividly and realistically, when he speaks of medieval Arabic-speaking Judaism: La documentation de la Genizah, avec l’information abondante et digne de foi qu’elle vehicule, temoigne d’une cohabitation etroite d’un voisinage paisible entre groupes confessionnelles differents. On y pergoit une situation comparable a celle qui prevaut aujourd’hui aux Etats-Unis et en Europe. I y avait des quartiers h predominance juive, mais guere exclusivement juifs. La naissance des mallahs, des haras, qa'as et quar­ tiers reserves aux tributaires juifs est relativement recente. (Zafrani 1996,30)

The Division of Function Between Hebrew and Arabic

Medieval Judaism’s literary polysystem was divided into two literary sys­ tems. While the Rabbanite literary system was canonized, the Karaite’s literary system was not. In both systems, however, the answer to the ques­ tion of which language should be used as the official literary language was that both Arabic and Hebrew should be used. But what function did Hebrew and Arabic have in both the Rabbanite and the Karaite writings? When and in which literary genres were Hebrew and Arabic used? The Karaite’s rejection of the Oral Law and the rabbinic traditions had a great influence on whether one use Hebrew exclusively as the literary lan­ guage. Their doctrinal claim was that the only law that should be studied was the written law, hence Biblical Hebrew. It was very difficult to put their claim into practice when it came to decide what language should be the language of writing. What we saw instead was the use of Arabic in Biblical exegesis, rejecting the use of both Mishnaic Hebrew and Aramaic in their grammatical interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures. Arabic was more suitable for their comparative philology14 since the Rabbanite had no claim on it. The Karaites were in the process of codifying their own tradition, in which Arabic had the status that Aramaic had in the Rab­ banite literary system. The view of Drory is that, judging from the Karaite Daniel al-Qumisi’s (ninth/tenth centuries) Biblical commentary written in Hebrew, the Hebrew Karaite Biblical commentaries, 14. See the work of al-Fasi (most likely he lived in the beginning of the tenth century), Kitab Jdm i4al-’alfaz, edited and published by S.L. Skoss 1936.

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• Japheth ben Alis Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah lacked a suitable register for such writing. These works dem onstrate the difficulty in creating such a register, and the great extant of Arabic interpolation into Hebrew writing, even to the point of frequent dove­ tailing of Arabic words and phrases into Hebrew text. A mere generation later, the Karaite Biblical exegetes Salmon ben Yeruham (tenth century) and Sahl ben Masliah (tenth century) had given up w riting in Hebrew entirely, and w rote th eir com m entaries only in Arabic. (Drory 2000,165)

The use o f H ebrew and Arabic was m ore com m on in b o th th e K araite an d th e R abbanite polem ical literary genre. The latter, in th e K araite lite rary system , was m ostly d irected tow ards th e R abbanite, and as such, it had a double targ et; to u n d erm in e th e R abbanite canonized literary sys­ tem and to ascertain th e ir Jewish-ness. In th e first half of the te n th century, this opposition divides the corpus of Jewish literature into two: Rabbanite literature, consisting of the texts w ritten or tran sm itted in Rabbanite circles (mainly in Mesopo­ tamia, but also in Palestine and o th er peripheral Jewish centres), and heretic literature, or ra th e r w hat Rabbanite circles considered to be ‘heretic’ (kitve minim), consisting mostly of texts w ritten in Karaite circles, and in some o th er heretic sects. While this opposition obviously reflects contending ideologies, the distinction made here is purely liter­ ary, betw een tw o bodies of texts th a t differ in age, in th eir repertoires of literary models, in th e hierarchy of th e ir genres, and in th eir relation to each other. These differences imply th a t the two aggregates of litera­ tu re are two distinct literary systems, each w ith its own independent dynamics. Nonetheless, since each claimed to be ‘real’Jewish literature, each should also be considered p art of one larger system, a Polysystem (‘system of system s’), th a t in fact constitute the Jewish literature of the period. (Drory 2000,130-131)

Som etim es th e K araite w rite r m ight w rite his refu tatio n s in tw o v er­ sions, one in Arabic and a n o th e r in Hebrew. The tw o languages, used in th is m an n er, w ere d irected to tw o audiences; The R abbanite religious a u th o rity an d th e Jew ish people. The Arabic versions of th is lite rary g en re in dicated th e ir co m m itm en t to u n d erm in e th e position o f Rab­ binic Judaism in Jew ish circles. Salm on ben Y eruham (te n th century), Davidson (1934, 36), alluded to this tra d itio n of w riting tw o versions of th e sam e tex t, in his re fu tatio n o f Saadia Gaon, the Book o f the Wars o f the Lord: ‘And I will respond to him (i.e., Saadia Gaon) a suitable response in H ebrew an d also in A rabic.’15 15. I am using Drory’s translation (2000,165).

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And: Your (Saadia Gaon’s) sharp spears and arrows Will turn back on themselves towards your words, I will refute them And do better than you... I will also write in the tongue of Ishmael And I will set [my refutations] out wisely and knowledgeably. (Davidson 1934,60)

Another Karaite, Sahl ben Masliah (tenth century), wrote a response to one of Saadia’s disciples, Jacob ben Samuel (tenth century), in which He implied that Saadia’s disciple wrote his refutation in both Arabic and Hebrew: And you also wrote: ‘Your responses should be in the holy tongue’...and since you said: ‘in the holy tongue,’ I have replied to you from begin­ ning to end in the same order as you wrote. I have done as you requested, though I did not wish it nor is it fit in my eyes to write as you have done, for I desire that reader may read it easily. (Pinsker 1860, 2, 25; emphasis is mine)

It is clear from Sahl ben Masliah’s text that the Karaite’s use of Hebrew was a necessary reaction to the Rabbanite challenge. It seems that Hebrew played only a small role in the bigger scheme, which was to reach the Jewish people, who, according to ’Ibn Tibbon, spoke and understood Arabic, but not Hebrew. The Rabbanite, as we saw, used both Hebrew and Arabic. They used Arabic in prose, but Hebrew in poetry. This does not mean that all prose writings were in Arabic and all Jewish poetry was in Hebrew. We are talk­ ing about the ratio of both languages in those two genres. Saadia Gaon (tenth century) wrote two introductions to the same book: ha-Egron. Allony (1969), Sefer hagalui (Hebrew version: Schechter [1902,1903] and Chapira [1914]); (Arabic version: Harkavy [1892]; Lambert [1900]; Malter [1912]; Stern [1955]). Saadia, however, never wrote his poetry in Arabic. Drory, rightly, indicated that the reason for Saadia’s dual introductions should be found in the points about which the two versions differed.16 Writing in Hebrew, besides in Arabic, as indicated by Sahl ben Masliah, served another fundamental point in the dispute between the Karaite 16. See Saadia’s point, which I have quoted earlier on the issue o f the universality and sanctity o f Hebrew contained in the Hebrew introduction to his book ha-E gron. Saa­ dia, in his Hebrew introduction criticized the Islamic view about the universality, the sanctity and the T ja z o f al-Qur’an. This rem ark is lacking from his Arabic intro­ duction o f the same book.

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and the Rabbanite literary systems, namely who was the rightful repre­ sentative of Judaism (Drory 2000). The Karaite insisted, in the same vein as Protestant Christianity, that the Bible was the only source of religious authority. This doctrine came to expression in the belief that the Karaite and the Rabbanite were competing over which was best at Hebrew. Sahl ben Masliah writes in his verse-response to Saadia’s disciple, mentioned earlier, the following: Remember the arrogance in your words When you said: ‘Let it be written in the holy tongue, as I did’ Behold, my quiver is full of arrows, and I will teachyou. And if you continue to provoke me, I will ply you with drink from the same cup and I will intoxicate you. (Drory 2000,168)

The point that Sahl ben Masliah was trying to make, in the poetic form of his text, was that he, as a Karaite, was able to write poetry in Hebrew about a benign subject, such as replying to him. In fact, he wrote his response both in prose and in verse. Therefore, writing in Hebrew was, in this context, a sign of erudition, and it is in this light that we should understand the whole debate about the Hebrew fasahah (to use Hebrew correctly). The problem that we are left to solve is: which Hebrew, in the eyes of medieval Jewish grammarians, was to be considered the writing model and whose grammar should be emulated? Critiques were levelled against the Hebrew of various writers as incorrect. Saadia criti­ cized al-QumisI’s Hebrew as incorrect: I have found a book written by Daniel ben Moshe, known as al-Qumisi, for the instruction of the people regarding their inheritance. I gave the book my attention, wishing to learn of its contents and its author, and when I began to read, I found that this Qumisi has six faults...showing inappropriate lack of knowledge. The first that he does not understand the holy tongue. (Schechter 1903,42)

The Karaite Sahl ben Masliah, in his response to Jacob ben Samuel, Saadia’s disciple, found sixty errors in the latter’s epistle. He wrote: You also wrote in your letter to me: ‘You are anxious, and wish to warn and admonish the people and to testify from a place of prayer o ip a rn ’p—and worship.’ You wrote iTPp w ith T'i> and this is incorrect as it comes from nsiN ip n and the imperative of the causative is.Tpn as in npn, with no place for a t »v as you wrote. And if you say: ‘I wrote f r r p ’ meaning ‘the place of the incense,’ ‘you should know that it should not

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be written with a T 'v....’ So far I have found nearly sixty errors in your letters, some of spelling, some of meaning; and he who wishes to argue with 17NipQ un [the sons of the Hebrew Bible as the Karaite used to be called] (may God protect and preserve them), cannot be someone like you for it is incumbent upon him first to learn before questioning, to save himself from shame. (Pinsker 1860, 2,27; my comments in square brackets)

It is clear that knowledge of Hebrew grammar was a precondition for writing in Hebrew, and both groups claimed their mastery of Hebrew at the expense of the other. This issue was also related to the linguistic status of medieval Hebrew or, using Blau’s terminology, the medieval layer of Middle Hebrew. Dealing with the Jewish literary diglossia and the functions of Hebrew and Arabic in the literary systems of both the Karaites and the Rabbanites justifies why we have chosen to begin this book with two chapters dealing with the linguistic situation in Medieval Arabic and Middle Arabic. We can see the logic behind inserting Medi­ eval Judaism, its language situation and its literary polysystem within the Arabo-Islamic space. It was relevant, from the point view of my research strategy, to anal­ yse, as I did, the status of Classical Arabic in Medieval Arabic, in early Arabic grammatical thinking and Islam. In the same vein, the Rabbanites and the Karaites had a common belief similar to the Islamic doctrine of J jili jUti. Both Karaite and Rabbanite Judaism formed a similar doctrine of the Beauty of Hebrew.18 The doctrine of the Beauty of Hebrew was formulated in the Middle Ages as result of and a reaction against the Islamic doctrine of the supe­ riority of the Arabic language. Accordingly, the status of Hebrew in the 17. The term s N2pE >12 ‘sons o f the Hebrew Bible/ 0>NTp ‘readers or N2pQD >bV2 ‘the owners o f the Hebrew Bible’ have one thing in common, the verb N2p ‘to read’ with reference to the Bible, and it is applied to the Karaite Judaism, which considers the Hebrew text as their jS Qur’an. In the eighteenth century, Richard Simon (Trevisan-Semi 1992,29) explained the origin o f the Karaites, on the basis of the etymology o f the word >N2p (a man preoccupied by the study (reading) o f the Hebrew Bible) as the result o f the publication o f the T a lm u d , (Oral law). He states that the em ergence o f protestantism was similar to the em ergence o f the Karaites. The Protestants are also called evangelicals, because they consider the Bible and not the traditions as the word o f God. Similarly, the em ergence o f the Karaites was related to their rejection o f traditions, associated here with the Talmud and the Rabbanite teachings, and their return to the source o f the true worship, which they called ha -M iq ra . 18. Drory quotes both Sahl ben Masliah, the Karaite and Saadia, the Rabbanite, regar ing this doctrine. She also compares it with the Islamic doctrine o f j l jSll jU x L

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Jewish medieval literary polysystem was that of the language of pres­ tige, whereas Arabic functioned, according to Drory (2000), as a refer­ ential variety. In the poly system of Jewish literature, Arabic was used because it was the dominant language,19 but Hebrew was the language that was associated with everything that was Jewish. Both medieval Hebrew’s linguistic structure and its function, in the capacity of a liter­ ary variety, showed what Drory calls its festive function versus the com­ municative function of Arabic. The Issue of the Use of Hebrew/Arabic in Jewish Poetry

It has often been asked: Did the Arabic-speaking Jews use Arabic in their poetry? This question is valid since what we know about medieval Jew­ ish poetry is that it was written in Hebrew. The answers to this question seem to have divided scholars into two camps. The majority opinion, following Joshua Blau,20 claim that the Jews never or seldom wrote their 19. We cannot accept the view of Zinberg, which he penned in his work, A History o f Jewish Literature. He wrote: Arabic, the sacred tongue of Islam, did not becom e the natural language of the Jewish community, but the efflorescence o f this language and its literature m otivated the Jews to bring Hebrew to the same high state. Under the influence of the rich and beautiful Arabic, refined taste developed among the Spanish Jews, and the feeling for beauty produced an interest in the poetic treasures o f the Bible and the language in which it was written. (Zinberg 1972,15)

20. While Blau admits that Jews wrote their poetry most exlusively in Hebrew, the conclusion of his quotation below can be construed as if he denies any existence of Arabic poetry written byjews. Stem (1983), however, rejects only the idea ofJewish poetry written in Classical Arabic and his idea is widely accepted by scholars. The explanation for this seem ing conundrum is to be sought, perhaps, in the linguistic set-up o f the Arabic idioms, which were characterized by a basic dichotom y between analytic Neo-Arabic dialects as against a synthetic Old Arabic literary language. Further­ more, Jews spoke Neo-Arabic; and being less attracted by the ideal o f the ‘arabiyya (the authentic Arabic language as mirrored in Literary Arabic) than were their Muslim fellow citizens, they generally attained only a limited active mastery of Literary Arabic...Being qualified to write only for writing in som e kind o f blend o f literary Arabic and Neo-Ara­ bic, they could not venture to use Arabic when com posing scientific, religious, and other tracts for which the use of Middle Arabic was in vogue. The severe canonical tradition o f Arabic poetry demanded unlimited mastery o f old Arabic as regards vocabulary, mor­ phology, and syntax. The preoccupation with religious studies written in Hebrew and Aramaic also interfered with acquiring a full command o f Literary Arabic. Apart from the difficulties o f language, the very atmosphere of Arabic poems reflecting the ideals of Bedouin society must have been quite alien to urban Jews. Moreover, no religious poetry existed in Arabic. Consequently, if Jewish poets had decided to use Arabic, they would not only have had to overcome difficulties o f language and the psychological barriers o f foreign ideals, but

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poetry in Arabic. We do not know whether he meant Classical Arabic, Judaeo-Arabic or both. Blau wrote consistently, despite his critics, that: On the other hand, Hebrew and not Arabic was used almost consistently in poetry. It is rather remarkable that whereas the bulk of prose was w ritten in Arabic, poetry was almost exclusively in Hebrew. (Blau 1978,123

In addition, in 1997 he wrote: Jews, as a rule, did not even read Classical Arabic proper, and were the more unable to write genuine Classical style, which is one of the rea­ sons for the rather remarkable fact that Jewish poetry was composed almost exclusively in Hebrew. (Blau 1997,49)

Reiterating his position in 2002 and dismissing the overwhelming evidence with regard to the existence of Jewish poets writing poetry in Classical Arabic: In the second half of the first Millennium CE, when Judaeo-Arabic culture was emerging after the great Arab conquests, several reasons combined to keep Arabic out of Jewish poetry, which at this time was exclusively religious: Jews, as rule, had no full active command of Clas­ sical Arabic as demanded by the strict tradition of Arabic poetry...the situation in Spain at the beginning of the second Millennium was quite different. Though familiar with Arabic poetry, Jews as a rule persisted in writing poetry in Hebrew, not because they continued the tradition of writing Hebrew poetry but because of their love for the holy tongue and their desire to express the new ideals of the Jewish society in Hebrew. (Blau 2002, 352)

While I agree with Blau about the fact that Jewish poetry was mostly in Hebrew, Arabic however, was used as well. My point is supported by the findings of Stern (1960,1963), Stillman (1978), and Bar-Asher (1988). also to create in this language a new literary genre—religious poetry.

(Blau 1978,123-124, emphasis mine)

Stern states, on the other hand: The m ost notable exception to this is poetry which, though its secular part was in its content a faithful reflection o f Arabic poetry, was written in Hebrew. This choice may have been conditioned by the existence o f a tradition of Hebrew liturgical poetry, but the chief motive in creating poetry in Hebrew was the love for the holy tongue and the desire to clothe the most prom inent expression o f the new ideals o f Jewish society—Ideals themselves reflecting those o f the greater Muslim world—in the forms o f the national language. The great Hebrew

poets o f Spain were deeply steeped in Arabic poetry, but they passed its substance through a sort o f alchemical transmutation when they expressed it in a Hebrew medium. (Stem 1963, 254, my emphasis)

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Blau’s statement is applicable only in the Islamic East, with the excep­ tion of Yemen. In the Islamic West, Spain and the Maghreb, Jewish po­ ets writing their poems in Arabic were very common. Blau’s view was criticized by Stillman as early as 1978. It is not surprising that during my research I had come to the same conclusion as Stillman even before I read his paper. A scholar whose field of research was Spain and North Africa could immediately see that Blau’s view was hasty and baseless. Was there Jewish poetry in Arabic? The implications of a positive answer to this question would certainly reverse what has been held so far as the standard view in medieval Jewish literature. Let me begin by defining what I mean by Arabic Jewish poetry. It comprises poems that are written in Classical Arabic or Judaeo-Arabic as well as those written partly in Arabic. The poems that are partly in Arabic are of two kinds: l) the interlaced kind: j j j k J al-Matruz, in which Arabic and Hebrew interlace, and 2) the kind of poems whose concluding part, al-Kharjah, is written in Arabic. This practice is well attested to in a poetic genre called pl.cjlaJi^Jl al-Muwashshah (pi. al-Muwashshahat), which has been used in Spain and in the Maghreb and that later spread to the East. In the poems of two languages, the Arabic part is written mostly in CA MMA or modern Judaeo-Arabic. The last six and a half verses of one of Solomon ’ibn Gabirol’s poems were written in CA (Za'ima 1992, 33-34). One might draw the conclusion that Solomon ’ibn Gabirol did not write poetry in Arabic from Stern’s following statement: The fact that these Arabic poems are written by men like Samuel ’ibn Negrella and Abu Ayyub ibn al-Mu‘allim and not for instance by Solomon ibn Gabirol and Judah Halevi, teaches us an important historical lesson. (Stern 1963, 262)

’Ibn Gabirol includes six and a half verses in Judaeo-Arabic (Arabic in Hebrew script as the rest of his Hebrew poem): ny\y’ ob ’icon o ’oy ’byi ’iiy n n’DbNO Tp ’ib o n n’o pi*u i p ’u y n nnnoN ’nn ’i m o oby’ nbbN

bn no ’by nonb m oip ’by nonb onn ’to o ’by nonb ’tn jNm ’by nonb nbN yps ’by nonb nttoo n’o n’pa ’JibNpn NaibN bn

43 44 45 46 47 48 49

The re-writing of the Arabic verses in Arabic script will look like: jjx Ai

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^ Ja. L> (^Ic. jjc. ^ylc.

43 44

Linguistic Status and Cultural Function o f Medieval Judaeo-Arabic

^ \yan AjS JUa

^ jU j

^ >>»*i L-taajuil aft)

*

91

45 46 47 4j3 i**nQi 48 49

43. My grief over what has befallen me 44. My g rief over those who

have ceased to feel my desire

45. My g rief over my sojourn among them 46. My grief over the time o f my father

and over being related to a great race about (it passing away) I am indeed still wondering

47. My grief over a country in which

my quest is straitened

48. In which I have remained alone

until my wondering is but desirable

49. My words have becom e futile

(only God) knows my path

The first kind of the Jewish al-Muwashshah (pi. al-Muwashshahat), con­ sists of branches (sing. Cj ^ ) and strings laUJ (sing, or JliS (sing. jjii). Both branches and strings compose a single verse called a stanza (cbull). The largest number of stanzas used is seven. This poetic genre, like al-qasida, is used for erotic and laudatory poetry. According to ’Ibn Khaldun, this poetic genre, whose linguistic and so­ ciological background should be sought in the Islamic West, was used by every poet, despite ethnic or religious background: Everybody, the elite and the common people, liked and knew these poems because they were easy to grasp and understand. (’Ibn Khaldun 1958,3,444)

No wonder Spanish Jewish poets chose to decorate their Hebrew poetry with Arabic, which echoed what ’Ibn Khaldun said about the nature and function of al-Muwashshahat. Many Jewish poets wrote their Muwashshahat with an internal linguistic structure having two interlaced languages: Arabic and Hebrew. A poem of the Spanish poet, exegete, grammarian and philosopher ’Ibrahim ’ibn ‘Ezra (known in to us as Abraham ben Ezra), can help us understand this poetic genre. His poem has five stanzas pi. ^h-aci) and a kharjah ( i^ - ) . Each stanza is composed of four hemistichs sing. and a string (j j j of three hemistichs. The kharjah is composed of four hemistichs. The Arabic vers­ es and hemistichs are found in the end of each stanza and the kharjah. The second type of al-Muwashshahat poetry used Arabic only in its khar­ jah. This type was more common than the first. The khatjah functions as

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the foundation upon which the poet would build his poem. There are six types of Arabic khaijah : 1. The kharjah of two hemistichs. 2. The khaijah of two verses. 3. The khatjah of two lines, each of which contains three hemistichs. 4. The khatjah of two lines, each of which is composed of two he­ mistichs. The second hemistich is always shorter than the first. 5. The khaijah of two lines, each of which has four hemistichs. 6. The khatjah of six verses or hemistichs. There are a very significant number of this type of al-Muwashshahat that show a high ratio of New Arabic linguistic features. Comparing the linguistic structure of this literary genre with modern Judaeo-Arabic, we can see why the latter became completely dialectical (Zafrani 1980). Stern quotes the North African historian, Tbn SaTd (thirteenth cen­ tury), who related on the authority of the Spanish historian, Abu Mohammad ‘Abd Allah Tbn ’Ibrahim of Guadalajara, that Samuel ha-Nagid wrote a love poem in Classical Arabic, he related also that the poet versified the Qur’an in some of his poems: 21(jj j j * i— £)a tjj CCo Ij Mjj

IjL

.

CijSij 'j JUj j]

It wrote on the cheek a metrical verse from the Book of God22 You will not obtain righteousness until you spend of that which you love

Stillman (1978,137-141) mentions another Jewish poet, ’Ibrahim ’ibn Sahl al-’Isra’ili, who wrote his Diwan in Arabic only. Hasan ben Muham­ mad published23 Tbn Sahl’s Diwan in Cairo in 1875.1suspect that the rea­ 21. ’Ibn Negrella, ha-Nagid, is quoting here verse 92 from Surat (3)—al-‘Imran: jjf a j U« 1jiis jisA. jx 11 ljibs ‘by no means shall you attain righteousness unless you give (freely) from that which you love’ (Abdallah Yusuf Ali’s translation).

Za‘ima mentions in his article ‘The Arabic impact on the Andalusian Hebrew poetry’ that: The Hebrew poets were in the habit of competing with one another about the trans­ lation of Arabic poetry. In ha-Nagid’s Diwan , we find three Hebrew versions of a single Arabic verse (the Son of Psalms, 274-275). The Andalusians did not only copy Arabic poetry but they also translated some Quranic passages and used them in their poems. (Za‘ima 1992,55-56)

22. Stern’s translation (1963,256). 23. Al-‘Attar edited and published this work under the name: o* ^ J*' jjy \ ‘The selected Diwan of ’Ibrahim’ ibn Sahl al-Isra’Tlf, on the basis of a Tunisian copy written in Maghrebi script. He agrees with ’Ibn SaTd, mentioned earlier by Stern, in his biographical work published by Emilio Garcia Gomez (1978),

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son for Blau not mentioning this poet is because ’Ibn Sahl was converted to Islam. Some medieval Muslim historians and annalists did not trust him and did not believe that his conversion was sincere. In order to understand that Classical Arabic was undoubtedly present in Jewish poetry, I think it is highly interesting to mention what al-‘Attar said about ’Ibn Sahl’s career as a poet: On the authority o f ’Ibn Hayyan, on the authority of the supreme judge of Granada, Abi Bakr Muhammad ’ibn Abi al-Nasr al-Fath ’ibn All alAnsari al-Ishbll! that Ibrahim 'ibn Sahl, the poet of Seville, was Jew then he converted to Islam; and he wrote a superb and long poem in which he eulogized the messenger of God (pbuh). I read it; and it was one of the most beautiful ( ) of its kind. (al-‘Attar, 1875, 54, translation is mine)

In the light of the above mentioned, we must conclude that in the area of medieval Jewish poetry, Arabic varieties were used in writing poetry, but not as much as were Hebrew, which had a prominent place in Jew­ ish poetry. The reasons given by Blau for the existence of this phenom­ enon do not explain it adequately. Since he rejects the idea that Arabic Jewish poetry ever existed, his conclusions regarding Judaeo-Arabic poetry cannot be applicable to Judaeo-Arabic in general and certainly not to Spanishjewish poetry in particular. In the thirteenth century, alMubarak ibn ash-Sha“ar al-Mawsil! wrote a biography of the Jewish poet Judah al-Harizi including many poems written in Classical Arabic.24 The overwhelming abundance of material simply invalidates his arguments. Blau claims that Jewish poets were unable to read Classical Arabic proper, but the evidence shown here and by other scholars, even by Blau himself, shows that some Jewish writers and poets were very well versed in Arabic poetry and the Qur’an. They, according to Za’ima’s examples, were in the habit of competing to emulate and quote from both of them. ’Ibn Sahl, ha-Nagid and Abu-Ayyub al-Mu‘allim and others, whom we have mentioned earlier, did in fact write in Classical Arabic or at least were competent in it. The fact is that they emulated the ideals of the Arabo-Islamic city, which ideals had been brought about, gradually, by the Arabo-Islamic conquests, and later by the structural shift due to the emergence of the Islamic West as an independent subspace with a culture and ideals of its own._________ under the Spanish title: El lib ro d e las b a n d e ra s d e los c a m p e o n e s de ’Ibn Sa'Td a l-M a g h rib l, that the poet was from Seville, in Andalusia. 24. I am preparing a critical edition o f this biography with an English translation.

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The Function of Scripts in Medieval Arabic Scriptolect

Introduction

The script in which most of the extant medieval Jewish manuscripts had been written, copied and transcribed was the Hebrew script. Therefore, the majority of modern scholars have assumed that it was the most nor­ mal thing for a Jewish writer to do. In the eyes of these scholars, writ­ ing Hebrew or Arabic in the Hebrew alphabet is what constitutes ‘the Jewish identity’ of this type of writings, the essence of everything that is Jewish (cf. Chapter 2). Blau (1981, 38) is of the opinion that use of the Hebrew script by medieval Jewish writers indicates th at the JudaeoArabic culture was detached from its surroundings, i.e. the Arab culture. Most scholars of medieval Judaism and Jewish languages agree. Jews in general and the Rabbanites in particular maintained the tradition of writing Hebrew in the Hebrew script (Blau and Hopkins 1988; Blau 1992). Statistically, the majority of these extant manuscripts are in Hebrew script, hencejudaeo-Arabic language (n’Tin’-n u iy ). One also finds docu­ ments in which Arabic script alternates with the Hebrew script as in the following manuscript (Vienna Inv. Ar. Pap. 8916). The text of the manu­ script is written in Hebrew script (lines 1-2) and Arabic script (lines 3-8). The language of the text is Medieval Judaeo-Arabic (MJA). It is obviously a rent contract between a Jew and a Muslim. Apart from line (3), which is written in CA, the rest is in MJA. Linguistically the ratio of NA is very high. In line (l), one notices the sound-shift from CA: ■f ‘alil = jjju (cf. Part II). Example: Vienna Inv. Ar. Pap. 8916

pa tj’ii o m p iyam -on tnp n a n o

kv

dl

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rvrv v o qtm qiw -o n y am m ro 2 4Ut fajii 3 ^aaxi j UaC IjaSl Lo^A 4

AiuiJ ALai [ ]]ni nby v o v i n a \yvpa in ,innnt>\ Such encouragement may also reflect a medieval concept of intellectual ownership altogether different from the modern one, namely a concept of collective ownership. (Beit-Arie 1993,37)

Of course there are textual proofs that indicate that medieval Jewish authors who wrote in Arabic were well served in reading and writing Ar­ abic and well trained in Hebrew philology (Khan 1992; Olszowy-Schlang­ er 2003). It seems that there was a tendency among the Jewish scribes and copyists to make the Jewish literary system more uniform by using the Hebrew script. It is for this reason, I believe, that in medieval Juda­ ism the forces who transcribed everything into Hebrew script worked for the autonomy of Jewish culture in its relation to Arab culture. Fenton (1981) mentions a quite im portant detail in this regard. He discusses the art of concealment, which medieval authors used in regard to the Is­ lamic sources in their work. What is even more important is the transla­ tion of Judaeo-Arabic works into Hebrew, which presents the translated word free from its Islamic intellectual background: Despite the pain he, Bahya b. Paquda (d. 1080), takes to disguise all material which is too specifically Islamic, replacing the Qur’anic quota­ tions of his sources by Biblical ones, Bahya’s long preamble betrays his apprehension at introducing a novel kind of devotion into the Jewish fold...He could not, however, have concealed his use of Sufi sources from cultivated Jewish readers whose disapproval he anticipates, justifying himself with Talmudic adage (BT Megillah, 16a) ‘he who pro­ nounces a word of Wisdom, even of the Gentiles, is called a wise man’. [ ] Moreover the Islamic character of the book was greatly obliterated when it was later translated and mostly read in the Hebrew version. (Fenton 1981, 2-3)

The attem pt by scribes and copyists to standardize the Hebrew script should be understood as a sign of cultural autonomy. Jews continued

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the life-long tradition of writing Hebrew and even non-Hebrew lan­ guages in this script, creating a uniform textual tradition. At the time of the canonization of the Hebrew Scriptures, the Aramaic script: n n w x (Assyrian), became the official script ofjewish Holy Writ. As such, it was elevated to the same status as the text in which it was written. In other words, since the canonization of the Hebrew Bible, it became unthink­ able for a Jew to write Hebrew in a non-Hebrew script. Hebrew Script

The script that is known today as the Hebrew script is of Aramaic origin. It is also known as the square script and is used in printed literature. The text of the Hebrew Bible including the Aramaic parts of the Jewish Bible is written in this square script, unlike the Samaritan Pentateuch, which is written in the Samaritan script, i.e. Palaeo-Hebrew, It seems that the scribes who wrote the Jewish Holy Writ aimed at creating a uni­ form text despite its bilingual character (Hebrew-Aramaic). The appro­ priation of the Aramaic script by Jews occurred when Aramaic was an international language. Jews in the post-exilic period spoke both Arama­ ic and Hebrew. The Palaeo-Hebrew script also continued to be used with the Aramaic script. While the Samaritans carried on using the PalaeoHebrew script in copying their Holy Writ, Jews converted to their newly acquired Aramaic script. Historically speaking, at a certain stage of their history Jews abandoned their traditional script and adopted the script of the then dominant language and culture, namely Aramaic. According to Jewish tradition, the transition from the Palaeo-Hebrew script to the Aramaic script took place at the time of Ezra the priest, during the sec­ ond temple period. The Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin. 2.1 states: In the beginning, the Torah was given in Hebrew script and in the holy tongue. It was given to them anew at Ezra’s time, in Assyrian script and in the Aramaic tongue. Israel chose the Assyrian script together with the holy tongue for itself, but left the (Palaeo)-Hebrew script and the Aramaic tongue for the common people.

According to this text, it was Ezra the priest who introduced the ‘Assyrian script,’ i.e. Aramaic into the Jewish writing repertoire. It was the force of history and the logic of realism and pragmatism that forced Babylonian Jews to use the Aramaic script in writing both Hebrew and Aramaic. The Palaeo-Hebrew script, however, did not disappear af­ ter the advent of the Aramaic script, but was kept by, for instance, the Samaritans who used it alongside the Aramaic script. Nationalistic forc-

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es, under the Maccabeans, used the Palaeo-Hebrew script as a sign of national identity in opposition to the hegemonic Hellenistic and Aramaic cultures. The Aramaic script continued as the standard Hebrew script with the canonization of the Jewish Holy Scriptures. In fact, the result of the gradual change in the lingual situation of Jewish communities in the post exilic and Hellenistic periods gave the Aramaic script the status of the sacred script of the sacred language: Biblical Hebrew. Later on, the Aramaic script was ‘baptized’ and given a new name: the Hebrew script. It was associated with the very essence of Jewish-ness. The distribution of languages on the basis of the script typology shows how important the issue of script was, and still is, in Jewish religious thinking. The PalaeoHebrew script and the Aramaic language according to Sanhedrin 21a, had a secular function, but the Assyrian script/Aramaic and Hebrew language (holy tongue) were given a nationalistic/religious status/function. In other words, Aramaic and Hebrew are two languages that have ajewish status but each has a specific function in the Jewish literary system. The impact of Aramaic on Judaism and the Hebrew language is undeniably huge. We simply need look at Jewish literary history to realize that Ara­ maic has played an important role in shaping Rabbinic Judaism. The passage from Palaeo-Hebrew script, a Canaanite script, to Aramaic can be explained as a reflection of the appropriation of Aramaic by Jews before the canonization of the Hebrew Bible. Already at the end of the sec­ ond century CE, the time in which Judah ha-Nasi is believed to have com­ piled the Mishnah, the issue of script made its way into the domain of the Halakah. The passage in the Mishnah Megillah 2.1-2 echoes the language and script situation of the Jewish communities in and outside Palestine. nip 11b

dn.dd by ntnp nip nb ymnb nb>>nn un Niipn 1.2 NIP 1b INb ON1 * >7 byi *)»in by oinipipm tnm pi Nippon oon m in i nipn 2.2 m u nyn jinwN m in i Nnnvy ty nip Nb ton

2.1 If a man read the Scroll in wrong order, he has not fulfilled his obligation. If he read it by heart, or if he read it in Aramaic or in any other language, he has not fulfilled his obligation. But it may be read in a foreign tongue to them that speak a foreign tongue; if one that speak a foreign tongue heard [the Scroll read in Hebrew] in [a roll written] in Assyrian he has fulfilled. 2.2 if it was written with caustic, red dye, gum, or copperas, or on paper or unprepared leather, he has not fulfilled his obligation; but only if it was written in Assyrian writing, on parchment and with ink. [italics my emphasis]

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In medieval times, Jews under Islam were faced with the same issue. For those who adhered to the Rabbinic Halakah the issue was settled. Hebrew should be written in Assyrian script, now called Hebrew script, and the foreign language could be either written in non-Hebrew or Hebrew script. In addition to writing Hebrew in Hebrew script, one also finds Mus­ lim and Christian texts transcribed into Hebrew (Cohen 1987,96-7). Paul Fenton mentions—in his introduction to Obadyah ben Abraham ben Moses Maimonides’ work: al-Maqalah al-Hawdiya (the Treatise of the Pool)—one type of Muslim book that have been found among the manu­ scripts of the Cairo Genizah: Recent discoveries in the field of Genizah research have greatly con­ tributed to our knowledge of the sources of the Jewish Sufi movement, the extent of its activities and the sources of its doctrines. Many Islamic mystical writings have come to light, copied into Hebrew characters for the convenience ofjewish readers, which include esoterical poems by Sufi m artyr al-Hallaj, the concluding chapters of Tbn Sina’s Isharat, the writings of Yahya Abu Hafs as-Suhrawardl, treatise on divine love, and above all the writings of al-Gazall, including his spiritual autobiogra­ phy, al-Munqid min ad-Dalal. (Fenton 1981, 5)

Regarding some of the Christian texts that were written first in Ara­ bic script and later transcribed into Hebrew script I should mention a Genizah text which belongs to the Bodleian Library and bears the follow­ ing number: MS Heb. d. 57 (fol. 96-103). This text belongs to the inter­ religious polemical literature which was in vogue between Islam and Christianity, Judaism and Christianity, and Islam and Judaism.2It is really remarkable to see how medieval Jewry reacted to the spreading of the Arabic script. Although they adopted Arabic, they established a small island within Arabic. It is equally significant to us today how medieval Arabic-speaking Jews dealt with the Arabic culture and its imperialistic presence within the Arabo-Islamic space. Paul Fenton has mentioned earlier that the reason for transcribing Arabic works could be to make those works available to Jewish readers (Basal 1997).3What remains to be explained is how well Jews knew or could read Arabic in Arabic script. It goes without saying that at least an important segment of the Jewish pop­ 2. 3.

About the inter-religious polemics see Perlmann (1974), Lasker (1992), Lazarus (1981,1992), Khoury (1989), and al-HuwarT (1992). Basal gives the same reason behind transcribing Arabic works into Hebrew: Physicians and other intellectuals copied entire chapters from various books in Ara­ bic into Judaeo-Arabic (in Hebrew characters) in order to make them accessible to poten­ tial Jewish readers. (1997,197)

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ulation was acquainted with the Arabic script, specially the religious and political elite as well as traders. A fourth group could be added to the list of those who were familiar with the Arabic script, namely the Karaites. Arabic Script in Karaite Writings

The Karaites (Ar. uj3* j*1', Heb. O’fnpn), or rather a group of Karaites, chose not only to use the Arabic script while writing Arabic, but also transcribed Hebrew, especially Biblical Hebrew, into Arabic. This inno­ vation has led many scholars to speculate about its causes, impact and functions within the Karaite literary system in particular and the Jew­ ish literary polysystem in general. It is now clear to us why the Kara­ ites wrote Hebrew in Arabic script. It is understandable that scholars4 have been wondering about the Karaites extensive use of Arabic script in their religious writings in general, and their peculiar tran scrip tio n according to the rabbinic view—of Hebrew into Arabic script in particu­ lar. One thing should be said in defence of the Karaites, namely that they have contributed immensely to, inter alia, Biblical scholarship, Hebrew grammar, and Jewish halakhah. Their zeal and love for both their Jewish heritage and Hebrew language is unquestionable. According to Blau (2000), the two processes of conversion to Aramaic in the second temple period and to Arabic in the end of the tenth century CE are two separate events with two different consequences. The first proc­ ess resulted in the complete adoption of the Aramaic script at the expense of the Palaeo-Hebrew script, which became the script that identifies the Samaritans and their Hebrew. The second process resulted in the partial use of the Arabic script by the Karaites. The Karaites did not reject the Hebrew script, but used it together with the Arabic script. The Hebrew script, however, in later Karaite writings gained the upper hand. In other words, the adoption of the Arabic script by the Karaites, or rather by a segment of the Karaites was not ideologically motivated, as Blau claims:5 ni>ni?o ivmy p i Nb nimb o’tm p o’top b\y yvnn im m wio’wnvy p im o 'ON.ni m nn iron .nnny mn iroiwb nibbnnn qpwn irony non 4. 5.

Geoffrey Khan (1990, 1992, 1993), Joshua Blau (1981, 2000), Haggai ben Shammai (1982) and Nasir Basal (1997). He has already stated in 1961 (1881,42-3) the following: Nevertheless, even in our present state o f knowledge, one group o f manuscripts writ­ ten in Arabic characters stands out clearly against the others: these are certain Karaite manuscripts [...] containing portions o f Hebrew Bible in Arabic characters [...] reveal an absorption into Arab culture on an extraordinary scale; these circles used Hebrew, even when copying the most hallowed book o f Jewry, the Pentateuch, (emphasis is mine).

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It is well known that the early Karaites were in the habit of writing not only Arabic but also Hebrew in Arabic script. I have already explained that the use of Arabic script reflects a high level of linguistic absorption into Arab culture. (Blau 2000,27-31)

Against this background, the Karaites dismissed the Aramaic language from an early stage of their history on the simple ground that it was a Rabbanite tongue, i.e. the language of the Oral Law, which the Karaites rejected as authoritative in their Halakhah. Apart from Anan’s Book o f Commandments (eighth century) there is no Karaite work in the Aramaic language. I am certain that the Karaites refusal to use Aramaic was ideo­ logical and not because they did not master Aramaic. There are at least three main reasons to support this claim. The Karaites mastered Ara­ maic, the Karaites were acquainted with Rabbinic literature, partly writ­ ten in Aramaic, and a very important part of the Mesopotamian Karaites used Aramaic as their mother tongue. In fact, the Karaites’ early strat­ egy was to reform Judaism by getting rid of Rabbinic innovations on one hand, and reviving Hebrew as a spoken and written language instead of Aramaic on the other. The latter move was seen as an important step that would get rid of Rabbanites’ ‘fabrications.’ Both Arabic language and script at the end of the first Millennium CE had already gained a solid position in post-conquest Arabo-Islamic so­ ciety. It became the main writing tool of the society’s various religious and ethnic groups. The process of adoption of the Arabic language script began by the dual usage of both Hebrew and Arabic script and ended by the almost complete conversion into the Arabic script; a sign of the assimilation of the Karaites into Arab culture. It is very simple to see in the usage of the Arabic script a sign of assimilation, whereas the usage of Hebrew script marks a sign of resistance; as it is well known that neither Karaites nor Rabbanites could escape the influence of Arabic culture. The usage of either Hebrew or Arabic script should be seen in the light of the ability of men and women to read and write in medieval times. In any event, the societal and religious functions of both scripts played a decisive role in the taxonomy of both scripts in the medieval Jewish literary polysystem, i.e. the two main literary systems of both the Rab­ banites and Karaites. Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, basing her analysis of some children’s exer­ cise books, states the following: It is true that in the period under consideration (the Middle Ages), and more precisely during the ninth to eleventh centuries, the Hebrew lan­ guage underwent something of literary ‘revival.’ Nevertheless, there is

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no doubt that the m other tongue of the Jews in Egypt and Palestine was Middle Arabic.6This state of affairs is readily understandable. Given the well-attested involvement of the Jews in the commercial, administra­ tive, and intellectual life of their Arabic speaking homelands, It was only

natural for them to be proficient readers and writers of the Arabic script. (Olszowy-Schlanger 2003,47-69)

It was not only the Karaites that used Arabic or were proficient in reading and writing the Arabic script but the Rabbanites as well. The twelfth century scholar and translator Jehudah ben Shaul ibn Tibbon, a famous Hebrew translator of Arabic works by Jewish scholars, scolded his son Samuel in his will, because the latter did not progress in Arabic calligraphy. In medieval Karaite writings, the script-in-use is as follows: 1. Writing Hebrew in Hebrew script. 2. Writing Arabic in Arabic script. 3. Writing Arabic in Hebrew script. 4. Writing Hebrew in Arabic script. 5. Writing Aramaic in Arabic script (jer. 10:11, cf. Part. II). From the outset, it seems that the Karaites had neither a specific nor a uniform strategy for their use of Arabic/Hebrew script in their writ­ ings. How should one explain this multifaceted use of script? Does the type of script play any functional role in its textual distribution? These questions are those that need to be answered in order to determine the reasons which stood behind the Karaite use of Arabic/Hebrew scripts. What these writings show, in reality, is that both script types have been used, even in the same document. It is, of course, a puzzling matter and there are no clear guidelines as to when and why one script was used in­ stead of the other, or even more simply why both were used. The cultural and ideological significance of their textual distribution—function —are, however, very important in the social and cultural history of the Jews. For those who consider Judaeo-Arabic a Jewish language, the use of Hebrew script is one of the criteria. Stillman’s (1988) analysis of the Ara­ bic of the Jewish community in Sefrou,7 Morocco, concludes that it is a 6.

7.

Olszowy-Schlanger follows Blau’s early perception of ‘Middle Arabic,’ according to which the latter was defined as a missing link between Classical and Modern spo­ ken Arabic varieties. Middle Arabic has never been a spoken language. It is however a heterogiossic scriptolect, both a category and a literary variety. It does not exist outside the written texts. Despite the fact that most of the linguistic data about Judaeo-Arabic is gleaned from modem dialects, a layer of Neo-Arabic, their autonomy as languages can be

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Jewish language because it uses, inter alia, Hebrew script. The issue of the Jewish-ness of a language can’t be decided exclusively on linguis­ tic grounds, but should also take into consideration the extra-linguistic, socio-cultural elements. Blau (1981, 38-44) downplays on the one hand the importance of the Hebrew script and characterizes, on the other hand, the use of Hebrew script in Judaeo-Arabic as a Rabbanite trend, with of course some exceptional cases. However, he characterizes the use of Arabic script as a Karaite trait. The use of Hebrew characters, in writing Arabic, no doubt shows the partial detachment ofJudaeo-Arabic culture from its environment. Yet one must not exaggerate its importance: Jews used Arabic script as well as, though it would seem, to a much smaller extant. (Blau 1981,38)

Moreover, he adds: Nevertheless, even in our present state of knowledge, one group of manuscripts written in Arabic characters stands out clearly against the others: these are certain Karaite manuscripts. (Blau 1981,42)

It would not be an exaggeration to say that the issue of the script in Judaeo-Arabic becomes important because of its role as a defining fac­ tor in the canonization ofjew ish literature. In other words, we have to explain this issue in its ideological context, i.e. as a sign of an ideologi­ cal/religious conflict between the Rabbanites and the Karaites. The latte r’s writings, a non-canonized literary system representing a heretical group, use Arabic script more than Hebrew script. As such, a line has been drawn to separate the Karaite and the Rabbanite literary systems on the basis of their use of Arabic and Hebrew scripts respectively. In Karaite circles the issue of script-use in the Karaite literary system has two dimensions: 1. The use of Arabic/Hebrew or both scripts in Arabic proper. 2. The use of Arabic script in transliterating the Hebrew Bible. As to the first point, the Karaites had no objections to the use of Arabic script in Judaeo-Arabic writings. The only issue was, in the beginning, helpful in determining the autonomy of the Neo-Arabic component of Medieval Judaeo-Arabic. Regarding the script, my view is that we cannot use modern JudaeoArabic varieties with their Hebrew script as linguistic evidence that should apply to Medieval Judaeo-Arabic. In modem Arabic countries, Jews have become even less tolerated than in the Middle Ages. In the sixteenth century a physical separa­ tion began when Jews were forced to live in one place of the city, called al-Mellah, orHarat al-Yahud (ghetto). Some scholars like Brunot reject the view that considers modern Judaeo-Arabic as a separate language. Instead he (Brunot 1950,18) says: ‘Elies ne sont pas des jud^o-arabes, mais arabe.’

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whether they should use the Hebrew or Arabic language as the language of writing. Their use of the Arabic script in Judaeo-Arabic shows th at the Arabic-speaking Jews had no problem with understanding it. Karaism as a missionary movement must have consisted of three main activi­ ties: proselytizing (among the Jews), polemic, and personal study of the Bible. They must have known that people could decode the Arabic script. Therefore, the use of the Hebrew script in Judaeo-Arabic can only be explained as a Rabbanite trait (Berman 1981). The latter, as seen in the preserved manuscripts in the Cairo Genizah, reflects the Judaization of the Arabo-Islamic culture to counteract the Islamization and Arabiza­ tion of the multi-ethnic, and cultural Arabo-Islamic space. About the second point, the Karaite seemed to be divided. The tenth century Karaite scholar j»ll ajjk— nbib rawn o v tin ^ S*l jSlI J

^J

^ > j ^j! jJl Wlp

He said to keep it (the sabbath day) holy. It means that we should keep ourselves clean from all impurities before the very day of the Sabbath and after it. It means also that we should spend this glorious day hon­ ouring, glorifying, praying, hallowing, reciting psalms, and increasing 8. 9.

Ex. 20:8. Jer. 17:24.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

our worship to Him, the Most High, in addition to studying the religious sciences and avoiding work just as he said: hallow the Sabbath day, to do no work on it. Therefore, we are forbidden from reading any other script than Hebrew, except in religious matters. Reading the Hebrew script in non-religious matters is also not permitted because it is profane, whereas the Sabbath is holy.

al-Qirqisanfs View The Arabic Text T he follow ing is c h a p te r 35 from his book v 5'>di j J Lights an d W atchtow ers.’10

l t- i^ 'T h e Book of

^ L JI UbJJUjJI

jjlj >f I) It

Jcl>

f l 4 AjjVlg oU lJJI j l J_LJj J - J j j >f. i ( > * kt>1 j -4 a c I c ■> duQj->- jbi L* I.L& 1 L ^ Jf l $ j jLjuduJg pLk-jjjVl L^j i-ij i >I9 f l * n>Vt ^ J( 1 4 ^ *f 1^ L s -ll ^J-c J jJ l) r* 11 >> Lrl

jLuuJJI 9^ JJsu JI J 4 J 0L0UX9 uL>Lc_uj r» 11 > LrLft ^ > V l 9 / I IV ^9 ^»^>9 II n L^Lj>9JI 4JJI Aju Ij -ulJI 4JLUL «—iLlSLJI JLft Ijl^ 0 I9 III 4 >9 a*> L J , lil ^LiX I v P I Ll a J S j l jX c j j J 4-O-JUjg 4-oU& [u-lj-SJI j) il jJ jJ tJ I j 1>I A ft o l ^ J J I 9 |9 a ll j -0 1^*4 Ojj J^wO 1 lit ft OJK jlJ I II J t I ^ *1 r J jJ 4-4Ur. JJjV l O.L& j-4 J-SLI J-*-> j J jL £ |jl >■II V^ ft Oj9^aJI oj-A

JJC. 3 ^

S jjju a ll o l^ Jj

JogJa-^l j JLjuj

j i t o ,^-Lr

L^j JjJlJ

^ i r J X ^ jJ I

^ jJI

>">> >» )l

«-jjJI LI u jjjlII

^ iJ I Qj9*n II o Ia Luij Ijl

jL2T j l 9I lj-jL> uU j jLS^ La Ij J iJ j l I : »I ^

I .

S j^ a ll

nJI

C>l 11II j-o

4 i 1» J9-4-J j l

/ll.LSLi

Lolj->- dLJj

jc-I 'DIN

^^jJI

LJ

j $■■>»■_>jL S

jLfi 2

^ 9 TrVlN •> I ^ l^lj-ftg |Af^> J ^ j I ^ 4 ^ t II Oj9 >4 II QA4 ^^-11 j h i II 9 4 l_i^ 4 » jjX 4 .if 11 9I 4 >»lj >r 4 i l i jLS^ Ijl ,1II i x ^ l S fl^i |0^> j l i >*> > »i II ^ 4 |ol^> 4-jLlSJI J I in fll 4-aJj-C 4 t.l > ^U-SJI |4j->wJ /1 l i.^.fl >~>> ut II ,^-ft 4-*-fi j la i.Jl 9I l-jLlSLU L J L L u jJI ^ u l i I II j^4 LAj t r 9I 4uU^-*JI 4 1 1llj jU ^ II jL ^ jl9 u u jjjJ I j h i II9 U >">*,J>HII ^jJB ^ Ir~>9lr~l‘4>l j -4 OjuuC.9 Jb-^l O^lj-fi >*1 l,\ 4 fl >">> >u II 4-J I ^ 1' ^ < «lL)j 4 1 nil L49 J IrH>9j 1 nu 4 l j -4 >“>> \n II ^-4 4-J I ^Ll>o

U p l Li J9-4-JI c J J .^ A uuJJlJI ^

10. It took Leon Nemoy six years to edit al-Qirqisani’s monumental work. There is, however, a need for a new edition; cf. Note 78. 11. In Nemoy’s edition, we find the following: ‘■pnbN >4,> >D1N 41 niDWl (Exodus 20:2). But according to the British Library’s manuscript Or. 2579 we find the biblical quotation in Arabic script.

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The Function o f Scripts in Medieval Arabic Scriptolect

•

109

j-o Lfej^xg 4JLLJL Jj.v.-k.; >g>“»>in 11 |«j I^ >>jl 3g-*Q xj jnu Jgl 1*3^ >o JJLi JLs jU 3 j-laJjl Sfg c_>LlSJI j >>u31 j-o g-& Lr >"*»>uI) jL£ Lr j »>*.>3 k-ij-m-jg Lc ujLjLLJI l-L^i 39^0 jl ^-o-c.3jLi ^l^-c iL» j-JLi LgJ-£-o jL£ jl ^JJ3 Ij-iu jl 39^0 ofI^JLII jog ^l^x*J! j^x 4JLL jO^LSJI jo iuijJi ,\ab ^ «lU3 jl r* o cj jig jjjJI jx £gg-> Jg-£UL» ji 1>yi j-o jJlj«t II Pi > j *f in.xj djfljj |A^u i>5*^ll jl Lift Lg-L2Lo jL^ (Jl 4Jplji 3^ ^ 4i8 j Is >llg ullSJI j 1 n>fll j» i > 3*4 9^ j n »I Lr jg ^jg U *i») v11^ ujj >»tig Jog-La^-I ^jL ujj 4jf IjJi XjgLi- ^Jlj_»x h >> >jL £ 131 4_>flj_fl gJg 4-Jlg-iX 4 S 11 j L S jig Lduaul Lo >"*jjg I/>>!iii ^^jJI 4^11 j-o Lij_fi! >"*1*.> j-o Lj) 1^4 jL^ lj o^ljj jog |flM^II jo L i|j LcLfi oLii ^ j > > l g >~i > in II {j m B I ^ I 0 f > n> 1 j l ^ L L x J 4 q y !r>lg l j u jJ Lo ^ i x L J jg -S J j l 3M * l- l j- u j J I

4

L ^ -L o jllu u u

4,1.0-y > u> >g a j j ; > » i f t x j J Lo ^t-Lc L ^ j JoJLujuLJ 4J I 0 y > m l j u p ^ Lo j o g .> >L lbjJ L^L iuij / j ^ o (cJ L l o Lo

4 y I I c jL o M x

Lcl Jog-La-i-l j - o L x ^ x g 4_oj_sJI «_ftj^>Vl x J L £ LX »*1 l.V ^

(C-LSJjg oJg a i 9 j > m i ; J i g o fljJ L II j - o 4 > lc J j J l3Lo ^ J x (C-L y »fl r> 1 m II |Ogj

opfj^LJf ^ ^ ^ ^cjLoUx

L ^ J I j IrS i > j l

.4^ Ufg Lolj^c. LL\ > r> u> >I ^jJI jxoJLlcJIg ljLI q uJ L jg^ojUog 5

4JI (Q^ >r>y ; (C-fj xftg >~»« imII I Q II0 y >utl ^g I Q k II j-IcjJI jg3-*->o V j) (C^ 03^ ^^9 jLl-Vlg gjb dUjg jl)jg-fl LgJ-SLo jL 5 Lo ^Tl JogJa-X-l j-o 4-lJ I^xJ j l L J 3^0 (cJ jjjogJ r>< util |Ogj jLS^ UL x>^rVlg u L J I j-o 4 1Ciy^H 1 Lo ^1 o v ^^-ftg (oM^ II ^-ft »JJj (JJ-c 4-031*ft oj *f jg j ^ jIj *y II h it .J jjj j^Xg

L-o ^1 &£y>- j^g J-cx J-S 4-L0|Oj-> j-ft ilig-iuujL? I xflg 6 >*: ^ ofIjJ gjb 4JUI0I ^^Ix ^Li jjJI jLS Lo-Lft 4^ > j-o 4JUI0I ^^Lx J-JjJI ^Li ^ix j ^ i i (cjo (cJg m n nm nn nop pdd> Nt? xj^o cL i^ jjlII ^ 9>j .i o i^ j ^-lji jO^LSJI JJj Ji-f oLl^ojLx gift o^dbXjg^ J J J l 4»lf. joLi Lo VI Ij-xj jILJ 3^0 (cJ J J i j.*r jLuJJL VI >*>1 >»II (CI L i jl oJg^ j Ir 4J ^xj (cJg M ft 11.>»iij jl 4»Ir JLU ^jI^ i I I olx LTlj_jX Lxj-lX jgj 4-J|j^jlJI 4yIJL ^oUSJI g-AJ-J 4JI 4>1r ^Lfl jjJI jL^ jl ^J|^*_jlJI lLLJo opIj_s 3g->o Jjft klLJj j-lX gl o g x Lot j>^l 4 y I »^Jlj^x h .>*. « « > *

Hebrew verse

MW ^

kJ ~1

afti

jOsap’t* 'Jonafvrn^^P m ri^ rfwHfl 'j'jsjisv itx&wjP**' ■Miir X j ^ '

mr>:#ai/ r&xx&ik

y

4*>7~^/c 1&«m w . . . tsixrviap*? •»?*!*>*»#,, >a&{jn, a 33731333#/ r'rrc ^00 7V iu

E cm

»9ytt iarw.w

Figure 8.

4vo4u^(IJK>pKI^^«*’ * jiv ^ai v^-wai)' '•'Jp3l‘ --WrtfJBaiop*®-

*w>

(pi4«i> iW r a f l j» n^* a) i y? 'fas yw jy* *»»jM»«k ‘jnyjjO ?•*»*»/ i? ‘um>**>»» V IJUVWjr [ ) '» .Ml IXJMf 12/': 'kW2 2 ">tiJ tth 0 >m KJIfi KXJI* *cvh» , •?>V> d* asujm ' * ** uuy» . _ . . 'bv i l l nbN nbbN i>nn iyot>N t?*rb DTOOiD on’bv vynb ob in owbN onnnu> ob in ino’ ji indo

Therefore, listen to the decision of Allah, which he made against Edom and his thoughts against the inhabitants of Teman, if the little ones of the sheep will not drag them away, if their resi­ dence will not be desolate because of them. §5

The so-called ta marbutah ‘final t ’ is sometimes indicated with two dots on the Hebrew letter n. Example: MS DJer. 49:2 -inobN “rono nntobN “m nn Nbbh Nb qo

How the city of fame is forsaken, the city of joy! §6

The Arabic consonant gh £ is transcribed with the Hebrew >g with a dot on the top, whereas the Arabic consonant j jr is transcribed with the same Hebrew letter with a dot under: x

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Example: MSDJer. 49:2

jcLai

The little ones of the sheep

Example: MSDJer. 49:22

...>l sjjU*. n N » o t n n

He spreads his w i n g s a n d the heart of Edom’s mighty men will be... Vowels In a few cases, Arabic words in Hebrew script are vocalized with Arabic diacritical marks indicating short vowels. The scribes of MS BLOr. 2503 used vocalization sporadically, but it is used when deemed necessary. The following vowel signs, besides the gemination sign shaddah, are attested in the above-mentioned manuscript. Sign

Example

_

Nbbn

—

7t>ji h

—

8fCPN7

.1

9onnw

In addition to the Hebrew matres lectionis, i.e., glides, indicating long vowels, there is one particular sign that indicate ’imalah , the vowel e. The latter is used together with the glide N at the end of a word. Sign

Value

Example

e a o ,u i a

10NJODbN n7N10N 12n n 13nbN

K H

1 > 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Jer. 50:16. Jer. 50:9. Jer. 50:15. Jer. 49:32. Jer. 51:12. Jer. 51:12. Jer. 51:11. Jer. 51:11. Jer. 51.13.

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Description o f the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

137

Since the Judaeo-Arabic text includes Hebrew Biblical terms, they are sometimes vocalized according to the Masoretic traditions. Example: MS DJer. 49:32 “nm bo >bN o n n tN i ibub on>\wia

3ni bb onbNm n>s>3

:m oy

n>nNn bo p i two nnsp

Their camels will be plundered, and their herds of cattle will be­ come booty, I will scatter to every wind those who have their hair clipped, and from every direction I will bring disaster upon them. Not all long vowels are indicated. Sometimes the orthography of the Judaeo/Arabic text follows the Arabic orthography even when the latter is defective, as in the case of the Arabic term J ji which is rendered by the caique nbbN. A Description o f the Transcription o f Hebrew Consonants into Arabic Consonants A rabic

H eb rew

i

N

l_J

a, a

ill

n

ill

n

t

v

c

}

i

>

c

n

t

D

(i

J

1

O

u

n

j

A rabic

H eb rew

J.

V V

£)£>

\y

0

O3

*>(

4

P

n >

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Japheth ben Ali’sJudaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

§7

One Hebrew letter for one Arabic letter/one Hebrew grapheme versus one Arabic grapheme: N = i , n = A ,l = j , t = j , n = £ , u = Ja,b = J , o = f, 3 = o.V = t , ^ = (-H>.P = cS,i = j , 'y = ui . §8

One Arabic letter/graphem e for one Hebrew allophone: two sounds/ graphemes: ^ = a, a. «J = 3 , 2. §9

One Arabic letter/grapheme for two Hebrew letters/graphemes: o* = v , \y. §10

One Hebrew grapheme is represented by two separate Arabic graph­ emes: > = and ij. The latter grapheme occurs only when the Hebrew yod functions as a long vowel I and e at the end of a word, sometimes a (| is used instead.

§11 Allophones: b/v (2 / 2 ), g / gh (i/y), d/dh (1 / 1 ), k / kh (2 / 2 ), p /f (0/ 0), t / th (n/n) are not phonemes, i.e., their phonological realisations as antonymic sounds: hard versus soft, depending on the phonetic environ­ ment, especially whether a vowel or a consonant precedes. I mean by phoneme a sound or speech unit whose semantic yield is productive. Examples:

1.

.t-c. jgshm / ghashm ‘burden, grief/arbitrariness, un­ just.’ £ and £ are phonemes since they are the only letters in both words that cause the two to have two distinct meanings and to be considered as two separate lexical entities 2. v k a sf / khasf ‘eclipse/decrease,abasem ent.’ are phonemes. 3. / p i , (dam / dham ) ‘blood / blaming’ 4. jjjj j jjjj tubur / thubiir ‘gold or silver from the m ine/ ruin’ §12

These four Arabic phonemes correspond graphically and phonetically to the following Hebrew allophones in the Arabic transcription of the Hebrew text. Their transfer from Arabic into Hebrew has taken away their function as phonemes. The new phonetic function reproduces the Hebrew allophones. In other words, the script is Arabic but the phonol­ ogy is Hebrew.

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Description o f the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

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§13

Out of the six Hebrew allophones two of them are transcribed with one letter/graphem e due to the fact that the Hebrew sound has no corre­ sponding sound in Arabic, a / 3 and a / o are rendered by and and >-«are used for the Hebrew allophones. §14

The Hebrew gutturals are transcribed with Arabic gutturals. This fact reveals that the pronunciation of these consonants by the Karaites was still faithful to the proto-Semitic phonology. There is one peculiar exception in MS BL.Or. 2549 according to which the Hebrew guttural n, h is rendered by the Arabic velar sound kh, instead of the guttural £, h. Example: MS A Jer. 34:7

J l &J ^ jVI u jjj j J & ^ \ aJ i (Jl il i jc 11 a J j__ 1— fl—Jj —C- —11j (jS—J— — J l d lljjl—J j —1—A 1j j —g—J ^ j l — C. J —£ »: j l — — j— j l — c. ^ j l — c. 1j j _ g —j (_£j l — *— i j j l _ a

a

§15

n, with a mappiq, a dot inside the letter h, is a feminine pronominal suffix which is transcribed with the Arabic», but when it is silent, the mappiq is not used, the h is elided. Examples: 1. MS C Jer. 20:5

m p> •IJi

But 2. MS C Jer. 20:4 3. MS BL.Or. 2549 Jer. 34:2

irn rv ntn\yi ol-— ftl^

But 4. M S A Jer. 34:3 Ull Arabic ^ is an allophone with two different sound pairs from Hebrew: b/p. Co pare sabata and sapt These two sounds are not phonemes. The sound v, however, does not exist in Arabic. The reason why the b of is pronounced p is (a) being vowelless (b) being surrounded by a voiceless sibilant s and an apical aspirated t. An important difference between the Hebrew allophones and Arabic is, whereas the former depends on whether a vowel or consonant precedes it, the lat­ ter depends on a combination of both.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Vowels The vocalization system that the Karaites used is a complex one. I have called this vowel system the mixed vowel system. Besides the Masoretic vowel system, The Karaites have borrowed some Arabic vowel signs and matres lectionis to create a system of their own. Transcription

Name

Sign

Value

Arabic

Patah

_

a

H16

a 17:

Qames

T

ao

H,

A+l

Seghol

_

e

H,

A +1

Sere

_

e

H.

A+

Hireq

il

H.

A+

Holem

00

A j

AH18 j

Qibbus

uu

AH j

Shewa

e

Aj H

Patah

a

H

Qames

0

H

e

H

Seghol

V

V ,

§16 Phonetic transcription: the Arabic vowel letters (or quiescent letters: matres lectionis): (j ^ ' /n respectively. Final n —when it functions as a vowel letter—is transcribed by the Ara­ bic vowel letter, mater lectionis, ’alifO ). In other words the Arabic conso­ nant (»), an equivalent of the Hebrew letter n, is not a vowel letter and as such it is never used to transcribe the Hebrew vowel letter n. Hebrew: C + Qames + silent h = Arabic: C + Qames + ’alifO). Examples: l. MS CJer. 18:18 nnvyoi nakhsheva

Hebrew: C + Sere = Arabic : C + Seghol +yd’ (^) 16. 17. 18.

Hebrew. Arabic. Arabic and Hebrew.

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Description o f the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

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2. MS CJer. 18:18 ‘esa Hebrew: C +(i) += Arabic: C + (j) 3. MS A Jer. 2:19

cJ.L rfrqs

seva’oth

Hebrew: C + hireq +yddh (>) = Arabic: C + hireq +ya’ (ij ) 4. MS A Jer. 2:19 we’anokhi

Masoretic Points and Accents Non-punctuation Masoretic Signs

Three non-punctuation masoretic signs out of five are used in our text: 1. The dot in Hebrew has three functions: a) when it is inserted inside an allophone it indicates its explosive pronunciation: dagesh lene, b) the doubling of a consonant: dagesh forte and c) in n (where it is called mappiq) it indicates that the letter h should be pronounced (cf. §15). 2. In this text, mappiq is used only with the letter h to indicate the feminine possessive pronoun. It is of course used with the letter alef which occurs only four times in BHS. 3. Meteg ( , ) is used to mark the secondary tone. 4. Rafe, a non-punctuation masoretic sign—a small bar written above a consonant as in (a)—is attested in MS BL.Or. 2503 and a part of MS BL.Or. 2505—1have called it El—only. The Masorah Circle ( ° ), which the equivalent of a footnote marker, is not however attested in any of the five manuscripts. Masoretic Punctuation Signs

There are two distinct punctuation systems in the Hebrew Bible. One is called the accents o f the three books: Proverbs, Job and Psalms. In Hebrew, these three books are called noN ('emet ‘tru th ’). The other one is called the accents o f the twenty-one books. Since the Book of Jeremiah is one of the latter group, despite the fact that it contains poetic passages, the punctuation system used is the one that is applied to the twenty-one books.

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

In Hebrew, the punctuation signs are divided into two groups: 1. The Melakhim ‘kings’ are the disjunctive accents/signs which divide the sentence into phrases. 2. The Meshartim ‘servants’ are conjunctive accents/signs which indicate that words are components of phrases and that they are connected with each other. §17

The usage of the Arabic shaddah, a sign that indicates the assimilation of identical or non-identical sounds/consonants19is attested in the Hebrew text of the three manuscripts that are in Arabic script (BLOr. 2549, NLR. Arav-Evr. 070, JTS.ENA 3913). Examples: 1. MS CJer. 18:18 wayyom

2. MSB Jer. 2:26

yL 1

;

is rendered only by its qere form, i.e. its read form, Other abbreviated forms such as (1>) (» ) ( >r> )f>» ) and two signs that look like the Arabic yy ^ and ayy are also attested in our Arabic transcribed texts. Other times the Tetragrammaton is ren­ dered by the Arabic: j. m This type ( is called the translated transcription used in Arabic translation and com­ mentaries. The form ) is what one might call a compromise with the Rabbinates as the pronunciation of the holy name. 19.

It is used also with the Arabic weak consonants to indicate their actualization as consonants and not as matres lectionis: = nrnvn.

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Description o f the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

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§19

In general, the orthography of words with long vowels is sometimes defective. They are not written with an Arabic mater lectionis as in ’o'jy which is transcribed ^_>Jl or /an d ,^ 1 (’anokhi, ’anokhi respectively20). Plene and defective spelling are a well known phenomenon in Semitic lan­ guages; and Biblical Hebrew and Arabic in particular. This phenomenon is lacking from MSS A, B and C. Such regularity in applying plene spelling testifies to the high quality of our texts and their status as model-texts. §20

Since Arabic and Hebrew are both Semitic languages the use of the glides (Arab. ‘letters of prolongation’): i = N a, j = 1 u /o and ^ = >Tas vowel signs is a known phenomenon not only in Arabic and Hebrew but also in the other Semitic languages. Their function as letter vowels testi­ fies to an early stage before the invention of vowel signs in both Arabic and Hebrew. As a m atter of fact, early Arab grammarians have modelled the three Arabic short vowels: a (—), o /u (—) and i (—) on the graphic form of these letters of prolongation. The short vowels are a miniature of the long vowels: I is w ritten horizontally above the line (—) to indicate the short vowel (a), j is also written above the line and stands for both ( o ) and ( u). ti from which the (—) is written below the line. §21

The Arabic mater lectionis ’alifO ) is used after/together with the Hebrew vowel seghol. The ’alif used here is the one that Arabic grammarians and Qur’an readers call AJUJI ’al-’a lif’al-mumalah ‘the 'alif pronounced between ’a and ’i ‘thus say the Arab grammarians.’21 Example: Jer. 32:2

JUU

§22

The Hebrew seghol and yod are also transcribed into Arabic with seghol and mater lectionis Example: Jer. 20:4

tpH’V

§23

Final Hebrew N is elided after mater lectionis >: 20. Al-Qirqisani, (1939-45, 553-555). 21. Cf. al-Tawil (1999, II, 540).

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Example: Jer. 18:18 §24

Doubling of consonants is indicated by both dagesh forte: nt«n JjjjA

Example: Jer. 20:5

And the Arabic shaddah ( ‘ ): Example: Jer. 20:6

ii?W3

§25

Silent N after the vowel sere is replaced by the Arabic mater lectionis Example: Jer. 26:6

nN33

§26

Silent N is not transcribed except in the case of the particle of negation/ adverb Hb. §27

Stressed syllables with patah as a vowel are transcribed with patah + the Arabic mater lectionis ’alif ( i ). §28

Stressed syllables with seghol as a vowel are transcribed with seghol + mater lectionis ’alif( i). §29

The siglum o is used after the pi03_j .j/1, MT has N'W). 23. MS AJer. 10:11. Aramaic Nb is transcribed phonetically with , not like the transcription of the Hebrew Ij —I The difference in the transcription of the negative particle indicates not only a difference in pronunciation, but also a shift from Hebrew into Aramaic. MS B transcribes both the Hebrew Nb and the Aramaic as V. Cf. 10:16. MS AI j —1, MS B x. 24. MS AJer. 10:20. ^ J j «, the yd’^ has the Arabic diacritic fathah — which stands for the vowel a. An indication of the use of the Arabic vowel signs in the Hebrew text. MT 'nrpo. According to MT vocalization the last syllable is closed ray, i.e., it ends the consonant y, whereas in MS A the last syllable is open. 25.Jer 11:15. MS B MT rmmian, MS A This word is transliterated in the commentary of MS B differ­ ently.

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Description o f the Hebrew Text in Arabic Script

•

147

It differs from MS A on the following points: 26.The alef, indicating the secondary stress that the Metegh repre­ sent in MT, is elided in MS B. 27.The third consonant z is vocalized with a patah, i.e., a short vowel a, instead the hireq, i.e., the vowel i. 28.The last he is marked as a consonant in B, whereas it is silent in both MS A and MT. 29. MS A Jer. 11:16. *_jk MT nbiap . While in MT the second consonant m has a long vowel u: mu in , in MS A is transliter­ ated without. 30. MS BJer. 23:5 begins with j : of (Hebrew p b ) instead of ^— I—a (Hebrew mn) as in MT MS BJer. 23:30-31 blends these two verses together in one verse. MT Jer. 23:30' by nnn p b : inyi ting v>k m i miso mn> ON3 D’Nrnn Jer. 23:31:by Gin : d n i iofo’1 onvyb cnnpbn mn> oto o’ta in MS BJer. 23:30 uili] a p j —j IjllSj ^ j JjS J k . UU which would be in Hebrew: 1QN3>1 oiw y ompbn mn’ oto D>N3in by nnn p b DM3. 31.MS B Jer. 24.1: jL-aiiijiiMT "lSl'pTOli), MS A 32:28. As a m atter of fact, both MSS A and B never transcribe Nebuchadnezzar with an r. 32. MS A Jer. 31:34 MT D3iy. 33.MS AJer. 31:34. . T. L .MT D3ppb while MT uses the bound preposition b Arabic J , MS A drops it. 34. MS AJer. 31:36 differs from MT with regard to the spelling of this word. Whereas the latter has the vowel Qibbus the former has the long vowel i / j.. 35. MS AJer. 31:37. j. 1—J—£ —•—a is written twice. 36.MS AJer. 31:40. J l—i-jMTbo). MS A uses the long vowel ’alif (a) with short vowel Qames hatuf ( o ). 37. MS AJer. 32:2 inserts an Arabic word for the prophet 0 j ~4l in the body of the Hebrew text. 0 —iI - L_a ^ ) ~ili j_a! j L_;1_a Lit. ‘Jeremiah the prophet (in Arabic) the prophet (in Hebrew) was.’ 38. MS AJer. 32:7 ? j - L ^ MT ob©. 39.Jer. 32: 24. MS A j_ i!j_ a j v_il_cl jL_aj i_iJ —a.l_a u i i . is left out from the Arabic translation.

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

40.Jer. 34:11. MS A has the preposition . The latter is not found in MT. Example: f — J c '— A & j j Al jj (j J ^ j —j j —A L J j ^

^J *

A J

1 »n j

.71

»: Lij — a.' a A Ij

1 ft

A

ft

J r.y

41.Jer. 35:17. MS A L_cljl—* J —£ MT nyiD ■ba is written twice. 42.Jer. 36:14. MS A transcribes the fricative dh, as a hard d in three places:j ft' j ^ - i j jVjj 43.Jer. 36:24. MS A omits the MT direct object marker dm. 44.Jer. 37:1. MS A MT ,}b)p?}. MS A L + patah, MT L + qames. 45. UAaJj: MT r a y n i) : In this text the conjunctive accent ny jw is used instead of row MT (J). The final n is elided/r placed with the Arabic mater lectionis ’alif(cf. §16). Note that the Karaites did not devise any sign to indicate the fricative/ explosive realization of the allophones b and p. We have no way of know­ ing how they distinguished between the two pronunciations in the Ara­ bic transcription. As we have seen in al-Qirqisanl’s discussion of the use of Arabic script in the weekly reading of the Hebrew Bible, the Arabic transcription must have been of some help in reading the non-vocalized text used in the Sabbath service. All allophones have a distinct Arabic grapheme except the letters b and p. The use of the Arabic script in this context must have had some advantages; otherwise no Karaite would have used it (cf. §11,§12,§13). ja.- J&-j j j : ipm-ba-nN-’nrtN}) MT ipn-ba-jin The maqqef which our text places between the verb and the direct object marker is missing from MT despite the fact that the disjunctive accent ( ) is placed on the top of the last syllable of the verb. The postpositive accent ncwo ( ) is written once, whereas in MT the NO\ya pashta is duplicated. The MT places the tone of the first syllable of the word / iyn, our text shows that it is the last syllable that is accented. u l a j l : fONiniN MT T>iriN. Our text uses the shewa , instead of the MT composite shewa „. The conjunctive accent row ( J is the first letter of the first closed syllable: ‘alif, whereas the disjunctive accent jiop qpj ( ) is placed on the first letter of the second syllable.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

2 CVL LJ-

>: £ j 1j .

_eL -2 d j J t — j j —ji—— — n tg\ -i

C jS j

g ■■■ J

>

*Aj II (_j^ll A c lla

(j

17 ijji di «

( J a x j a3a ^ u l l

A

cdJOxiL* ( jl£

(rt 0g j l l 1 £V I— ..A1 t J j j -------------- 1 £ * I----------------- »J J J - 1 - J J < f—j\j

(j3J_Ja] till l o j J jjll La

1

frj 18

g jjjjla] tillLa ( jV lj La CJ^jual J a ^ ^ a ll

A

.jl-.ij . ,. ,|J .... iL-.aj j —(Jl— c lj g—IJ *U J 1 19 — * J — »lj g lj s < |ljj j j g j •> j *> _a Ij ■J hj 11 ^1— jj3l J JC #:

£

ft ^ J J

il j 21

' (^— 1 (1*1 in 41.1 » j i j —.j |j Uil «l a: I---------------------------i j ------ i - _ J l-sj£j Jja l p j G’ aJ^ ciiLoi^c. Ulj A 6AjnV>Vl t."nlftil

— V*>Aj J

> J 7(^ «« J ^ ~i (*' y 31----------- #--------------- 3 £-H-LSJ ft

*

f jl----------- 3

&:

(jl

«-- h------ j v -------i j

S 22

j ft3 .............11 .Jj3l jjllo (j^jL^al! till ^Jjoju (jl VI A AWl c jj II Jjfl J

^ j —i t ^ * j 4 h , i t j - J 9^ j —43 1^ jt 23 > j^ ■■>■■ cjtj ^ 1 Vlfl—ft t j - J ^ j II * i ft 51 At j * ; / i j au\ s I a d: 1 All %t j J i ■% tjl i AU * A

3.

Qere.

4.

tiljjj is an addition. jj> l (form I) means in CA I cross. The translator offers a new interpretation of the Qere by adding under your yoke. It becomes clearer once we read the commentary to this verse: aji/ift

jLil Loilj

(JjAj Vj (ilAisu La

5.

^LajJ dlaJj j L a

j C-lxJ I

j

r»I lj—I ^\\c.

—jVI]—d j > J

J ' ' J 'J

[Jj-2 'jj j J (Jjl—S’ J-fr (Aj )L^.

lij A c j l p ^ k ] I j J ^ J A

4^—5jl

VJ j jl -*-* 5 - iV^L-p U-aj c - L - ij j 18

MS A the word the sword, is written twice. The translator uses a reverse word order in his arabic rendering of the Hebrew verse. This form of plural is dialectal, where as CA has

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

•

The Edited Text

159

j \ \ i—t ^L-fcLJ y S jP -j Aili c*Vnh a^A jU i d^A dL i**d»A ^da^V! (_)^ ^"4^^ ^ L ^ L^ ^— lc> A 85 i**n$ i AlaaJj ^j^Llaa

Jl

C.L —— it o -----j

SHJ tf 1

51------- ■>------ * 21 y.j\ ^j - J i

A ^^dLudll CJ^x^a £ axJ

■IjLh Ij- J 1l j _ J j

J

\ ,.A

^jLo ^ J l

2 8

85.

Plural of meaning ‘a the half of a garment, sonsisting of two oblong pieces sewed together, side by side’ (Lane 1984). 86 . CA ® L ajJ I 90^ \IV n j j j a J j dAA (J ^ l jA fl A l^-Ld j l V j ^Ax-ol ^ l j Aj i**1aaA Aj ujJC -I j j

IJ - J j

0

jA

£ — *1j j — j &-----A— I y *

i> j > j Aj

*

* j j j o*U

aJj

— * j '1— * > ->-** *>- cM

jj

j- o

*1j L-

1j l ^ J Aj j AaII J £ A jjlA (J jjj SII ^ a Ij a

(j£ lu > Ig jd c J ^ J

y —jl—i ^

2------- • 29

aAj Aa II

J£ j

lJ j

$j£JI

(J j j j UII d j j j ^ a j A

j

I j a * juLL^Ij !)La.Vi (jit g^uij

A C i l L b j I I Ij y u

J—

^ujll til^ la j i—JjU

ft (> J b £1 y_2jL -al y — ilj 4 . 4\ jjil £ J j j — frjl---- i \j — 1

gj—£ ft— Jjl IJ —JJlJ f j tj j >

^jxaLill L_ij

101ijJl3 u 'j ti 3 ^ lj —Sj {L -iji ^ _ s j - i j —x

^ A ja . j lj) jln i c jjV I (JjaS I_>jl

C y*

if * J —S j - j j> LI----------- 5 i

I jjjL

j I^fUal J AjLaVI 98t_JUa

a W3JLUL l~ 102^ Jk t -*> —...Vi j— ! S j H •*i j j J, in the commentary of MS A, the term used is the one similar to MS B

96.

MS B UL-sl.

97.

MS B JL ^ .

98.

M S B ^iSxa.

99.

M S B 1*1 j*&».

100. M S B ^ I^ ^ ^ -J j. 101.

MS B

102.

M SB

103.

MS B

^jl lik. IjijL .

104. CA > ^ l . 105. MS A Midway between NA form and CA form, »/'A *»*>» do ‘afa/a/h and

do

lafd\ 106.

MS B u -> -^ J -o .

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

J_S (*'

c J_fr i

) J 1

---- 9 J — 110C j U j > 1 I ^ jia j

c j j j 109l j * J i ] l ( >

ij— jlj— ft j — J---- 31 jj'

1

112 j * i . £ j l a J I J S A 116^ j l j a f c

- j—j j j —S'—3—JJ

^

108^ J

. i l l i 107J a .1 i > 2 j a j f t l j Ij

J ^ lc . J a jl J

C l o l a f t j n 5 ^ g » « lj^ l n 4 t l l j j £

j £V

118^ ---- -.1 117ij j t f ^

J j i i J j I^ jou J l L Jixjl J V j A lii

y. ^ ,» .jj j — j— *

l _j J

a

^ j — jL— i j — jI— a— S j

1

A 15

^ LI La lh*n l_jJ a.

ft

A\ 16

J lo Ajoxa

, unlike most translators, Japheth ben Ali derives mashkim from sh -

khakh pv>. In his commenatry to this verse, he says: jo Ao^o)j 1^

^Jc.lillj Li.Li.Luj ^clLoAuLlLa^tj * jLo

»*■" Ij^jujSj

They have interpreted/translated mashkim as in Esther 2:1: ‘then the anger of the king abated’ (pvy). See al-Fasi, al-Kitab, jvyN and p>. 130. M S B Jc. 131.

M S B s ijJ .

132.

M S B ljW *

133. MS B breaks here. 5:9-17 is missing. 134. 5:10-13 missing. Normally the missing part is indicated by a blank page by the compiler of BL.Or. 2549 except in folio 29. 135. M S A v ^ .

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

164

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Jl

i»j 17

L ^ L J 1 > J _

jj

* * ^ g_j_Ja j —j L_jI jl—u>\ i j l j S u j ‘-*1

j

‘4V '. '

dijl -I Ij-J ^ 1— !jjl jijl— i A ^ U ill ^

A\ j

51

— c l—

J4-

J

JJJ

jI J —

JJ ^

..cl .

4 ■

J £ \j

t-^\\dlllij J^h A a L J ) C j j J j S ? U V I d f c

L ijlj

S (L I

*ij l f l

1 (3 ■

-A

iV l j -----U j U*ll 142(_j j l l J * i l i t . 141l > j j l j s j Ijl J j S j ^ iS JD J 1 4 6 ^ . 0 ,

A

150^ £ jL

JJC .

j

145U

( j j l l i a .1 ( j j i u u (ill

I—A >

Jbj VjS

136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151.

^

MS B ---- ±J. MS B jS»1. MS B V. MS B Ui MSBL-*^> MSBJ^. MS B .ail. Missing. MSB lR MSB IS. MSB M SBM . M S B ^ I. M S B ^J. MS B cXju! (j±jl M SBIj>.l.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

,

^

149

144

ill

1 4 3 ^ , ^

J£

1485_ u i^l 147i l l l j j j x

*

(>l J .* J ^ J J J -1 J -> A 20 JJ «-J ' 14J 4 J Jl ^ l&JJt^QJUilj C-JJAC.U Jl

oj^b 151|j^)i^

The Edited Text

•

165

1.1 J 1 J — j lj Jt— il— u< ^1— fr i l j j I—I —J * « «ii 21 l j — i j fl fcV jl ijl j ' j —j ' j —l j ft—fc V (* jl i j— ca: j —— JS& a! (jail JaIa. i ini» \j 182o^a Ij»^ A155lj it a j u i i ^ l j (jiiil 154ljjJajj j j j 153(jjjjC. ^ '■ i (^ 1— ijjl ^ jl— i jl j . j 1 1J — I 156 y Ijl * i 22 a. ^ 1 «l j — il j I j il j lj—J j l il— i . J j il j j frl j l j —ij j»Vj—c J a. |»l j IJj i a !j J^1—c. j * jj »: f . j 3j j — j— cl— -j l^jaa-u 161U qa ^1 159(jx*UI J j j J j i 158lji li j 157U Ja 163g~>olJ o j ja j V ^)Ai3l ^*»J J-a ill 162^iu Ja jll t** MS B Omits it in the translation. MS B V. MS B MS B ® MS B 13-A fL_^Vj . MS B jL-a. MS B breaks here. MS B 5:24-27 is missing. Qere.

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166

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

U$JI

1jSj

(j-a *■fllVi yjLuil AjSj LuuaIj

jl

j \j1 aa

A UI ^ j * j Ii

it—jl j

fa A ^L^Si—i- j j - J j j —p 25 d:^1— jSL-^ uij

A ^a£-L

> Ci

It u^

|

JL_* O-rh— * «4j— e. »

J j ll ^jIa jL o jIL (^ C j a J j ^jolaIL (J J j5t ^ >* >« AC-LoJk Ls l j a L I I Lnau

192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201.

aI ic .

j l i dll j l c .

jll

L_>Uj

(ill ^Jtlx-al

Jj^ .jll

MSB MS B MS B SIX MS B Omits J M . MS B US—. MS B jA i^ MSB jL_^_a_j5 Jl Qere. MS B ' jjaUJ V MSB jJ*U jxS jV . MS B jo j L.j .

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

172 I 1

• i

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

^1

^13—j — 5j

jj

J

as i

\ a y

1

a

\ 1— i

*

i q j

1,1iUJ^"1 4** C^J^' " 4**

A l^J ^JjLaJ A-OjUul!

* :j

Si

Sj 2

£ 202^1— J (JU , jl j

lj

S (fc

j

j

S

A

c > ljj u i j j l —

4 jt

ua u i I j L .

jU Jl

^

^ jAjoiA^q

^

%1

I 29

203j t —

*luJ

djfl L>*J ^ 1 ^ *® t^lLiuill

A

y.{L-A\—i ^ L J jJ l o-ilU

^ 28

(jA}l j]| ^Ll j A ^A

viijl

\ 27

\\

*: ^L-£jj £1 y qa b ULaa^t A t*tUul )j|

^ i» a*i ^

ft

1 *

j

fLJkV j l j L J u ^ - L - S 30 A2®5^Alftjlj ±Aj) ill

j

l^uojuul (Jfij L-iUaaJl 210ljlgj A i i J j>kull

202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210.

Qere. MT HW*?. MS B «.,L»l£. MS B >^a^3 ^iil jV fAjAut SjjA^o ^Al^p. MSB j UIoa. Both MSS A and B are identical. MS B ^j^c. MS B - j i j t 4 J LJL-4_1Ij ^ j—jI—j 218j - ! - ^ . 6 I j—1 f—j j j -vl|» ,i ..ft j - J t j j —aIj Ij—ft f j *il « j j I i '« i »:fl_iV £lj-l J > I j *

laA ^ LjJ L a J

IjS iii

^J

Ija J u u V

A 222f S i J b L ijU I j j W i V

> 1

J L J y - S

175 12

«m jj l —1 f > L _ w y a— u ^ 1 H S in £1—frlj ^ I »—« j —J y * -t & g jill 247^ = j «

La Ij j i a j l j 249 j L » j 5 l

246J l

J t f l 245l j ^ l j

jli

y u j i l C ljfL J

A Jjl j —J ^-ln-u^ (JjlS 251^ j S J jS j ^ 4j 25°.-,l.« f j ... &l

«l ft _L_S _ j | ^1 % j *1J

... c. j_&»—j 252L-i_c.J 13

l> - ij j j jJ j (» j 5 >m » fl i j II j j jjl j -r' * j * a I J j»L_a—j"l Ij_Jl J r» - - ■*. j l* i l> j j i L l i . j 254 j x a i * J l

A 257^ jjiia J

256j j j & J j 2S5lj»j.. h t ,1 « 272~ 1 ** .' *• 18 p j .V i ftJ (ji__jL_ft &l

41 ■■• * ^ ‘ '■• 4 j - jl >1 .t. A ■ ■

‘ 277C jL L 276^

l j

280C jI j

j U l l 275 j a k J i - L V I j

j i j i S j 279( j i j j

j—i—L- - 4 .

266.

M SB^A

267.

M S B J —j—J— 4—2—3 J l L_jIj.

268. MS B icliij [...]. M S B ^al*a Jj^-.

270. MSB I ^ •■ J—4. 271. MS B c*\ o^l. 272. MS B f —j—il—i—4.

273. MSB Oj SJI. 274.

M S B o> 5 V .

275. MS B (jjltia. 276. MS B jl 277. MSB^UV. 278.

M S B ^ IjS .

279.

M S B jJ L

280. MSB I 4W.

281. MS B Missing.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

274(j J a i V

4.M ,1 273( j o i J l

LftjjJI 278^ j a a l ( j a a j S J j i i l j j a j J I 281^

269.

jjj &

^ -L _ « j-fr I * j ft l—» IIj j 270l i t jL-ft 17 jVI—i j j - j O j *4lJ "4 JJ J JJ Afljl ^ J 1jjgJ jAa jjic-ls ^aU jlalj 271tiLoull

d ij jl ftj j>

265. MS B

V a lu lj

^ U te l

JaaV

> 1

•

The Edited Text

—jjj' — fjl—1

177

12^_5jLJk 19 »: f l - | j \ i d j . mtiV ^u]l 284i l 4ils JjS (jjjJajljLa 283^ j j j A Aj j i . (Ja.V

J_ C j ^1jl_A J —* Ij-Jk 2l—«—A _ J l ^ ■'--*j*11 lifc ^g-lc. A j JjLLujjj I S^qjj

f'—a—J—JJ—Ij —C. J_)l^ui_j

The Edited Text A -jj*

AjLaVI

•

179

1-^Lj (_JjVI I jj il V j

(> j jl i J J —ft (^L-uij ^ ^ j 1 i*i ftt j j j j - J 307^ J —k 29 »: JL (3 jL ]l £ jjll (^ t J A Allal^. ‘. “ ■"J 3A_j J® SO (j^ ‘ * • ■e ' j ^ t i j- 4 - r ! v - ^ - i 308J —“ *—ft v - S 3 0 II ■*■ ■> ■ ■

jVI—ft

^ jjiIa j I Ij I«->j 311J l _1 jL -JI

312 A

J(—Ji|

4A

" J1 J f1 < J I ?—'—* ^ 'j f1 I J ' ) ^ J_ft l_LJL_& lj_ lj f« S 314UJ*Ja^ f J 5* (1H ^ ^ 1 (jjjll £U ^ Ijij A ^

lj_ lj ^ L Jjjl

j»l

316d j ^ i V j 315S j > .1 U ^ i l l j U l b

f j l —3 (» _ j II— j (»— j — «L _ j

^ _ L J k 3170 - j ^ V

_L-fc 0-< d -ij-S -fc jj- f t j J (I J j sifj-Jl—. 0 - 4 —£ * J - J j - J - j L-L-Jj—ftl—fc 319t J a > «ll IjA 318U « J V j J l J j i A jU f y 322( j j j j j j j J jS I I S ^ a j V I j»J ja ( j j

307. 308. 309. 310. 311. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316. 317. 318. 319. 320. 321. 322.

32

I jjA d l i i

321V j 320< J a j 2 V

MS B MS Bj —J —c. ^_£. MS B The right side of MS is damaged and some words are therefore missing. MSBj*ill. MSBThe translation of the Hebrew >n*TN“ON) is missing. MSB j - L jj. MS A the scribe has been careless in transcribing MS B < j j *X MS B 4-x1»Ia.I ^-aji fX MS B J*jufl5j. M S B o -^ V . MSBJULV. MS B Ija is missing. M S B ^ iill Uirf. MS A Uses Vj...V neither...nor. MSBIj j ^ j .

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah A

Jl

(j-o d lfljj

.1 |J_A f l_c.L_A liijl—j—i 324L_j_jL_fcj 33

»• * j j ,>-1 A(j—i'tj

jl—A **'* * *■* ; ' j - j1 »* ■*' K

a j a . o A j ( > ^ 1 328( 4 J j UU I jjLkl 327J j£U 32^jall vJA

325

-Aj 34

Jj-2 f—jVI—UIJJ—J

Jj—2j o'—jI—a Jj—2 I ^ « «nJj —Sj —A _ 330J^ i. I j j j 1 331

3L_S

J y t j 1- ^ - J ( j i » Jya JlaC -l

Jj'''' ^ dj^-h- jl j / i A iij

■ a *a c- ii_ jlj |» j i >j

I >

a;f* < JJ J *> * —“ J J —i i f -i -“ j —!I c^l^La ^UaC 335ijX4l*Jl UJj (Jj5 ^ ^ ^ A fA j^ i 0 -

323.

MS B 4jj

324.

M SB L JL ^ jL ^ j .

jj Sj

325.

M S B jjS .

326. MS B 327.

j l l * 339 J ^ V I 338J 337^ V I j o U j j 336 j

(j-ul

I

ja.

1i*.

M S B J jS U

328.

M SB

329.

MS B ^ -J i-j-,* ..

jVI ^ 1 . a j

.

330. Both MSS A and B disagree with MT in that they add bD. They agree, however, with LXX and the Syriac versions. 331. MS B ^3jl. 332. MS B jl. 333. MSB 334.

MS B > K ,t,j.

342.

M S B U ^ J a -jj.

343.

MS B

344.

MS B

j^.1.

345.

MS B

346.

MS B

347.

M S B jj> 5 ^ V .

348.

MS B j V

349.

MS B

350.

M SB J

351.

M SB j t i i i

352.

MS B

353.

MS B f jjai.

f A j'iiC ’.

354.

MS B

355.

MS B Ja.

356.

M S B IiS .

357.

MS B -i»l.

358.

M S B J a.

^iL-ik Ijjjaxj.

>

^ i i>

« j 11 1 - 3 j.

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182

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

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» ^ Qere. MS B sijaJl. In the commentary, the form given is iJaJl, which is found in various medieval lexicons, cf. Lane. Al- FasI gives another rendering:

.jpoow NQt?> ipi...n^n^N r b ^Np>i p in u n i rpDUt^M a n n b H -nan t?>tn u n 377. It seems that Japheth ben Ali is the only one who uses this term. The closest term found is the one mentioned by Lane (1984): ajL*. ‘a certain kind of bird [found] in Egypt that does not alight upon a tree without eating all the leaves through.*

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

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© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

184

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

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427. MS B a , \J» Jj_J. 428. MS A 9:3-24 is missing. 429. MS A Is damaged here.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

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432. The reading of this word is very difficult. If my rendering is correct then we have here a North African term for a religious order and the place in which meetings and worship are held. 433. MS B In the commentary, the scribe vocalizes y of the word ^y with a seghdl instead of MT pathah 434. MS B f—jIj »■* « J —fr. On the vocalization of y with segdl see the previous note. 435. MS B j)** ^r-^Iaixj j-aj ijyac. j*a« JaI c_51c-. 436. M S B ^U ^S . 437. MS B ciH.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

189

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Cf. al-FasT, al-Kitab, DVT. CA: j^ x Aramaic vb / V. Cf. The Hebrew w b / ijl MT m v . The dh of MT is fricative whereas in our text is explosive d. This verse is in Aramaic. MS B o-ajl ^—u»j_c.. M SB g^ MSB 4 ^ . MSB >JLJ3 J j-i-J . MSB Qere. MS B Aiilae.. MSBUjo6 . M S B J^IS j j ,. MSB ji—*—i—i. MS B

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© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

IJA (Jld Ji**Jlj

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542. MS B Iyu^\. 543. MS B Vj. 544. MS B Ijaxjuu ^la. 545.

MS B

546. 547. 548. 549. 550.

MS B MS B MSB >-11. MS B MSB 3^.

jJj.

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196

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah A ljl* 3 J 552j J j J a i l ]

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557.

M SB j - 4 — X

558.

M S B I jjU

559. M SB ^li. 560. MS B Ij^-a. 561. MS B u. Without diacritical points it is very difficult to say what it is. But it seems that this particle is a marker of the direct object of Biblical Hebrew eth tin. See al-Fasi, al-Kitabf nN . 562. MS B jl—1j S u - ^ V . 563. M SBIil 564. MSB^I. 565. M SB ^I. 566. MS B (jjjLSj. 567.

M S B W it .

568. MS B 569. MSB

jj-aj.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text j—tij—fej

J_ftV

•

197

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571.

M S B J a I.

572. MS B^VUjjj 573.

M S B c jb j* * J l.

574.

MS B J&\.

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is missing.

575.

MS B jjj a a x .

576.

MS A The scribe has undertaken some corrections here.After writing: VajI^ij djju he erases and adds ^ to ^ jJ u V to end up with V.

577.

M S B ^ .

578.

MSB jl—a—mi—«

579.

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MS B Is missing, but adds jj£s. MS B J —j—L-L-j_J5Jl L_jIj.

584.

MS B V.

585.

MS B

586.

MS A CA

587.

588.

MS B

>\ j .1 L ^ .

MS B This word is transliterated in the commenatiy of MS Bdifferently: J M it differs from MS Aon the following points: No ’alif after the first he, which indicates the the pause that is indicated by the Metegh in the MT. The third consonant z is vocalized with pathah , i.e., short vowel a, instead the hireq, i.e., the vowel i.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

198

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah g — jV t »

jj

> * 1 j o ^ J —* — J

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^ 1— a4 Aiajlj djli ^gll j-o ^ j ciLji^. ^gAc. 3no 621. CA J J ). In non-CA varieties, it becomes: ji>J, but in Maghrebin varieties: j jj- J jj is further development of j ji- after the de-glotalization of the hamza/ second consonant. Thus mxzar mayzar. 622. Cf. al-FasI, al-Kitab, p’p n : He offers another equivalent to this expression: jjL S: cracks, frissures. 623. MS B The MS omits the Hebrew verse.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

202

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

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j i jli

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il *2 o n o m > o n jio n o o n o o ] 19 628:oni>a m o i Nano nybi 210 )*ni o ib o b oij? [Nano ___________________________ ypm o n ntin>3 m n i N im m i >-ijin 624. MS B The MS has an unusal orthography of this word, which is written with both hamzah and y a ’ * 625. MS B Breaks at this point, 13:8-14:3 is missing. 626. MS B Is damaged here. 627. MS B Breaks at this point; 14:10-15:16 is missing. 628. MS D Begins with Jer. 14:19, and is written in Hebrew script.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

•

203

NJiim* bN3 mod *jod3 junoon n’DNV o ’bi nn 3*i N3>3*i >nn >do N3b o>bi :*lNni3N N*TN1 NDObb N3>3*11 -."ft iiNon >d 13>jiiin )i)> u y o i n m > i m >

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© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

204

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Japheth ben Alis Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

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208

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• 229

767A

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” i*ro ibipi *ryabN p I ’NttbN ’a n a a i amnN N’ nbbN aNoa iyot>N : nv’up oan’ ’y m bno Nnuan’i Nnyoi’ bNi\y’ -.non p tn i m ibNii apy> o n m n ’ m a >a 11 :n’by ’ipbN p naai apy’b nbbN Nia *rp byi ana> bin w im bm p i by nm> am bN n n n p y o n o a 11111 w a i 12 :*ny naN ib ia>tn> Nbi m i p a o w ai nn>m ip a i p y >ia IN iai p ib N i [.....] i n ’by nbbN *i’a 768ionb’i p y °i*ivy ’a in a a n p ’a : NiaN p a i ib b iyin [. ..] Nbi p n p n a o n o a i *i’ym oisbNi ipabN

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: nm> ONi iyaw ’ >aio on mm p i o ’ inan w ai m m 14 : nbbN bip n ’a p pyaw’ ’aywi o tn b N p n o ’NbN oai ’i i n

n>ia by naao bm o n n o n >aa m i yow i nm a bip nm» io n na 15 :iii’N »a n ’ia by o m n b niNO n ’aao b m m y in nNiNyi Naa a’n i yot? ONibN ’a m a nbbN bNp n a : o n o ’b i n Nn’ia ’by nnynbN naN NniNbiN ’by

ONi inbyab law w’ >a n y o io *pi>yi >aao 7 ’bip >yio nm> io n na 16 :a»iN i i n o iawi nm> 767. MS A breaks here, 31:8-20 is missing. 768. MS D This reading is uncertain due to the bad state of the manuscript. 769. MT onnn.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

230

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

ind nyoibN 10 pi>y >yioNi N3abN 10 in i* >yioN ‘ybN m bNp >73 : nybN >pN 10 iy n o nbbN b ip *jmiN yo m iN p>n :[o b i3 * b ]

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Qere.

MS D Adds pnot?N. MS D >mo. MS D 31:22 is missing. MS A Breaks here, 31:23-32 is missing.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

•

231

miya m m onaN un* m y bai nun* na iao*i 24 :y*opbNa ibnn* nnaN nno ba >21 nun* Nn*2 iob>* :»nNbo n am 021 bai na*y 0 2 } >n*nn *a 25 : n*bo na*Ni 023 bai nub 023 n m *33n : >b naiy >moi n s ix i *nupn nNt by 26 : *b mb *mobi m oil mp*nt>N m n *by ynt nun* n*a uni bNio* n»a on *nym nm* oni o»Na 0*0* n 3n 27 :nona y*m o w *oin yu mm* bnNi bNno* bnN yuNi ‘ybN a*i bNp n*N3 on*n Nun : noma yui p ymbi nm nbi onnbi pmbi oimb on*by >mpo noNa n*m 28 :nm* ON3 yioibi nnab on*by ipON n*NPNbbi nwaNbbi ombbi *(p3bbi ybpbb on*by noaNn Noa pa* : ‘ybN a*i bip trwbbi Niabb on*by oaNiN iNia jnim pn o»3a >30110a *baN niaN uy iion> Nb onn o*o*a 29 1N3t?NbNi NaNbN onsnbN ibaN m m Pip* Nb ON*NbN ibn *2 : tm n piabN :1*30 n3»npn m a n baNn o w n ba mo* m y a o *n on »a 30 : n3N30 N trim onmbN baNbN iNtoNbN ba mo* nuia m m ba NbN n n a nun* n*a nm bNio* n*a on *mai nm* on} o*Na o*o» n 3n 31 :n o w my mm* bN yoi bN*io* bN yo yopm ‘ybN an bip n*N3 on*n Nun :U U 71N0 on*snnb o u a *p»mn o v a omaN on »ma io n n*naa Nb 32 :nm» ON) o a »nbya *aiNi *n*na on n an non i o n o n a o oniNnaNb om*a *aoon 01* *2 onNaN yo nyop *nbN mybN bno o*b : nbbN bip on *2 nooa nini *my 1202 on *nbN nso yin p J«— f 1— J J

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234

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah J

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© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

• 235

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236

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• 237

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846. MS Aj —jid—aj c_iL_x;ljL-a 3 i_ijl -»l_ a ^ i 4 a is left out from the Arabic transl tion.

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238

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

'I—A—J—&

1 i A (> j il * k ll V J J l* UI (^ jll J i^ ll ,»J«> -J 4*~- ‘ _'JT- - UI 885J > J U *J —# f t jj | j j

j

1

J j j j l — ui

44

.»■ DlNJIll. MS D >D. MS D Otwrp. MS D rm m ny. MS D n p . MS D n p . MS D OUN^N n p .

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

242

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah m\t> •>!•>Nn»n>b NnpbNa nbbN NnbyNa ‘ybN an bNp na

:OWT> Nb *13*31 Hlbl7> "p nt>lN1 73VN1 >bNN3p 3 :onsnyn ob m*nai oNoy ninNa 7-ihbki -poN ’nn ’’bN w*tn naim *ab» »*3 bin *mn a>yn >na by bNaw* >nbN nm> a»N na >3 4 :aann bNi mbbon bN oniun mim 71P0 m>a >byi ninobN mn n m ’by ‘w> nNbN anbN bNp na in :on3 >n>an awN tm n >n>a *n ONbobi onwan *n onbnb ow a 5 :nnya ba by nmn a»yno >ia >nant>n awxi >n«nai nbnp nbN PNibN nonn m no nbNi ’n’onai naia : onNTH

:* oni tnbw nany onb >n>bn o ’nNoai noaoi naaN nb *bby» >nn 6 :pni noNbo nyNaw onb mai bNaw» maw jini naw> maw *n >nawm 7 :poibN biN bno onoiNi bNnwn min> oao nnNi won 3WNtm>niny 896biab >nnboi >bwon 3WN ony ban e>nanoi 8 :>aiywa awNi >b ’b iodn nbN onam y>oib naiNi >b iodn nbN onoia ba p onnnom : t> 10m nbNi *1

i J

— i ' >— J J

h

\ j

ft _

^

(

i l

J_S _

6 j —

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t i l j - » .- .„«

1

y -1

J_* j L_jj_Ja_A —L-S J_e jj-frljj jl^L-Sj fl—jjl »:#V L _ u . j _ f r y -------------i j _ J 1 j l — i l f j _ M ' J S l

L J L J u -k

^1— j | j L ^ i l I J - J k — f J

M

«

ja jlj

JX > “>

^1

«l

Ml j j j — c

896. 897. 898. 899.

MS D Qere: MSD’-frN. MS D MS D Nnm

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j

— *J (*'j' O-h'——•>-* (»|j| 0 J J * i j —•—i»i il ft f—jV — A l— A ( j j i — * — j 1 3

j

*1 J

*l .1 ( J ^ j l — J J

j frl—j J j —c ' j j —«—i S jil

i^ S j j » j j l - ^ J l (J j i ( ^ J L ^ - J I (J j a ( ^ J J a I I lS j a ^ ' - a ' 'jjf c ! iS J*

^ Ija . A Jdil ( J l i j l f t i l ( ^ J j

900. 901. 902. 903. 904. 905. 906. 907. 908. 909. 910. 911. 912.

^ A x ll

MS D y^H p. MSD t m MSDo>^. MS D nonn. ms D vvymnoo^N. MS D PN). MS D lNDP. MS D o>Nna. MS D nip. MS D 11DPN. MS D D^N. MS D yy>m. MS D Breaks here, 33:12-13 is missing.

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•

—i t

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

ftlj ^ L J jjl — < jjL J j»_ ill—j ij , a\ j ^ * A 1 4 — (J—C j J—jtj »■! j »*1 j .1— Jl Jjl—Jj jL _ il Ljj_ia_Jk jl—j|J »: lit A Ii j $ j J l (_5ic. J J jl jjjij J l (_Jic.913 JuaJI J J ill (JjaiI i l J j i AjLa. ^Lil Ij jA i*i j frl

j j |» j til

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i 15

i «l j

*'l> ■>»j I*1 4 * - 1 ■■•> f- j 1 *1'1 ■>» ~ -1 Jajuj aII^c- CiUj jjlal c±u\ oSjll tillj ^ a j j»UVI tillli ^a 1

A

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J j - 5-

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f

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j ft! ft

4t j -J 1 6

1 j Vi —yuit Ij j Jt—ial— jV

A jjL JaV li

^j V I j^ j j j j A ULc j j j 5 j l i l J la ( ja S A

j —1 _ i j

J 4 J lj j V l l

j - £

j . j . j—* (^J—j—ft j—jjlJ — i t j l _ i j _ J i ^

(I J i > J 1 * ^ -L..JJ

1 » — i l J jl

J } ^ ' £ -» *1

m S _ J —ft ^

J

j j —j _ {—a . 2 1 j l j — » (j—I—J

»:^l—j il—i —• 913. MS D In the margin, MS adds a relative sentence: nnofo ’tbN in conformity with the Hebrew text. MS A, however, omits it. 914. MS E Begins from 33:18. 915. M S E pN bn. 916. MS E nnmbN.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text Jfc M

a

• 245

917J lj Al A-ojV^ Adiljlllj AiuijS

A

j j ^ ^ j —l j - ^ j l —i l 22 L - jj U £ j l j L ^ jl 0 - J - S f t - * - *

£ lj j5£l c2lli£

(J-°j lS^ j Vj LajuJI (Jjo&. 1 -U3ljli! J

A

j-A L _ ^ j_ !

_ Jl ^L-ijjl

d:jj) j j jt—ll_4 j ft! j Vi

—j —jJ fcl a -j—J 5 —IL^I J »1 j

959A

j^jaj

4

ij d i j — aL-j

tl ft 1 J) jl A —J—u>i

cdLd j * 1j j l£ j j J l 954J a

^

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Urt jjl—A

* 1,1 j uj' i^j—*j ^

952 Ij j^j dlLo jAlA’ix^a ^nll jAU-gjj 9. MS E *J>£>lON0\ MS E omits the particle L. MS E H!b. MS E HQNt7t72. MS E p"INnD t?nD. MS E *|12N. MS E Omits MS E . MS E omits ^11. MS E MS E omits the particle l. MS E *T>t^N. E Uses a shorter version: otw m >9 iod ^n m n in>Q*i> iond . Normally, the Hebrew phoneme n is realized as a guttural h and transcribed by the Arabic guttural £. !mn , however, is transcribed by the velar sound £ kh el 961. MS E lm .

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah U L > 964 J * J c f e A J c

966(j-i« I

l t i £ - l l 962lj>j (j*

h l s

J

Jt L-jl—fe _ j _ i l jt_jtJ—A 8

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j 4 ■lj fX ■in i 1 1

1002^ ^ J J [ (^ -^ 1 ] ^ llijl j

J A n x l 1005^ £ ] j j S l l ^ A j-« J

1 t

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998^ j j l l ^jj| ^ j x a j 997 j

1001^j*JaSj

oil

jt

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Ijlja !

4 i —I j —I f L i l ^ L J j i l jt_ a l - j - S

1004 ^ A j A u I a

17

tS J > ^ (/—*—*—4 J ) J « J>-^ J j O-—i' j j j j JJ—*—1 — J ' j J —j'J—4 — Jl V jl ^ l 4 — Jl ijl—jjJ t f j '—3 j j j j (»'—iV i j i I 4 4 J j - i —l 1006lj-frtJ _ S f L ^ * J l J —tt,

*TbN. MS E OJVbD. MS D onwbD. MSS D and E ^jSll is omitted. Qere.

MS E ODDN. MSS D and E o5. MSS D and E wooji. MS E np>£nb. MS E prwbN; MS D pnybN >*nb and omits uu.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text A

j V I j *j .1 j j 7 a\

j J

ft

\

1045.

1046.

1047. 1048.

1049. 1050. 1051. 1052.

\

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1041. 1042. 1043. 1044.

\

V

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j!

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£ JJJ *J^ ^

MSE-nn. MSDnODO^N. MS D bnN. MS D V3Nb». MS D N-IDD. MS E Within the commentary to verse 6 a change of manuscript occurs by means of a kind of collage. The last of the MS E is NQbl and MS El begins with NQbl.The dominant idea among scholars is that it is the same manuscript by several hands. A closer examination, however, would reveal that it is a collage of two manu­ scripts, structurally different. MS El looks like MS D. MS El IbNpl. MSS D and El NiHN. MS D N31. MS D V is omitted. jl MS D and MS El CQ>m MS D Breaks here, 35:7-11 is missing.

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254

• Japheth ben Alis Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah J* 1053ljS-fi ^ J Jj f S l jjSj Vj j l l 4 ^ S J \ 4a,j Jc. SjiS ^Ul Ijij»j

fL A ji

> b j $ HH* * JJ 0-H U jL J j- ^ - u J j- J L - j ^ L -4 -^ —JJ 8 * j 4< j — J —S Q jt j — i* J * i ^ 1 1 I 1 J - J l j_ ^ J —it

J

d

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Lq A U jU j j £ j t j t j

105 6 U ^ J J 1055 l V u , 1 1 0 5 4 J

t il—^ ij f j L

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j i i j

J — it

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j tj- J jj

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f t t l— J

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257

^ 1 j 1107^ l 1106 j L ^ t j - £ j - AL - j — J —£ f

1 g >L , 4—0*1 jL - y a l > J - S J J ,4.,,

j l —4t p

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j Jit j AL-gjj Jli 1115dm lj 1117(^51l l_)^ Ail 1119^Sjj*^j La m8)*j,afr ^oLaC.j oLiLwaj J£

I j—1 NbnbN. MSDnbN. MS D On’bl> J1DOND. MS D On’bv J13DND. MS D Ob. MS D lbnp\ MS D ombl> JIHNl. MS D Ob. MS D MSDirobnNb. MS D Ol’pbN DlbN. MS D m MS D 1»KDX MS D ODNX1. MSS D and El bNivn. MSS D and El b n idt p DNUvb yopi> Nb. MSS D and El ON>NbN.

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

36 o - i (*—j—

ij i j ^«*■ j * j .o'—»11 Laaj

•

261

d u j 1164^ ll j^ aJl

jA ltf J j L-JjlSJl ^LoUJ! /Jjjj La.

ALS.1^j jl i L i (jj j ALj a ^ j jjjiuC.

J (jllnllj

A LaiJj l i J £ j jALm^ /jj

jl— i! ^ - j j L- j JL-A — J —£ & _ J j) j a^L-frl—fc

*jl—j j

jl ^ j

1 , j ,>

jj

13

i j n j £ j j l —J j j - 4 —j ,< j

1 ^ jla a A ^A^i^.1 j

A^jill £AJO) ^

0 - * i jj

j

JJ 14 L _S

j

L -A 1

i u —j £ j j i —j £i—i —j j a j

j j 11

i_>j j a L a u J j i j i j & 1167 £ j j L J l l u i j j l l I j L i j l g** J 1170 CJlji 1169^ i l 1168£jJI ‘tfjS jaLJU (jj ^ j j I j

1173U.iie. J l 1172^yj,j ijl±u 1171# i^ ^jS]l

A ^Al^j »Au 1174£ £ j j l —J I j —S—j j

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1164. 1165. 1166. 1167. 1168. 1169. 1170. 1171. 1172. 1173. 1174. 1175. 1176. 1177. 1178.

J

JI

j l— i I—5 I j—2 j L J k.»., ,t «loi>N. MSS D and El ’rtw. MSS D and El Nn’3. MSS D and El Niro. MSS D and El TO. MSS D and El fO'!w. Pseudo-correction, MS D dPib Pn. MSS D and El omit > MSS D and El rfr. D and El NnfOpNi. MS A the subject, Baruch, is elided and the third person feminine verbal suffix, ha, is added to the verb qara’a. MSS D and El have f m NlpD.

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

jL ^ J -J - it it t 4 A ^ ^ _ j t j 16 i j > »■i j > A £ jjt_ * -J' j j — J < J 1 JJ d:^L-jL—A jjI—jJ-Jb —.J -^ 1179t o jit tJC- ja L-llaaJt (JS ^C-Lojoj JUC- ^jl£ A UjjaaJl alfe tillil J f i J £JjW^ IJ®Aj ^ ^

_ Jt i —it

L i - i - i L i 5 _ j t L i \ J >A J J

6: j 4.id >» ft

C J i - * - J' J J —* > 4 > 19 »:^l_j) j 8 jl ^I.Vi-».. J Jl J —jIj j ft! j «j—JJ J A U . j j j C jjI 1187

1186J lia

J».lj

i t J tJ j % ^ , , 1 1 . 4 A — Jt j t j jt J J 20 JJ j - j - i j —« - * £ ' — »l L_*—»_A _ i l i_ A l_ iV J j j J _ i l g —B— g 3 L - i - u 21 l—Alj I j j j j *i j. j t.i j ‘*j—j j —H_a_ 4j 22 f-j j . jt_ J l A 1

d ilj ^

« ;

^ i ill ill j£ ju ill ^ 3 ^iiudll d j a j ^ 3

A n92J *

* * *

nil v ttlla ll

j

i i i a-IaS j j j l £ l l j

L_frl—jjlj i j —jVa oi>Jt—w J j —0—j j j —i—S ^ j jlj 32 J l - J —* _ Jl ft j I ,t, ftj j —j—i j

:..

ft j _ f t l _ l _ j l_Al_&l j —*—i

jt_dl j" j* A J r- ^L— *—4—4 _ J * ^j i _ A—&

A_ Jt j' s i^ l—Jk J _ c

1195A jujIj J j j ' u94^£ J j f c i 1193slJ Aic. j l £ j jUll 1197Jc. 1196J llj i_±jl£ll jduo l*ii> jUll J c 1198 ^ f U J l jjilSlI J c Jli A jjilSlI J c 1199Jli J—i j

ft-JL-a-Jk 1200 j>l j 4 J*1 « .1 j —&jl—i Ij - J j a:M jl ■ ftf—-jj' ti 1 ft

A ‘ jl~ A H j

t ft1

j t -1

i *

jj ., 4 . c j j ft!

> j ftl

lj_Jj

j A_ aI—3

Ij—lj 24

_ J —S di_fl f> ,i « » j mi ft jIa! i & _ j £ j lilLdl ')y Ijiu L«j I jc jsL«j

i

t

>

4AA J £ j j » al mil aA jjC

jV a j j l

dll l_ijj_ul ^

^

i II j»l—c j 2 5

1 1 J I£

"

y.pL i - j

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II

J l IjttiuU j f t U j a C j jAUVAj j lj lill Luajlj a

1191. 1192. 1193. 1194. 1195. 1196. 1197. 1198. 1199. 1200. 1201.

J j i i jda ^U-oll 1201 j l J ^ l J i i l ^ 1U I

MSS D and Enat>n. MSS D and El nbKJWO. MSS D and El Nip. MSS D and E JWbJi. MSS D and El niUfobN. MSS D and El NDNpbN. MSS Dand E ’bN. MSS D and El nbinbN p m . MSS D and El nbN. MS A The direct object marker eth ^ is missing. MSS D and El pin.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

a

— (lit jc__!t__*_A tj) i/i jj 26 _

i l j J jt

j j j —fr j _ i

j At

j

jlj j —i—Sj —ui—A £ j j l—j (ill (*i •>> o: J —ijil f—jj j 1 m 'tj l)^ J*- J Jl*il (ji JUI ^ > n j j uiil£il ^ jjL Aa'i Jil-iic. (ji jAljJt >uj Jt Jill 1202L «A j5m j ^ j j l t j A l x o j J j

u«j[j_ui £ j —a]I j—At—j—*j—j — Jl J —ijjl —jt—iJ ^ $ jlj 27 _* £ jjL j c— it iilS jL— uil ^-ijti. i.j.1 A(illj S) i > > (ill ^ tl o A #:jj —« , j t j Al j jj—i uiS 1204J]1 uJ mJIj DU-ll JLJI 1203(jlja.1

jaU jj

J l iil u l k jl£

A V jS j A l i a j J J

( j*

^ J jW

j[l 1 j j tt ~- i_jj£Ij ^ j^ l 1205 *L » J l la. J J j a l 1207J i l J j ' i l AlaJl J d Ciil£ 1206J i t J j i I

j —S jl—* j-i l3j—4—j — j —St—* (» j *il JJ j j — J—&j 29 Jl

J J _ 4 _ 1 _ J L i j j —A M—i _4—A (ill

1* *tjl

jl j j_Jt—a j \\ j J—Jj j

I t_AVt_C. I 1 jt ‘it S ^ Jil *

^ l [ 3l . . . ] n n m y >byi nbra P in n>by tpjid n i rpb3bN b3 m irp b n >byi ob\yi*i> >obNi >bvi orpbb 1219:ib3p’ obi on>bN t d o n d >nbN n>bv ana>i *iat?n m n j p i n a bN ron>i n*mN nb >o npb in > » v i 32 *ro» o n i n*nn> *jb» o»p>in> »*i> >an :n»na o>aa o>*m on>bv 7011 1220n n 3 p i n i >bN n t in w n i thdn nbio *tdn it v o t i HbN INJIDbN 303 bD ITVarP >Dyo 1221Nn>3 3J131 3J1NDbN n d P v 1222*tnin n *>n i 3NibN3 n*nn> p a o ’p ’irp npnnN o n b n o r r v r o 3od

MSS D and El lN t»N . MSS D and El noma. MSS D and El omit dL. MSS D and El m . MSS D and El omit iA=Jl MT no dagesh forte. MS A Breaks at this point. The Arabic translation of v.31 and v.32 are missing. Direct object marker. MS El Ends here. After a lacuna the last line ends with na i n i n n o n . E begins with na w i n n o n . 1220. MS E inn). 1221. MS E Nn’by.

1211. 1212. 1213. 1214. 1215. 1216. 1217. 1218. 1219.

1222. MSEWTtN.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah 37

j-A J .1 *1g

I I » > jl—lil |» J

JJ . $ ,J _ j —i j A) j_ y S

# : l j j _ j — i o * J — i \ MSS D and E odwn 'iVHibH. MSS D and E DV3£>. MS D miOb OD^, MS E ODb msiA. MS E WCl. MS E omits > MSS D and E omobN. MSS D and E imNfVI. MS E omits oi*. MSS D and E na>. MSS D and E N ino.

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•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah 1258j j ^

a

i

% \

1257L

J _ j —a. _ J _ S -J < j L ^ I

»'tj* jl

Jj i —

.i t J j j —A j

(> j j

«til

*i j S ft _ b. MS D y n o \ MS D OJlbnp t> ODiNO , MS E OJlbnp DIIJN 1b 1*0 . MSS D and E wy. MSS D and E o m o . MSS D and E OD>by. MSS D and E Omit MSS D and E lpn>l. MS D yimp> n :ra a o bnbN, MS E iqip> nm so o bn. MSS D and E yoi. MSS D and E *TVNm MSS D and E onvtobN. MSS D and E nm. MS D Omits ^jill -k-j ^J. MS E VO.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

.^S

In

The Edited Text

-.1

269

C u t 1272jjjj 'I ‘'■XU

A

J

•

14

J - A\ J.. 4J —I

p —j\ £»_«l—i l > J j (JjAj ^is ^ J l (j^al'nn/' J » » ijl 1274JLa*o 1273j & l x « j j (JliS

A 1276Lm j j j 1I J l < A a .j < la fu a J j 1275 j J «*« J J * J-A>' ‘ ‘ *: VI S A a 1278lu>jj J c . LuijJ l 1277JaijjiS 1 jA Aj V (-llK II (jljU j^ j C uj 1279tj^- ■■'" d u j A 1280( j > >ull d u j

'JH »-# y - S 16 ■Ul 1282pt f j 1281JjaJI Cjjj J I j

joJI

Ciu J l

j AIujj

J*

A ajjuS ^Ll jA U jj ^

4—j

^ i jj j Al j Vi jj

J -i J — * > 4 l

46j l j

a

A

a—«_a j «*«

« jj J*

J

« J — i 'i *

t^lLoll AJUjJJ ftA^lj jAUSAa^ tidLall 1 2 8 3 \°i JlSi D*VHVt>NpD. 1274. MS EIT).

1275. MS E n!?ip. 1276. MS E Ntmt?N. 1277. MSS D and E cot?. 1278. MS E imm>. MS AThe first time we meet the Arabic yirmiya version of the Hebrew proper noun yirmiyahu, cf. MS E 37:14. 1279. MSS D and E tnnbN. 1280. MSS D and E tnrfcN. 1281. MSS D and E N>N)nbN. 1282. MSS D and E vb). 1283. MSS D and E tttnND. 1284. MSS D and E rm>n.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

I— « j

ftl j Vi ^ j —31— o_a _ J) j —Al—j—

fi 1 *i i _ ^ - S

j j —»j—j j 18

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a:VL-S-Jk ■jl

till 1286Cu]ail

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(_$l jAllSAua lillal] jkLujj 1285JlaS

A O-i^l ^

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j

A m* 1289J j j —« j I j»l—iV jl-....i. i j —wl fl i jl j . j i 1291 _ L -ij-^ J k jl—iil—3j—j—j du_i_i

A

£

C lj^ l

_ d i| J j — i—L _ i— IJ J j»— aV J j

J frl

^ j —3 J

*>j ^ '■> •kN

’il

'J Al

j j i a . Al— I J

A J —£ (kj—j i —& (— j—Sj l — A (j*3J

1285. 1286. 1287. 1288. 1289. 1290. 1291. 1292. 1293. 1294. 1295. 1296. 1297. 1298. 1299.

MSS D and E bNj?l. MSS D and E Il’OD. MSS D and E fan. MSS D and E aiwbN. MSS D and E in . MSS D and E Ji’3. Qere.

MSS D and E dd’Sd. MSS D and E Nb. MSS D and E >-pp. MSS D and E W in . MSS D and E £>. MSS D and E nNWNl. MSS D and E S. MSS D and E bD NDD.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

Al

Al

j— «J—J

-k J— a jkj

\ a j —j >.i

j

1

«ii j JJ

jA U a jj IjCCjI1296j jA ljS ln i lilloJI

j j j l i a J l (J jm i ( j o A I jU a o A j l i n*>

j

■>%£ -3 1 — a—A IJ —i A - j j 2 1

» :ljL J a — a—A j l —*ti—a1— i j IjUaoA jL -a a .

^1 ^ jJ jj

(kjj3l

1298^ 3 j i i .

1297a3 ^ k u ijj

jALmjJ ( j o l ^ j 4jjA oII ( j o ^ la Ja ll 1299£ - |^ j J l

The Edited Text

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271

38

- J -S d» J -* J j J j& jJ ia j jftlu,.H >ii J J J l S x j j j j j " v a V j 3 1303? j S ]| 1 3 0 2 ^

.'A

j a ! J L . j j l i a ( jj 1j L i.t. ^

13 0 1^ 1, t ,U ^ 'I 1 3 0 0 ^

j j ftl i ci j , v j 1 *kt j »:< jL aIj JVL-JuJ j i J Ij-J — I • .-I 1304L_jL_fcj i timiUj ujjai 4jj^#ll «Aft, ^ 1306^ l 1305jx JU l u jj Jla 1310j j £ j j (jij*j1309j 1308jjjjlA ^I J l jrjliJ lj Ujllij ^ jjJU 1307j A

jl—j—J

A j - j .ftl—A J

1312t f j J J

1311S jL j, A x a ij A l

j *1 ~i 1 J j *il 1 ft (^ L J jjl jL —«l j —S 3 « :» |jl_ ft_ J j J I _ J _ j jt_ll__» J ^

A ' j ■^ ■“j j JjL lillo Jjj AjjAoII »jft -I.-* -J . Jjl Jla (jjS

IJ—A (jti jl A LI I—j i*i «j— _L (J j—J — LI

- J' '■» ft 4 9j —• J —A J - j —s — J —& (>r_S

j j I J —ftL_A _ J —£ ^ i _ j L —jI j L j J —A j —i—ft L-j p—j j - 1308. MSS D and E o m o b N . 1309. MSS D and E Omit > 1310. MSS D and E -l’XJii. 1311. MSS D and E N3bt>. 1312. MSS D and E vy’9’1.

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272

•

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

0- t W

^ aDA J

>j* jVI JSSa dlUI lu jjll 1313JlSa

1314(jjjl4ilo]l i_jjaJl t—ll->wil (jDj ja Ail aDA (Jxa ■ i H —

£ fl—i ‘l j. .J J —A — ^

i t j Al j Vi urt j —il « A j —a j _ j j 5 a: jl j|J ^L_a_jI jc_il a A j —j) ^£ddj 1321elDjA jAbSDua dlLil Jlia 1323a

Jc. ^

jdL dLil o J 1322(jli

is n a i o n p o n p m»abo n a n bN w x la b o n m > o n a n w p n 6 rn b o n m o o n :o> oa m > o n v a o n o>o o n >a o>o v n *>iaai o ’bana v i’o n o n n m >a nbN -jbobN p in ’nbo nnbN 1325>a nipbNi in ’o n 1324v ipn i vnoiNa u p a p o m no m b nnbN >ai bnnbNn in ’o n ibtnN i m o o n : pobN ’a in ’o n m > o n on o n j >a ib o n n>aa nwh t m o o »n >oian ib o ta v v o o n 7 :) o o a a v o a a o p b o m n a n bN in ’o n ibvi oniN -pobN i n i ’a im o in d bin 1326>ombN p o m v v o tn : ioon *ivo ’a obNJ -jbobN indi I ’nbN >a siONb p o n bN m m p a n n»ao p o *rav ns>i 8 : Nbip *[bobN P n noNm TbobN i n i io ibo inv rina o n N’asn m ’o n b io v i o n ba tin nbNn o>osNn iv m p o n >jin 9 :i>va n v o n b n pN >a n v in >3ao v n n n n o n n a n bN ia>bon i o n 1313. MSS D and E ibNp. 1314. MSS D and E V’pNlbN.

1315. MSS D and E in o ’b. 1316. MSS D and E nnNb©. 1317. MSS D and E Ntnb. 1318. MS D llwbN. 1319. MS D ba. 1320. MS D Nbabb. 1321. MS D IHNlin. 1322. MS D IN. 1323. MS A Ends here. 1324. MS E noN. 1325. MS E ’bN. 1326. MS E ’VanbN.

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The Edited Text

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273

1328’llbN 13271TT>OT>n t> W Nn y’OJ ’£) OlpbN ’blNn ION ibnbN ’*T’0 N’ *tn ynbN bap p nyam >3 nNn o n ’p i in nbN a’abN ’bN nipbN nbN : m n n b N 1329n onvo o ’b o»w jn o ’\ybw n m i*r»a n p m Nb >man ib n ta y nN ib n n m an 10 :nm> o a o a N»ajn w m m jin n ’bvm N bn 1331vnN bn 1330NJnn in i*T’a id Nbip ’oiDbN ib n aayb ibnbN Nan : m n ’ 1332in bap m b N in ’ajbN in ’nm ayaNi n p n aaiNn n n n bN ib n n n»a Nan n » a o ’osN n nN ib n ta v n p n 11 :m bana n a n bN m m v bN o n b o n o ’nbn nbai 1333m a n o n nba ovtm m N obN bDNi ’bN fbnbN i n i ’bN Nn n a n bNnbN ib n nay td n ’bN in ’n i ’ ’bN onNbDi 1336n n n n n pnai 1335ooabN paa o n in 1334id n ’i tbNinbNa “1’ibN o>nbnm m a n o n »mba nj o >o m > n v bN >vnan ib n *ray a«N n 12 :p w m v w tj’banb n n n n i n ’ m b’aN n n n n n n n n b N ooabN paa iNbN by>N im n a ’ ’bN ’oiabN ib n aav 1337bNpi 1339: i n i d im n a ’ bvsa 1338banbN n n n in i n ’ ondn n n n ia w » n 13 m b N in n n yaN i bNanbNi im n a ’ m ) : n a o n n nan ’3 m w obn n b v n 14 ’3 nbN nbNnbN baanbN ’bN ’aibN im n a ’ id n i im p aa ibnbN boiNS [...] n n n n a n Nb ’\y p njn ib ’No im n a ’b ibnbN bNpi nbbN m a m w

mNn

15

1327. MS E WQ-P1. 1328. MS E >1^N >0.

1329. 1330. 1331. 1332. 1333. 1334.

1335. 1336. 1337. 1338.

1339.

MS E Adds >pn. MS E NJHNn. MS E P. MS E IN. MS D Qere mint?. MS E 7DN1. MS E VV2. Cf. al-FasI, al-Kitab, r t e PNibb Nb >nbN mbNibN piDbN. MS E bNp. MS E bNinbN. MS D Breaks here, 38:13-21 is missing.

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•

pbv

Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

t >o n n in i

mn

Nbnp ’ib n p n

oP n

piiD N

ntn

m ’p is b in ’o i ’ bNpa : m n o o bnpn Nb

VaOM 16 pbn >ibN nbbN >n Nbip m o b N ’a im om b im p ia ibobN ib n : i n n pnbNobN oipbN *t’n iobON in ibnpN in odP n

IO N ’1 17 1N b m o ’ nNbN oppbN nNbNbN mbN bNp n o im p is h imo*i’ bNpa p rn n Nb m n o b N m m i o a i o ’vn b n ib o n o i *i P n a i m m a ind : i n n bnm niN o ’vm -inP n i Nan Nb ON1 18 o n o a b N *pn m n o b N m n o b o n b a m ib o N o n P n n o n ob in i : o iiT p nbam Nb jiini i n P nd N m p m ’i

m » p ia ib o n i o n ’ 1 19 p*TbN n n P N biN p o m o ndn im om b im p ia ibobN bNp : n n vb m a o m ’n o io b o ’ Nb ’a o n o a b N

iionjion

lb

u p

>nn

id o n do n in

m>0 1 > IO N ’1 20 nbNb nbbN bip bapN p o b o ’ Nb im o n ’ bNp : i o a i o ’vm

}NO ON1 21 nbbN o n u n nbN iNODbN in m n PiabN iv ’dnjio m a p i

baa ib o n o bN n w a io n*nn> ib o n»aa u n o i i o n o ’o in ba mm 22 :*win n o ) i b n i a a iv a o n io b o >ojn ib P a n p m o n m o N mm ib o N o n P n JiN nao n n m ib o i n i ’a p p m pnbN ’o P n ba m in i p b n NobN m i ’a iao*i in o N b o m p b v im p i pm nNb’Np p i ban : ib a P n ii n i Ib o *r>a o t ’ o o bo n Nb nnm o n o a n bN o ’ n vio p ia i p o j ba n w 23 :ONa i* io n m vn n»i o a n n baa ma p a on m p nbam o P niNi o n o a b N P n p i n a o i ’iai in o i bDi . iNibNa p rn n m n o b N m m o a o m baa ib o :m n n Nbn nbNti o n a t a v t ’ bN o>n im o m bN m ’ p ta io n o 24 n v’ ; m o n Nb ’nn aoDbN m n n m N in v ’ Nb in ’om P n im p ia bNp : bnpn Nb n o ob N)- m » in iP n n o m iP n w a i in N > n ia i o n o n ivo o » >ai 25

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text : 7b o n f b x

n o ) t n ’O) Nb) w o o t n a n b x

7b o n

•

275

bx m a t

’o >x x n a a -p iib ip ’i 7’bx iii’a 7 n n o x a o n x o n b x iiv o o ’ x t x i :7bob 7’bx a o x a ’O’Ni 7bnp) 1340xbi x )o o n a n xb 7bobx ’bN naoN a i n n m n>a o a ’o n »nbab 7b » n »)ab ’m n n >jx b ’a o o n ’b x n t o x )

26

: o o n )o b

in n m m a >bx o n ’ ix f i b -jbobx o x t p ’Vtan

n in

v p io onb bpa : o n m obb

»bxn o » t a t n b a a o n b t i ’i m x i b x o ’1in » o t> b x o ’t o n b a )xa>) 27 : t a t n v o o ) xb ) w o o ) o t n w t b o n m a t o x

x a i n b x aoab x nboia o n ta a x a m b x o i i m o t ’ ’bx o n o b x ba ix ia : o xb ab x v o o ’ ob t x m v m a o a *jbobx n t a b ) t o x a n>n) o b o n ’ n t a b ) t o x o)> n t o o n t a n a )n> ot> a t ) ’) 2 8 :o b o n ’

n a io x o a ix a i o b o r p n a io n o i ’ ’bx m o o n ta n ’a in’o t ’ obi) : o b o im 39

7b n

t a x ) t a ) i ) x a ’t o v a o t n a n t)n > *[bo ) m p t a b m v o n n m o a l : m b v vwm o b O ) f b x )b’n ba) b a a

x i t o x v b x t n o b x ’a n t in ’ *ybo im p ta b n v o x n b x m o b x ’a ix a i : x n ’bv ) ta x n i o b o i f ’bx n o w ba) baa*jbo t a n a m : t ’v n n v p a n o t n b n v o n a » v a tn o t n a ) n ’p t a b m o n t o v ’n o v a 2

n m o b x nnn a v a x tb x t n o b x ’a )n’p tab n t o v n n x m o ’a )as m o o t a x t o b i t ) *pnn t v o a )a o » ) b a a *jbo > to ba )xa>) 3 :b a a t b o ’t o n ’t x o ba) >o a t t a x t o b i t ) o » t o a t o ’a o t o

i d m o o t a x t o b it) w x o o ib x axab x ’a io b ii baa 7bo x o i t ba ibata baa 7bo x o i t n ’t x o bai i o a t t a x t o b it) o ’t o a t o ’a o t o ix a» i i n t a n n o n b o n »0 ) x b ai n m m t b o w w p ta o x t t o x a »n») 4 s n a t v n 7t t xa»i o ’n o n n p a t v o a 7b o n p 7t t t ’v n l o n b ’b

io m a i n t n a a tn b x a x n a x bai in’p i a 7bobx o n x t x o a ix a i : n aaob x p n o ’bx it a i 1’t io b x i’a a t t ’a 7bobx ix )i p ’t o m n o b x m i x m p ’i m t» m a t v a i n ’p t a n x w o n o n ’t n x o n o a b ’n l a t t ’i 5 : o » o a o o m x t a t ’) n o n t t x a n n b a t b n n

7b o

t a x t t a ) a ) b x )n b v ’)

1340. MS D Written twice.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

niavsN i nnaN a i n n ’ m aav ’a in ’pau ipnbi onaba o n o a o n n b aa 1341: NONanN nvo obam n o n p x ’a nnbaa baa ib o a s n a ia i P n naa n u n ’ N o n ba

n ^’ ni

: nbaa P

n

m ’p as o a 1342 baa ib o o n o n 6 nbaa ’a nnm m a im p a* o a baa ib o naa baNa ib o

nniN iN b p i ’pbNa n i ’p i

m ’plV ’J’V ONI7 nov im pa* p m

Ib o n n ’a n m 8 o b o n ’ in io n i nNibNa on oabN ipanN avobN a m i ibobN i n h :n p j an> n w 9 nP N u o n d o n pabN p o N n o o b N i m n o b N ’a ppNabN oipbN n’pai : baa paN’obN o ” a p N a m i nbiN ppNabN oipbN n’pai ovn p i

10

Yin ’a paN’obN o ” a a iN a m j Npa ’o nb o P nbN n m b N oipbN p i : oi P n ib a ’a aNaii o n a onb novni m in ’

nm n : Nbip paN’obN o n p N a m i a n im o n ’ P v lin ia ia i m i u n p 12 byaN iN ia i P n bip’ Noa NbN n a ’o na bvan Nbi i ’bv p p bviNi m a

:n y o n b o o 13 aa a^N a o bim i o n o aa 1343m aio ia J i paN’obN o ” a p N a m i boaN :baa ib o NbiN bai io

inboo 14 p o p ’nN p in P a i P n n io b o i N aoon aim p in ’o a ’ iid n i P oaN i : oipbN o o i ’a inN’o a ’ ob n Ji’abN P n m m aN b p o

in»oa> bm 15 : Nbip n a o o n n*n ’a o ia n o m ia ’a nbbN aNoa p a inN’o a ’ P

ni

7P n i 6 nNbN ovpbN aabN bNp ’aa Nbip ’oiabN ib o aavb bipi N n o 1341. MS D Breaks here; 39:6-8 is missing. 1342. MS E Omits DN 1343. MT iNHvm}; The Masora has it that the last consonant n is written small.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

io n

The Edited Text

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277

7’f p a paw f a b xbi xbabb n m o b x m n ’by ’i x o a amo x )x n b x a o ’ : o i ’bx p n ’a 7 ’n b a m 17

*nxn m x n b x o ip b x f ’3 o b o n xbi nbbx bip o i ’bx 7bt ’a 7abaxi : o n n m io o b o »a 18

” by nban x abob 7b 70a) p a n i u p o n xb n. MS E >C»*D. MS E *Tm. MS E MS D Omits tnNi ‘p n . MS D Breaks here; 44:1-3 is missing. MS E The Arabic translation for the Hebrew verb 337 is missing.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

290

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah 14 3 8 2

JVWJN3 : m n n o npoi >m ni >a nayn >yn Py n non nbbN t n i t n >Py bn nbp

tONJI >3 4 VbNp NIN DOU nbN i OTND NiN n >13 nbN N tin nbbN bNp HD nb bp : nboNO >n pN bN bDi

Opan flJlNI5 nbbN bip n oa bD P y n P a a o o ond abon Nb o ’Noy *jb abon niNi : o n i o n nbN yaNiobN bD ’a abob 7001 -jb bysNi

46 » bat n>n t^N l : DNinNbN 1439bD Py ’DibN imom P n nbbN dnod ind nbN

onaob 2 >3 nNiabN nm Py ind nbN nao ibo 1440idi nyna on Py nao Py o>p>mP nviNibN mobN >a baa p o nanDiaj bnp nbN 1441mo>pnp

: mim p o imoN> p po iatx 3 : annbN P

n

lo t p n i onnbNi pw bN 10a

e>oion noN 4 loabN nNonbN P in nNtiabNa inam Ni onw abN n y a N i bnbN w o n : ivyNiPNi yintbN

>n>Nb yno 5 N an n i 1100m onnnaN an p D P n i w n i ynym o o n n n o i bNa no : nbbN bip m n o o b N 10 n th imn> obi lann

OU»bN6 nNnabN 0 0 Py NbNoo nNaPN nban Nbi 3DbN anm Nb : ivp ii inny

1438. MS E There is no translation of this verse. It is, however, paraphrased in the co mentary at verse 1. 1439. MS E Omits bD. 1440. MS D Omits m 1441. MSEN>u>p“ip.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

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291

nt >0 7 : h n >o n im> iNniNbN b n oi im > iPabN bno N in p

e> m o 8 >id no v

ivmn

bNpi NobN im> INniNbN b n oi iys> iPabN b n o m o : n d in d o i n n in b N t> in YiNbN w i n

o>oion Py9 o n m iN iib N P n p i n n n b N i n d i n > 1443ninnN i b’abN1442 iiv s n : oipbN ’i n d i onobN y>o in u o>ubi n p n b N v o in i * o m

Ninn o v m i o nNiVN p ONpniNbb n o p i or> 1444or>pbN nNbNbN nibb o i P n 7 b u nNbNbN aibb n r v a i p a o h n o i p n iijii v a o m 7>obN baNna 1446: JiNiabN i m P v 7iaa* y in >a 1445or>pbN

ivbl Pv 11 " m m 1447pN>mbN n a i o i P n P n n m k : 7b o P n a nNiNbvbN

0 ’U 1VOO 12 n n v i N m iN 3i p a YiNbN nbnoN 7 n a m i 7300 im nN bN iv o o : k p n P a io p o nv >o i ion lain 13 b a i 7bo m i i a m 0 0 b >ubN in>oT> P n nNbbN i o n i >ibN iNoabN

:m o bnN bnpb

ii>>n 14 1449ibipi o n ia n n m 1448a iv o o n i b u m >a iv o o n i m o >a i i i i ' n : 7>Nbin iivbN 7>o nbiN p a 7b » n i m n iN 1442. 1443. 1444. 1445. 1446. 1447. 1448. 1449.

MS E Adds ’Sv. MS E m n n i MS E Omits OVp^H. MS E Omits oi>p!7N. MS D JDD. MS E pNnn; Cf. 8:22 note 4. MS E N nnyiobN nna : nmNobN obN bap 10 N n b io p i n P ni

1N tp 17 =n p P N

in jn

nabPN n ao p o iyna o n

uni

ON) >)N >n 18 bNaPN y>a m an bai P y b n o in 1451nooN o v P n an p o b N njn >n :bam nnabN n bonabN b n oi n P N in nbN

nbi) Pa 19 nvyni 1453p ) p a nao "nyNQ) ntPN ) N’ p P o y N oP n P n 1452nNbN : p N o m ) 10 anam m an

na> nb)y 20 : N) N) iiaa p 10) n ao m o n nb)y

n’Tou? dj 21 Ny>o) lann im nN in Na>N p p b y o buy b n o N notn >a NnNmN Na>N : om N p n aN n p i on P yN ) o n a o y o n p a iap> ob

nbip 22 1’aoNn NniN) o n n p b N a i iima> m p a p b 1454Nnm a m a’ vwnbN b n o :aonbN

nap* mia 23 : m y onb 0P 1 nNtybN 10 inna on)Nb ^ha> Nb nbN NnnNnyo iyopN

on ao na nvnam 24 1455: iiaa oy ma nbbb nao "nyNO) "nna yioN P y n pn ao 1456n )n Nn 1450. 1451. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456.

b N n \y >

» n»N 25 nNbN onpbN anbN nbbN bNp

MS E *jroNnx MS D Omits HOPN. MS E nbN. MS D vwnbN bno Nnmp. MS E Integrates the translation into the commentary. MS D NWl.

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P y i iiy*ia P y i 1457NnnN*nayo P y i m o P y i iiyna P y i n n u a o N p : NnPy -|PanobN O’JIJWI 26 n u a y *r>ai 1458b iN i p o m m i a i u a i onnN U N >abNo u a on ob oN i .•nbbN bip o ’ipbN 1459p o ib N bn o p o h ~ p i -ryai n n io 27 p *jnoo ono bN*w> 1461n > n y u n Nbi 1460aipy> n a y n > Nwan Nb niNi : pbp o o P i y n n n Nin> aipy> yrp a on>ao y in p p o n iy a M >n bN nnN 28 >a Nia boyN n in i *jyo >na nbbN bip 1462apy> m y n > N\yan Nb NniN oanbb i i t i n ba njd boyN Nb *pa Y^a o n 7n>ntN nbN iNinNbN

nyna p u p bap o>nvyba P y 1463>i P

n

im o i’ P

n

: T>iaN Nb NiaNI 47 » ia*r n»n iyjn l nbbN dnod p a nbN 1464.-n u ib a

» io n m 2 i pNiybN n>nNi p niyN * nN>oN N tin nbbN bip m obNi ba b ib p o n P n 14657m>a NniNatn m n o b N Nniboi Y*iNbN la m a : Y*1NbN b ip o 3 imn> ob m a a p u n n a a io n b P i p n n n iN n i naNin Yaa m u p : >TN>NbN niNDl p p a b N P N NINbN ounby4 p a m N i *mvy ba iimafbi *ii^b yopb ow w ba ba anib >n P n o i P n p y : u n a a n*r>u "mpa o w v P a anNi nbbN 1457. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1461. 1462. 1463. 1464. 1465.

MS E Omits NrmNTayo *120 >byi yona >byi. MS D tm . MS E 1NQ1. MS D npy>, MS adds nbbN bl p. MS E Omits N>. MS D m y npy\ MS E Omits >1)bN. MS E my. MS D msPD.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

nn np n a a 5 :’o r ia n n >no P n om nb "mpa 1466p b p o y noaa)N n u oa)N nnn Nb m o P n nbbN p o n> >opvm 7 >n 7 o n P o nnabN bnNO "mpai 1468pbpoy Py Nm oN nbbNi 1467p in n nNbN 1469ombN an bNp n a aNob : nnymNi ainbbN n n a o m n p n a io n nn a nbnn my )>n 2

io Nnyopi PNyn Nba NnPy nan iiaon >a aNio "nnno Na’N oP : pobN 1472n>on "jaba maamb p n o N’ Na>N atn iian 1471p n p y a b ip 3

: o ’oy aoyi am 1473oninin p nana m a nnao) 4 : NnmNaN nanabN ly o o k aNio naoy nbyo >a 5 n’Nno onm n nnnb ’a p i Npa nya> NaabNa mnibbN "napy ’a p a : ly o o aoybN nana

1 0 )6 ; nnabN >a nymy bno yi>ani 1474oanNinN mba lannN

1466. 1467. 1468. 1469. 1470. 1471. 1472. 1473. 1474.

MS E INbpw. MSEV^rm. MS E INbprv. MS E VJP^N. MS D MS E Omits IN. MS D Omits “Wn. MT o w n . MS E ODnn.

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The Edited Text

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295

1475>37 1477vypa n a n mvynn 1476niN

n *>n

7i>Ntani 7bNnyNa 7iNban n ii p a : N yw i 1478n N tm i nno>N nibibN >a TTY> N 3> 18

buNntni n n b N 7bn>a nbam Nb n m m n in n ba P n i h n P n >n : nbbN bNp nbN bntPN

iNiob y»x u n 9 p nvym i n n 1481NnN*ipi Kona n a n NniNa i n w 1480P n n i n i 1479ioyN : Nn>a pNO m y n v y i m 10 : oibN p n aw vino iiyybm Knan nbbN "nyi* bVNa iiybn im y io

in n o

pN\y n

>ai nbN P n nbN p na> obi nnNTT P y in >iNni nN in p i n w y u o 1482: *r»inn ob nnn>N*n n>a n n y o p i p i P y m> ob n P P N

m n p b 12 1484iywn>a 1483p y N W o ip n P N b o iN nbbN bip n>Ni on>n N u n ib ib : niN ii n b a h nnNbN m a n nPy aNio \yai 13 niNa 1487>nbN bN n>a p bN*w> bN 1486Nja Npa \y p a p aNin 1485Njah ; oniNban 1lONn 7>N 14 : annbb nip b N m p i m aN ai iP ip n 7>a 1475. 1476. 1477. 1478. 1479. 1480. 1481. 1482. 1483. 1484. 1485. 1486. 1487.

MS E D>. MS D >JUN. MS D and E Qere. MS E n o m MS E rujw; The scribe is simply misreading iovn for row. M SES h Sn . MS E Nnnp. MSD-inm. MS E. VVW. MS E mNWTVD. MSENO’. MSEIO. MSEHbN.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

3N10 r w 15 p o b N bip I ’apnbN P n i t o n n iN ib *iP ni ty a nN*ip P ni aN io am : doon ombN an

aNio t ’N anpl6 : N'T) n yiP N n n P a i nobb aN io aoy a n p

P 1488ns 17 a’ap *ioa)N 1489n oN i T>by >aaN uy> Naa on p : anNibN on 7£>Ndp Pyi 7 nnaN3 Py in uv? ina n ao N n 33 p noabNi aNio y in p i niNoybN p anobNi nmabN *wnini : om n Nb o n n o n n o i u Nb boa uiNyobN )ia o n n p y to 34 o o m n P n 1495iy is p o n m s 1494ubyN yo? P n nbvbN iiavyn “naiif p : m m nNvymb o n o i 1496nN>oN n u n p nwPvy nbiy P ni aNiob >naom 35 : m iay o b naao i n u y * iy * o nbbN bip aNiob boyN >ab p by 36 bno vynn up bnN Py >abpi nn> biaobN bno aNio Py >abp 7b i Py 1498: iiN a 1497boy bisabN U n p n u biaobN 1492. 1493. 1494. 1495. 1496. 1497. 1498.

MS D Adds y o . MS D 71 NOD. MS D MS EIVS. MS E J1N>DN. MS E t>W. MS E TTN2.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah wni

ba >a 37

Pyi nNwmh ’ in >n ba Py naimo mnb bai 7m pn*i ba >a pb :n o n p p n b N

by 38 pp nbN b n o aN io m o a oNb am nba N nnN am >ai aN io moo ba Py : nbbN bip

i n *io

ma

n n n p «39 n a i aN io NapbN n n p a ibibi itybN o N tp n*iyt)N a40 : aNio P y m nN)) p p a n pbnm

ip

P n b no N*nn nbbN bNp n a p a

nmpn ntab) 41 ■jbt >a aN io m aN ai abp man n o a a w nNybpbNi n m p b N n a w n : n p b o o o n io n abp bn o o i P n

aN10 tNOWJI 42

: nbbN Py ooyn n)Nb ayobN p aNio baN npn tna43 : nbbN bip aN io 1499pbN) n> p b y fai nnaai yia

p)n 44 •jabN >a yp> nnaa bN p tyNabNi nnaabN >a yp ’ yiabN m a p atNnbN : nbbN bip ontN pn aN 1500n)pbN aN io P y NnPy anN i n

pawn baa 45 arnbi 1502p a p n p n n a i n i p b p a -p n mpbN p iapi 1501p a p n bo ’a : nabPN n a “n o )o n aN io “nn) nbaNa p n ’p p a p

aNio 7 b ON46 >a 7n n ai >aobN >a 7 0 a n a k tN w ioa ayw 7bn aN io

n >7 P y

bnbN =n’apbN

>nawi 47 : aNio o a n NinNn P 1499. 1500. 1501. 1502 .

MS D tin . MS E mo. MS E yawn. MS E yawn.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

n

nbbN bip p o P N -o n ’a aN io >20 y o yr»N

The Edited Text

•

299

49 p o y oab l bNa Npa naNi nb p P o k bNawP p P 102 n n nbbN bNp n a iio y oab : Pb) 1503n N ip >a naywi a) P a on ab o m i pb2 n on b o “nab) iio y o a naa y o p k i nbbN bip n>N) o n >n Nam ib tb n o n N i bNtw> n a o ))N nn aNpNa 1504N npm N Pti nwm bn a n m :nbbN 1505b ip

1iawn 1506P P n 3 p a)N niPobN pvy naa pm N pa n > p a a i ’y nan) in paw n n > P P i : Ny’D) nNPiai n n o ’N nPN)bN >a ao> o n ab o iNa nNaN)nbN n p p i Pbnnn no 4 lb N n n N o a nbahobN nm Ny nyNO) a n o a N i m o b N a ’n a n o n w’ n 1507:>Pn o> N>ao o s n 5 io wiobN ba io wiobN 1509nNbN aabN bip kyia a P y a o o 1508n ) n Nn : aaNwbb yoN) p P i noN ap b)abN m am a aP N in ba p>anNb 6 : nbbN bip p o y o a >ao aaN aba ayai om b 7 naNa io m aba ’a n o a n 1511naNO p P n n vnobN aa 151P n p n a oiaNb : o n n o a n n a o a b h NpnabN io ananbN n p i n P y na) iwy aby iNa p a iNap ____________________________ 1503. 1504. 1505. 1506. 1507. 1508. 1509. 1510. 1511. 1512. 1513.

n > PibPb

15121P) 8 ip b ) m b laank 1513: naNpnaN

MS E n n p . MS E NnpnNtni. MS E bNp. MS E MS E the order of verses 3 and 4 in MT and MS D is reversed in MS E. MS D NDNH. MS E DNbNbN. MS D ID. MS D Omits rrTNn. MS E MSEnmpnoN.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

oP n

0 n * 3 0N 9 bPbNa p*b p a p i baa iipa> Nb p aN op T>bN 1514ini p a p : om aa n oaN

>jn »a 10 nniaNi nboi ahh *np> Nb >aantna m n N d o m n oN ioy naoa oiNa : ntnbi n iN im

p om naiy 11 : pann >Py -fboNiNi >paN n in p n u n nam na >a 12 kano ia~i\y> twabN n o b on oan p> ob nbN n u d nbbN bNp n a p a :anon ano p n a n Nb n a n 1515n a niNi

>a 13 m a a iian niybbi aNiab nuyob nonib p nbbN bip nabn >ooNa p :im b N nNaNiab p a n N n n o bai

nyioo 14 NUbN ibaiNi lyom N 1516b itn o aNinNbN >a bum nbbN p n yoo naa :annbb lo ip i

»a 15 : PNibN >a nutio aNinNbN >a in b yi m u a Ntm p a

inaban 16 nyaibN yNamN oaNa naabN p i n >a p n p iabp “nnp 7n iin pm : nbbN bip p u n k o h p p iai *ipPn bno p o h n in

o m nmm 17 : NnnNana ba by naan 1517p n NnPy naNy ba n on i o iin m am

naanoa18 Nbi p o iN o n obu Nb nbbN bNp NniNnui m o y i 1518on o nabp bno : o*tn p N N ua 1NP

n m a nin 19 nonb p a aba p i o P n piNbN iN in p N p nya> yaobN bno Nim 1514. 1515. 1516. 1517. 1518.

MS Ell. MS E r a n Nb ra n . MSENbltnQ. MS D io r. M SEtmo.

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The Edited Text

• 301

p i P n o p p a N nPy ip n a N nNnao i n o p a p i N nPy p nnaNnN : >ONip >ibN >yNnbN N in p i >a ONpn pb20 p y naak >ibN nnNaaki o u n P y n a i nbN nbbN m a m iyooN •p i'? : o m o io o n P y om ? ob p onbN m Nak om ano> ob p p u n p a p

tibai bipo 21 : Nnm a y o b o P p b N ana >a nana YiNbN n b P m o n n y p i m a p

noia run 22 abp iia’1 nnan P y 1519mnNU o o a n pbnm i iya> noibN b n o N u n : n p b o o nNnoN abp bn o o i P n p i >a d u n nniN ai

pOOlb 23 nnabN >a in n an iy o o 1520aya n n naa p b lanN i n o n m'?a poonb : nip> Nb n n 1521o i

p o o l nnai 24 YNaoNbN “m o n a o b o P o n b N i amnbb nm nN p o o l nannoN : niNbibN bn o NnnnaN

naty Nbi>N25 : mnobN “m n o n m ob N “n m o Nbah 1522Nb 7 0 p b 26 -ybi >a 1523io a a n annbN bNin bai NnnNann >a n u n i o iyp> p i b : o i> P n an bip 1524o iP n o n >nan? 27 : n n 1526p n m ap baNm p o o i m o >a NnNi 1525u n

llpb 28 baa ib o n a n a ia i bnp nbN m an p a o p N o o b i m p b : o i p o a laniNi n ip P n iiyaN io ip nbbN bNp n a 1519. 1520. 1521. 1522. 1523. 1524. 1525. 1526.

MS E nnNM. MS E Omits nys. MS E OX MSEob. MS E MS E Omits OVbN. MSD3MO. MS D p .

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302

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

OflPflN29 onb Pom obNmi onnNbN y’oyi onpNpw iiaaN’ onom onaaNso : onPNin in Naan onPy nw>i

1527VM30 aaa ap ins nbbN bip aisn pao n’ oPPb iy«)N p N’ non laanN : aaa oaPy aaai a’aan baa abo annaiai oaPy Py imp 31 VbNaxo Nb nbbN bip 1528noNooNbb pNO P no ain P n nyatN imp : oao’ kaNaa nb a« Nbi

onPo) i>m 32 ba Pn on’taNi abob 1530on’WNio ammn anPb onbNm 1529n n ’a : onaoy aoN nrnNi) ba p i nNa nm p “nn)

tian nnmi 33 aiN)> Nb po)N on ob)’ Nb anabN P n nin nN)a ninxP anm anm : oaN p Nn’a

>» aatn’n aw«34 abo n’pa*

-ph biN ’a ’aPN 1532in’»a’ 1531P n nbbN aNoa p a

: onmaa) biN obp oip aoab

nbN : Nbip nain’

nin

” aON’3 35 Nam wi’P n aa bNp n a

msan 36 “nyaaN ob’y Py a’)Ni

P n on’aaki N»obN n » o i 38

: nbbN bip n p ih *jbb o h p fbnNi ob>y >a » tn a byiNi n » m 39

:nbbN bip ob>y >ao t i n 1537p o P N naN >a 1536iia"»i 50 io n l a m l : >iibN m o m t i o n o a y in Py baa Py nbbN aoNa nbN aNoabN nun 2 ibip lon an Nbi p o p n obybN lyaiNi lyooNi amnNbN >a naaN 154°: NnaNoiN n y i ninjiin 1539rna 1538*jmo i n p ib N n a baa m oon n b y >a 3

N u a iia> Nbi nonib NnaiN byi> in yiaa NapN p am NnPy iy a p a : lao nun o>NnabN P ni oiNbN p obNi n » n n o»o>a 4

n*nn> uai on bN*io> o a p > nbbN bip npibN f b i >ai oN’NbN pNbN >a : iiabvu onnNbN nbbNi iiao> Naai >ao Ny>oi P n o >p a 5 my nbbN P n laoym P a ik o n n m 1542Nin Nn pn o 1541iPno> p a p : Nom Nb nntbN nnaN p a 6 p o m m bNaPN >ai oniba onnNyn >ayo iiN a nNabNn o n iin bno : onaano 101 lao u a N i P n bai on>Na» ba 7 p i o nbb ioaN no b*ta onNi Nb ibNp o u o iN a o i onibaN o m iN i ba : nbbN 1543on>NaN N in btybN

1536. 1537. 1538. 1539. 1540. 1541. 1542. 1543.

MS E y o \ MS E ON’NSN. MS D 07*100. MS E 10. MS D Breaks here; 50:3 is missing. MS E bHV\ MS E Ninn. MS E ODN3N.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Vf)8 oN ap p a n y bn o m at w a x o ’awa

y in

p i 1544baNa 001 p naw N : onbN

nm >a 9 NupN p aNaa am nN p i) 1545baa P n a y sb i a’n b n)n Nam ono y)a’ Nb bano a N i) b n o na’WNW) 1546^iwnn o n p Nnb m m pNaybN

:)Naa

onwa nn>m 10 : nbbN bip iiyaw’ 1547Nn’abNO ba abob o n w a

y in

anna

1548my»wn >a 11 o n )a i ’nbm 1549’n’a n o o N’ iiaiyn o n )a i iinaan o n )a no n d Nan P ’abN nn)Nn) P n s n o m a i n o ’Na nb)y b no p a p n

od on n w n 12 niNOo n n a aNinNbN naaN Nam oanabNi naNioN Na) o o o n n n a : n aaoi

” ^N.

MS D ^wn. MS E On>D^NP. MS E Qere; MS D >nnwn, Ketiv. MSDvnarmo. MS D mrfcNi. MS D NDOnNm MS D Omits n^N.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

*

305

m u 16 7>o “n n i p iNanbN n p i >a b u b oaN ai baNa p 1553ynNpN lyopN : la in ’ n a iN P n bnbN i nm> n ayo P n bnbN n u N on ob N

nina no 17 n id i iio n

*jbo nbDN biNbNa in iN yNaobN bNio> nbaao nNO bno P a a 7b o l a n a m 1554noN oy o o o o uaNbN

p b l8 Py ip n a o n in N im bN*io> nNbN o i’ibN a i 1555nbbN bNp n a 7bib ii o n n ip n a N nod n a iN Pyi baa 7bo 1556>nanoi 19 ban on aN bai >ai nonabNi boiabN Nyui m o i P n bN*io> u n i : noai yaon o i P n

onn o>o>a 20 in o P i bNio> a n ab\n nbbN bNp Nbip npibN 7 b i >ai oN’NbN 7bn ’a :>paN nbb naaN i n p n Nbi n u n ’ N’nodi

o>nio YiNn by 21 1559oboaNi 7>>b Hpa 1558oNbi Pyi NnPy 1557 iyaN o>mo YiNbN Py : 7n>ai n o y>oi byaNi nbbN bip 1560onaba

nonbo bip 22 : o w y aoyi YiNbN >a a m m a y m 7>N 23

>aNiN i>a n o n i baa n iN a 7 0 YiNbN ba o w a io d in i y u iN nop» 24 noaaiN Na>Ni m n >obyn ob niNi baa n> n a io n Na’Ni 7 b m a pnNi : n o i n n 1561nbbN ayoa i n 1553. MS E V N lO N . 1554. MS D DQNSy.

1555. MS D Omits nbbN. 1556. MT

V^).

1557. M S D o > m o i y m

1558. MS E >Nb>. 1559. MS E ONby>ON1. 1560. MSDOHN71. 1561. MS D 'ybN 37.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

» nna 25 1562nNbNbN aabb m n y n p n o n nNbN P a k i dtdno nbbN nna : o n w a y in >a onpbN nb 1563inid 26 ONavbN ONan nod Nnioia NnabNyo innaN yaobN p NnPN PaaN : m pa Nnb pan Nb 1564NniobosNi iaan 27 npi o n o n N) p a onPy nwNi anpnbb iaann Nnapa bD ia>o

omNpnaN O’O) bip 28 nbbN “nop) yin >a i m a ’ aNDDNb 1565baNa y in p y>nPai yaaNn n n = nbam “nop) N)nNbN baa bN p>ow n 29 Nnb y o ’ Nb na’Na NnPy ibn oipbN vanNi p n n a baa P n ly o o k nbbN P y Nna PyaN yNaa nbya nod Nnbya bno Nnb lobo nnP a :bNaw> oiap Py nnpnN pb30 oiP n yba >a loaan Nnaan bnN bai NnnNaNna >a Nnwaw iyp> ybab 1566: nbbN bip >)jn 31 npi yon N) ap p a wi>P n nNbN aabN bip 1567npi n > nin Nam

:ynapnaN bwai 32 on p ba baNni mao ’a aN)bN «ni o>po nb 0P1 yp’i m pPN anyhi : nPNin aoN na 33 om aN O bai ky>o) naim o ai bNaw> o a y>ow)o wvP n aa bNp >aa

: onnPan iaN ona laoon 1562. MS D Ol’pbN TlbN 'ybN mb. 1563. MS D INI. 1564. MS D NDIQbOPNI. 1565. MS D bin. 1566. MS E Omit nbbN bip oi’bN *jbi ’£) 1DD1 P Nnmn . 1567. MS E rvpl.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text

*

307

p in obN* 34 “n n n n biNb onnN oiaa oaNa’ noiaa nooN oi’P n a i u p o n P i 1568:baNa p a o b i n n YiNbN a i n 35

: NnNoan Pyi NnNon Pyi baa p a o Pyi nbbN bip o n o a py >n ob p odP n a)N^k oniano> ob p o n w a

blptt 46 y o b aNinNbN ’a naaxi Y ^ bN nbibm baa noaa)N y o o n n p 51

a»N >a l : nabno n n 1574o n w a p a o Pyi baa Py a>no n in Nam nbbN bNp n a >nnbwi 2 y>0) p N nPy m a on)N NnaaN im a>i Nniaan y>nao baa P n boaNi

:PabN01” D mNDbN yaa»bN 3 p y ipawn Nbi nyaaa ayNan> NnPNi n o ip anNibN anr> baa P n Nnwm ba m boaN NniNaw

oPbn Pan 4 : N n n p w >a p i y a o i o n w a

y in

>a Nnaa iyp>i

p b N Nb >3 5 onaaN p b wi’P n aa p nnNbN p n am n bNaw> boaN oP p a pN aw ’ o ia p p onN nbnoN

101)6 p a Nnaiaa loaain Nb m n nma anNi ba inbai baNa o o i p laanN : Nnb >aio m n 3 ndo nbb m nop) npi am o ia 7

Nnaoa p obNybN bnN bab naaob nbbN a>a baNa ana p ond bno : aNinNbN ioiom > yba Py amnbN laaw 1575ON)ia 8 1574. Hebrew text: ’np £>. 1575. Initially, this verse was not included, but later the scribe wrote it vertically on the left margin. Contrary to his habit, according to which he wrote the full Hebrew verse, he wrote only the first word of the verse. The latter method is used in MSS B and E.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2009

The Edited Text Nnynb

pNnn na NnPy PPi m o a iN i nbbN t

>p

•

309

1576baNa nypi nbai : ’a o m Nnbyba

157711N01 9 naiN P n ihn P n i o n NniamN >aom oba N m oa p 1578baNi NiibNy : pnNiobN P n yaniNi Nnoan NoobN P n bai p a

» N>am 10 : NinNbN nbbN bya p a >a YP? m n P a iN NinbNiy nbbN in o N o>ann m n l l 1579lib o n n nbbN in j in ntoo bHNipbN P oni u o n o P n ip h ik “n o p i 1581>n nbbN « n o p i p a NnabnP n n o n baa P y p a 1580n o

; nbam m o w bN 12

NpabN i’’h ONinbN 10’pi pm obN up obybN lyaiN baa in io n Py : baa p a o Py aoNa >*Pn byaa on nbbN Na’N p a 1582m a o 13

in n n i Nim VNiabN n u n a m ai 1583n*r>na n w oN Py m a niaNo : iy o o n’Nni y a o i 14

: oun pby uni aNanbN bno n o n i iiNboNb nnN ia oiubN an p n m aa y in n o iy 15

: NpobN no n m o a a i n n o a n a niNoybN » n o n m p a YiNbN byNa boy YiNbN 7nb p

onoP n

in n bipb 16 nyaki NoobN >a NobN ONni n n m y mab

:n i’Nia p nnbN n aN i noobb N pna o i n ba nyai 17

o u a oPi naa ana p a nmbN p PNa ba na obybN p poiN ba pon _______________________ ;nn 1576. 1577. 1578. 1579. 1580. 1581. 1582. 1583.

MS D im . MS E Ketiv. MS D im . MS E ibo. MSEHObN. MS D N’n. MS E Qere. MS D m > r o is added on the right margin.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

non ban 18 1584: in>a> om N p n aN n p i >a n w a a o boy o n Nan

nbNa Nb 19 aa nnbn) o a o 1585bNaw>i in babN pbND p apy> o o p m n bn o o p : n ooN wiobN T1J1N yo o 20

kabNoo f>a ybnNi NaNinN p a nnaN aanbN nNbN P n)N y>iaao >nao)i 21

: naaNai aaa p a nnaNi naaNai 1587tnabN p a 1586nnaNi

ya >nao)i 22 : pnNyi aNW p a nnaN >aai pw y>a nnaN nNaoNi b n y>a nnaNi ya >nao)i 23 NaoN y>a nnaN niNaai aNaN y>a nnaNi ny>opi >ym y>a nnaN

: iNipi baab >nobwi 24 p a >a iboy nbN onNba ba onw a yaN p a o babi baab >aiN : nbbN bip oam n N w ob

yPN >nn 25 n> *toni obNybN ba apaobN nbbN bip apaobN ba) n>yPy nin m m : p n n ba)b yby)Ni aiaabN p ynniN i yPy Nbi 26

1588bip a>ah ambN nNwni p nNPNPNb a)ni pab a)n y)o iaaN> Nbi mbbN V i NW 27 aNinNbN N nPy n y aNinNbN >a piabN laaaN yaNbN >a obybN lyaaN NnPy layaN p a o a NnPy ibai iNiawNi o o oaaN ybN oo NnPy iyooN : aNaa bn o oaabN

1W*fp 28 yaN bai NnNb)N bai N n m oN i n o yibo yo NaNinN N nPy n y 1584. 1585. 1586. 1587. 1588.

MSDVT’3 \ MS E Omits SN"W\ MS E nnsN. MS E ODD. MS E Adds trip.

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: UNObO Y*wn Y>y*ini 29 baa y p bNyiNb nbbN in d d n baa Py noN p *tn n a a o i y i ^ n nbtbtni

:pNO onyp nom P *m 30 m a o n n m a i naya nNybpbN ’a lo b i naiN nobb baa «m a N a i ly ih o k : NnaiN iy n o a i k N piaN oo in k n p P n bno naw h

p

>p nN ipb y*i 31 baa p o b “iNaaNb nabb Npbb nabbi naNn? na Npbb na : p o b N p n n in o

w o r n n n a y o m 32 : w n tJN annbN aNnaki iNibNa ip m k ONiNbNi lo a a naNyobNi na >a 33 N n o n n p i i u n b no baa “nyN oi b N io ’ nNbN o i ’ibN an bip n a p : Nnb tNanbN n p i >m b P p ’pa 1590»JOOn 1589»lbaN 34 p n b N b n o oyba iNiabN “nbN oapiN baa ib o la n a ia i n o w obaN

:’oabi n ’Nib p nvna Nbo »1N01 >oon 35 bipn baa P y 1592mNobNi onibN nbak nbN ’onbi ” by 1591n n m i : o b o i i ’ bipn o n o a 1593obNi P y p in k nbN ’bm p a “nobNi p b 36 i iiaiy> b)Nb onaapNi onnNiya by)N onNona : nbbN bip 1595m ann e>aaa 1596oaaiN 40 =p a n y yo WNaa bno a’apnbb paaabN bno onaanN naab) y>N4i >a baa nwni naNa y>a yaNbN ba “nnao noaaiNi baa na)wn y>a : aNinNbN

nb»42 : nc»n niNioN p n n a baa Py anabN aya v n 43 Nbi pt?)N ba p>a obn Nb yaN naabi n n w a o yaN nwm Njanb iaNa : oaN 1597p N p>a m> >napai 44 1599Na>N nPN ionb> Nbi 1598n>a p nyba saaNi baa >a ba P y apnaN : nypi baa am Na>N aNinNbN 1Na 45 :nbbN aa) “naw p noai b)abN inbai >ayw n > Nnuoi p naaN ya> p i 46 >a •>)•>>abN yaNbN >a yiooobN aaabN p warn ,600oaab >aaht>> NbPi : p o b o Py p o b o i yaNbN >a [....] aaabN «nmbN >a nayai aaabN NmbN pb47 bai Nian NnaaN bai 1601baNa p n iN Py apnaNi n>N) on>n Nam ybab : Nn>a iiyp> NnNyaa 1JJ3148 n>nN) p 1602p a p p a on>a p y>o)i yaNbNi noeP n baa P y n a a n 1595. 1596. 1597. 1598. 1599. 1600. 1601. 1602.

MS E im nn. MSEo-rnN. MS D p . MSDnNO. MS E Omits NiPN. MS D ODlbn. MS D tm . MS D Omits yo.

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313

1603: nbbN bip pinNibN n u i ’ i m baa t » 49

: Y iN bN ba N in a yipi baab Na’ N b N i\y ’yna yipib baa ’ a N a’ N o>oba 50

obvyiui nbbN oon nyabN p na*tN iapji Nb n o 7’obN p vmba : oaaibp >by n y a n uyoY> >a iiY>asi P n paiiNbN P a t p Ninm nbiabN jinoii nuynbN Niyoo p N3’ [ia ] : nbbN Ji’a o iN p o p b 52

ba ’ai NniNJUN P y npjiaNi 1604nbbN bip u n i o n ’ o n N im p i b : ynabN p n o ’ NnanN nbyn >a 53 I’anNi n u p u y p Nmy y a m n i'ann p i noiP n P n baa tyah p : nbbN bip npya bip 54 :o m o

y in

p o w y a o y i baN a p n an a m a

” TfW >a 55 b n o o n iN io N p ’u i o w y b N m abN n u d m a n baa a n N i nbbN p

: on m a nabi ’oyN n u n a nN’ON Na >a 56 onoN ipk JinbaiN NnnnaNai l a w u i anNi 1605baNa P y NnPy n i p a : ’av N£)i nbbN jin o n d x P n p ’ N o p a ’n a a u m 57 o n io N 3’ a N n m a N a n N nN biN i n i n i o n N n N o an i N nN oin n ao N i : n o o N o i’ ibN an p o b N bN p b ip la p ’ Jia ’ Nbi naNbN

» i o n na 58 N naN iaN i 7YOJ1 7 0 a nyo N ib N baa in w n o iu b N an bN p n a

n N ip o oo N b N i iN n a n N ip n aiyo b N a y ji’ i nN 3bNa i u n u vao N o b N

: mib’a nN3 1603. MS E nbbN bN p N bip. 1604. MS E nbbN bNp Nbip. 1605. M SEbll.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

awa aatn 59 m n n npi >o mono p nn) p n>nwb >a)bN in>on> m i >abN aNoabN n>nw p a i nabo p nyambN nmbN >a baa P n nmn> ybo in’paa yo : nnnoo>>n

m>oa> anan 60 anabN nan ba anNi aNna Py baa Py on >nbN nPabN ba in>on> anai P a a P y nainaobN

m>oa> a»N>i 61 : anabN nan ba mpNi nn)N baa ybiaa a)y n>nwb in>on> bNpi

» naoNi 62 on)

p pNO n>a pa nob nyopb ababN Nan Py naoNa n)N aa n>bipi : a>an anabN nNwm p o>Nnai

n>m 63 an) P n n>pbN i am nPy apyn aNoabN Nan n>Nnp p yiNaa a)y yia>i nNaabN

naoM 64 NnPy aoo n) n >nbN nPabN bap p oipn Nb baNa nnn >aa 1606bipni : m>on> ana 1607N)nNn P n iaP>i

52 o>awv p l >a fbo n)o 1609nnwy >anNi nabo npi >a inpas n)o 1608i>nwyi anN p n : mab p m>on> “maN 161Poion noN ooni obwin>

van wvn2 : o>p>in> bya no y>oia nbbN oNap n>apbN byai bV >3 3

p onN>N nNpbN P n nain> >ai obwia>a bn >abN nbbN as) aao p =baa yboa m>pas m y >abN ini naba

>n>i4 on>n “nawy >a awNybN nnwbN >o nabo

1606. 1607. 1608. 1609. 1610.

MS E MS D Ninn. MS E n n m d p n . MS E N >. MSS D and E Qere.

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p nyoNnbN mobN >a p a i

The Edited Text urn NnPy ib n i o b o i u P

n

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315

n o n bai m ban fb b m m a ia i n i Nm o : n u n t p n n o N>nby

: in ’p ia fbobb m o y n n N m o P

n

u y n iam 5 m anbN ’a m n o b N n b a u

p n m OTina6 obi m n o b N ’ a ynbN in o N m o 16UyoNJibN ot> >a yaNibN m o b N >a : YiNbN ayob ONyo p ’ v y n ypam 7 m n o b N p NbP m a i p a m ’ nonbobN ’ o n in bai m n o b N nnnaiN n u n i m n o b N P y o n o a i p o b N p n ’by nbN p n o b N v a a m p n b naaobN p n o ia o i

ia m i 8 n o n bai Nnn’ 1612n aao ’a in ’p ia ipnbi ibobN ib a o n o a o n labai 1613: m y m a n nN on y*in ’a n’aNoiN P

n

baa ib o P

n

io a n n 9 n n yaN i 1614ibobN loaaa : NONanN naoNai o n o n 10

’a n ai m in ’ N o n ba

nuni

n n ’ p a in ’p m n a 1615baN3 ib o n a u

: N’3N03N m ’p i a n>y iw o 11

n ’a ’a nbyn nbaa P n baa ib o nbaiN i p i ’pa m ” pi bna in ’p ia n ’yi : n m o o n P n nNbNaibN o m a i 12 ibobb 1616m o y y o n m o m m o noNybN ’a ooNabN m o b N ’ai ib o o N ip i p i I’aN’obN o ’n p N u ia i n i 1618baNa ib o 1617n a n a ia 3 : o b o i i ’ ’a baa 1611. 1612. 1613. 1614. 1615. 1616. 1617. 1618.

MSEO. MS E J1N11U. MS D my )n r a n . M SEmoiss. MSD bm. MSE OV MS E 73170111. MS E bin.

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yawn 13

pnnN b P P N a m bai obwn> a n bai ybobN a m i nbbN a m panNi : nNJbNl

jnon ba jini 14 : o m a n aa yo nb N o n w a wo ba n p ) m >m obwn> nNWN bai

jnbtoi15 n in o b N >3 p N p a n o b N oipbN “nb* 3i oipbN 1619>3y* p i Nb)N pNnbN “nb* 3i baa ybo P n donjion 1620i>abN p oN Jioob N i : o>nan aa p m m )

yarni mbaoi 16 aNnxNi y>omab v a w o b N n » a p m m ) Npa yaNbN n m o n p i : 3N3) m n v jini 17 n>a >a nbN onoin yim ayNpobNi nbbN rpa >3 nbN ONnibN aoyi P a a P n NnoNni ba Pom onw abN n n a nbbN

1621maon nto 18 ioaa> nbN ONmbN bai obNbobN JiNONnbNi va[...]bNi 3

o>nan aa n p n 24 oNONbN noanbi b P P N n»abN oNONbN nnw b i>3N>nbN n » a aaNi : naanNbN >o3Nn JiNbm n n a P a oy> nnw b [...]

a>yn p i 25 bN>a 1 1 aanbN aNnuN P y b m p a nbN anNi o a m n in o b N p aaNi onP n [...] wobN p»n anNai n in o b N [..>]abN ybobN nn n o N ) p : n in o b N >3 in m o b N OJ11N np>1 26

: n>aNn)N P n baa ybo P n onbaaN i V3N>nbN n » a p m m ) onaaN

nan 27 p na>n> NbiNi riNon yaN >3 nnNWiN >3 on b p i baNa ybo onaam :nnoaN 1619. 1620. 1621. 1622.

MS E riND’y*. MS E >*TbN. MS D Ends here. MS E Is in a very bad state; 52:19-23 is missing.

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oyn nt 28 [...] NbiN nbN oip[...j

[jwoa] 29

[...] no uno mo paNHbN on pNiom Nb3Nmmiaimb u mo >a ____________________________ 1623.

1623: UNO DOI INbN 033

MS E The translator blends verses 29 and 30; the rest of the manuscript is badly damaged and unreadable.

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Translation1

2

17 Is this what you are doing to yourselves; namely, abandoning obeying the lord your god at a time that he was leading you in the way? 18 And now what is the road to Egypt to you, for drinking water from the Nile.2 What is the road to Mosul3 to you, for drinking water from the river? 19 Your wickedness will punish you and treachery will scold you. Know and see that it is wicked and bitter; for you to abandon obeying the lord your god; for my fear was not on you—the word of the lord, the self-subsisting— 20 From ancient times I broke your yoke and tore your bands into pieces, but you said, ‘I will not com e 4 under your yoke!’5On every towering hill and under every well-watered tree, are you brave [or perhaps] a devouring despot.6 1. The following English Bible translations have consulted: 1.Jewish Publication Society Hebrew-English Tanakh, 2nd edition (JPS) 2. Soncino Books o f the Bible: Jeremiah , 4th edition (SBB:Jer) 3. The Harpercollins Study Bible, New Revised Standard Edition (HCSB) 2. The Hebrew me Shihor is translated into Arabic by the ma al-NTl (the water of the Nile). 3. ’Ashshur (Assyria) is translated as al-Maw§il (Mosul) 4. The text uses the Qere form lo ’eevor (I will not cross) instead of the Ketiv Id Yevodh (I will not serve). 5. ‘Under your yoke’ is an addition which of course does not exist in the MT text. 6. The translator offers two translations, his own and probably another’s, to the expression so‘a zona. David ben Abraham al- FasI gives four definitions of znh, ~p np ip >2) ^ t?Np nq nn.... onppn nyniN n opp)n >ni m i t t pn ^ ntfn

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21 I planted you a soreq,7 the whole of which was a true seedling; but how did you cross over to a foreign vine? 22 Even if you wash with natron and use a lot of soap, the stain of your sin will be still before me—says the lord god. 23 How can you say, ‘ I am not defiled; I have not gone after the idols?’ Look at your ways in the valley and know what you have done, restive young camel, whose tracks cross each other. 24 Like a wild ass who has learned (how to live in) the wilderness, sniffing the air8in the heat, who can keep her from her stubbornness? Everyone who looks for her will find her in her month. 25 Keep your foot from barefootedness and your throat from thirst. You said, ‘hopelessness; for I have loved foreigners, and will follow them.’ 26 As the thief is ashamed when caught, so the house of Israel. They, their kings, their officials, priests and prophets, 27 who say to a wooden stick, ‘You are my father’ and to a stone, ‘You gave us birth.’ They addressed me with the back of the neck, not with the face, but in their time of trouble, they will say, ‘Rise up and save us!’ 28 But where are the lords you have made for yourselves? Let them rise up if they can to save you in your time of trouble; for the number of your lords has become equal to the number of your villages, 0 Judah! 29 Why do you quarrel with me? All of you have sinned against me—says the lord of the world.9 30 In vain, I killed your children; for they did not accept discipline. Your sword has devoured your prophets like a lion causing devastation. 31 Then you—behold the word of Allah—10Was I like a wilderness for Israel? or like a deserted land? Then, why did my people say, ‘We have conquered; we will not come to you any more?’ 32 Can an unmarried woman forget her ornaments? or the bride her n n v ’yn wiSni vbn n m b n m n >5s>Nun o ’liit nbn o ’lin jw n The Hebrew word is kept as it is. In MS B: sniffing the wind. The Tetragrammaton nin’ (qere ’adonay) is rendered by the Arabic expression rabb al-'alamin (the Lord of the World). 10. The Tetragrammaton nin’ (qere ’adonay is rendered here by the Arabic 'allah (God).

7. 8. 9.

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necklaces? Why then have my people forgotten me for years without number. 33 Why11 are you extravagantly embellishing your ways in search for love? It is so you have even12 taught your evil ways. 34 They also found also blood of poor, innocent persons on the fringes of your clothes. Not because you found them robbing, but because of all this. 35 You said, ‘I have declared myself innocent. Surely his anger has turned away from me!’ I will now take you to court; for your saying, ‘I have not sinned.’ 36 Why13 do you waste money to change your path? You will be put to shame by Egypt, just as you were put to shame by Assyria. 37 You will leave there with your hands on your head; for god rejected your trustees, and, together, you will not succeed. 3 1 Tell her my son14the following, ‘if a man divorces his wife and she goes from him, and becomes another man’s wife, will he return to her? Would not such a land be exceedingly defiled?’ You have prostituted yourself with companions...15 17 At that time they will name Jerusalem ‘the throne of Allah,’ and all nations16will assemble in her17 for the name of the lord of the world, and they will no longer follow their bad opinions, which they had considered good. 18 In those days, the house ofjudah will go with the house of Israel; and together they will come from the land of Iraq18 to the land which I gave to their fathers as a gift u. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

Lit.‘what?’ Lit. ‘Also.’ Lit. ‘What.’ ‘Tell her my son’ is an addition. It does not exist in the Hebrew text. MS B. 3:2-4:31 is missing. The Arabic word used here, ’Ahzdb (sing, hizb) denotes sects, parties, factions, etc., and can also connote nations. In the Arabic translation Jerusalem , which is mentioned twice in the Hebrew text, is mentioned only once. The Hebrew word yios meaning north is translated as / identified with the land Iraq. Cf. 2:18.

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19 I said, ‘how can I consider you as one of my children, and give you the most desirable land, the most beautiful gift of the nations’ armies,’ and I said, ‘my father,’ you will call me and from behind me you will not go back, 20 In fact, as a woman who betrayed her husband so you betrayed me, 0 house of Israel—the word of the lord of the world. 21 A voice on the road is heard, the suppliant weeping for the sons of Israel; for they have perverted their way, they have forgotten the lord their god. 22 Return, 0 rebellious children. I will heal your rebelliousness. They said ‘here we are just as you have commanded; for you are the lord our god.’ 23 Truly falsehood is from the high places, crowdedness from the mountains. Truly, in the lord our god, is salvation for Israel. 24 The Idol has put an end to our fathers toil from the time of our youth, together with their sheep and their cattle, their sons and their daughters. 25 We fall asleep with our shame, our humiliation is our blanket; for we have sinned against our lord our god, we and our fathers from our youth to this time, and we have not accepted the word of the lord our god. 4 1 ‘If you were to return, 0 Israel’—the word of the lord of the world—‘to me shall you return and if you remove your filthy things from before me and not waver, 2 and swear “as long ayy 19 live,” in truth, justice, and righteousness; then, will the nations bless themselves by Him and in Him eulogize.’ 3 For so said the lord of the world to the house of Judah and to the house of Jerusalem— ‘Take ploughable ground and plough it; do not sow among thorns. 4 Circumcise yourselves to Allah and take away the foreskins of your heart, o house of Judah and inhabitants of Jerusalem, lest my anger go forth like fire and burn with no one to quench it, because of the evilness of your situation.’ 19.

This is the abbreviated from ofy hw h It seems it is a formula of oath, and therefore the Tetragrammaton is kept in its Hebrew form.

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5 Declare in Judah, make known in Jerusalem and say, ‘blow the horn in the land;’ call, fill20 and say, ‘assemble you so that we go into the fortified villages.’ 6 Hold the flag high so that the people will find their way to Zion. Seek cover and do not go, because from Iraq, I am bringing a great disaster. 7 A lion is gone up from its thicket and a man, the destroyer of nations, is gone from his place to make your land desolate, to lay waste your villages, without an inhabitant. 8 Gird yourself with sackcloth over this; lament and wail; for the anger of Allah has not turned away from us. 9 At that time—the word of the lord of the world—the heart of the king and the heart of the princes will fail; the priests will be confused and the prophets astonished. 10 I said, ‘Help, 0 lord god! See! Surely, you have deceived this people and the inhabitants of Jerusalem greatly, saying, “Peace will be for you, whereas the sword has reached to the soul”.’ 11 At that time, it will be said to this people and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, ‘A pure wind21 on the roads and in the wilderness in the path of my people’s assembly. They are not for winnowing or cleansing.’ 12 A wind full of calamity will come from these to me. Now, I also [....] judgments with them. 13 Behold, he arises like the clouds, like the whirlwind are his chariots. His horses are (swifter) than eagles; woe to us when he plunders us. 14 [.....] wickedness from your heart that you may be saved. How long will your spiteful thoughts dwell [...] 15 A voice declares from Banyas; it proclaims spite from the mountain o fU 16 Remind the nations, here he is! Proclaim against Jerusalem, “Besiegers are coming from a distant country. Make their voice heard against the villages of Judah. 17 Like the watchers of the desert, they closed on her from all sides; for 20. Most translations render it laloud.f 21. Lit. ‘A wind of purity/ which probably means a still wind that does not cause the clouds to move and produce rain, from which people benefit.

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she has rebelled against me”—the word of A llah18 Your way and your (evil) traits have done these things to you; this is

your wickedness. It is therefore malicious and it has reached and got closer to your heart. 19 My intestines! My intestines are turbulent while I am forbearing. The walls of my heart; my heart is in turbulence and I cannot keep silent because you have heard, 0 my soul, the sound of the horn and the shouts of war. 20 You will meet destruction after destruction; for the whole land is plundered. Suddenly my tents are spoiled; in a moment, my curtains are stolen. 21 For how long will I look at the flag and hear the trum pet’s sound? 22 My people are foolish and do not know me; they are stupid children. They have no understanding; they are skilled at doing evil, but do know how to do good. 23 I beheld the earth and see, it was tih wa bih. I looked at the heavens and it was without light.22 28 Because of this, the earth will mourn and the heavens above will grow dark; for the sake what I promised and intended. I did not forgive; nor will I turn back. 29 From the sound of horseman and archer, the whole city fled; they entered the hiding places and went up to the caves; the whole city was deserted for none of its inhabitants was in it. 30 And you, who are plundered, what are you doing that you clothe yourselves with silk, wear ornaments of gold and paint your eyes? In vain, you make yourselves beautiful. Your lovers despise you and seek your life. 31 I heard (a voice) like the voice of a sick woman [a woman in labour according to another translation], in anguish, as of one giving birth to her first child, a voice of the community of Zion, breathing heavily and stretching her hands, ‘woe to me my soul is thirsty for the killers.’ 5 1 Walk through the streets23 of Jerusalem, see now and know; seek in 22. 23.

4:24-27 is missing. MS B. The market places.

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Translation

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the broad squares if you can find a man who does justice and seeks trust that I might forgive you. 2 If they say, ‘As ayy lives,’ they swear falsely.24 3 0, lord! Your sight; Have you not smitten people for (lack of) trust, but they were not affected; you have consumed them, but they refused to accept discipline. They have made their faces harder than rock and have refused to return. 4 I said, ‘Surely, they are poor and ignorant in that they do not know the way of god, nor the ordinances of their god.’ 5 I, myself, will go to the great men and will speak to them; for they know the way of the lord of the world and the ordinances of their god, but they have altogether broken the yoke and untied the bonds. 6 For that reason, the lion slew them at the gate, and a wolf, at sunset, will spoil them; a tiger watches over their cities. Everyone who leaves them will be devoured; for their transgressions have multiplied and their despotic acts have increased. 7 Where in the conditions (does it say that) I should pardon you? But your children have forsaken me and sworn by other masters than god, and when he fed them to the full, they committed adultery and poured in great numbers to the harlot’s house [an alternative translation would be: because of the harlot’s house they vilify themselves25]. 8 Like well-fed horses they were calm26, each man neighing for his companion’s wife. 9 Will I not punish (them) for these things—said the lord of the world— or will my soul be avenged on a nation such as this?27 14 Therefore—so said the lord, the eternal—because you have spoken this word, I am now making my word like a fire in your mouth and this people like firewood, which the fire will devour. 15 I am bringing a nation from far away, o house of Israel—the word of the lord of the world—It is a tough nation; it is an ancient nation, a nation whose language you do not know; nor can you understand what it says. 24. 25. 26. 27.

MS B. Though what they say is true, they swear falsely. MS B. Chooses the latter version. Unlike most translations, Japheth ben Ali derives mashkim from shakhakh *p\y , see al-FasT, al-Kitab, *jvyNand jvy. 5:10-13 is missing.

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16 Its quiver is like an open grave; all are giants. 17 It will eat your harvest up and your food; It will eat your sons and daughters; it will eat your sheep and cattle; it will eat your vines and fig trees; it will sack your fortified cities in which you trust with the sword. 18 In those days too—the word of the lord of the world—I will not leave you wholly annihilated. 19 When your people say, ‘Why has the lord, our god, done all these things to us?’ tell them, ‘Because you have forsaken me and served foreign lords in your land, so you will serve strangers in a land that is not yours.’ 20 Declare this in the house of Jacob; proclaim it in the house of Judah, saying: 21 Hear this now, 0 foolish and senseless people, who have eyes but do not see and ears but do not hear. 22 Is it me whom you do not fear?—the word of the lord of the world— or is it before me that you do not tremble? I placed the sand as a boundary for the sea, a perpetual barrier, which it cannot pass. Though the waves toss, they cannot prevail; though they roar, they cannot cross it. 23 This people have a stubborn and rebellious heart; they have turned aside and gone astray. 24 They do not say in their hearts, ‘Now we fear the lord our god, who gives the autumn and spring rains, each in its season, and keeps for us the weeks appointed for the harvest.’ 25 Your iniquities have turned this against you; your sins have deprived you of good. 26 For among my people, wicked men are found; like fowlers they set a trap; they catch human beings. 27 Like a cage full of birds, their houses are full of dishonest money; therefore they have become well-known and wealthy. 28 They have grown fat and fleshy [according to another translation, swindler]; they also went beyond committing wicked deeds. They did not judge in the orphan’s favour, that they might cause it to prosper, nor did they defend the rights of the needy. 29 Will I not punish (them) for these things?—a word which the lord of

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the world has spoken—and will I not bring retribution on a nation such as this? 30 An appalling and horrible thing was taking place on earth! 31 The prophets prophesy with lies, the priests steal their places and my people love it so. What then will they do in the end? 6

1 Hide yourselves, 0 children of Benjamin, in the centre of Jerusalem, and blow the horn in Tekoa. At the house of Kerma, set up a signal of smoke. Look, calamity is coming from Iraq, a great destruction. 2 You resemble the beautiful and the delicate, 0 assembly of Zion. 3 Over to her, they and their flock will cross. They have set tents about her; each one pasturing in his own place. 4 Prepare war against her; arise and let us attack at noon. Woe to us, for the day declines, the shadows of the sunset are about to set. 5 Arise and let us attack at night and destroy her palaces. 6 So said the lord of armies—‘Cut down her trees; throw thorns around Jerusalem. This city, over which the enemy was appointed, for everywhere there is oppression in the midst of her. 7 As the well keeps its water inside, so she keeps her wickedness. Tyranny and plunder are heard within her; in my presence always is sickness and injury. 8 Accept discipline, o Jerusalem, lest my soul despise28you, lest I make you desolate, a land uninhabited.’ 9 So said the lord of armies—they will glean the small cluster29 as the vine the remnant of Israel; turn again your hand as grapes gather on the shoots. 10 To whom will I speak and bear witness that they may hear? Behold, their ear is heavy that they cannot listen. Behold, the word of god has become like a scorned woman whom they have stopped desiring. 11 I am full with the wrath of Allah; I am unable to hold it in; indeed, he pours it out on the child in the street, and on the group of youngsters together. Both husband and wife will be taken, the aged with him who is full of days. 28. 29.

Lit. ‘lest my soul be hit.’ Lit. \Glean the small clusters which have been left for the poor to glean.’

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12 Their houses will be turned over to other people, both fields and wives together; for I will stretch out my hand against the inhabitants of the land. 13 From the least to the greatest, all are greedy for gain; from prophet to priest, all are lying. 14 They treated the wounds of the assembly of my people as if they were not fatal, saying to them: you will recover when there will be no recovery. 15 They should be ashamed, because they have committed an abomination, but they were neither ashamed nor did they know how to blush. It is therefore that they will fall among those who fall; when I punish them they will stumble—the word of the lord of the world. 16 So said the lord of the world— ‘Stand in the roads and look, and ask for the ancient ways, that is this good path and walk in it so that you may find the goal for yourselves.’ But they said, ‘we will not walk in it.’ 17 I raised up sentinels for you, and I told you to listen to the sound of the horn, but you said, ‘we will not listen.’ 18 Therefore hear, 0 nations, and know, 0 witness, what befalls them. 19 Hear 0 earth—so said Allah—look, I bring a calamity over this people, even the fruit of their thoughts, because they have not listened to my word. Though I taught (them) my law, they rejected it. 20 What is the frankincense that comes from Yemen to me or the good, sweet cane from that far away land? Your burnt offering is not acceptable; nor do your sacrifices please me. 21 Therefore—so said the lord god of Israel—‘Now, I set stumbling blocks before this people and fathers and sons will stumble against them. Both neighbour and friend will indeed perish.’ 22 So said the lord of the world—‘See, a people is on its way from the land of Iraq, and a great nation is rising from the farthest reaches of the earth.’ 23 They hold bow and spear. He is cruel and they have no compassion. Their voice is like a roaring sea. They ride horses, set in rows, as with a soldier against you, o community of Zion. 24 We heard about him. Our hands are weak; the pain of labour has overtaken us, like a woman in labour.

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25 Do not go out to the desert, nor walk in the road; for there is the sword of the enemy.30terror on every side. 26 0 community of my people! Gird yourself with sackcloth and wallow in ashes; make a funeral ceremony as for your only son with most bitter lamentation; for the plunderer comes suddenly on us. 27 I will examine them thoroughly, o whom I have made a tower, for when you test their ways you will know their deeds. 28 They are all the worse rebellious, going about with slanders. They are bronze and iron; all of them act corruptly. 29 The bellows blow fiercely, the lead is consumed by the fire. In vain, the refining goes on; for the wickedness has not been removed. 30 ‘Rejected silver’ was what they called them because Allah rejected them and sent them into exile.31 7 1 The word that came to Jeremiah from Allah—saying, 2 ‘Stand in the gate of Allah’s temple, and proclaim there this word, “Hear the word of Allah o Judah, who enters these gates to prostrate before Allah.” ’ 3 So said the lord of armies,32god of Israel—‘amend your ways and your actions that that I might let you dwell in this place. 4 Do not trust in the word of lies, This is the temple of Allah, the temple of Allah, the temple of Allah.’ 5 If you continue amending your ways and your actions, judging fairly between one man and his fellow, 6 (if) you do not oppress the stranger, orphan and widow, and do not shed innocent blood in this land, nor convert to other lords to your hurt, 7 then will I allow you to dwell in this place on land that I have given you33 and your forefathers from ancient times to eternity. 8 Look! You rely on lying words without profit. 9 Will you really steal, murder, commit adultery, swear falsely, offer 30. 31. 32. 33.

MS B. Lit. ‘because there is a trap belonging to the enemy.* MS B. ‘Rejected money (lit. few dirhams) is what they called them because Allah rejected them.’ MS B. ‘The lord of armies or the Eternal.* MS A. Adds the expression ‘I have given you.*

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incense to an idol and go after other lords whom you have not known. 10 You will come to stand before me in this temple, on which my name is invoked, and say, ‘You may deliver us’, though you do all these abominations? 11 Has this Quds, on which my name is invoked, become a den for cavedwellers, a highway for robbers in your eyes? See! I, even I, have seen it—the word of Allah. 12

Go now to my place34which was in Shiloh, where I caused my name to dwell in ancient times and see what I have done to it, because of the wickedness of my people Israel.

13 Now, because you have done all these things—a word which the lord of the world has spoken35—and though I spoke to you persistently, you did not listen and though I called you, you did not answer me.36 14 I will do to this temple,37which is called after my name, and on which you rely and to the place I have given to you and your forefathers38, as I did to Shiloh. 15 I will throw you away as I have thrown all your brothers, the entire seed39of Ephraim. 16 And you, do not pray for this people; do not raise a takbir,40 or any prayer on their behalf. Do not intercede with me; for I will not hear you. 17 Do you not see what they are doing in the cities of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem? 18 The children gather wood; the fathers kindle fire and the women knead dough to make a cake for the stars41 of heaven; they sprinkle

34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

MS B. Place of my glory. MS B. ‘in the word of the Allah../ MS B. ‘...you did not answer.’ MS B. ‘I will do to the house...’ MS B. ‘...I have given you and your forefathers...’ MS B. Offspring. I have kept this term un-translated due to its Islamic connotation and its use in Karaitic liturgy. It simply means ‘ ’Allahu ’akbar ’ meaning Allah is great.’ MS B. Planets.

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sprinkles for other idols42 to provoke my anger against them.43 19 Are they provoking?44—a word which Allah spoke45—is it not for themselves, to the disgrace of their faces? 20 Therefore—so said the lord of the world—‘my anger and wrath will be poured out over this place, on humans and animals, on the trees of the desert and the fruit of the ground. It will burn and not be quenched.’ 21 So said the lord of armies, the god of Israel—‘add your burnt offerings to your sacrifices, and eat flesh. 22 For I did not speak to your forefathers about burnt offerings and sacrifices, nor did I command them at the time46that I brought them out of the land of Egypt. 23 But this word I did command them, saying: “Accept my word so that I be a god for you and you become a people for me, and you walk in the whole road I command you, that it may go well for you”.’ 24 They did not accept, nor did they incline to hear47, but walked in their own counsels and in what their wicked heart found good.48They went backwards, not forward. 25 Since the day that your forefathers came from the land of Egypt until this time, I have sent you all my servants the prophets, sending them every day and often. 26 But they did not accept, nor did they incline to hear. They made their necks stiff; they did worse than their forefathers. 27 Speak all these words to them, though they not listen. Call them to you, though they not answer you. 28 Then tell them: ‘This is the nation that has not listened to the word of the lord its god, nor did they take discipline. Faithfulness has perished and is cut off from their mouth.’ 29 Cut off your hair, and throw it away. Raise your voice with lamentation in the roads, for the lord of the world has indeed rejected and sent 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.

MS B. Lords. MS B. To provoke me. MS B. ‘Is it me whom they provoke?’ MS B. The Hebrew phrase ne’om 'edhonay ‘word of the lord is left out.’ MS B. in the day. MS B. Ear. MS B. ‘They walked in counsels (and)in (considering good) their bad opinion.’

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this generation of his anger into exile. 30 The sons of Judah have done what is bad at my place—the word of Allah—they have set their hateful things in the temple, where they set my name, defiling it. 31 They built there temples for the idol in Gey ben Hennom to burn their sons and daughters with fire, which I did not command nor did it enter my heart. 32 Therefore, look, days are coming—the word of Allah—that this place will neither be called49Topheth nor Gey ben Hennom, but ‘the valley of killing’ and they will bury in Topheth for lack of room. 33 The carcasses of these people will be food for the birds of heaven and the animals of the earth and no one will disturb them. 34 Then I will cause the voice of happiness and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride, to cease in the cities of Judah and in the market places50 of Jerusalem; for the entire land will be desolate. 8

1 At that time—the word of the lord of the world51—they will bring the bones of Judah’s kings, his princes, priests, prophets and the inhabitants of Jerusalem from their graves52 2 They will spread them before the sun and the moon and all the army of heaven whom they loved, worshiped, went after53and bowed down before. They will neither be collected nor buried, but become like garbage on the face of earth. 3 Death will be chosen rather than life by the entire rem nant of this wicked tribe, which remains in every place I have driven them —the word of the lord of armies.54

49.

MS B. ‘Therefore, see, days are coming, the word of Allah, Topheth and Gey ben Hennom will not be said again, but the valley of killing; and they will bury in Topheth for there will be other places for burial.* 50. MS B. Streets. 51. MS B. Allah. 52. MS B. ‘The bones of his princes, the bones of the priests, the bones of the prophets, and the bones of the inhabitants of Jerusalem from their graves.* 53. MS B. Whom they...went looking for.... 54. MS B. The lord Eternal.

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4 You will say to them —so said the lord of the world55—‘Will they fall and rise up again or will he turn away and not return?’ 5 Why hasjerusalem, together with this people, kept apostatizing, held fast to deceit and refused to return?

6 I have given heed and listened, but they speak just so.56No one regrets his wickedness, saying, ‘what have I done?’ Rather, all frequent (wickedness),57 like a horse in a siege, plunging headlong into battle. 7 Even the Hasidha58 in heaven knew its times, the sifinin,59 swallow, and crane observe the time for coming, but my people did not know Allah’s rules. 8 How can you say60‘We are wise and the law of Allah is with us?’ Surely, this falsehood is made into a lie by the pen of the scribes. 9 The sages were ashamed, dismayed and taken. Look, they have rejected the word of Allah; so what kind of wisdom did they have? 10 Therefore, I will give their wives to other people and their fields to other heirs, as from the least to the greatest, all are exceedingly greedy; from prophet to priest all deal falsely. 11 They treated [another reads, they dropped] the wound of my people as a light and simple blow. They said this word, ‘recovery, recovery’, but there was no recovery. 12 They were put to shame because they committed an abomination, yet they were not really ashamed, nor did they know embarrassment. It is therefore that they will fall among those falling. At the time of their chastisement, they will be overthrown—the word of the lord of the world .61 13 I will indeed gather them and cut them off—said the lord of the world62—there are no grapes in the vine, nor figs on the fig tree and 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

60. 61. 62.

Allah.

MS B. ...they do not speak honestly (mustowi). See al-FasT, al-Kitab, p . In the commentary of this verse, the MSB version is given as an alternative. MS B. ‘...each one is returning...’ MS B. The kite. I have not found any trace of this word in Arabic; even Lane in his Lexicon (1984) does not indicate what type of bird it is. Most translation including al-FasTs renders it with dove/turtledove. MS B. ‘How is it permitted that you say...?’ MS B. The world of Allah. MS B. Is the word of Allah.

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the leaves are falling. What I gave has left them. 14 Why do we sit here? Gather together, and let us enter the fortified cities and be thrown down there; for the lord our god made us dumb and made us drink poisoned water, because we sinned against the lord of the world. 15 We have hoped for a hope of peace, but there was no good; (we hoped) for a time of healing, but we found terror. 16 From Banyas, the snorting of his horses is heard; (from) the entire earth, the sound of the neighing of his strong ones; for they have come and devoured the land and what is in it, the city and its inhabitants. 17 For see, I am setting vipers among them and snakes from which they cannot be protected; they will bite them—a word which the lord of the world sp o k e18 How long will I endure sorrow, and my heart be ill? 19 Hear the voice of the community of my people from the land of far away, ‘Is the lord of the world not in Zion? Is her king not in her? Why do they keep provoking me with their carved (idols) and the vanities of foreigners?’ 20 ‘The time of the harvest is past, the summer ended; yet, we are not saved.’ 21 From the disaster of my people’s assembly, am I become sick, and my body is overtaken with sorrow; loneliness has taken hold of me.

22 Is there no balm in Jarash? Is there no physician there? Why, then, has the health of the community of my people not been restored? 23 Who will make my head a spring of water and my eyes a source of the tear that I might cry over the slain of the community of my people? 9 1 Who will make me an inn for travellers in the wilderness, that I might leave my people and go away from them; for they are all adulterers? 2 They bend their tongue like bows; they have grown in the land for falsehood, and not truth; they proceed from evil to evil and do not know me—the word which the lord of the world has spoken. 3 Let every one watch his companion and do not trust your brother; for every brother is a swindler and every companion (goes around with) slander.

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4 They deride everyone his companion, tru th they speak not. They have taught their tongues to speak lies; they commit crimes, but are too weary to repent. 5 You sit in the middle of the land with deceit; they refuse to know me—the word of Allah—

6 Therefore—so said the lord, the eternal—‘Now, I will refine and test them. What else can I do with the assembly of my people?’ 7 Their tongue turns like an arrow; it speaks deceit from its mouth. He speaks of peace with his companion, but, in his heart, he plans an ambush. 8 Will I not punish them for these things?—the word of Allah—Will my soul not take revenge from a party like this? 9 I will bring crying and wailing to the mountains, and a lamentation to the places and pastures of the wilderness, because they are laid waste, that no one pass through. The voice of the cattle is not heard; the birds of heaven and the animals have fled and gone. 10 I will make Jerusalem a heap of rubble, a lair of jackals and I will make the towns of Judah desolate, without inhabitants. 11 Who is the wise? Who can distinguish this? Even the prophet, to whom the mouth of Allah spoke, will he tell her why the land was destroyed and laid waste like a wilderness that no one might pass through? 12 Allah said, ‘because they have forsaken my law I set before them, and they have not obeyed my saying, nor walked in accordance with it; 13 but they followed their own opinion, which they considered good, and they followed the idols as their forefathers had taught them.’ 14 Therefore—so said the lord, the eternal, the god of Israel—‘Now, I will feed this people the bitter fruit and make them drink poison. 15 I will scatter them among the nations, whom neither they nor their forefathers have known; and I will send the sword after them, till I have consumed them.’ 16 So said the lord the eternal—‘Consider and call the wailing women to come; send for the wise women to come. 17 Let them raise a dirge over us quickly; that our eyes run with tears, and that our eyelids flow with water.’

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18 A voice of wailing is heard from Zion, ‘How are we plundered! We are greatly put to shame, because we have forsaken the land, because our dwellings have thrown us out.’ 19 Hear, 0 women—the word of Allah—let your ears receive the word of his mouth. Teach your daughters wailing and each her companion a lament. 20 Death has arisen in our places of worship; it entered our palaces to cut our children off from the street, the young men from the market places.

21 Say my son—so said Allah—‘Carcasses will fall on the ground as dung on the face of the desert, like the overflow on the road after the harvest, with no one to gather it.’ 22 So said Allah— The wise will neither boast in his wisdom, nor the mighty in his might, nor the rich in his riches, 23 except in this, the one who is boasting will boast; namely, guidance and knowledge of me, that I am Allah , I give justice and righteousness in abundance on the earth, for in these things I delight’—the word of A llah24 See—the word of Allah—days are coming in which I will punish every

circumcised and everyone without foreskin. 25 Egypt, Judah, Edom, the children of Ammon, Moab and all who have the corner of their hair polled, who dwell in the wilderness; for all the nations are circumcised, but the entire house of Israel is uncircumcised in the heart. 10

1 Listen to the word that Allah has spoken to you, o house of Israel!63 2 So (said)64 the lord of the world—do not learn the beliefs65 of the nations and do not be afraid of the signs of the sky; for the nations are frightened by them. 3 For the laws of nations are futile. It is a piece of wood from the tree I will cut off; a carpenter’s handwork with an adze .66 63. 64. 65. 66.

MS B. Sons of Israel. The scribe has obviously forgotten to translate the verb io n (he) said. MS B re dering it ‘so said Allah.' The Arabic word madhahib (sing, madhhab) means, inter alia, doctrines, believes, ideologies etc. An ax.

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4 He adorns it with silver67and gold ;68with nails and hammer he fastens it ,69so it does not move. 5 They are like the ghost of a cucumber; they do not speak; they will be carried, for they cannot walk. Do not be afraid of them; for they cannot harm you, nor have they any goodness.

6 0 lord, there is none like you. You are great and your name is great in power. 7 Who would fear you, 0 king of the nations? For it is to you she came. Among all the wise men of the nations and among their kingdoms, there is none like you. 8 They behave both 70foolish and ignorant; a religion of loss, it is a piece of wood. 9 Paper made thin, that is brought from the sea 71 and gold from the source, the work of craftsmen and of the hands of goldsmiths; its clothing is sky-blue and purple. They are all the work of wise men. 10 And the lord god is truth, the god of eternity and the King of the world, from whose wrath the earth quakes; nations cannot endure his rage. 11 So will you say to them, the lords that did not make heaven and earth will perish from the earth and from under this heaven. 12 The maker of the earth by his power organized the inhabited world by his wisdom; by his majesty, he stretched out heaven. 13 He gave a voice to the crowding of the heaven’s water; he raised the clouds from the extremities of the earth. For the rain he made lightning and he brought the wind from his treasury. 14 All people behave erratically for lack of knowledge; so every goldsmith is put to shame because of the idol he made; for his molten image is a deceit; there is no movement in it .72 15 They are vanity, a work of mockery. At the time of their inspection, they perish. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72.

MS B. Paper. MS B. Ink. MS B. He holds it. Lit. ‘in one.’ Tarshish is translated by the word ‘sea.’ MS B. ‘There is no spirit in them.’

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16 Not like this the portion of Jacob; for He is the creator of all things and Israel is the rod of his inheritance. The lord, the self-subsisting is His name. 17 Gather from the earth what they lost, while making you submissive; sit through 73 the siege! 18 For so said Allah— ‘I throw the inhabitants out of this land with the slingshot this time; I will confine them that they might find it.’ 19 Woe to me for my injury; pain has struck me. I said, ‘This is just a sickness which I will bear.’ 20 My tent is plundered; all my cords are dispersed. My children have gone from me and are no more. No one stretches my tent again and no one makes the curtains of my tent 74 stand.

21 For the shepherds have behaved erratically and did not seek Allah; therefore, they did not come forward 75 and all their flock was scattered. 22 See, a loud voice is coming and a great earthquake from Iraq, rendering the land of Judah desolate, a habitat for jackals. 23 I know, o lord of the world, that man’s road is not his own; that the man who walks, does not direct his own steps. 24 Chastise me76, o lord, in measure, not in w rath77, lest you make me insignificant. 25 Shed your anger on the nations who did not know you and on the tribes who did not invoke your name; for they have eaten Jacob; they have devoured and brought him to nought. They have laid his homeland desolate. 11

1 The word which was from 78Allah to Jeremiah, say in g 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78.

MS B. Sitting. MS B. ‘No one is making my curtains stand.’ MS B. ‘They did not succeed.’ MS B. Show me. In the Maghrebin and Andalusian Arabic varieties, the expression has the meaning of punish, chastise, correct. MS B. ‘Not by commotion of your wrath.’ It seems that the theological implications of the expression away from (Ar. ^ & , Heb. jino) is seen in the sharp form of monotheism, i.e., Allah is not speaking directly to Jeremiah, but by means of an intermediary. Cf. the commentary: ‘it is said that the expression 1 j «away from means that there was between the

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‘Hear the words of this covenant, and tell them to the men of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem.

3 Tell them —so said Allah— the god of Israel, ‘Cursed is the man who does not listen to this covenant, 4 which I commanded your forefathers when I took them from the land of Egypt, from the iron crucible, saying, Listen to my voice and to all I command you, that you may be a people to me and I a god to you, 5 To confirm the oath, I gave your forefathers, to give them a land flowing with milk and honey, just as today.’ I answered, ‘Amen, 0 Allah.'

6 Then—the lord of the world 79said to me—‘Proclaim all these messages in the cities of Judah and in the market places of Jerusalem ,80saying, “hear the words of this covenant and follow them.” 7 For I have had witnesses repeatedly warning your forefathers from the day they left the land of Egypt until this day, saying, “Accept my word.” 8 But they did not listen, nor did they incline their ears, and they continued approving their bad opinion. For this reason I brought against them all the words of this covenant, because of what I commanded them to do, but they did not do.’ 9 And the lord of the world said to me, ‘rebellion is found in the house of Judah 81 and among the inhabitants of Jerusalem, 10 They have returned to the sins their forefathers of old, who refused to listen to my words. They, too, went after other lords to worship them. The house of Israel and the house of Judah have broken the covenant I made with their forefathers.’ 11 ‘Therefore’—so said the lord of the world82—‘I am bringing a calamity from which they will be unable to escape. Then, they will cry out to me, but I will not hear them.’ 12 Then the inhabitants of the cities of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem will go and cry to the lords to whom they offer incense; but surely they will not rescue them in their time of calamity. al- Kavodh (the Glory) and Jeremiah an intermediary.’

79. 80. 81. 82.

MS B. Allah. MSB. Inhabitants of Jerusalem. MS B. In the man of Judah. MS B. Allah.

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13 Your lords have become as many as your cities, o Judah and you have set up as many altars for the idol83 as streets in Jerusalem, altars for incense to an idol. 14 As for you, do not pray on behalf of this people, nor raise a melody for their sake; for I will not listen when they call, because of their calamity. 15 What is my house to my beloved, while she does so many acts of debauchery? Will the body of holiness pass over you, when you reach a trap as you rejoice? 16 A succulent olive tree, beautiful of splendour is the name that the lord of the world has given you. Because of the great confusion, he set its leaves ablaze. They attended its climbing vine .84 17 The lord85, the self-subsisting, the one who has planted you, has promised you calamity, because of the evil of Israel86and of the house of Judah, who have made for themselves lords to vex me, because they offered incense to the idol. 18 The lord of the world 87 made known to me and I knew then that you showed me their situation. 19 For I was like a docile lamb, brought to be made into meat. I was not aware that they had already contrived plots, in that they said, ‘Let’s kill Jeremiah by putting poison in his food and cut him off from the land of life, so that his name will never be mentioned again .’ 88

20 ‘0 Allah, the self-subsisting, judging with Justice, who examines the 83. 84.

MS B. Shame, (Ar. al-Khizy). This verse is very problematic. The translation in MS B has a slightly different rendering: Like a beautiful olive tree The fruit o f splendour, Is the name that Allah has give you, For the sound of the great confusion, He sat its leaves ablaze, And they attended to its climbing vine.

85. 86. 87. 88.

MS B. Allah. MS B. The house of Israel. MS B. Allah. MS B. They indeed plotted against me (saying), let’s us corrupt his food w ith a poisonous wooden stick And let’s cut him off from the land o f life So that his name will be never m entioned again

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kidneys and the heart, let your vengeance be shown to them; for I have revealed my case to you.’

21 Therefore—so said Allah—concerning the people of Anathoth who seek your soul, saying, ‘Do no prophesy in the name of Allah against us lest you die by our hands.’ 22 Therefore—so said the lord, the self-subsisting—‘Here I am inspecting them, the young men will be killed with the sword. Their sons and daughters will starve to death. 23 No rem nant will be left of them; for I, I will bring a calamity upon them in the year of their inspection.’ 12

1 You are Just, 0 lord! Though I complain against you, will I discuss with you the judgment. ‘Why has the way of the transgressors become successful? Just ask the most treacherous of them.’ 2 You have planted them; they have also taken root. They went and then began bearing fruit. You are near to their mouth, but far from their kidneys. 3 And you, 0 lord, you have indeed known me, you see me and examine my heart; it is with you. Destroy them like sheep, to be made into meat and prepare them for the day of slaughter. 4 How long will the land be sad and the grass of the desert dried up? Because of the evil of its inhabitants, animals and birds have perished; for they said, ‘He will not look at us hereafter.’ 5 You wrestled with men, but they proved stronger. How then can you compete with horses? If in the land of security you are down, how will you manage Jordan? 6 For even your brothers and your father’s house betrayed you. They shouted after you like a crowd. Do not trust what they say, when they address you with beautiful words. 7 I left my house; I deserted my possession; I put the soul of my beloved into the hands of her enemies. 8 My possession became to me like a lion in the forest. She raised her voice against me; therefore I hated her. 9 Like the coloured bird ,89 my possession is to me like the bird flying around it. Come, gather all the beasts of the desert; come for food. 89.

In the commentary, the coloured bird is identified as the peacock.

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10 Many shepherds have destroyed my vineyard; they devastated my fertile land. They rendered the most envious fertile land a desolate wilderness

11 He has made her desolate; she was ruined for me, the desolate. The land became empty; for no one has laid it to heart. 12 In all the roads of the wilderness, have the plunderers arrived; for the sword of Allah has devoured. There is no peace for all flesh, from on end of the earth to the other. 13 They sowed wheat and reaped thorns. They became ill, but drew no benefit. They were shamed because of their produce by the blazing anger of Allah. 14 So said Allah—against all my wicked neighbours who encroached on the inheritance that I gave my people Israel, ‘See! Now I uproot them from their land and I will uproot the house of Judah from their midst. 15 After uprooting them, I will return and show mercy upon and restore each to his inheritance and each to his land.’ 16 It will be that If they learn the commendable doctrines of my people properly and swear truthfully by my name: ‘As ayy lives,’just as they taught my people by the idol, then they will build in the midst of my people. 17 And if they do not listen, I will uproot and destroy that nation utterly—the word of Allah. 13 1 So said Allah—‘Go quickly and buy for yourself a loincloth of linen; put it around your loins, but do not dip it in water.’ 2 Then, I bought a loincloth, according to the word of Allah, and I put it around my loins. 3 The message of Allah came to me a second time, saying, 4 ‘Take the loincloth, which you have bought, which is about your loins and stand and go to Farat90 and bury it in a cleft in the rock.’ 5 I went and buried it in Farat, just as Allah had commanded me. 6 It was after many days had passed that Allah said to me, ‘Stand and go to Farat and take from there the loincloth, which I commanded you to 90.

According to al-FasT, Kitab, m a, it means ‘a lake whose name is Farat.'

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burry there.’ 7 Then, I went to Farat and I took the loincloth from the place where I had buried it and, suddenly, the loincloth was ruined; it was not good for anything .91 14 4 Because of which, the ground was terrified; for there had been no rain in the land. The ploughmen were ashamed; they covered their heads .92 5 Even the hind in the desert gave birth and left its offspring behind, because there was no grass.

6 And the wild asses stood in the roads, sniffing the air like jackals-or the snake-their eyes stared, because there was no grass. 7 ‘Even if our shortcomings testify against us, act in our favour, 0 lord! For the sake of your name; for our shortcomings and our sins against you have become many. 8 0 Hope of Israel, [Its deliverer] at the time of its trouble. Why are you like the stranger in the land, like the traveller who stops only for the night? 9 Why are you like a wandering cantor, like a soldier who [cannot] provide deliverance? You are in our midst, 0 lord of the world! Your name is on us. Do not forsake us !93 19 Have you, really rejected Judah or have you despised Zion? Why have you so stricken us that there is no cure? We have even had hope, but found no good and we hoped for healing, but met a surprise. 20 We confess our debauchery, 0 lord, the iniquity of our forefathers; for we have sinned against you. 21 Do not reject (us) for your name’s sake. Do not dishonour the throne of your glory. Remember and do not cancel your covenant with us. 91. 92.

MS B. 13:8-14:3 is missing. In the commentary, the verse was re-arranged so: Because there was no rain in the land, The land became terrified, And the ploughmen were ashamed, And they covered their heads.

93.

MS B. Breaks here. 14:10-15:16 is missing.

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Is there a lord among the nations who can give rain? Or can the sky shower? Isn’t it you who is the lord, our god? We hope in you; for you have done all this.

1594 9 The mother of seven is shattered; she has emptied her soul. Her sun has set after the day. She was ashamed and blackened. I will deliver their rem nant to the sword before their enemies—the word of the lord of the w o rld 10 Wail for me my mother that you gave birth to me; for I have become a man of conflict and strife against all the inhabitants of the land. I have not borrowed and they have not lent to me. All the inhabitants of the land have cursed me .95 17 I have not sat with revellers and made merry! But, because of your blow, I sat by myself; for you have filled me with gloom. 18 Why has my pain become endless? A serious illness has struck me and you will be to me like a cure, like failing waters that cannot be relied on.‘ 19 Therefore—so said the lord of the world—‘if you turn back, I will take you back and you will stand before me. If you produce what is noble from what is worthless, you will be as my word. They will come back to you, not you to them. 20 I will make for this people a fortified wall of bronze. They will attack you, but they will not overwhelm you; for I am with you to deliver and save you’—the word of the lord of the w o rld -

21 ‘I will save you from the wicked ones And rescue you from the clutches of gamblers.’ 16 1 The word of Allah came to me, saying— 2 ‘Do not take a wife that you have no sons or daughters in this place, 3 For—so said Allah—concerning the sons and daughters who are born in this place, concerning their mothers who gave birth to them and their fathers who begot them in this land, 4 they will die from diseases; they will not be lamented nor buried; they will be like dung on the ground. They will be consumed bys word and 94. 95.

MS D. 15:1-8 is missing. MS D. 15:11-25:38 is missing.

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famine [....]96’ 17 4 You will forfeit, by your own accord, the inheritance that I gave you. I will make you serve your enemies in the land that you have not known; for a fire has been heated by my anger. Forever will I burn .97 18 17 Like the east wind will I scatter them before the enemy. Behold, I will show them (the) back of the neck, not the face, on the day of their calamity. 18 Then they said, ‘Come and let us plot against Jeremiah; for the law will not perish from the priest nor words from the prophet nor counsel from the sage. Come, let us strike him with the tongue and not listen to anything he says.’ 19 Listen to me, 0 the lord of the world and hear what the voice of my enemies says. 20 Should we repay good with evil? Then, they have dug a pit to take my soul away, Remember, I stood before you to speak positively on their behalf to turn your anger from them! 21 Therefore, deliver their children to famine; put them to the edge of the sword, that their wives be bereaved of children and husbands. Their husband will be killed by plague; heir young men, slain in battle by the sword. 22 An outcry will be heard from their homes, as he will come upon them ...suddenly; for they have dug a pit to trap me and laid snares for my feet. 23 And you, 0 lord, you knew all their plots against me, (to put me to) death. Do not forgive their sin nor wipe out their guilt. Instead, let them stumble before you. Deal with them in your rage. 19 1 So said the lord of the world—‘Go quickly and buy for yourself a jug of the potter’s ware and (take with you) some of the elders of the priests.

2 Go to Gey ben Hinnom, which is at the entrance of the eastern gate and proclaim there the words that I will speak to you. 96. 97.

MS B. Breaks here. 16: 5-17:3 is missing. MS B. 17: 5-18:16 is missing.

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3 Say, “Hear the message of Allah, 0 kings of Judah and Inhabitants of Jerusalem—so said the lord the self-subsisting, the lord of Israel”—I now bring evil on this country that the ears of everyone who hears of it will tingle.’ 4. Because they, their fathers and the kings of Judah have ceased to obey me and have alienated this place. They offered incense to other lords, whom they did not know and they have filled it with innocent blood. 5. They have built places of worship98to the idol, in order to put their sons and daughters to the fire as burnt offerings to the idol, which I never commanded, never decreed and which has never entered my heart.

6. Therefore, days are now coming—the word of the lord of the world— when this place will no longer be called Tofeth or Gey ben Hinnom, but the valley of killing. 7. And I will now turn [or ‘change’] the plans of Judah and of the house of Jerusalem upside down. I will cause them to fall by the sword before their enemies and by the hands of those who seek their souls. I will make their carcasses food for the bird(s) of the sky and the beasts of the land. 8. I will make this city desolate, (a place of) hissing, that all those who pass by will howl and hiss over all its wounds. 9 I will feed them the flesh of their own sons and daughters, a man the flesh of his companion. (This is what) they will eat in the siege, the distress to which their enemies, those seeking their souls, will subject them.” 10 Smash the jug in the presence of the men who (go) with you, 11 Say to them—so said the lord the self-subsisting—‘So will I smash this people and so will I smash this city, as one smashes a potter’s vessel, so that it can never be repaired. They will be buried in Tofeth; for there will be (no) other place for burial. 12 Similarly, will I do to this place and its inhabitants—the word of the lord of the world—and I will make this place like Tofeth. 13 The house of Jerusalem and the house of the kings of Judah will be like the unclean place, Tofeth. All the houses on whose roofs they have offered incense to the armies of heaven and sprinkled sprinklings to other lords.’ 98.

Bia‘, plural of bay'ah, means synagogues, churches, etc.

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14 When Jeremiah returned from Tofeth, where Allah had sent him to prophesy, he stood in court of the temple of Allah and said to the entire people, 15 ‘So said the lord the self-subsisting, the lord of Israel—“I will now bring on this city and on all its cities, the calamity, I have pronounced against it. They have stiffened their neck without listening to my messages.’” 20

1 When Pashhur the son of Immer, the priest, who was chief in charge of the house of the lord of the world, heard Jeremiah prophesying these things, 2 Pashhur flogged Jeremiah and put the prophet in the prison at the Upper Benjamin Gate in Allah’s temple. 3 The next day, Pashhur released him from prison and Jeremiah told him, ‘Allah did not call you Pashhur, but “terror round about .’”99 4 So spoke the lord of the world—‘See! I will make you a terror to yourself and to all those who love you. They will fall by the sword of their enemies, while your eyes look on, and all Judah will be delivered into the hands of the king of Babylon, who will take them into exile in Babylon and put them to the sword. 5 I will deliver this entire city’s power with all its toil and dignity, and I will hand over all the riches of Judah’s kings to their enemies, (who) will plunder them and they will take and keep them in Babylon. 6 As for you, Pashhur, you and your entire household, you will go into captivity and enter Babylon. There, you will die and there you will be buried, you and all those dear to you, to whom you prophesied lies.’ 7 You left me aloof, 0 lord of the world...You overpowered m e ... I have become a laughingstock; (everyone) makes fun of me. 8 For (every time) I speak, I cry out and proclaim, ‘injustice and plundering.’ The word of Allah has become for me a constant [.... ] and party. 9 I said, ‘I will not mention him; no more will I speak in his name.’ [It was] in my heart like a raging fire, shut in my bones [ ] I was helpless. 10 I heard the atrocity of many, terror all around, everyone, who tests 99.

Lit. ‘prudence from (a round thing).’

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my safety 100 22

24 [ As I live—the word of] the lord of the world—Even if Coniah, the son of [jehoia]kim, king of Judah, were a seal on my right hand, certainly from [there, would I tear it off], 25 I will deliver you into the hands of those who seek your soul, into the hands of those whom you dread, into the hands of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon and into the hands of the Chaldeans. 26 I will hurl you and your mother, who gave birth to you, into another land, where you were not born, where you will die 27 and to the land to which they yearn to return, though there they will not return. 28 Vile and smashed is this man Coniah. Or[...],Why are he and his offspring cast away in a land they did no know? 29 0 land! 0 land! 0 land! Hear the message of the lord of the world! 30 So said the lord of the world—‘Write down that this man is sterile, a man who will have no success in his day. Not one of his children will have any success sitting on the throne of David, [ to rule] in Judah.’ 23

1 0 shepherds who destroy and scatter the sheep of my pasture!—the word of the lord of the world— 2 Therefore—so said Allah, the lord of Israel, concerning the shepherds who attend to my people—because you have scattered my sheep, spread them out, and did not miss them, I will punish you; and (also) for your evil situation—the word of Allah. 3 I myself will gather my sheep from all the lands to which I have banished them and I will return them to their homeland, where they will become fruitful and many. 4 I will appoint over them shepherds to attend to them. They will no longer101 fear or be alarmed. None will be missing—the word of the lord of the world— 5 Therefore, see, days are coming—the word of the lord of the world—I will appoint from David a righteous plant, who will reign as king and 100. MSB. 20:11-22:23 is missing. 101. MS A. Uses the adverb ’aydan (also, too), whereas MS B uses a Maghrebin (modern Tunisian) adverb zadah (more, no longer).

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he will prosper and do what is just and right in the land.

6 In his days, Judah will be delivered and Israel will dwell in safety. This is the name the lord of the world will give him: ‘Our justice’. 7 Therefore, see, days are coming—the word Allah spoke—and they will no longer say, ‘As YY live!’, who brought the sons of Israel up from the land of Egypt. 8 Is not ‘As YY Live!’ who brought out and led the children of the house of Israel from the northland 102 and from all the lands to which I had banished them. Then, they will dwell on 103 their own land. 9 Because of the prophets, my heart is crushed inside of me; all my bones shook and I became like a drunk, like a man overcome by wine, because of Allah, and the words of his holiness .104 16 So said the lord the self-subsisting—‘Do not listen to the words of the prophets who prophesy on 105you; they [delude] you. The prophecies they speak are inspired by their own heart, not from what is spoken 106 by Allah.’ 17 Saying to all who reject me—the lord of the world has spoken—‘Peace will be to you and to everyone who follows his own opinion, believing that it is right.’ They said ‘No calamity will befall you.’ 18 But he who has discovered the secret of the lord of the world ,107 and sees and hears his message, who has listened to his word, must obey .108 22 If they had discovered my secret, they would have declared my messages to my people and turned them away from their evil way and from the ugliness of their situation. 23 Am I a lord near at hand—a word which the lord of the world spoke— and not a lord far away? 24 if a man hides himself in hiding places, do I not see him?—a word 102. 103. 104. 105. 106.

MSB. Iraq. MSB. Sit on. Both MSS A and B break here. MS A 23:10-23:15 and MS B 23:10-23:21 are missing. MT to you. Lit. ‘not from the word/saying of Allah,’ Whereas MT has: ‘not from the mouth of Yahweh.’This is an example of how medieval Jewish Biblical translation, both Kara­ ite and Rabbinic, avoided anthropomorphism. 107. Lit. ‘...He stood in the secret of the lord of the world...’ 108. MS A. 23:19-21 is missing.

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which the lord of the world spoke—Isn’t it I who fills109 heaven and earth? That is, am I not in both and (also) in between ?110 25 I heard what the prophets said, who had prophesied falsely in my name, saying, ‘I had a dream, I had a dream!’ 26 How long [will it be] in the heart of the prophets to prophesy with falsehood, and the prophets of 27 Those who plan to make my people forget my name with their dreams, which they tell one another, ju st as they forefathers forgot [my name because of the idol]. 28 Let the prophet, who [has] a dream, tell that dream [....my words] truthfully! What has the straw...? 29 Aren’t my words, in this manner, like fire—the word of the lord of the world—and like a hammer, shattering rock? 30 Therefore, I am now against the prophets—the word of the lord of the world—who take their speech, and who have said, ‘ne’om’111. 31 I am against those who are prophesying dreams of falsehood—the word of the lord of the world—who relate them and mislead my people with their lies and scarecrows. I have neither sent them nor commanded them. They are of no benefit to this people—the word of the lord of the w o rld 32 When this people, the prophet or the priest ask you, saying, ‘What is massah ayy?, say to them, ‘as a punishment for mah massah, I will abandon them ’—the word of the lord of the world. 33 The prophet, the priest and the people who say, ‘massah ayy,’ that person and his household will I punish. 34 So you will say, each to his companion and each to his brother, ‘What has Allah answered?’ and ‘What has Allah said?’ 35 [....] for the massah is for the recipient of his revelation, but you have spoken the words of our lord the true god, the lord, the selfsubsisting. 36 So you should say to the prophet, ‘What did the lord of the world answer you? What did he say?’ 109. MS B. Encircling. 110. MS B. ‘That is, I know (knowing) what is in heaven and earth.’ 111. MS B. Verses 30 and 31 in MT are blended together in one single verse. Besides, ne’om is left un-translated, cf. verse 32.

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37 But if you had to say/ massah ayy,' therefore—so the lord of the world—because you pronounced this word ‘massah ayy’, and I had sent instruction that you should nor say, ‘massah ayy.’ 38 Therefore, will I now forget you. I will reject you, together with this city, I gave you and your forefathers. 39 And I will put upon you the disgrace of all time and the shamefulness of all time, which will never be forgotten. 24 1 The lord of the world has shown two fig baskets, placed in front of the temple of the lord of the world. This was after Nebukhadnezzar had exiled Jeconiah son of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, the officials of Judah, the craftsman and smiths from Jerusalem, after they had brought them to Babylon. 2 In one basket there were very good figs, like first-ripened figs. In the other basket, bad figs, so bad that they could not be eaten. 3 The lord of the world said to me, ‘What do you see, 0 Jeremiah?’ and I said, ‘the figs of (the basket of) good figs are good and the bad ones are bad, so bad that they can not be eaten.’ 4 Then the word of Allah came to me, saying, 5 So said the lord, the god of Israel—‘Like these good figs, I will confirm the exile of Judah, which I have sent from this land to the land of the Chaldeans as a favour to them. 6 I will look on them favourably and I will bring them back to this land. I will build them up and not destroy them. I will plant and not uproot them. 7 I will give them a heart for knowing me; for I am the lord of the world. And they will be my people and I will be their god, when they return to me with all their heart.’

8 Like the bad figs, which are so bad that the cannot be eaten—so said the lord of the world—so will I treat Zedekiah, king of Judah, his officials and the rem nant of Jerusalem that is left in this land and those who live in the land of Egypt. 9 I will make them a horror and an evil to all the kingdoms of the earth, a disgrace and a parable, an anecdote and a curse, in every place to which I have banished them. 10 Before I send sword, famine, and pestilence on them until they

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are completely destroyed from the land I gave to them and their forefathers. 25

1 The word which came to Jeremiah, concerning all the people ofjudah, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim son of Josiah, king ofjudah, which was the first year of Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon— 2 This is what Jeremiah said to all the people of Judah and to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem, 3 From the thirteenth year of Josiah son of Amon, king ofjudah, to this day, these twenty three years, the word of Allah has come to me. I have spoken to you early and often, but you would not listen. 4 And, early and often, Allah has sent to you his servants the prophets, but you would not listen or incline your ears to hear, 5 When he said,112 ‘Turn back now, everyone from his evil course, and from your evil situation. Then, (you may) remain on the ground, which Allah gave to you and your forefathers. 6 Do not follow other gods, to serve and prostrate before. Do not vex me with the acts of your hands, th at I not bring disaster on you..’ 7 But you would not listen to me—the word of the lord of the world—for you have vexed me with the acts of your own hands, to your hurt. 8 Therefore said the lord [...]113 31 Uproar has reached the extremity of the earth, for Allah judges the nations; he contends with all wicked flesh. He delivered them to the sword—t he word of the lord of the w o rld 32 So said the lord, the self/subsisting—‘See! A disaster is now coming from nation to nation; a great storm arises from the corners of earth.’ 33 On that day, the slain of the lord will be so: they will not be mourned, gathered and buried; they will be dumped on the surface of the ground. 34 Howl, you shepherds, yell! Wallow in (dust), lords of the sheep! Your days (lead) to your slaughter; your destruction is determined. You will fall like a precious instrument. 112. MS B. Lit. ‘saying.’ 113. MS B. Breaks here, 25:9-30 is missing.

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35 No flight will be for the shepherds and no escape for the lords of the sheep. 36 The sound of the shepherds’ outcry and the howls of the lord of the sheep (will be heard); for Allah plunders their flock. 37 The places of security will be silenced because of the great anger of the lord of the world. Like a lion, he has left his lair; the land has become desolate, because of the anger of the ravaging sword and because of his great anger. 26

1 At the beginning of the reign of King Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, this message was from the lord of the world, saying,

2 So said Allah— Stand in the court of the temple of Allah and speak to all the inhabitants of the cities of Judah, who come to worship in the temple of Allah, all the messages that I ordered spoken to them. Do not omit anything. 3 By my life!114When they listen, they will turn back, each from his bad way. Then, will I wipe out the punishment I have in mind to inflict on them for their evil situation. 4 and say to them —so said Allah—if you do not accept to walk according to my sacred law 1151 have set between your hands, 5 in order to listen to the words of my servants, the prophets, whom I have persistently and quite often sent you. But you did not listen. 6 I will make this temple like Shiloh’s and this city a curse for all the nations of the earth.’ 7 When the priests, the prophets and all the people heard Jeremiah speaking all this in the temple of Allah, 8 and Jeremiah had finished speaking all the things that the lord of the world ordered him to say to the people, the priests, prophets and all the people took hold of him, saying, ‘You will certainly be put to death.’ 9 Why did you prophesy in the name of the lord of the world, saying, ‘This temple will be like Shiloh’s and this city will become desolate, without inhabitants.’ At that point, people gathered around Jeremiah 114. MS D. In the commentary, the translator states clearly why the Hebrew ’u/ay should be translated as ‘by my life’ and not by ‘perhaps 115. Ar.ShafTatT.

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in the temple of Allah 10 When the officials ofjudah heard those words, they went from the house of the king to Allah’s temple and sat at the opening of the new gate of the (temple of the) lord of the world. 11 Then the priests and the prophets spoke to the officials and people, saying, ‘This man will receive a judgment of death, because he has prophesied against this city with what you have heard with your ears.’ 12 Jeremiah then said to the officials and people, ‘Allah has sent me to prophesy against this temple and city with all you have just heard. 13 And now, improve your ways and your situation and accept the word of the lord, your god; that he may revoke the punishment he has decreed against you. 14 As far as I am concerned, I am here in your hands. Do to me what seems good and right in your eyes. 15 In particular ,116recognize that if you do kill me, you, this city and its inhabitants will shed innocent blood, because the lord of the world has truly sent me to say all these things in your hearing.’ 16 Then the officials and all the people said to the priests and the prophets, ‘There should be no judgment of death against this man, because he has spoken to us in the name of the lord our lord .’117

20 There was also a man prophesying in the name of Allah: Uriah, Shemaiah’s son, from the village of the grape, who prophesied all of Jeremiah’s messages against this city and this land .118 21 When king Jehoiakim, his mighty men and the officials heard the message, the king sought to have him killed, but when Uriah heard of, he was afraid and fled to Egypt. 22 King Jehoiakim sent after him, killed him with the sword, and threw his body into the graves of the common people .119 24 However, the hand of Shaphan’s son, Ahikam, was with Jeremiah, that he not hand him over to the people, as they certainly wanted to 116. The Arabic term Khd§—which means, inter alia, special, private, peculiar, pure etc.—is used as modal verb in some non-CA varieties: must, have to, ought to. 117. MS D. 26:17-19 is missing. 118. MS D. 26:21-23 is missing. 119. MS E. Blends verses 22 and 23 together.

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kill him. 27

1 At the beginning of Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, king of Judah’s reign, this word came to Jeremiah from the lord of the world: 2 So said the lord of the world to me—‘Make for yourself the straps and bars of a yoke, and place them over your neck, 3 and send them to the king of Edom, the king of Moab, the King of the Ammonites, the king of Tyre and the king of Sidon, by way of emissaries who are coming to Jerusalem, to Zedekiah the king of Judah. 4 And give them their mission to their masters—so said the lord of the world, the self-subsisting, the lord of Israel—‘Say accordingly to your masters, 5 It is I who created the earth and the men and animals living on the surface of the ground, by my great power and my outstretched arm, and I give to the one, who finds favour with me. 6 As I have delivered all these lands to my servant Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, I have also given him the beasts of the desert to serve him. 7 All the nations will obey him, his son and his grandson, until the time of his own land comes, when many nations and great kings will surrender to him. 8 It will be that the nation and the and the kingdom that do not obey Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, and does not put his neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon, I will visit that nation with sword, famine, and pestilence, until I have destroyed them by his hand—the word of Allah. 9 As for you, do not listen to your prophets, augurs, diviners, and sorcerers, who tell you not to obey the king of Babylon. 10 It is false what they prophesy, because they want to take you away from your land; I will push you out and they will perish. 11 However, the nation that puts its neck under the king of Babylon’s yoke 120and obeys him, will I confirm in his land and he will plough it and dwell in it—the word of the lord of the world.’ 12 I spoke all this to Zedekiah, the king of Judah, saying, ‘Place your neck 120. Lit. ‘...enters her neck in the yoke...’.

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under the yoke of the king of Babylon and obey him that you may live! 13 Otherwise, you and your people will die by the sword, famine and pestilence, just as the lord of the world told the nation that disobeyed the king of Babylon. 14 Do no listen to the prophets who say to you, “Do not obey the king of Babylon; for they prophesy a lie to you.” 15 I have not sent them —the word of the lord of the world—and they prophesy falsely in my name, so that I might drive you out and you perish with the prophets who prophesy for you.’ 16 And I spoke to the priests and this people, saying—so said the lord of the world—‘Do not listen to the words of your prophets, who prophesy to you, saying: See! The vessels from the temple of Allah will very soon be brought from Babylon. They prophesy falsehood to you. 17 Do not listen to them. Obey the king of Babylon and live! Why should this city become a ruin? 18 But if they were prophets and the word of Allah were with them, let them intercede with the lord of the world not to let the vessels, remaining in the temple of Allah and in the house of the king ofjudah and Jerusalem, be brought to Babylon!’ 19 So said the lord the Self-Subsisting concerning the columns, the bath, the seats or centres and the rest of the vessels remaining in the city, 20 which Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon had not taken when he exiled King Jekoniah, son of Jehoiakim, king ofjudah, from Jerusalem, along with all the chiefs ofjudah and Jerusalem. 21 So said the lord the self-subsisting, the lord of Israel, concerning the remaining utensils in the temple of Allah and the house of the king of Judah and Jerusalem -

22 ‘They will be brought to Babylon and remain there until I remember them —the word of the lord of the world—I will bring them up and restore them to this place. ’ 28 1 It was in that year, in the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah, the king ofjudah, in the fifth month of the fourth year, that the prophet Hananiah, son of Azzur, who was from Gibeon, said to me in Allah’s

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temple before the priests and all people, saying,121

12 The word of the lord of the world came to Jeremiah, after the prophet Hananiah had broken the bar off the neck of the prophet Jeremiah, saying, 13 ‘Go, say to Hananiah—so said the lord of the world—you broke bars of wood, but you have made bars of iron instead. 14 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—“I have put an iron yoke on all these nations, that they obey Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, and obey him they will. I have also delivered the wild beast of the desert into his hand”.’ 15 Then the prophet Jeremiah said to Hananiah, the impostor,122 ‘Listen now, 0 Hananiah! The lord of the world did not send you; yet, you kept giving this people false assurances. 16 Therefore said the lord of the world—1 1 will now remove you from the surface of the ground; in this year, you will die; for you have said (things) about Allah, what he, himself, never said.’ 17 And Hananiah, the prophet, died that year, in the seventh month. 29 1 These are the words of the book which Jeremiah, the prophet, sent from Jerusalem to the rest of the of the elders of the Diaspora, the priests, the prophets, and all the people whom Nebukhadnezzar had exiled from Jerusalem to Babylon, 2 after the exit of Kingjekoniah, his lady ,123the servants, the officials of Judah, the officials of Jerusalem, the craftsman and the smiths from Jerusalem, 3 by the hands of Elasah, Shaphan’s son, and Gemariah, Hilkiah’s son, whom Zedekiah, kingofjudah, had sent to Babylon to Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon. 4 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel to the whole diaspora I exiled from Jerusalem to Babylon— 5 ‘Build houses, settle down, plant orchards and eat of their fruits. 6 Take wives and beget sons and daughters. Take wives for your sons and give your daughters to men, that they may have sons and 121. MS D. 28:2-11 is missing. 122. In the Hebrew text, it is said ‘Hananiah the prophet.’ 123. The Arabic term used here is ‘as-Sitt,’ which means ‘the lady.'

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daughters. Become many there, and do not decrease. 7 Seek the welfare of the city to which I have exiled you. Pray to the lord of the world in its behalf; for in its welfare is your welfare.’

8 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—‘Do not let the prophets among you or your diviners deceive you. Do not listen to the dreams you see.’124 19 This is the punishment for those who did not listen to my words—the word of the lord of the world—for those to whom I had often sent my servants, the prophets. I send, but you do not listen—the word of the lord of the w o rld 20 And you, all the exiled ones I have sent from Jerusalem to Babylon, listen to the word of Allah! 21 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel,125 concerning Ahab son of Kolaiah and Zedekiah son of Maaseiah, who prophesy falsely to you in my name—‘I now deliver them into the hand of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, and he will kill them while you watch. 22 From him will a curse be made by all the exiled ofjudah in Babylon, saying, “May Allah make you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the king of Babylon punished with fire!”’ 23 As a punishment for the vile things they did in Israel, committing adultery with the wives of their fellows and speaking in my name falsely, what I did not legislate. I am one who knows and bears witness—the word of the lord of the world. 24 To Shemaiah, the Nehelamite, you will say, 25 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—‘Because you sent letters in your own name to all the people in Jerusalem, to Zephaniah son of Maaseiah and to the rest of the priests saying, 26 “Allah appointed you as priest instead ofjehoiada, the priest, so that you both be deputies in the temple of the lord of the world in order to put in prison and chains every madman and anyone pretending to be a prophet. 27 Why have you now not rebuked Jeremiah, the Anathothite, who prophesies to you?”’ 124. MS D. 29:9-18 is missing. 125. ‘The god of Israel’ is not found Hebrew text of MS D.

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28 He has sent to us, to Babylon, to this effect, saying, ‘(Your stay in Babylon) will be long. Build houses, settle down, plant orchards and eat of their fruit.’ 29 Then, Zephaniah, the priest, read this letter in the hearing of the prophet, Jeremiah 30 and the word of the Allah came to Jeremiah, saying, 31 Send to all the exiled, saying, ‘So said the lord of the world concerning 126 Shemaiah the Nehelamite—because Shemaiah prophesied to you, though I had not sent him, and he gave this people false assurances,’ 32 Because of th at—so said the lord of world—I will now punish Shemaiah, the Nehelamite, and his children. There will be not one (of his line) living among this people, who will see the good that I am will do for my people—the word of the lord of the world—he has spoken mutiny against Allah. 30

1 The message that was to Jeremiah from 127Allah, saying, 2 So said the lord, the god of Israel—‘Write down for yourself all I said to you;’ 3 for see, days are coming—the word of the lord of the world—when I will return together the exiled of my people, Israel and Judah—said the lord of the world—and I will bring them back to the land I gave to their forefathers, and they will inherit it.’ 4 These are the words Allah spoke concerning Israel and Judah— 5 So said the lord of the world—‘A worried voice have we heard, dismay, not safety. 6 Ask now and look, can males give birth? But then, why do I see every man with hands around his loins like a woman in labour? Why have all their faces turned pale? 7 Woe, for that day is awesome and there is none like it! It is a time of hardship for Jacob, from which, he will indeed be delivered. 8 At that time, it will happen that—the word of the lord, the selfsubsisting—I will break the yoke from their neck and I will tear off your bonds. Foreigners will no longer treat you as a slave. 126. Lit.‘To.’ 127. Lit.‘From with.’

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9 They will obey the lord their god and David their king, whom I will raise up for them. 10 And you, my servant Jacob, have no fear nor be dismayed, 0 Israel. Look, I now rescue you from farness and your offspring from the evil that came in exile .’ 128

12 So said the lord of the world—‘Your injury is constant; your blow is severe. 13 No judge judges sickness, or the scattering .129 (For such there is) no remedy, no recovery for you. 14 All your beloved ones have forgotten you; they do not look for you; for I have struck you (with) with an enemy’s blow, raging chastisement; for your faults are many and your sins great. 15 Why cry out over your injuries? Your pain is constant, because your faults are many and your sins great. I have done this to you. 16 Therefore, all who devour will be devoured and all who hurt you, will be in captivity. Those who invaded you, will (themselves) be invaded and all who plundered you, will be delivered into plunder. 17 I will heal you and cure you from your injury—the word of the lord of the world. Though they called you ‘outcast, that Zion whom no one seeks,’130 22 ‘You will be my people and I will be your god.’ 23 Look! Allah blows a fury, a raging tempest goes forth; on the heads of wicked will it begin. 24 The great anger of the lord of the world will not turn back until he implements and assigns what he has in his heart. In the end of time, you will understand this. 31 1 At that time—the word of the lord of the world—I will be a god for all the clans of Israel and they will be my people. 2 So said the lord of the world—‘He found luck in the wilderness. The People who survived the sword will be in command, guiding Israel.’

128. MS D. missing. 129. Lit. ‘powder,’ hence scattering them like powder, cf. 31:10. 130. MS D. 30:18-22 is missing.

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3 From afar Allah made me see .131 (With) eternal love have I loved you; therefore, have I h rescued (you)132with my grace. 4 I will rebuild you and you be well established, 0 young girl of Israel! You will adorn your tambourines and go out with the drum of the laughing ones . 133

6 There will a day, in which the guards will call in the mountain of Ephraim, (saying), ‘Come, let us go up to Zion, to the lord our god.’ 7 So said the lord of the world—‘Shout joyfully “Allah Akbar”134 for Jacob; neigh in the faces of the heads of nations; make it heard, praise, and say, “Help, 0 lord, your people, the remnant of Israel!”’ 8 Now, I bring them back from the land of Iraq and gather them from all the corners of the earth, also the blind, and [...] those who are pregnant and with children. Together, in a great crowd, they will return to this place. 9 They will come with weeping and with empathy will I cause them to come; I will lead (them) in a straight path to rivers of water. They will not stumble; for I have become a father to Israel and Ephraim is my first-born. 10 ‘Listen to the message of Allah, 0 nations, and shout “Allah Akbar”, in the distant islands. Say, “He who scattered Israel will gather them and protect them like a shepherd protecting his flock”.’ 11 Allah delivered Jacob and saved him from the hand of one stronger than him. 12 They will come and shout, ‘Allah Akbar’, to Zion’s honour. They will catch sight of Allah’s bounty of corn, [....] and oil, of young cattle and sheep. Their souls will be like a watered garden and they never again be scattered. 13 At that time, the young girl will rejoice with the drum, together with young men and the elderly. I will change their sorrow into gladness; 131. This translation is consonant with the Karaite theological doctrine of non-anthr pomorphism, a stand that shows their influence by the Mutazilah school in Islamic theology. In the commentary, Japheth explains that It was Elijah who showed him­ self in the wilderness to people: ‘wa qwluhu YWY nira liyushir bihi 7/a zohuri ’Eliyahu ’ilayhim fi-l-barriyah'

132. In the Commentary MS D offers both the exile and Egypt, from which they were pulled out. Japheth prefers the first interpretation. 133. MS D. 31:5 is missing. 134. Islamic expression meaning ‘God is great.’

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I will comfort them and bring them from their grief. 14 I will fill the soul of the priests with fatness and my people will eat to the full from my bounty—the word of Allah. 15 So said Allah—‘A voice from Ramah is heard, wailing, bitter weeping. Rachel weeps over her children. She refuses to be comforted for her sons; for they are no more.’ 16 So said the lord of the world—‘Keep your voice from weeping, your eyes from the tear; for there is a reward in addition to your reward— the word of Allah—they will return from the enemy’s land.’ 17 There is hope for their future—the word of Allah—your sons will return to their borders. 18 I heard with my ear Ephraim, while he was lamenting, saying, ‘0 my father, you chastised me and I am chastised. I used to be like a calf without training; take me back, that I might return, you, Allah, my God.’ 19 When I turned away, I was filled with remorse, but now I understand, I strike my thigh with my hands. Telling myself, ‘Be ashamed, and also humiliated’; for I bear the disgrace of my youth on me.

20 Isn’t Ephraim a dear son to me? He has become a son of pleasure indeed. I speak of him a great deal and I remember him still. Therefore, my stomach is agitated; surely, will I have compassion for him—the word of Allah. 21 Erect for yourself way-markers; set up signposts. Keep your heart on the end of the road 135on which you have been. Return 0 young girl of Israel; return to your cities. 22 How long will you keep turning away, 0 backsliding girl? Allah has made a new thing in the earth, the woman who will turn about, searching for the man. 23 So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—‘They will repeat this message in Judah and its cities, when I return with their exiled and the lord of the world will bless you. 0 the land of justice, 0 mountain of holiness !136 24 All Judah and its cities will dwell in it; the farmers will follow with the flock. 135. MS D. Lit. “The destination of the road.’ 136. Ar.Al-Quds.

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25 I have filled a tired soul; every withered soul will I resuscitate.’ 26 At this I awoke and looked around; my sleep was pleasant to me. 27 Look! Days are coming—said the lord of the world—when I will sow the house of Israel and house of Judah with the seed of men and the seed of animals. 28 Just as I saw to it that they were uprooted, pulled down, overthrown, destroyed and brought to disaster, will I see to it that they build and plant—the word of the lord of the w o rld 29 In those days, they will no longer say, ‘Parents have eaten sour grapes and their sons’ teeth are set on edge.’ 30 Each will die for his own sins. He who eats sour grapes, his teeth will be set on edge. 31 Look! Days are coming—the word of the lord—when I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel and the house of Judah. 32 Not like the covenant I made with their forefathers, when I took them by my hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt, which they rejected and I crushed—the word of Allah. 33 This is the covenant I will make with the house of Israel137 after these days—the word of Allah—I will put my law in their midst and write it on their heart. Then will I be a god to them and they will be a people to me. 34 They will teach no more, each his companion, and everyone his brother, saying, ‘Know Allah’; for all will know me from the least to the greatest—the word of Allah—I will forgive their errors and remember their sins no more. 35 So said Allah, who created the sun to light the day, the laws of the moon and stars to light the night—‘Observe the sea, how its waves are raging; lord of armies is his name.’ 36 If these laws disappeared before—the word of Allah—then the seed of Israel would forever cease to be a nation before me. 37 So said Allah—if heaven above could be measured and the foundations of the earth be examined beneath, then too I would reject the whole seed of Israel for what they have done—the word of the lord of the world. 38 Look! Days are coming—said Allah—a city will be built for Allah from 137. MS D. Adds ‘...and Judah.’

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the tower of Hananel to the gate at the corner. 39 The measuring line will also go straight forward to the hill of Gareb and turn to Goah. 40 The whole valley of the corpses and ashes and all the fields as far as the Wadi Kidron to the corner of the gate of the horses in the east will be a holy to Allah; it will not be pulled up nor destroyed any more forever. 32

1 The message from Allah in the tenth year of Zedekiah king ofjudah, which was the eighteenth year of Nebukhadnezzar— 2 At that time, the king of Babylon’s army surrounded Jerusalem and Jeremiah, the prophet, was kept in hasar ha-matara, which was in the house of Judah’s king. 3 Zedekiah, king ofjudah, had put him in prison, saying, ‘Why do you prophesy, saying, “so said Allah.’” I will now deliver this city into the hands of the king of Babylon and he will capture it. 4 Zedekiah, king of Judah, will not escape from the hands of the Chaldeans and he will indeed be delivered into the hands of the king of Babylon and speak to him mouth to mouth. His eyes will see his eyes. 5 Zedekiah will be brought to Babylon and there will he remain until I pay him a visit—the word of Allah; for when they fight the Chaldeans, they will not succeed. 6 Jeremiah said, ‘The word of Allah came to me, saying, 7 Here is Hanamel, the son of your uncle Willum will come to you and say, “Buy for yourself my field in Anathoth; for you have the legal right to buy it.’” 8 And Hanamel the son of my uncle came to me just as Allah had told me, To hasar ha-matara and said to me, ‘Buy now my field which is in Anathoth, in the land of Benjamin; for you have the right of inheritance and the legal right. Buy it for yourself.’ Then I knew that it was the word of Allah. 9 I bought the field from the son of my uncle Hanamel. I weighed out the price to him, seven Shekels and ten Dirhams .138 12 I gave the deed of purchase to Baruch, son of Neriah, son of Mahseiah, 138. MS A. Breaks here; 32:10-11 is missing.

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in the presence of my uncle Hanamel, the witnesses who signed the deed and all the witnesses who sat hasar ha-matara 13 In their presence, I commanded Baruch saying, 14 ‘so said the lord of armies, the god of Israel—“take these documents, this deed of purchase, the sealed document and the open document and put them in a vessel of pottery, so that they may keep many days .’”139 21 You took your people out of the land of Egypt with signs and proofs, a strong hand, an outstretched arm and with a great terror

22 I gave them this land, which I swore to their forefathers to give them; a land flowing with milk and honey. 23 Then they went into it and inherited it, but they did not accept your word; nor did they walk according to your sacred law. All that you had commanded them to do, they failed to do. It is therefore that calamity followed them. 24 Look! Here are the spike-men come to the city to take it, and the city was delivered to the Chaldeans, who waged war against it. The things you said would happen came to pass. See! Here you are looking. 25 Yet you, 0 lord god, said to me, ‘Buy the field for the price and call in witnesses, while you delivered the city into the hands of the Chaldeans.’ 26 Then the word of Allah came to Jeremiah saying, 27 See! I am the lord, the god of all flesh. Is there anything hidden from me? 28 It is therefore—so said Allah—I now deliver this city into the hands of the Chaldeans, and the hands of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon. He will take it. 29 The Chaldeans, who have fought against this city, will enter, set fire to it and burn it down, together with the houses upon whose roofs they offered incense to the idol and poured out libations to other gods, so as to vex me. 30 For, unfortunately, the people of Israel and the people of Judah have done evil in my presence since their youth. The people of Israel, especially, have vexed me by their actions—the word of Allah. 31 Considering that my w rath has been against this city from the day it 139. MS A. Breaks here; 32:15-20 is missing.

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was built until now, it must be removed from before me. 32 Because of all the wickedness of the sons Israel and the sons ofjudah, who did so much to vex me, they, their kings, officials, priests and prophets of the house ofjudah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem. 33 They came towards me with backwards, not forwards, though I had taught them often and persistently, but they did attend to taking discipline. 34 They placed their abominations in the temple to which they have given my name, defiling it. 35 They built shrines for the idol, which are in the valley of the son of Hinnom that they might offer their sons and daughters to the idol, Which I neither commanded nor thought of to cause this abomination of Judah’s sins .140 36 And now, for this reason—so said Allah, the god of Israel—concerning this city about which you are saying, ‘It has been delivered into the hands of the king of Babylon by sword, famine and pestilence.’ 37 I now gather them from all the lands to which I banished them in my anger, wrath and great rage. I will return them to this place and settle them in security. 38 They will become a nation for me and I will become a god for them. 39 I will give one firm wish and one doctrine 141 to revere me all the days, a good that will benefit them and their children after them. 40 I will make an everlasting covenant with them and never turn from them. I will give them favor and I will place my fear in their hearts that they not cease to obey me. 41 I will delight in giving them favor and plant them in this land, truly, with all my heart and soul. 42 So said the lord of the world142—as I brought on this people this entire calamity, so I will bring on them this entire blessing, which I promise them. 43 The field will be bought in this land, about which you say,‘It is desolate, without people or domestic animals; it is delivered to the Chaldeans.’ 140. MS D. ‘transgression ofjudah.’ 141. Theological view of the Karaites. 142. MS D. Allah.

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44 They will buy fields with high prices and they will write deeds, impose seals and bring witnesses in the land of Benjamin, around Jerusalem, in the cities of Judah, the mountains, low land and in the cities of the south; for I will reverse their exile—the word of A llah33

1 the word of Allah came to Jeremiah, when he was still in custody in hasar ha-matara, saying,

2 So said the lord of the world, Allah, who made it—he creates to bring it about, whose name isywy, 3 Pray and I will answer and I will tell you great things, well-hidden things, which you have not known. 4 So said the lord, the god of Israel—concerning the houses of this city and the houses of the kings of Judah that were demolished. The spikemen and the swordsmen 5 are coming to fight against the Chaldeans. They will fill them with the corpses of people I have killed in my anger and wrath and from whom I have hid my mercy, and from this city, because of the wickedness and evil. 6 Look! I now bring her recover and healing. I will heal them and reveal to them prosperity, security and truth. 7 I will restore the tribes of Judah and Israel and rebuild them as in the beginning of time. 8 I will purify them from all the sins, which they have committed against me. I will pardon all their sins, which they committed against me and by which the harmed me. 9 She will be to me a name of joy, eulogy and pride in all the nations of the earth. When they hear of all the good things I will perform for them, they will become frightened and worried, due to all the good things and the security with which I will provide her. 10 So said Allah—‘There will be heard again in this place, of which you have said is ruined, without man or domestic animals, in the towns of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem that are desolate, without man, without inhabitants, and without domestic animals, 11 The sound of joy and gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and bride, the voice of those who say, “Give thanks to the lord of armies; for he is

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good; his grace is everlasting,” bringing Qurban Todha143to the temple of Allah; for I will restore the exiled of the land (to their former state) as in the beginning of time’—said Allah.

12 So said the lord of armies—‘There will be in this ruined place, without men, domestic animals, and in all its towns, a land for shepherds, where they rest their sheep. 13 In the mountain towns, the towns of the low land and of al-Darom,UA in the lands of Benjamin, the suburb of Jerusalem and in the towns of Judah, sheep will pass again under the hands of the counter.’ 14 Look! Days are coming—the word of the lord—I will confirm the favorable word I spoke about the house of Israel and the house of Judah. 15 In those days, I will make a plant of justice, belonging to David, grow and he will execute equity and justice on earth. 16 In those days, Judah will be saved and Jerusalem will live in peace. The name with which Allah will call her will be, ‘Our justice’ 17 So said Allah—'‘There will never be cut off from the seed of David a man sitting on the throne of the house of Israel. 18 Neither will be cut off from the Levite priests a man to offer burntoffering, meal-offering and to sacrifice continually.’ 19 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah, saying, 20 So said Allah—if you decided to annul my covenant with the day and the night, so that there neither day nor night in their time, 21 Then, my covenant with David, my servant, would also be annulled, that he should have a son reigning upon his throne, as well as (that) with the Levites the priests, my servants. 22 Just as no one can number the army of heaven and the sand of the sea can not be weighed, so will I increase the offspring of David my servant and of the Levites my servants. 23 The word of Allah then came to Jeremiah, saying, 24 ‘Have you not seen what these people, the two tribes that Allah had 143. Qurban Tddha is rendered in Hebrew in the Arabic translation due to the fact that it has become a technical term within the Karaite liturgy. The expression is normally rendered into English as ‘Thanksgiving! 144. al-Dardm is a Hebrew word with an Arabic definite article is used here to translate the toponym: Negev.

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chosen, said? He has rejected them both and they have condemned my people, that there not be a nation before them also.’ 25 So said Allah—’If my covenant is not with the day and night ,145 If I have not established the laws of heaven and earth, 26 Then will I also reject the offspring of Jacob and David my servant, so that I will not make sultans from his offspring over the offspring of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; for1461 will cause their exiled ones to return and I will have mercy on them.’ 34

1 The message which came to Jeremiah 147 [from Allah, when Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon, his army, all the kingdoms of the land of his rule148, and all the peoples who fought against Jerusalem and all its cities, saying ,]149 2 So said Allah, the god of Israel—‘Hurry, go and speak to Zedekiah king ofjudah, and tell him, “So said Allah—I will now deliver this city into the hand of the king of Babylon and he will burn it with fire. 3 As far you are concerned, you will not escape from his hand. Without a doubt, you will be captured and delivered into his hand. Your eyes will see his eyes150and your mouth will speak to his m outh 151 and you will enter into Babylon.” 4 Yet, listen to the word of Allah, 0 Zedekiah king of Judah—so said Allah—“You will not die by the sword. 5 You will die in peace. Just as the burnings of your forefathers, the former kings, who were before you, so will they burn you and lament over you so: Ah, 0 my lord !”;152 for I have spoken (my) word’—the word of Allah— 6 Jeremiah, the prophet, spoke all these words to Zedekiah king of Judah in Jerusalem 153 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153.

MS E. ‘...if my covenant is not day and night...’ MS E. When. MS D. Breaks here, part of the Arabic translation and 2-7 are missing. Ar. Sultanship The passage between brackets is taken from MS E. MS E. ‘...your eyes will look into the eyes of the king of Babylon...” MS E. ‘...his mouth will speak to your mouth...’ MS E. ‘Woe unto the lord!’ MS E. ‘Jeremiah spoke these words in Jerusalem.’

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7 and the army of the king of Babylon fought against Jerusalem and against all the cities left in Judah, against Lachish and Azekah. Nevertheless, some cities ofjudah remained fortified.

8 The word that came to Jeremiah from Allah after Zedekiah had made a covenant with all the people who were in Jerusalem, proclaiming 154 freedom for them 9 that everyone will let his male-slave, and everyone his female-slave, who were a Hebrew man or woman, go free and that none should keep his brother the Jew in slavery. 10 All the officials and the people, who then entered the covenant obeyed and they let them go, each his male-slave, and each his female-slave. None has kept a slave. They listened and they liberated (them). 11 Afterwards they went back and brought the male and female slaves, whom they had liberated, back and returned them to their former status as slaves. 12 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah, saying, 13 So said Allah, the god of Israel—‘I made a covenant with your forefathers when I took them out of the land of Egypt, from the house of slaves, by saying, 14 “at the end of seven years, you will liberate, the man his Hebrew brother, who is sold to him and has served you for six years. You will then set him free, but your forefathers did not listen to me, nor did they incline their ear”.’ 15 You returned what was right in my eyes, in proclaiming freedom, each man to his companion and you made a covenant with me In the temple to which my name was given, 16 but you betrayed and disgraced my name, when each took his male and female slave back, whom you had set free. You made them (once) again your male and female slaves. 17 Therefore—so said Allah— You did not listen to me concerning the proclamation of freedom, each to his brother and each to his companion. I now decree a freedom for you—the word of Allah—for sword, pestilence and famine. I will make (you) a horror for all the kingdoms of the earth. 18 I will do to the people, who went against my covenant and did not 154. MS E. ‘...to proclaim falsely freedom unto people.’

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remain faithful, (as in) the words of the covenant, which they had made before me, when they cut the calf in two and passed between its two parts, 19 The officials of Judah and the officials of Jerusalem, the servants and the priests and all the people, who had passed between the two parts of the calf,

20 I will give them into the hands of their enemies and of those are seek their lives. Their corpses will be food for the birds of the sky and the animals of the earth. 21 Zedekiah, king of Judah, and his officials will I give into the hands of their enemies and into the hands of those who seek their lives, into the hands of the king of Babylon, who comes against you. 22 I now will order (them)—the word of Allah—I will return them to this city and they fight against it, take it and burn it with fire. I will make the towns of Judah desolate, without inhabitants.’ 35 1 The word that came to Jeremiah from Allah, at the time 155ofJehoiakim the son Josiah, king of Judah, saying, 2 ‘Hurry and go to the house of the Rekhabites, speak to them and bring them into the temple of Allah, into one of the chambers and give them wine to drink.’ 3 I took, then, Jaazaniah, the son of Jeremiah, the son of Habazziniah and all the members of the house of the Rekhabites. 4 I brought them into Allah’s temple, into one of the chambers of the sons of Hanan, the son of Igdaliah, the prophet of Allah. It was by the Chambers of the officials, which was above the chamber of Maaseiah, Willum’s son, the keeper pf the door. 5 Before the household of the Rekhabites, I put goblets and cups full of wine, saying to them, ‘Drink some wine!’ 6 But they said, ‘We will drink no wine; for Jonadab, the son of Rekhab our father, commanded us, saying, Drink no wine, neither you nor your sons, forever. 7 Neither build houses, sow seed, plant nor have vineyards. Dwell in tents all your days that you may live many days on the surface of the ground, in which you live as foreign residents.’ 155. MS E. ‘...in the days of....’

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8 So, we have accepted the word of Jonadab, the son of Rekhab our father, in regard to all he commanded us: to drink no wine all our days, neither we, our wives, sons nor daughters; 9 nor to build houses to dwell in, nor have vineyards, field or seed. 10 Rather, we have dwelt in tents, as we have accepted and followed all that Jonadab, our father, had commanded. 11 It happened that when Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon came up against the land, we said, ‘come, let us enter Jerusalem, away from the Chaldeans and the army of the Arameans.’ So we dwelt in Jerusalem. 12 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah saying, 13 So said the lord of armies156, the god of Israel—‘Hurry and say to the men of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, “Isn’t it time you learned some discipline, that you may accept my words?”’—the word of Allah. 14 The words of Jonadab the son of Rekhab, which commanded his sons not to drink wine were upheld. They did not drink (even) until this day, as they accepted the order of their father. However, I have spoken to you often and persistently and yet you did not listen to me. 15 I have sent you, often and persistently, to all my servants, the prophets, saying, ‘Turn now, everyone, away from his evil way and improve your situation. Do not follow other gods to worship them and dwell in the land I gave you and your forefathers. Yet, you did not incline your ears to listen to me. 16 The sons ofJonadab, Rekhab’s son, upheld their father in what he had commanded them, but this people did not accept (anything) from me. 17 Therefore—so said Allah, the god of armies, the god of Israel—I will now bring over the house ofjudah and all the inhabitants ofJerusalem all, the calamities I pronounced against them, because I have spoken to them but they have not heard and I have called them, but they have not answered.’ 18 Jeremiah said to the household of the Rekhabites—so said the lord of armies, the god of Israel—‘because you have listened to the commandment of Jonadab, your father, kept all his precepts and 156. MS D. ‘...the lord of the self-subsisting....’

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followed all that he commanded you, 19 therefore—said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—none from (the house) of Jonadab, the son of Rekhab, will be cut off from me forever.’ 36

1 In the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son the Josiah, king of Judah, this word came to Jeremiah from Allah, saying, 2 ‘Take a scroll of a book and write in it all the words I spoke to you against Israel and Judah ,157 and against all the nations from the time of Josiah to this day 3 that the house of Judah might listen to this calamity with which I intend to strike them, that they return, each from his evil way and that I may forgive (their) faults and sins.’ 4 Jeremiah, then, called Baruch the son of Neriah and Baruch wrote all the words that Allah had spoken to him, through the mouth of Jeremiah, on a book-scroll. 5 Jeremiah ordered Baruch, saying, ‘I am delayed; I cannot enter Allah’s temple. 6 Therefore go in and read from the scroll the words of Allah, which you have written from my mouth, in the presence of the people in Allah’s temple on a fast-day. Read also in the hearing of all Judah, to them who come from their towns. 7 Perhaps their supplications will fall (favourably) before Allah, and every man will turn man from his evil path; for the anger and fury Allah has spoken against this people is great.’ 8 Baruch did all Jeremiah, the prophet, ordered him to do, by reading from the book all of Allah’s words in the temple of Allah. 9 It was in the fifth year of Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, king of Judah, in the ninth month, that they proclaimed the fast before Allah. All the people injerusalem and all who came to Jerusalem from the towns of Judah. 10 Baruch read the words of Jeremiah from the book in the temple of Allah, in the chamber of Gemariah, son of Shaphan the scribe, in the upper court, at the entry of the new gate of Allah’s temple, in the presence of all the people. 157. MS D. ‘...against Judah and Israel....’

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11 When Micaiah, son of Gemariah, son of Shaphan, had then heard all the words of the book, 12 he went down to the king’s house, into the chamber of the scribe. There, all the officials sat, Elishama, the scribe, and Delaiah, Shemiah’s son, Elnathan, Achbor’s son and Gemariah, son of Shaphan, Zedekiah son of Hananiah and all the princes. 13 Micaiah told them of all the words he heard when Baruch had read from the book in the presence of all the people. 14 The officials sent Jehudi, son of Nethaniah, son of Shelemiah, son of Cushi, to Baruch, saying, ‘Take the scroll in your hand, which you have read out in the presence of the people and come to us.’ So, Baruch, son of Neriah, took the scroll in his hand and went to them. 15 They told him, ‘Sit down now, and read it out in our presence!” At that, he read it in their presence. 16 When they had finished listening to all these words, they turned in fear one toward the other and said to Baruch, ‘We will certainly tell the king all of these words.’ 17 Now, tell us, ‘How did you write all these words from his mouth?’ 18 Baruch answered them, ‘He dictates to me all these words from his mouth, while I write it down, accordingly .’158 19 The officials then said to Baruch, ‘Go, hide, you and Jeremiah and let no one know where you are.’. 20 Later, they came to the king, to the house and deposited the scroll in the chamber of Elishama, the scribe. Then, they repeated all the words before the king.

21. So, the king sent Jehudi to get the scroll, which he took from the chamber of Elishama, the scribe. It was Jehudi, who read it out in the king’s presence, before all the officials standing before the king. 22 Now, the king was sitting in the winter-house in the ninth month and a brazier was burning in front of him. 158. Lit. ‘with its measurement.* The translated word here has a theological as well as a polemical thrust: ‘I wrote (them) down with measurement* meaning that Baruch has not added any word of his own to what Jeremiah has recited/dictated to him, hence the concept of revelation. In the commentary to this verse, Japheth says: ‘the term beyado means “I write word by word, exactly (Lit. ‘in measurement*) in correspondence with what he says. I do not add, nor leave out (anything). Then they realized that it was the revealed word (Ar. kalam wahy) and nothing else**.*

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23 It so happened that when Jehudi had read three (or) four chapters ,159 he cut them off with a scribe’s knife and threw them into the fire in the brazier, until the whole scroll was burnt in the fire, which was in the brazier. 24 But, they were neither afraid nor rent their garments, the king and all his servants, who heard those words. 25 Elnathan, Delaiah and Gemariah, however, pleaded with the king not to burn the scroll, but he did not accept their plea. 26 The king commanded Jerahmeel, the king’s son, Seraiah, son of Azriel and Shelemiah, son of Abdeel, to arrest the scribe Baruch and Jeremiah, the prophet. Allah, however, hid them. 27 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah after the king had burnt the scroll with the words Baruch had written down from the mouth of Jeremiah, saying, 28 ‘Go back and take another scroll and write down all the former words in the former scroll that Jehoiakim, the king of Judah, had burnt. 29 And you will say concerning Jehoiakim king of Judah—so said Allah— you have burnt this scroll, saying: “Why did you write in it, saying: Surely the king of Babylon will come and destroy this land and cause people and animals to leave it?” 30 Therefore—so said Allah against Jehoiakim, king of Judah—none of his will sit on the throne of David and his corps will be thrown to rot in the day and to the frost [or to the cold] in the night. 31 I will visit their iniquity on him, his offspring, and slaves and I will bring on them, the inhabitants of Jerusalem and men of Judah the calamity I decreed against them, but which they did (not) accept.’ 32 Jeremiah took another scroll and handed it over to Baruch the son of Neriah, the scribe, who wrote in it in accord with Jeremiah’s mouth all the words of the book that Jehoiakim, king of Judah, had burnt in the fire. He, moreover, added many words like them. 37 1 Then Zedekiah, Josiah’s son, became king instead of Coniah, the son of Jehoiakim, whom Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon made king in the land of Judah. 2. Neither he, his servants nor the people of the land accepted the word 159. MS D. ‘...three, and the fourth he cut off with the scribe’s knife....’

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of Allah, which he spoke to Jeremiah the prophet. 3 Instead, King Zedekiah sent Jehucal, son of Shelemiah and Zephaniah, son of the priest Maaseiah, to Jeremiah, the prophet, saying, ‘Pray now for us to the lord our god!’ 4 Jeremiah, however went in and out among the people; as he was not yet in jail. 5 Pharaoh’s army left Egypt. When the Chaldeans, who were besieging Jerusalem, heard of it, they left Jerusalem.

6 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah, saying, 7 So said Allah, the god of Israel—‘So should you say to the king ofjudah, who sends you to inquire of me: “Look! The army of Pharaoh who left Egypt to assist you, returned home to Egypt.” 8 The Chaldeans will then be back and will fight against this city; they will seize it and burn it with fire.’ 9 So said Allah— Do not foul yourselves by saying, ‘Surely, the Chaldeans will leave us, because they will not go away.’ 10 Even had you killed all the Chaldean soldiers who fight against you and there remained only wounded men among them, each one of them would stand up in his tent set fire to this city. 11 It happened that, when the army of the Chaldeans lifted their siege on Jerusalem, In the face of Pharaoh’s army, 12 Jeremiah left Jerusalem to go to the land of Benjamin and sneak out 160 among the people .161 13 While he was in the gate of Benjamin, a captain of the police was there, whose name was Irijah, son of Shelemiah, son of Hananiah, and he arrested him, saying, ‘You are seeking refuge with the Chaldeans.’ 14 Then, Jeremiah answered, ‘It is impossible! I am not seeking refuge with them,’ but he did not accept his word, arrested him and took him to the officials. 15 As a consequence, the officials became angry at him and hit him. They, then, put him in the arrest house, in the house of the scribe Jonathan, which they had converted into an arrest house. 160. In the commentary, Japheth offers two translations/interpretations: a) they sneak out, to run away... b) to settle issues among his relatives. Although he declares both interpretations as valid, he prefers the first one. Cf. al-FasI, Kitab, pbn . 161. MS D. breaks here; 37:12-14 is missing.

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16 Jeremiah came into the well-house and the cave-cells and remained there many days. 17 And King Zedekiah sent for him. After he had received him, the king questioned him in his house, in secrecy. ‘Is there a message from Allah?’ To which, he said, ‘There is’, and he continued, ‘You will be delivered into the hand of the king of Babylon.’ 18 Then, Jeremiah said to King Zedekiah, ‘What wrong have I done against you, your servants, and this people that you put me in the arrest-house? 19 Where are your prophets, who had prophesied for you saying, ‘The king of Babylon will not come against you nor against this land. 20 Now, please hear me, 0 my lord, the king. My plea is thrown before you. Please do not send me back to the house of Jonathan, the scribe, to die there.’

21 So, King Zedekiah gave his instructions and Jeremiah was brought to the prison-compound. He ordered that he should be given one loaf of bread each day from the bakers’ street until all the bread in the city was gone. Jeremiah stayed in the prison-compound. 38 1 Shephatiah, son of Mattan, Gedaliah, son of Pashhur, Jukhal, son of Shelemiah, and Pashhur, son of Machiah, heard all the words that Jeremiah said to the people. 2 So said the lord of the world162—‘Everyone who lives in this city will die by the sword, famine and disease, but he, who goes out to the Chaldeans, will live, and his soul will be his booty and he will live.’ 3 So said Allah—‘This city will indeed be delivered into the hand of the king of Babylon and he will take it.’ 4 Then the officials said to the king, ‘Let this man, now, be put to death; for he weakens the hands of the men of war that remain in the city, and the hands of all the people, by speaking to them such words. Surely, this man does not seek the welfare of the people, but disaster.’ 5 King Zedekiah said, ‘Here, he is in you hands. The king cannot oppose you in anything.’ 6 So, they tookjerem iah and threw him down into the well of Malchiah, 162. MS D. Allah.

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the king’s son, which was in the court of the guards. They let Jeremiah down into the well with ropes. There was no water in the well, only mud, andjerem iah was covered all over with mud. 7 Ebed-melech, the Cushite, a servant in the house of the king, heard that they had put Jeremiah in the well. The king was then sitting in gate of Benjamin.

8 So Ebed-melech left the house of the king and spoke to the king, saying, 9 ‘My lord the king, these men have done evil in all that they have done to the prophet Jeremiah, whom they threw into the well. If he stays there, surely he will die where he is, because of the famine; for there is no food in the city.’ 10 The king, then, ordered Ebed-melech, the Cushite, saying, ‘Take with you thirty men from here and draw the prophet Jeremiah from the well, before he dies.’ 11 So, Ebed-melech took the men with him and went to the king’s house inside the storehouse and took rags and used cloths, and let them down by ropes to Jeremiah in the well. 12 Ebed-melech the Cushite toldjerem iah, ‘Now, put now these rags and used cloths under your armpits ,163 under the rope,’ andjerem iah did so.164 13 They pulled Jeremiah out with the rope and took him out of the well. Jeremiah, then, remained in hasar ha-matara. 14 The king Zedekiah sent for Jeremiah and took him to the third entrance in the house of Allah. The king, then, said to Jeremiah: ‘I am going to ask you about something, and do not hide it from me.’ 15 Jeremiah said to Zedekiah: ‘if I tell you, you will certainly kill me, and if I give you advice, you will not heed it.’ 16 At that point, the king Zedekiah swore to him in secrecy saying “‘as long live Allah, who has created this soul” I will not kill, nor hand you to those who are after your life.’ 17 Thenjeremiah said to the Zedekiah: ‘So said the lord, the god, the selfsubsisting, the god of Israel: “If you really go out and deliver yourself to the high officers of the king of Babylon, your soul will live, and this 163. Lit. ‘armpit of your hands.’ 164. MS D. Breaks here, 38:13-21 is missing.

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city will not be burned down. You and your household will live. 18 But if you do not deliver yourself into the hands of the high officers of the king of Babylon, this city will fall in the hands of the Chaldeans, and they will burn it down. Even you, you will not escape from them .”.’ 19 Then the King Zedekiah said to Jeremiah: ‘I am worried about the Jews who fled to the Chaldeans that I will be delivered to them to abuse me.’

20 Jeremiah said ‘ They will not deliver you. Accept the word of Allah, which I am telling you so that you may do well and your soul may live.’ 21 If you persist refusing to go out, so this is the message that Allah has shown me. 22 Look! All the women left in the house of the king of Judah will be brought to the princes of the king of Babylon, while they say, ‘They seduced you and prevailed against you. While your feet are stuck in the leaking water, those of reproach turned away.’ 23 All your women and sons will be brought to the Chaldeans. As for you, you will not escape from their hand; for you will be caught in the hand of the king of Babylon and this city will be set to fire. 24 Zedekiah said to Jeremiah, ‘Let no one know these messages, so that you will not die [or be killed].165 25 When the officials hear what I said to you, they will come and say to you, “Tell us what you talked about with king. Do not hide anything lest we kill you. And what did the king say to you?” 26 Then tell them, “I fell before the king, begging him not to send me to the house of Jonathan to die.’” 27 All the officials came to Jeremiah and asked, and he told them exactly as the king had commanded. They, then, left him because the conversation had not been overheard. 28 Jeremiah remained in the court of the guards until the day in which Jerusalem was taken; for Jerusalem was in fact taken.

165. The translator offers two versions.

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39 1

In the ninth year of Zedekiah, king of Judah, in the tenth month, Nebukhadnezzar, the king of Babylon and all his army came against Jerusalem and besieged it.

2 In the eleventh year of Zedekiah, in the fourth m onth ,166the city was breached. 3 All the officials of the king of Babylon came in the middle gate: Nergalsarezer, Samgar-nebo, Sarsechim, Rab-saris, Nergal-sarezer and Rabmag, together with the rest of the officials of the king of Babylon. 4 When the king Zedekiah and his soldiers saw them, they fled and left the city. They took the way of the king’s gardens through a narrow road between the two walls, which went by the road of the swamps. 5 However, the army of the Chaldeans pursued them and they caught Zedekiah in the swamps of Jericho and, when they had taken him, they brought him to Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, to Riblah, in the land of Hamath. Then he passed judgm ent on him .167

6 The king of Babylon slaughtered the sons of Zedekiah at Riblah in his presence; the king of Babylon slaughtered all the chiefs ofjudah as well. 7 And Zedekiah’s eyes, he blinded, and he put him in a double chain so as to bring him to Babylon. 8 The Chaldeans, then, sat fire to the king’s house and the poeples’ houses, and destroyed the walls of Jerusalem. 9 Nebuzaradan, the master of the guard sent into exile to Babylon the rem nant of the people that was left in the city, those who had sought refuge with him and the rem nant of the people. 10 The poor people, who had nothing were left in the land of Judah by Nebuzaradan, the chief of the men of sword, and he gave them vineyards and fields in that day. 11 Nebukhadnezzar had given Nebuzaradan, the swordsmen’s captain orders about Jeremiah, 12 ‘Take him and keep your eye on him; do not do anything bad to him, but do as he tells you. So should you treat him.’ 166. The translator has not translated the ‘ninth day of the month,’ due to doctrinal disputes with the Rabbanites. 167. MS D. 39:6-8 is missing.

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13 So, Nebuzaradan, the captain of the swordsmen, Nebushazban, the Rab-saris, Nergal-sarezer, the Rab-mag and all the nobles of the king of Babylon sent 14 and took Jeremiah out of and hasar ha-matara handed him over to Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, to bring him out of the house. Jeremiah, then, sat among the people. 15 The word of Allah came to Jeremiah, while he sat in hasar ha-matara saying, 16 ‘Hurry, go and say to Ebed-melech, the Cushite, So said the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—“Look! I now bring my words against this city: calamity, not good. They will come true for you on that day. 17 I will save you on that day—the word of Allah—and you will not be delivered into the hands of the people whom you dread. 18 Assuredly, will I set you free and you will not fall by the sword. Your soul will be yours as prize, because you have trusted in me—the word o f AllahV 40

1 The word that came to Jeremiah from Allah, after Nebuzaradan, the captain of the swordsmen, set him free at al-Ramah, where he had taken him, chained in fetters among the exiled from Jerusalem and Judah, who were taken to Babylon. 2 The captain of the swordsmen tookjeremiah aside and told him ,1'Allah, your god, has pronounced this calamity against this place. 3 Allah brought (this) about and acted just as he had said he would, because you sinned against Allah and did not accept his word. That is why this calamity has happened to you. 4 And now, I will release you from the fetters on your hands. If it pleases you to come with me to Babylon, so, please, I will look (favorably) on you. But, if you find it bad to come with me to Babylon, so do not come. Look! The whole land is before you. You can go to any place that seems good and suitable.’ 5 But there was no return yet. ‘Return to Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan and live with him among the people or go to whichever land you think best,’ and the captain of the swordsmen gave him food and a gift, and sent him away.

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6 So Jeremiah came to Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, at ha- Mispathd and stayed with him among the people, who were left in the land. 7 All the chiefs of the armies, who were in the desert with their men, heard that the king of Babylon had appointed Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, as his representative in the land and that he had entrusted him with men, women, children and the weak of the land, those who had not been exiled to Babylon.

8 So, they came to Gedaliah at ha-Mispatha, Ishmael, son of Nethaniah; Johanan, son of Kareah; Seriah, son of Tanhumeth, the sons of Ephai, the Nethophathite; they and their men. 9 Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, swore to them and to their men saying, ‘Have no fear serving the Chaldeans. Dwell in the land and obey the king of Babylon, that it go well with you. 10 Look! I am now staying at ha-Mispa to stand before the Chaldeans, who will come to us, but you must gather wine, fruits and oil and put them in your vessels and settle in the towns you have occupied.’ 11 Likewise, all the Jews who were in the land of Moab, Ammon, Edom and in the lands heard that the king of Babylon had let a remnant stay in Judah, and that he had crowned Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, as king over them. 12 All the Jews returned from all the places they had scattered. They came to the land ofju d ah , to Gedaliah, to ha- Mispatha and they gathered much wine and fruits. 13 Jonathan, son of Kareah and all the chiefs of the armies in the desert, came to Gedaliah, to ha- Mispa. 14 and they said to him,‘Do you know that Baalis king of Ammon has sent Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, to kill you, your very soul?’ However, Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, did not believe them. 15 Johanan, son of Kareah, spoke to Gedaliah in secret at ha-Mispa, saying, ‘Let me go now and I will kill Ishmael, son of Nethaniah. None should know of this, why a soul should be killed and the rem nant of all Judah who has gathered around you should be scattered and perish?’ 16 But Gedaliah said to Johanan, son of Kareah, ‘Do not do that, because what you say is not true.’

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41

1 It happened that in the seventh month, Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, son of Elishama, of royal descent and one of the nobles of the kings, came with ten men to Gedaliah, son of Ahikam at ha- Mispatha. They ate bread with him at ha-Mispa. 2 Ishamael, son of Nethaniah, together with the ten men who were with him, stood up and killed Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, with the (very) sword, with which the king of Babylon had appointed him (to rule) over the land. 3 Ishmael also killed all the J ews with him, with Gedaliah, in ha-Mispatha, and the Chaldeans and the soldiers, who were there. 4 On the second day after Gedaliah had been killed, no man knew about it. 5 Some people came from Nablus, Shiloh and Sebastieh. There were eighty men, whose beards had been shaved, their clothes torn and their bodies gashed, carrying gifts and frankincense in their hands to the temple of Allah. 6 Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, left ha- Mispa to meet them. He walked weeping (towards them) and when he met them, looking surprised, he said to them, ‘Go in to Gedaliah son of Ahikam!’ 7 When they went in and reached the city centre, Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, slaughtered them and (threw them) into the bottom of the well. 8 There were ten among them who said to Ishmael, ‘Do not kill us! For we have stores in the desert, with wheat, barley, oil and honey.’ So, Ishmael refrained from killing them with their brethren. 9 The well, into which he had thrown the bodies of the people under Gedaliah, whom he had killed, was the one that king Asa had made for Baasha, king of Israel. That well, Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, filled with the slain. 10 Ishmael captured all the rest of the people who were in ha-, Mispa the kings daughters and the ones left in ha- Mispa, whom Nebuzaradan chief of the swordsmen had entrusted with Gedaliah, son of Ahikam. Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, captured them and he left to cross over to the sons of Ammon. 11 Johanan son of Kareah and all the army chiefs, who were with him,

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heard of the abomination that Ishmael son of Nethaniah committed. 12 They took the men and went to fight against Ishmael, son Nethaniah, and they found him at the great waters in Gibeon. 13 It happened later when all the people with Ishmael saw Johanan, son of Kareah and all the army chiefs who were with him, they became glad. 14 All the people, whom Ishmael had captured from the ha- Mispa, turned about, returned and rejoined to Johanan son of Kareah. 15 Ishmael, however, managed to escape, together with eight souls belonging to Johanan and they went off to the sons of Ammon. 16 Then Johanan, son of Kareah, together with all the army chiefs, who were with him, took the whole remnant of the people, whom he had retrieved from Ishmael, son of the Nethaniah, after the latter had killed Gedaliah son of Ahikam. They were men, men of war, women, children and eunuchs, whom he returned from Gibeon. 17 They then went and stayed in Geriith Kimham, close to Bethlehem, in order to go and enter Egypt 18 because of the Chaldeans; for they were afraid of them, because of Ishmael, son of Nethaniah’s killing of Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, whom the king of Babylon had appointed over the land. 42

1 Then all the army chiefs with Johanan, son of Kareah, Jezaniah, son of Hoshaiah and all the people, from the most humble to the greatest 2 said to Jeremiah the prophet, ‘We present our supplication before you that you pray for us to Allah, your god for the sake of all those remaining; for it is only a few of us who remain out of many, as your eyes can see. 3 that Allah, your god, may tell us in which way we would walk and the things we should do.’ 4 Jeremiah said to them, ‘I accept! I will now pray to Allah, your god, just as you request. I will tell you the message that comes and not keep any thing from you.’ 5 They answered Jeremiah, ‘Let Allah be a witness against us, in truth and trust, that all the things, with which Allah will send you to us, we will do accordingly.

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6 Whether it is good or bad, we will accept the word of Allah our god, to whom we are sending you, because it will go well with us, when we accept Allah our god’s word.’ 7 After ten days passed, the word of Allah came to Jeremiah. 8 He then called Johanan, son of Kareah, together with all the army chiefs who were with him and the people, from the humble to the greatest. 9 So said Allah god of Israel to whom you have sent me to present your supplication before him, 10 ‘if you repent, you will remain this land and I will build, not destroy you. I will plant, not cut off you; for I have repented from inflicting you with the calamity. 11 Do not be afraid of the king of Babylon, whom you dread. Dot not be afraid of him—the word of Allah—for I am with you to rescue you and deliver you from his hand. 12 I will grant pity for you, and he will spare you and restore you to your land. 13 But if you say, “We are not staying in this land,” disobeying the word of Allah your god, 14 if you persist in saying, “No! but we will enter Egypt, where we will see no sword, no enemy and no war, hear no sound of horn nor be in want of food and there will we dwell.” 15 Now hear the word of Allah, 0 rem nant of Judah! So said Allah, the lord of armies, god of Israel—“If you persist turning your face to enter Egypt, to sojourn there, 16 the sword that you fear will follow you into the land of Egypt and the hunger you worry about will follow in your heels into Egypt and there you will die .168 17 The men, who turned their faces to enter Egypt, to sojourn there, will die by the sword, hunger and pestilence. They will have no remnant escape ,169because of the calamity I am about to bring over them.” 18 For so said Allah, the lord of armies, god of Israel—“Just as my anger and wrath were poured out over Jerusalem, so will my wrath be 168. MS E. ‘...and there they will die.’ 169. Both versions, MSS D and E, have left the Hebrew adjective sandh, meaning survi ing, survivor, un-translated.

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poured over you if you enter Egypt. You will become a curse, desolate, an insult and a mockery. You will never see this place again.” 19 The word of Allah is on you, 0 rem nant ofjudah. “Do not enter Egypt! Know surely th at I bear witness against you today.”

20 You had deceit in your souls, when you sent Allah, your god, saying: “Pray for us to Allah our god and everything that Allah, our god, tells us, so will you tell us, and we will obey.” 21 But when I told you today, you refused to obey the word of Allah your god anything he sent me with. 22 Now know well th at by the sword, by famine, and by pestilence will you die in the place that you have fallen for, to enter and dwell in it.’ 43 1 When Jeremiah had finished speaking to all the people all the words of Allah their god, with which Allah ’their god had sent him to them — all these words. 2 and Azariah, son of Hoshaiah, and Johanan, son of Kareah, and all the people, behaving impudently, said to Jeremiah, ‘You are lying! Allah our god did not send you to say, “Do not enter Egypt to dwell.” 3 But Baruch son of Neriah deludes you in our subject, so as to deliver us into the hands of the Chaldeans to be killed and exiled to Babylon!’ 4 But Johanan, son Kareah, and the chiefs of the armies; all the people refused to remain in the land ofjudah. 5 Instead, Johanan, son of Kareah, and all the chiefs of the armies took all the rem nant of Judah, who retuned to live in the land of Judah from all the nations to which they had been scattered, 6 men, women, children, the king’s daughters and all the people whom Nebuzaradan the chief of the men of the sword had settled, together with Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, and Jeremiah, the prophet, and Baruch, son of Neriah. 7 They came to the land of Egypt, because they did not accept the word of Allah. They came to Tahpanhes. 8 The word of Allah in Tahpanhes— 9 Get for yourself large stones and bury them in the mortar and in the brick structure at the entrance of the house of Pharaoh in Tahpanhes, in the presence of some Jews.

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10 Say to them, ‘So said the lord the self-subsisting, the god of Israel— ’Here I send! I have chosen Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon and I will put his throne over these stones, which you have buried and he will spread his tent or carpet 170over them. 11 He will come and kill the people of Egypt: those destined for death to death, those destined for captivity to captivity and those destined for the sword to the sword. 12 I will set fire in the houses of Egypt’s gods and he will burn them down and send them into exile. He will wrap the land of Egypt in the same way as the shepherd wraps his body. He will leave there safely. 13 He will smash the altars of the house of the sun, which is in the land of Egypt and he will burn the gods of Egypt with fire.’ 44 1 The word which came to Jeremiah and to all the Jews, living in the land of Egypt, living in Migdol, Tahpanhes, in Menof, and in the land of Pathros, saying, 2 ‘So said the lord the self-subsisting, the god of Israel—“your have seen all the calamities that were brought on Jerusalem and on all the cities of Judah. See! They are in ruin until this day and in them there is no inhabitant. 3 because of their wickedness, which they did to vex me, making incense offering to other gods, whom they did not know, neither they nor you nor their forefathers”.’ 4 And I persistently and quite often sent you my servants, the prophets, saying,‘Do not commit this abomination, which I hated. 5 But they did not listen, nor did they incline their ears, to turn from their wickedness, and from not offering incense to other gods. 6 Therefore, my wrath and my anger was poured out and burned in the cities of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem. Then, they became a ruin, desolate as they still are today. 7 And now—so said Allah , the lord of armies, the god of Israel—‘why are you doing this harm to yourselves, so that every man and woman, child and suckling of yours will be cut off from the midst of Judah and no remnant of yours will be left? 8 You vex me with the acts of your hands, offering incense to other 170. The translator gives two possible renderings.

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gods in the land of Egypt to which you have come to dwell, so that you will be cut off and become a curse and mockery among all he nations of the earth. 9 Have you forgotten the evil acts of your forefathers, of the kings of Judah, of their wives, your own evil deeds and those of your wives, which they committed in the land of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem? 10 They have shown no remorse until this day, nor any fear. They did not walk according to my holy law nor my regulations, which I set before your hands and your forefathers.’

11 Therefore—so said Allah, the lord of armies, god of Israel—‘See! Here I carry out my purpose regarding the calamity and the cutting off of Judah: 12 I will take the rem nant of Judah, who turned their faces to enter Egypt with the intention of living there. All of them will be consumed in the land. They will fall by the sword and they will die by famine. The small and the great will die by the sword and famine and they will become a curse, a desolation, an insult and a mockery. 13 I will punish the inhabitants of the city and Jerusalem with sword, famine and pestilence .171 14 There will be no rem nant escaping 172from the rem nant ofjudah, who went down to live there, in the land of Egypt or to return to the land of Judah, Where they are hoping to return to settle. They will not return, but as survivors.’ 15 Then they answeredjeremiah, all the men who knew that their wives had offered incense to other gods, all the women standing in a great crowd and all the people dwelling in the land of Egypt in Pethros, saying, 16 ‘The word that you told us in the name of Allah, we accept from you. 17 We, however, certainly will do all the things that came out from (your) mouth, offering incense to the stars of heaven and pouring libations to them, just as we, our forefather, kings, officials have done in the land ofjudah and in the streets of Jerusalem; for we had plenty to eat. We were well off and we saw no calamity. 171. MS D. Breaks here; 44:14-16 is missing. 172. Cf. 42:17. This is contrary to the MT’s word order.

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18 But once we stopped offering incense to the stars of heaven and pouring out libations to them, we lacked everything and died by sword and famine. 19 When we offered incense to the stars of heaven and poured out libations to them, was it without our men’s consent that we made cakes to the idol and poured libations?’ 20 So Jeremiah said to all the people, to the men and women and to all the people who answered him, saying, 21 ‘Was not the incense offering th at you, your forefathers, kings, officials and the people of the land offered in the cities of Judah and the streets of Jerusalem, what Allah remembered and upheld in his heart?

22 Allah can no longer stand you, because of the ugliness of your disposition and because of the abominations that you had committed. Your land will be ruins, desolation, insult, and without inhabitant, just as it is today. 23 Because you have offered incense, because of your sins against Allah, because you did not accept Allah’s word and did not walk according to his sacred law, regulations and exhortations, therefore, the calamity has met you, just as it does today.’ 24 Jeremiah said to all the people and to all the women,‘Listen to the word of Allah, 0 all Judah, who are in the land of Egypt!’ 25 So said the lord of armies, the god of Israel—saying, ‘You and your wives! your hands have completed, what your mouths have spoken, saying, “Our vows to offer incense to the stars of heaven and to pour out the libations we have made, we will keep. So confirm your vows! Perform your vows!” 26 Therefore, hear the word of Allah, 0 assembly of Judah, those who dwell in the land of Egypt! I have sworn, here, by my great name, said Allah, that no man in Judah will ever call on my name in the land of Egypt, saying, “As Allah god lives!”’173 27 Here I am committed to inflict them with calamity and there will be no good until every man in Judah, who are in land of Egypt, will be consumed by sword and famine until they cease to exist. 28 A limited band, who escapes the sword, will return from the land of 173. MS D. \..as ywy god of Israel../

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Egypt to the land ofjudah. All the remnant ofjudah, then, who went into the land of Egypt to dwell there will know whose word proves to be true: mine or theirs. 29 This will serve as a sign—the word of Allah—so that you know that my word, this calamity against you, will indeed be fulfilled. 30 So said Allah—'Here I deliver Pharaoh Hophra, king of Egypt, into the hands of his enemies and into the hands of those who seek his soul, just as I have delivered Zedekiah, king of Judah, into the hands of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, his enemy, who sought his life.’ 45 1 The word that Jeremiah, the prophet, spoke to Baruch son of Neriah, at the time he wrote these letters from the mouth of Jeremiah, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim son of Josiah king ofjudah, saying, 2 174

3 You say, ‘Woe to me! Allah has added grief to my pain. I am worn out in my groaning, and I have not found a place of rest!’ 4 Say to him, ‘So said Allah—See! What I have built, I am going to tear it down, and what I have planted, I will pull up. This will be throughout the whole land. 5 And you ask for great things! Do not ask! For I bring disaster upon every flesh—the word of Allah—your soul will be your booty in all the places you pass by.’ 46 1 The word of Allah to Jeremiah, the prophet, concerning the nations—

2 Concerning Egypt, about the army of Pharaoh Neco, king of Egypt, who reached the river Euphrates at Charchemish and who was killed by Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, king ofjudah. 3 ‘Get the buckler ready and the shield and advance to war! 4 Saddle the horses; mount the horsemen! Stand erect with the helmet; polish your lances; put on armor! 5 Why did I see them startled, retreating? Their mighty ones were crushed; they continued to flee without turning back—terror all around, the word of A llah174. MS E. Missing.

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6 The swift cannot run away; the mighty cannot escape. In the north, at the bank of the river Euphrates, they stagger and fall. 7 Who is this that rises like the gulf, like rivers whose waters roar? 8 It is Egypt that rises like the gulf, like rivers whose waters roar. He said, “I will raise my soldiers; I will cover the earth; I will wipe out the city and its inhabitants.” 9 Mount the horses ;175 behave fiercely, 0 chariots riders! Go out to the mighty ones, Cush and Put, who master the buckler, and the Ludim, who master the arrow and the strings of the bow!’ 10 That day will be for the lord god, the self-subsisting, a vengeance day, in which he exacts retribution from his enemies. The sword will eat until it satisfies its hunger, and drink until it satisfies its thirst for blood; for it is as a sacrifice for the lord god, the self-subsisting, in the land of the north by the river Euphrates. 11 Go up to Jarash and get balm, 0 young girl of Egypt! In vain are the many remedies, there is no healing for you. 12 The nations have heard about your foolishness and your scream has filled the earth. One mighty man stumbles against another; the two fall together. 13 The word that came to Jeremiah, the prophet, concerning the coming of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, to kill the people of Egypt. 14 Declare (it) in Egypt and proclaim (it) in Migdol; proclaim (it) in Noph 176 and in Tahpanhes. Say, ‘Stand upright and prepare yourselves; for the sword of the enemy has devoured those around you.’ 15 Why were your mighty masters swept away? He did not stand firm, for Allah pushed him. 16 Also stumbling increased; one man has fallen over his fellow. They said, ‘Rise up! Let us return to our people, to the land of our birth, because of the flying sword.’ 17 They called Pharaoh king of Egypt there, ‘A braggart, who let time go by.’ 18 As I live—the word of the king, whose name is the lord of the armies— as Mount Tabor is high among the mountains around and the Carmel enters the sea, 175. MS E. ‘Ride on the horses.’ 176. Cf. 44:1.

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19 so, prepare for yourself vessels of exile, you, who dwell among the band of Egypt; for Noph will become desolate and a ruin, without an inhabitant. 20 A handsome heifer is Egypt! Infamy has arrived from the north.

21 Also her hired ones are in her midst, like well fed claves. They too will return; together they flee, and do not stop. The day of their disaster is upon them, the time of their punishment. 22 Her voice will become like a snake; For they will become few. They came to her with axes, like hewers of wood. 23 Cut down her dense forest, which cannot be searched, because they are as many as locusts, numberless. 24 The band of Egypt will be shamed, delivered into the hands of the people of the north. 25 Allah, the lord, the self-subsisting, the god of Israel, said,, ‘Here, will I inflict punishment on Ammon of Alexandria and on Pharaoh, Egypt and her gods, on Pharaoh and on those who rely on her. 26 I will deliver them into the hands of those who seek their souls, into the hands of Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon and into the hands of his servants. But, afterwards, she will be settled as she had been in former times—the word of A llah27 And you, have no fear, 0 my servant Jacob; do not be startled, 0 Israel!; for I will rescue you from far away, your seed from captivity. Jacob will be calm and quiet again; he will not have cause to worry. 28 But you, have no fear, 0 Jacob, my servant!—the word of Allah—for I am with you. I will strike the nations, among whom I have scattered you, with annihilation. But I will not make an end to you. Nor will I leave you unpunished. Not-healing, I will not heal you.’ 47 1 The word of Allah that had come to Jeremiah, the prophet, concerning the Philistines before Pharaoh crushed Gaza— 2 So said Allah— ‘See! waters rise from the region of Iraq. They will become a torrent, sweeping the land. They will flood the city and its inhabitants. People will ciy out; all the dwellers of the land will howl. 3 From the sound of the stamping of his stallions’ hooves, at the quake of his procession, the rumbling of his wheels, fathers will not turn to

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their children, because of the weakness of their hands, 4 Because they come to plunder the Philistines, to cut off Tyre and Sidon, every supporting fugitive; for Allah plunders the Philistines, the surviving Island of Caphtor. 5 Baldness reached Gaza; Ashkelon was silenced. 0 fugitive of their valley, how long will you gash yourself?

6 0 sword of Allah, how long will you not be quiet? Go back into your sheath; rest and be still! 7 How can you (it) be quiet, when Allah has given an order against Ashkelon and the remnant of the seacoast? Stay there, he has promised her.’ 48 1 Concerning Moab—so said the lord of armies, the god of Israel—‘Woe to Nebo, because it has been plundered. Shamed and captured is Kirayathaim; the stronghold of Moab is shamed and startled!’ 2 The glory of Moab is no more; In Heshbon they spoke evilly against her: ‘Come let us cut her off so that it will not be a nation again!’ You too, 0 Madmen, will be silenced; after you the word will walk. 3 A screaming voice (comes) from Horonaim; a ruin and a great destruction! 4 Moab is broken. Make her scream heard, you, her little ones! 5 For all the way up to Luhith, will they climb weeping, but on the way down, sparks of a scream of destruction will be heard. 6 ‘Run away; save your lives! Be like Aroer in the desert. 7 Surely, because of your trust in your achievements and treasures, will you too be captured and Khemosh will go into exile together with his priests and officials. 8 The plunderer will come to every city. No city will be spared; the valley will be devastated. 9 Give a flower to Moab; verily must she depart; her towns will be desolate, without an inhabitant in her. 10 Cursed be he who is slack in Allah’s work! And cursed be he who holds his sword back from blood! 11 Moab has been comfortable from his youth settled on his dregs. He has not been emptied, as from one vessel to another; nor has he gone

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into exile. Therefore, his taste has remained and his smell has not changed.

12 Therefore, see; days are coming—the word of Allah— when I send fearless men to topple him, they will empty his jugs, smash his big jars. 13 Moab will be ashamed of Khemosh, just as the house of Israel was ashamed of Bethel on whom they relied. 14 How dare say: ‘We are mighty men, strong enough for war?’ 15 Moab has been plundered; his hidden towns entered; his best youth have fallen in slaughter—the word of the king, lord of armies. 16 The destruction of Moab is near at hand; his calamity comes swiftly. 17 Mourn for him all you who are around him, all who know him by name! Ask ‘How has the rod been broken, the glory of the wooden staff? Oh the pride?’ 18 Come down from reverence and live in thirst, inhabitants of Dibon, for the plunderer of Moab has entered you; he has destroyed your fortresses. 19 Stand by the road and watch, inhabitants of Aroer. Ask of him, who has fled and her, who has escaped; say: ‘What has happened?’ 20 Moab is ashamed and startled. Wail and scream in Arnon: that Moab has been plundered. 21 Judgment has come upon the lowland, on Holon, Jahzah and Mephaath, 22 on Dibon, Nebo and Beh-diblathaim, 23 on Kiryathaim, Beth-gamul and Beth-meon, 24 and on Kiryoth, Bozrah, and all the towns of the land of Moab, far and near. 25 The horn of Moab has been pulled out, his arm broken—the word of Allah.

26 Get him drunk; for he made himself great before Allah. Let Moab wallow in his vomit; he will also be a laughingstock. 27 If Israel had not become a laughingstock to you, so, as it were among thieves, why then, every time you spoke of him, did you shake your head? 28 Leave the cities and dwell in caves, inhabitants of the land of Moab.

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Become like a dove that nests in the sides of a hole. 29 We have heard of Moab’s power—most powerful is he—of his arrogance and his power, of his conceited, self-exaltation. 30 I know his insolence—the word of Allah—his nobles are not like what they seem; they have not acted so. 31 Therefore, I wail for Moab; for all of Moab do I cry. For the inhabitants of Kir-heres my heart yammers. 32 From such weeping over Jazer, will I weep for you, 0 vine of Sibmah! Your remnants have crossed the sea to the sea of Jazer; they came near to your fruit; on your harvest has the plunderer landed. 33 Gladness and rejoicing have been taken away from the tribe and land of Moab. The wine has stopped (coming) from the wine presses. No one treads on them with songs of joy. Songs of joy are no (longer) songs of joy. 34 From the scream of Heshbon and Elealeh to Jahaz, they announced their voice from Zoar to Horonaim and Eglath-shelishiyah; for the waters of Nimrim will also become desolate. 35 I will put an end in Moab—the word of Allah—to those who offer sacrifice and incense to his god. 36 Therefore, my heart is agitated for Moab like drums, like the drums is my heart agitated, for the inhabitants of Kir-heres, for the gains they caused to vanish. 37 For every head is bald and every beard shaved; on all hands are gashes and on the loins sackcloth. 38 On all the roofs of Moab, in all her public places, there is lamentation; for I have broken Moab like a vessel no one wants—the word of Allah. 39 How did it happen that Moab was startled before the enemy? Wail! How did it happen that Moab turned his back, not his face; so that Moab has become a laughingstock and a horror to all around him? 40 For—so said Allah—‘He soars like an eagle and spreads his wings against Moab! 41 Kerioth will be captured and its strongholds taken. On that day, the heart of Moab’s mighty ones will become like a woman in labour. 42 Moab will be wiped out as a people; for he magnified himself against

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Allah. 43 Terror, pit and trap over you who dwell in Moab’—the word of A llah44 He, who runs from terror, will fall in the pit and he, who climbs up

from the pit, will fall in the trap. I will bring upon her, on Moab the year of their punishment—the word of A llah45 in the shadow of Heshbon, fugitives stopped out of exhaustion; for

fire went out of Heshbon and flames from the midst of Sihon. It consumed the brow of Moab; the skull of the sons of braggarts. 46 Woe to you, 0 Moab! The people of Chemosh are destroyed; for your sons have been carried off into captivity; your daughters into exile. 47 I will return with the exile of Moab at the end of time—the word of Allah—Here ends the judgment of Moab. 49 1 Concerning the sons of Ammon—so said Allah—Has Israel any sons, has he no heir? Then why has their kingdom 177 inherited the land of Gad, while his people dwell in its towns?

2 Therefore, days are coming—the word of Allah—when I will make Rabbath Ammon hear the noise of war. Its villages will be set on fire and Israel will inherit those who inherited her—the word of Allah. 3 Lament, 0 Heshbon; for Ai is plundered! Cry out, 0 villages of Rabbath; gird on sackcloth, lament. Turn the (boundary) stones around; for their kingdom will go into exile, his priests and officials all together. 4 Why do you boast of green pastures? Your green pasture has faded, 0 rebellious band, you, who relied on your treasures. Who would come to me? 5 Here I bring on you a terror—the word of the lord of armies—from everywhere around you, all will be driven before him and fugitives will gather. 6 Thereafter, will I restore the exile of Ammon—the word of Allah. 7 Concerning Edom—so said the lord of armies—Is there no more wisdom in the land of Teman? Has good planning vanished from the prudent ones, their wisdom diminished? 8 Run away, turn away, hide, inhabitants of Dedan; for I have brought 177. The Arabic translation makes no reference to Malkam/Milkom, the Ammonite deity.

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the destruction of Esau on him at the time of punishment.

9 If vintners were to come to you, would they not leave small bundles? And if thieves were to come by night, would they not destroy only what was necessary?

10 I have exposed Esau, and revealed his place of concealment; he tries to hide, but cannot. His offspring, brothers and neighbors will be plundered; he is no more. 11 Leave your orphans; I will remain with them; let your widows rely on me! 12 For—so said Allah—See! Here is the one, who did not have the right to drink the cup, but they persisted on drinking it. And you, healing, will you not get, though drinking you will. 13 In my name, have I sworn—the word of Allah—that Bozrah will be desolated: a mockery, ruin and a curse; her cities will become ruins forever. 14 I have heard an announcement from Allah—a messenger will be sent to the nations; assemble, and go to her, arise, for war! 15 I will make you least among the nations, despised by people. 16 Your idol has misled you; your arrogant heart lives among swirling rocks, occupies the height of the mountain! Will your nest be as high as the eagle’s? From there, will I bring you down—the word of Allah. 17 And Edom will be desolate; everyone who passes by her will sigh and hiss over its sores. 18 It will be like the overthrow of Sodom, Gomorrah and its neighbours— said Allah— No man will live there and no human will remain there. 19 See! Like the lion, he will come up from the powerful Jordan to a secure place, for, in a moment, will I draw him out and appoint over her a youth of my choice. Who is like me and who can be compared to me? Who is the shepherd who can stand before me? 20 Therefore, listen to the judgm ent of Allah, which he made against Edom and to his thoughts against the inhabitants of Teman. Even the little ones of the sheep will be dragged away, their fold will be desolate for them. 21 From the sound of their downfall, the earth will shake. The sound of screaming will be heard at the sea of Reeds.

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22 See! Like an eagle he flies up; he soars and spreads his wings over Bozrah. The heart of Edom’s soldiers will be like a woman in labour on that day. 23 Concerning Damascus—Hamath and Arpad are ashamed; for they have heard evil and difficult news. They will be scattered in the sea, anxiety and no rest. 24 Damascus has become weak. She turned to flee; panic seized her, great pain, as in childbirth. 25 How the city of fame is forsaken; the city of joy! 26 Therefore, all her youth will fall in the public squares; her men of war will be silenced on that day—the word of the lord of armies. 27 I will set fire to the wall of Damascus, and the palaces of the son of Hadad will be burnt. 28 Concerning Qedar and the kingdoms of Hazor, which Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, struck—so said Allah—rise up; advance against Qedar; plunder the sons of Qedem! 29 They will take away their tents and sheep, their tent cloths and all their vessels; they will carry off their camels and decree against them: ‘Terror all about them!’ 30 Run away, wander, you have agreed to settle down, 0 inhabitants of Hazor—the word of Allah—for Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, has plotted against you; he has thought seriously against you. 31 Rise up, attack a tranquil nation that lives in security—the word of Allah—that has neither shutters nor wooden frames. Alone, will they live. 32 Their camels will be plundered and their herds of cattle will be booty. I will scatter to every wind those who have clipped their hair. From every direction I will bring disaster on them. 34 Hazor will become a lair of Jackals, an everlasting waste. No one will live there; nor will anyone settle there. 35 The word of Allah that came to Jeremiah, the prophet, concerning Elam, at the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah king of Judah— saying, 36 So said the lord of armies—I will break the bow of Elam, the beginning of their power;

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37 and I will bring four spirits against Elam from the four regions of heaven. I will scatter them to the winds and there will be no nation to which Elam’s exiles will not come. 38 I will frighten the people of Elam before their enemies and before those who seek their souls. I will bring calamity against them my great w rath—the word of Allah—I will send the sword after them until I exterminate them. 39 I will set my throne in Elam, and wipe out king and officials from that place—the word of Allah. And it will be that in the latter days, I will restore the exile of Elam—the word of Allah. 50

1 The word that Allah spoke against the land of the Chaldeans, through Jeremiah the prophet— 2 Declare to the nations and announce; set up the flag; do not hide it. Say: Babylon is taken, the idol is put to shame; Merodach has been startled, her idols ashamed, her fetishes dismayed. 3 For a nation from the far north has attacked her. He will make her land desolate. No human will dwell in her and the animals will flee. 4 In those days and at that time—the word of Allah—the sons of Israel andjudah will come together, walking and crying and they will seek Allah their god. 5 They will ask of Zion their faces they will set on that path; to Allah they will incline; so the eternal covenant will not be forgotten! 6 My people has become like lost sheep. Their shepherds have misled them and, out in the mountains, they roamed from mountain to hill and forgot their own resting place. 7 All who found them, devoured them. Their enemies have said, ‘We are not guilty, just because they had sinned against Allah, the site of justice, the hope of their fathers, Allah.’ 8 Flee from the midst of Babylon, and flee from the land of the Chaldeans; be like a he-goat in front of the flock. 9 For see! I am exciting and rising up against Babylon a band of great nations from the extremity of Iraq. From there they will array themselves against her and there she will be taken. Her arrows are those of a skilled warrior, who do not return empty-handed. 10 The land of the Chaldeans will be plundered. All her spoilers will be

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sated—the word of A llah11

as a punishment; for you rejoiced and you exulted, plunderers of

my inheritance! You jumped like a heifer in rut; you neighed like stallions, 12 Your mother will be exceedingly ashamed; she who bore you, will be disgraced: wilderness, desert, swamp. 13 Because of the wrath of Allah, she will not be inhabited; she will be utterly desolate. Whoever passes by her will sigh and hiss at her wounds. 14 Array yourselves around Babylon, you, who draw the bow. Shoot at her; do not pity the arrows; for she has sinned against Allah. 15 Raise a shout against her from all sides. She has given her hands (that is, surrendered); her bastion has fallen; her walls are destroyed. This is Allah’s vengeance. Take vengeance on her; Do to her as she herself has done! 16 Cut the planter off from Babylon and the wielder of the sickle at harvest time. Because of the flying sword, each man will return to his people; they will flee every one to his own land 17 Israel is a sheep, separated, driven by the lions. First the king of Assyria ate him and then, at the end, Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, gnawed his bones. 18 Therefore—so said Allah the lord of armies, the god of Israel—‘See, now I will punish the king of Babylon, and his land, just as I had punished Assyria.’ 19 And I will restore Israel to his land and he will graze on Carmel

20 In those days, at that time—a word Allah said—‘The crime of Israel will be searched for, but there will be none; the sin ofjudah, but none will be found; for I will pardon those I allow to survive.’ 21 Against the land, Merathaim—advance against her and against the inhabitants of Pekod. Executioner and destroyer follow them—the word of Allah—Do as I have commanded you! 22 The sound of war in the land and great destruction! 23 How the hammer of the whole earth has been caught up and broken! How Babylon has been desolated among the lands of the nations! 24 I have become a rope to you and you have been captured, 0 Babylon!

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You have been surprised; you have been found and caught, because you picked a quarrel with my people. 25 The lord has opened his treasure house and brought the vessels out of this clamour; for it is the doing of the lord, god, the self-subsisting, in the land of the Chaldeans. 26 Go into her from the side; break open her granaries; thrash her like you thrash a heap of grain and destroy her; let her have no remnant! 27 Execute all her cows; let them go to the slaughter. Be against them; for their day has come, the time of their punishment! 28 The sound of the fugitives and escapees from the land of Babylon! Tell in Zion about the vengeance of Allah our god, the vengeance of his temple. 29 Tell Babylon that many archers have encircled her; she will have no refugees. Pay her back in kind for what she did; do to her just as she has done; for she has acted with insolence against Allah, the holy one of Israel. 30 Therefore, her youth will fall in her public square; her men of the sword will be silenced on that day—the word of Allah. 31 Here I am, 0 insolent one—the word of Allah god of armies—your day has indeed arrived: the time for your punishment. 32 The insolent will stumble and fall and none will come to his aid. I will burn his cities and it will devour everything around him. 33 So said Allah god of armies—‘The sons of Israel are oppressed and so too, the sons of Judah; all their capturers held them; they refused to let them go. 34 Their protector is strong, Lord of armies is his name. He will defend their case, so as to give rest to earth and unrest to the inhabitants of Babylon.’ 35 a sword will come against the Chaldeans—the word of Allah—and against the inhabitants of Babylon, against their officials and wise men! 36 A sword against the astrologers, that they become foolish! Against her mighty men, that they be startled. 37 A sword against his horses and riders, against all the words about her that they become like women. A sword against her treasures, that they be plundered.

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38 A drought against her waters, that they become dry, because she is a land of idols. They are besotted over their idols. 39 Therefore, the beast of the desert will dwell in her, together with the beast of the islands. Ostriches will dwell in her. It will never be occupied again; it will not be inhabited for generation after generation. 40 It will be as when Allah overthrew Sodom, Gomorrah and its neighbours—said Allah—No man will live there and no human will remain there .178 41 See! A people are coming from the far north, together with a great nation and many kings, from the farthest corner of the earth. 42 They hold a bow and Javelin; resentful and without mercy; their sound is like the roaring sea, upon horses they ride, well equipped like a man of war. 0 band of Babylon, it was against you he came! 43 The king of Babylon has heard the report about them, and his hands are weakened; a seizure has taken hold of him, pangs like a woman in childbirth. 44 See, like the lion, he will come up from the great Jordan to a secure place, For, in a moment, will I draw him out and appoint over her a youth of my choice. Who is like me and who can be compared to me? Who is this shepherd who can stand before me? 45 Therefore, listen to the decree of Allah, which he made against Babylon and to his thoughts against the inhabitants of the Chaldeans. Even the little ones of the sheep will be dragged away; their fold will be desolate for them. 51 1 So said Allah—‘I will rouse a destructive wind against Babylon and against the inhabitants of Chaldea.179

2 I will send winnowers to winnow her and they will strip her land bare. They will encircle her from all sides on the day of calamity. 3 The archer draws his bow against Babylon;180 against her, will he advance, with his coat of mail. Do not have pity on her young men; 178. Cf. 49:18 179. Most translations have Leb-kamai. In Jewish exegesis, inclusive the Karaites,’ the expression is considered a cipher for Kasdim: Chaldea. 180. The translator adds the expression ‘towards Babylon’ which is not found in the MT text.

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exterminate her armies. 4 They will fall slain in the land of Chaldea, slit open in her streets.’ 5 For Israel and Judah are not bereft of their god, the lord of armies, though their land had been filled with misdeed against the holy one of Israel.

6 Flee from the midst of Babylon; save your lives, every one of you, that you not be silenced because of her sin; for thus is the time of Allah’s vengeance. With fear, will he repay her. 7 Like a golden cup is Babylon in Allah’s hand; she had made the whole world drunk. The nations have drunk of her wine. That is why the nations are besotted. 8 Suddenly, Babylon fell by the hand of Allah and was broken. Howl over her; get salve for her wounds. Perhaps, she can be healed. 9 We have tried to heal Babylon, but we she was not healed. Leave her; let each one of us return to his land; for her judgment has reached heaven and has risen to the skies. 10 Allah has made our integrity manifest. Come; let us recount the deeds of Allah our god in Zion. 11 Select the arrows; fill the lamps! From her, Allah roused the spirit of Media’s king. For concerning Babylon, Allah’s resolution was to destroy her; Allah’s vengeance avenges his temple. 12 Raise a flag on the walls of Babylon; prepare the conflagration. Station the watchmen; set the traps; for Allah has also performed what he decreed for the inhabitants of Babylon. 13 You used to dwell on great waters and have many treasures. Behold! Your end has come, the end of your greed. 14 The lord of armies has sworn to himself, ‘I will fill you with people like flies; they will sing a song of joy against you.’ 15 He is the maker of earth by his force, the establisher of the inhabited world by his wisdom and the stretcher of the heavens by his intelligence. 16 When he makes his voice heard, the waters in the sky pile up. He makes clouds from the extremities of the earth; he makes lightning for the rain and brings forth wind from his treasures. 17 Every man is proved to be crazy for (lack) of knowledge; every

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

goldsmith is put to shame for carving (the idol); for his molten image is a lie; it has no spirit. 18 They are a delusion, a work of mockery. In his time of punishment, they will perish. 19 It is not so for the portion of Jacob; for he is the creator of all things and Israel181 is a tribe belonging to him. The lord of armies is his name. 20 You are a hammer to me, a weapon of war. With you will I shatter nations and destroy kingdoms.

21 With you, I shatter the horse and its rider, the chariot and its rider. With you, I shatter man and woman, old and young, young boy and young girl. 22 With you, I shatter the shepherd and his flock, the farmer and his farm, princes and leaders. 23 I will pay back Babylon and all the inhabitants of Chaldea, for all their wicked things they did in Zion before your eyes. 24 Behold! Here I am against you, mountain of the destroyer—the word of Allah—destroyer of the whole world! I will stretch out my hand against you, roll you down from the rocks and make of you a burning hill. 26 They will not remove from you a corner- or foundation stone. You will be desolate for all time—the word of Allah. 27 Raise the flag in the land! Blow the horn among the nations; count the nations who are against her; call against her the kingdoms, Ararat, Minni, and Ashkenaz. Appoint a military leader over her; bring up the horses like flies. 28 Count against her the nations, together with the kings of Media, her princes and nobles and all the land under his rule. 29 The earth quakes and shakes violently; for Allah’s purpose against Babylon has been fulfilled: to render the land of Babylon a wasteland, without inhabitant. 30 The mighty ones of Babylon have stopped fighting; they sit in their forts. Their might is weakened; they have become like women. Her dwellings are set afire; her bars are broken. 181. The term Israel, found neither in the Hebrew text nor in MS E, is added in MS D.

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31 One crowd meets another; one messenger meets another to report to the king of Babylon that his city has been taken from all sides. 32 They captured passageways and burned the thicket with fire. The soldiers were surprised. 33 So is the word of the lord of armies, God of Israel—‘The band of Babylon is like specks at the time of its threshing. The remnant is few, (though) the time of her harvest will come.’ 34 ‘Nebukhadnezzar devoured me and confused me; he stopped me like an empty vessel. He swallowed me like a dragon; he filled his belly with my delicacies; he scoured me out. 35 May the violence you inflicted on me and on my flesh, which beast and bird have eaten, be upon Babylon,’ say the inhabitants of Zion, ‘and my blood, which has been shed over the inhabitants of Chaldea,’ says Jerusalem. 36 Therefore—so said Allah—'‘Behold! Now I will defend your 182case, and make your vengeance mine, drain your sea and dry up your spring.’ 37 Babylon will become tombstones, a habitat for jackals, desolate and empty, without inhabitants. 38 Like lions, they will roar together; like lion cubs, they will shake. 39 In their heat, I will answer their prayers; I will make them drunk until they have had enough and they will fall asleep for eternity, never to awake—the word of A llah40 I will lead them like a lamb to the slaughter, like a ram and a he-

goat. 41 How Babylon183 has fallen and the most famed city of the earth been captured! How Babylon has become desolate among the nations! 42 The sea has risen over Babylon; she is covered by its roaring waves. 43 Her cities have became desolate, a wilderness, a desert, a land where none will dwell and through which no son of man will pass. 44 I will punish Bel in Babylon; I will make him disgorge what is in him. The nations will not look at her again; the wall of Babylon has fallen down. 45 Leave her, my people! May each save his own soul from Allah’s great fury. 182. The Hebrew text of verse 36 has the third person feminine singular possessive pronoun. 183. MTSheshach

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46 Lest you be downcast, afraid of the rumours in the land, one rumour that comes one year and another in the year thereafter [ ] in the land, one ruler against another. 47 Therefore, now the days come and I will punish the idols of Babylon. The whole of her land will be put to shame and all her slain ones will fall in her. 48 Heaven and earth and all that are in them will speak of Babylon; for from a region in the north will the plunderer come—the word of A llah49 Babylon’s fall is for the slain ones of Israel; (as) the slain ones of the

whole earth have fallen for Babylon. 50 Refugees of the sword pass through, do not stop! Remember the name of Allah from afar and bring Jerusalem (into) your hearts! 51 ‘We were ashamed when we heard the insult; humiliation covered our faces; for strangers entered the holy places of Allah’s house.’ 52 Therefore, the days now come—the word of Allah—I will punish her idols and through all her land, will dying moan. 53 Though Babylon will climb to the heavens, though she fortify the stronghold of her glory, plunderers will come from me—the word of A llah54 Sparks of a scream from Babylon, a great destruction from the land pf

the Chaldeans! 55 Allah will plunder Babylon and put an end to the great noise; their waves will roar like mighty waters, whose tumultuous voice resounds. 56 For a plunderer has come against her, against Babylon. Her warriors will be taken; their bows will be broken; for Allah is able to repay in kind; indeed, he pays in full. 57 I will make her officials, her wise men, her princes, her nobles and her warriors drunk and they sleep for all eternity; they will not waken—a word, which the king, whose name is the lord of armies, said— 58 So said the lord of armies—the great walls of Babylon will be exposed, and her high gates will be burnt with fire; people will work for nothing and the nations will be exhausted by the fire. 59 The word that Jeremiah, the prophet, ordered Seraiah son of Neriah son of Mahseiah, at the time he went with Zedekiah king of Judah

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407

to Babylon, in the fourth year of his reign, when Seraiah was his quarterm aster60 Jeremiah wrote about all of the calamities, which would come upon Babylon in one book, all the things which were written against Babylon. 61 Jeremiah said to Seraiah, ‘When you enter Babylon, look up and read these words. 62 and say, ‘0 lord! you have spoken against this land, that it be cut off, not to be inhabited by humans or domestic animals; it will be desolate for eternity.’ 63 When you finish reading this message, tie a stone to it and throw it into the river Euphrates. 64 Then say, ‘Thus will Babylon sink and never rise again, because of the calamity that I am about to bring on her and it will exhaust them ’— so, the words of Jeremiah 52

1 Zedekiah was twenty one years old when he became king. He has reigned for twelve years in Jerusalem. His mother's name was Hamutal, daughter of Jeremiah and son of Libnah. 2 He did what was evil before Allah, just as Jehoiakim had done. 3 It was the cause of Allah‘s anger, which came over Jerusalem and Judah, until he threw them out of his land. It was he who made Zedekiah rebel against the king of Babylon. 4 It was in ninth year of his reign, on the tenth day of the tenth month (that) Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, came. He and his army camped before Jerusalem and built catapults all around her. 5 The city continued under siege until the eleventh year of Zedekiah’s reign. 6 On the ninth day of the fourth month, famine was felt in the city and there was no food for the people of the land. 7 The city was opened and all the soldiers began to flee. They left the city by night, through the narrow gate between the two walls, which were near the king’s garden, taking the swamp road. The Chaldeans surrounded the city. 8 But the Chaldean soldiers chased them and caught him in the swamps of Jericho. All his army was scattered from him.

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9 They captured the king and brought him before the king of Babylon,

to Antioch, in the land of Hamath and he was placed on trial. 10 The king of Babylon had Zedekiah’s son slaughtered before him; he also had all the officials ofjudah slaughtered in Antioch.

11 He blackened the eyes of Zedekiah and chained him doubly. The king of Babylon brought him to Babylon and put him into prison until the day of his death. 12 On the tenth of the fifth month, the nineteenth year of king Nebukhadnezzar king of Babylon, Nebuzaradan came, chief of the swordsmen and stood before the king of Babylon in Jerusalem. 13 He set the house of Allah afire, the king’s house, all the houses in Jerusalem and he set all the houses of Galilee afire. 14 The entire Chaldean army that was with the swordsmen’s chief breached the wall of Jerusalem on all sides. 15 The weak and the remnant of the people remained in the city, but those who sought refuge with the king of Babylon and the remnant of the children 184were taken by Nebuzaradan, the swordsmen’s chief. 16 Nebuzaradan, chief of the swordsmen, let some of the weakest in the land work as vinedressers and field hands. 17 The Chaldeans broke the bronze columns in the house Allah, the chairs and the bronze tank in the house of Allah, and they carried all the bronze away to Babylon. 18 They also took ...the scrapers...the ladders, and all the bronze that was used in the service .185 24 The swordsmen’s chief took Seraiah, the noble chief priest, and Zephaniah, the priest (second) to Seraiah; that is, his deputy and three of the guardians of the threshold. 25 He took from the city a servant who was the chief of the soldiers and seven of the royal privy, who [...] the city and the secretary of the army’s chief [...] people who were present in the city. 26 Nebuzaradan, the chief of the swordsmen, took them and brought 184. Most translations render haamdn as craftsmen. The Arabic term used here is al-hadin , however and refers either to the person who nurses a child or the child nursed. My guess is that this translation is used to validate the story of Daniel and his three friends. 185. MS E is damaged here; 52:19-23 is missing.

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them to the king of Babylon, who was in Antioch. 27 The king of Babylon had them struck down and put them to death in Antioch, in the land of Hamath and Judah was exiled from its land. 28 [....] people whom he exiled [..... ] 29 In the eighteenth year of Nebukhadnezzar, Nebuzaradan, the chief of the swordsmen, exiled 745 souls, [....] thousands and six hundreds .186

186. MS E. the translator blends verses 29 and 30. The rest of the manuscript is badly damaged and unreadable.

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Orthography and Phonetics

Orthography

The orthography and phonetics of the five manuscripts (A, B, C, D, E) repre­ sent two different writing systems on the basis of the two different scripts used in them. The first three (A, B, C) are written in Arabic script, whereas the latter two are written in the Hebrew script. Even within each group one finds different orthographic habits. The primary focus of this analysis will be mainly on the manuscripts in Arabic script. Attention, however, will be paid to the second group, D and E, when there is a need to do so. In conjunction with our theory, the orthography and phonetics of these texts represent the complexity of the linguistic make-up of the scriptolect Middle Arabic. This will help us to overcome the dilemma that many linguists have put us in (Bengtsson 1995,99). A closer look into the two groups of texts will reveal three types of orthographic traditions: • • •

Arabic orthography Hebrew orthography Judaeo-Arabic orthography Arabic Orthography

Our texts use various types of orthographic traditions with Arabic prop­ er. They range from the spelling of Classical Arabic to the spelling used in New Arabic. Examples: Classical Arabic

1.

(kadha)

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Examples: New Arabic:

1.

2.

(kedhe)

in o Hebrew Orthography

In the Judaeo-Arabic texts written in the Arabic script one finds Hebrew lexemes in relexified Arabic orthography. That is the language is Hebrew but the script is Arabic. Example: Jer. 34:7 (jlc. J

^jlc. ( jjjjla - a J l

I—8—j j - e

.ll

.1 till*

O" J W

lLiHLlLoII ' j j - j —i c s j

jAa

(ji«

^ jji

And the army of the king of Babylon fought against Jerusalem, and against all remaining cities ofjudah, against Lakhish and against Azekah. Nevertheless, some cities ofjudah remained fortified In this example, the following words w ritten in bold type are Hebrew transcribed into Arabic script. The Judaeo/Arabic texts, however, have the tendency to follow the MT’s spelling. Example: Jer. 49:28 b n f i n is n m a i bnp nbN *mm i f o o jbNoobi Ytpb e t p >ia nroNi *)tp fin ityaN im p nbbN bNp n a

Concerning Qedar and the kingdoms of Hazor, which Nebucha­ dnezzar, king of Babylon, killed. So said Allah, rise up, advance against Qedar, and plunder the sons of Kedem! Judaeo-Arabic Orthography

According to this type of orthography Hebrew lexemes—whether tran­ scribed into Arabic or not—are written in a mixed orthography, Arabic and Hebrew. Example: Jer. 22:25

jLuAJ

Aj

^ \a jAa. djjl

Jj A f

(iLoiflj ^alUa Aj AU S

ll Ju

«Ui ‘the world(s)’; All ‘god’; ill ‘Allah’; nbbN; and long (I) J J , cf. Blau, ASP I, §9, GMJA, §9. §33

Omission of the long vowel (u) DOW Nb (MS DJer. 28:8). §34

Examples of Scriptio Plena are not lacking: nbNVbN (MS EJer. 27:2); nNbn (MSS D and E 26:23); UYI ‘a god’ (MS A Jer. 31:33) HNbN (MSS D and EJer. 50.18); nNbbN (MSS D and EJer. 46:13), and Jjj! (MS A 3:21). §35

’Alif maqsurah j (a) alternates with ’alif mamdudah i (a): n o ,ij£

(a compound of the preposition o ‘as, like’ and the demonstrative pro­ noun n , j ,1j ‘this, th at’). MS B uses exclusively li£, where as MS A uses l >Lsi£, in addition to ^i£. The latter form is well known in some modern non-CA varieties. : ‘here I am,’ is a presentative. The orthography s»\ DNbooN ‘extirpation’ (MS EJer. 50:21) for ONbDSN (MS DJer. 50:21). §53

Td’/ T h a ’ ^ / ± jjj-J l Jj j^a ‘ The sound of joy’ versus £ jili C ij^ j ‘and the sound

gladness.’ This could simply be a careless writing. §54

Dad / Dal

J (jj-ill ‘distress’ for CA j j >>» B.

§55

Haplology: >1 (MS BJer. 24:9). §56

Tashdid—doubling of a consonant—is normally expressed by the diacriti­ cal sign shaddah, there are two instance where the Tashdid is expressed by repetition, ormvy ‘their wickedness’ for om\y (MS DJer. 33:5), and to ‘leakage’ for o (MS DJer. 38:22).

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Morphology and Syntax

In order to prove my theory concerning the linguistic structure of our text, i.e., Middle Arabic, examples representing both CA and non-CA are enlisted. The final aim of this exercise is not to prove new findings with­ in Classical Arabic but rather to underline, comparatively, the function­ ality of CA linguistic forms in the linguistic structure of Middle Arabic. Moreover, I have chosen to break away from the customary method of Arabic philology dealing with non-Classical Arabic texts, which consists of enlisting the linguistic forms that do not belong to Classical Arabic. This method, in my view, has led to an over-emphasis of the non-CA on the expense of CA component of Middle Arabic. Being aware of the risks of what such a task might entail on the one hand, and what some might construe as redundant work on the other. I see my method of engaging in comparing CA and non-CA linguistic forms as essential to this scien­ tific enterprise. Pronouns

The pronouns used in our texts range from independent pronouns to verbal suffixes. They seem to conform to the CA morphology. Unlike JA morphological structure of the pronouns, which shows a clear devia­ tion from CA, my discussion of the pronouns used in the text, compared with other texts of the same exegete sheds some light on the linguistic structure of the Jewish texts written in Arabic script. As noticed by Hary (1992, 271), the use of the Hebrew script has, indeed, affected the spell­ ing of the pronouns.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah Independent Pronouns

Pronouns

A

B

c

D

E

1st sing.

X

X

—

X

X

2nd sing, (m.) 2nd sing, (f.)

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

—

X

X

3rd sing, (m.)

X

X

X

X

X

3rd sing, (f.)

X

X

X

X

X

g r * / >n

1st pi.

X

X

—

X

X

c > s/iro

2nd pi. (m.) 2nd pi. (f.)

X

X

—

X

X

fiji / o m *

3rd pi. (m.) 3rd pi. (f.)

X

X

X

X

X

f * / on

—

—

—

X

X

in

I—31/ K)H

dijl / ton/ Kim1 dijl / i m / 2>jun

The independent pronoun ja ‘he’ is also used in combination with the demonstrative it to constitute a presentative: 1. See! Lo! or ‘here I am’: >JN*nn / w n N*nn / ’ntid / (^)ii> 2. See! Lo! Or ‘Here you are’: j ja 3. See! Lo! or ‘Here he is’: irw n n 4. See! Lo! or ‘here it is’: Kjin (huwade), 5. See! Lo! or ‘Here they are’: DDNTin §57 Independent pronouns in Arabic as well as in other Semitic languages may reduplicate a bound form pronoun, i.e., the suffix or pronoun inher­ ent in a finite verb. Example: MS CJer. 20:6 1. Arabic: JSj Ciil (jajs d i ^j 2. Hebrew: •parWbai rmN la p n o v i m an ow Lit. there you-die and there you-be-buried, you and all your lovers. There shall you die and there shall you be buried, you and all those who are dear to you. The syntactic function of the independent pronoun, both in Arabic and He­ brew, is determined by its reduplication. Semantically it differs from verbal 1. Jer. 47:28. 2. Jer. 48:7 (MS D).

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sentences, which do not contain any reduplicated independent pronouns. Pronoun reduplication for focusing means, in Bloch’s view (1986,19). Any linguistic means of which languages avail themselves in order to put into relief the item of the sentence that contains the new or contras­ tive information, thus making this item stand out against the rest of the sentence, which contains the presupposed or known information. In this construction, the independent pronoun is placed after the verb. §58

There is also the other syntactic construction, in which the independ­ ent pronoun precedes the verb; and the reduplication of the pronoun is called pronoun reduplication in coordination. The bound pronoun of a verb is reduplicated when coordinated with a substantive, pronoun, or a nominal phrase in this syntactic construction. In our example (Jen 20:6), the independent pronoun ciul + coordination j + nominal phrase JaI jb are placed before the verb ‘y°u(pO g °’Example: MS CJer. 20:6 1. Arabic: .. jja-iaL Cul Ul 2. Hebrew: iot>n...imw£i nnm Lit. but you, Pashhur... you shall you go. As for you, Pashhur... you shall go. §59 Topic and comment: (U )j , (^ )...u i In CA and Modern Standard Arabic, focusing one’s attention on a par­ ticular item can be structured syntactically by using the particle L.I ‘as for’ before a topic, which can be an independent pronoun, substantive etc., and the letter >-i before the comment, which can be a nominal or a verbal clause as in: Examples:

1. Modern Standard Arabic h

^

J

*

T 'S

■' ''

*— ^ ®

S"*J> 1

i j —A Lai

As for this style, we consider it most beautiful

2. MS AJer. 34:3 As for you, you will not escape from his hand 3. MSB Jer. 3:1 But you, you have committed adultery

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4. MS DJer. 27:9 ODN’DJN ’bN 1VQPJ1 NbD DTIJNI As for you, do not listen to your prophets. §60 The circumstantial clauses, known as hal-clauses JUJt Example: 1. MSB Jer. 20:1 UJj duj ^ ( J j Aj JAaI (jJ L-JaaJl

(jxaHxJ)

When Pashhur, the son Immer, the priest, while he was chief in charge of the house of the lord of the world, heard Jeremiah prophesying these things

2. MS DJer. 33:1 tm n n m nv im n’)Nn idn ’q-)’ ’bN nbbN dnod indi Nbip m o o n *i*n >a The word of Allah came to Jeremiah, when he was still in custody in Hasar ha-matara, saying, 3. MSS B and CJer. 20:4 Au&j ^0-jljC.I ‘

(jjlaLjiJj

They will fall by the sword of their enemies while your eyes (dual nom) are looking (act. part, dual nom.) (at all this) 4. MS CJer. 18:17, (commentary) While they are fleeing The disappearance of case and mood endings in non-classical vari­ eties—or rather, the mixture of CA and non-CA linguistic structures— indicates that the accusative form came to be the form used indiscrimi­ nately in Middle Arabic and non-Classical varieties .3 11is a second pers. pronominal suffix (m. sing.) (MSS A, B, D, E; Cf. Brockelmann 1992,31). 6. j —* ‘these’ (pi.), both medial hamzah is shifted to wdw, and final hamzah is elided, CA: a . MSS D and E have the fol­ lowing form: ’blNn. On the latter form see SGEA, §61.g. 7. j ’NbN, ‘those’(pl.). §64

Presentative expression: ISja for Ij Li U,6lit. ‘Look, I am,’ translating the Hebrew Presentative: >3in To! Behold!’ (cf. §36, §37) .lij—* / */ N*nn have become invariable, and it does refer only to third pers (m. sing.). 6.

In Moroccan Arabic, ha + independent pronouns are used in various syntacticsemantic contexts: i. ha huw a! lit. ‘here-he,’ Here he is! ii. ha huma shabna! (Lit. ‘here-they-friends-ours)’ here are our friends! My interpretation of these two sentences is that they can also be translated as containing proclitic/amplified presentatives: i. Look, he is here. ii. Look, my friends are here.

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tij —* / NTin comes in combination with various independent pronouns and pronoun suffixes. Examples: 1. first pers. singular: (-* + a verbal sentence: Example: MS AJer. 4:13) See! Like the clouds he comes up. §65

Presentative —* / n / or in scriptio plena '— * / Nn + an independent pronoun: >—sL_a / 1—il l_a / N)Nn / N)N Nn ‘Here I (am)’. Presentative —* / n / or in scriptio plena '— * / Nn + the adverb N)n ‘here’: Nin Nn and Ninn ‘over here’(D and E respectively).

§66 According to Bloch (1986, 54-101), the syntactic structure of the presentatives in Arabic—as well as in Hebrew—is of three types: nuclear, amplified, and proclitic. Due to the ambiguity which surrounds non-CA

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varieties with regard to case and mood endings, the difference between the last two-syntactic structures is blurred, since the nominative and accusative syntactic yield in non-CA varieties is almost zero. The two forms attested in our text are: Example: Nuclear structure: (MSS A and BJer. 6:16) 4j£

J

111 **

^

J __ J J ___l a ___It

This is the good way, walk in it! Or

Here is the good way, take it! Example: Proclitic/Amplified structure: (MS CJer. 20:3)

1. Arabic: jia J

tS U c -U .

y .

Here i am making you a terror (Amplified). Look. I am making you a terror (Proclitic).

2. MS AJer. 6:10 » ^ jL-a See! The word of god has become like a scorned 7

I3ja

The difference between the amplified and proclitic is not determined by the case ending, but it is determined semantically, just as in Hebrew. 3. Hebrew: Ex. (MS CJer. 20:4) n in b *pro ,>nn Here I am making you a terror (amplified) Look, I am making you a terror (proclitic).8 §67

/ vw , a contraction of ^ ‘what?.’ It is a well attested feature in both CA and non-CA varieties. It is, however, in the latter that it is used mostly. It is used extensively in medieval literature written in non-CA varieties. Examples: 1. MS AJer. 5:31 ^ l^Lwj nN p irpbvT n>n bDND bNDONI All the chiefs of the armies, who were in the desert together with their men, heard that the king of Babylon had appointed Ge­ daliah son of Ahikam as his representative in the land, and that he entrusted him with men, women, children, and the weak ones in the land, those who were not exiled to Babylon. The other forms that are attested in our text are: ,■ » g il / Nino ‘that they’ a n d S il ‘that you’. Verbs

It is, in this category, that one can see the blend of the linguistic struc­ tures of CA, NA, and MA. §72

Verbs in MA do not always respect their assigned morpho-syntactic forms and the semantics in CA. The infinitive §73

Our texts show an extensive use of the infinitive. This is due to the fact that our texts use Hebrew caique infinitives: *iONb Ar. J j —a , acc: V>-a / Nbip ‘saying’. The Hebrew infinitives are rendered in Arabic by the verbal nouns instead of the verbal adjectives. On this phenomenon in early Arabic papyri see Hopkins (SGEA §68a).

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Suffix of the perfect Classical Arabic suffixes d j- tu

Middle Arabi Transcriptio

Cj - ta

0 /t(a)

M -ti

^ /t(i)

Person first second m. sing second f. sing th ird f. sing th ird m. sing th ird m. dual th ird f. dual second dual first pi. second m. pi

t i i - - at

c j_ /a t

— -a

(a) -----

second f. pi

j j — T unna

th ird m. pi

lj— - u

W

th ird f. pi

u - - na

1 / n(a)"

1_ - a l—j — - ata l— « _ 5 - tu m a L_i _ - na ^ - turn

C j/t( u )

---------'—i / na _/ turn - / tun(na)

1 /-0

The dual Suffixes §74

There is no trace of the dual perfect in the texts of the the five Mss. In comparison with few traces of the dual imperfect, nouns, and partici­ ples, the dual perfect seems to be the first to give way to the plural. The feminine suffixes ct / W and u—/ j

§75 The feminine perfect suffixes are statistically very few. They are replaced by the masculine perfect suffixes: iro o 20 ‘you (f. sing) have spoken,’ jnbno ‘ have (f. sing) made to the full’ (MSS D and EJer. 44:25).

10. MSS D and EJer. 44:25. 11. MSS D and EJer. 49:3.

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Verba Tertiae w/y §76 Verbs-III w/ j / 1 shift to verbs-III y/c£ / \ -n’JN ‘we hoped,’ CA. jo in . j ‘I called you for,’ S ~ij — but Ij_c.j_j ‘they did not call.’ Verba Tertiae Hamzatae §77

Verbs-III hamzah have merged with verbs-III ya rrawi ‘You have proph­ esied’ (ms D Jer. 26:9) for TiNaon. But few examples in our manuscripts show that Verbs-III hamzah have not shifted to verbs-III yd’: ^ cJjs f ,jilt ‘the scroll that you have read out in the presence of the people’ (MS A Jer. 36:16). §78

The perfect does not necessarily imply the past tense. It can also be used to refer to the present tense (as in MS c je r. 18:17, commentary). It should be borne in mind that this construction is restricted to con­ ditional clauses as in our example below. Otherwise, the perfect is re­ stricted to the past tense: Example: ms C Commentary ^

A lliJ j (jiill dlxla duA Ijl ^

q

\ LoSk

Lit. Just as when the east(ern) wind blew, it tore up straw and scattered it far away. Just as when the east(ern) wind blows it tears up straw and scatters it far away. §79

There are indications, mainly from Violet’s Psalmfragment, that the final short vowels are elided in non-classical Arabic (cf. Hopkins SGEA, §64). Our text includes one example, however, that indicates that the final short vowel (i) (second person feminine singular perfect) was used: ti!—j—i—S ‘you were’. §80

Certain verbs in the perfect, verbs o f beginning, such as iii ‘to take’ may be used with a following verb in the imperfect, in which case it means ‘to be­ gin’, the second verb may be translated as an infinitive or as a participle: Example: MS C (C om m entary)

aJc o j j r t ijiii j

And they began plotting aeainst him

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

§81

, in the perfect followed by a verb in the imperfect, ‘describes that action is occurring, is continuing, or occurs repeatedly in the past’ (Fis­ cher, §192): Example: MS CJer. 18:18, commentary . ..Ij IIaj -fl■ l^jl£ They were saying to one another ‘come...’ It is used also for hypothetical/modal statements: Example: MSS A and BJer. 2:28 (jl \ja j SLi iill -* (^il

(jjij

Let them rise up if they could §82

The last two examples show, contrary to JA texts and to a great number of Christian texts, that modal aspect is statistically high in our text. Cf. Blau (ASP, syntax I, §171). §83

In modern Arabic dialects, kan and its imperfect form yekun are used extensively as copulas: Examples: Moroccan Arabic (Caubet 1993, II, 43): 1. ‘lash rmiti l-khobz?

Why have you thrown the bread away?

2.

jjb jlS Kan bared

It was cold. §84

JlS, in the perfect, is used either with a verb in the imperative or in the imperfect. Examples: 1. With the imperative: MS CJer. 18:18 IjlUi Ijlla They said: ‘come!’

2. With the imperfect: (MS CJer. 18:18, commentary) _* / bvo ‘he

Example: MS BJer. 14:8 dLojuil

Ujla (J-ad

LnlC- i**

L bjj^ C_i3l£

Even if our shortcomings testify against us, act in our favour, 0 lord! For the sake of your name. The Im perfect

§86 This is one of the most complex forms in Arabic linguistics. Due to the development of the Arabic language and varieties from the synthetic type to the analytic type, the imperfect became more homogenous in NA than in CA. ‘Homogenous’ means that mood endings/moods have disappeared from NA. Joshua Blau (ASP, syntax I, §171.1) maintains, ‘in accordance with the analytic trend of MA, moods have disappeared in ASP.’ As we have mentioned earlier, while Blau’s observation is correct with regard to NA and, of course, to medieval Christian texts which he included in ASP, our text is also an MA text, but it does not fit into that linguistic frame. As a m atter of fact, we have a clear indication of the use of the jussive in our text (p S > nn + imperfect (CA. Subjunctive): / >nn when it functions as a particle expressing purpose together with a verb in the imperfect it governs the latter in the subjunctive. Example: 1. MS BJer. 18:21 jl j diVjSS So that their wives will become bereaved of children and husbands. But

2. MS AJer. 6:16

g y^ i J**-

So that they may find a goal for yourselves. §89

The use of the indicative plural instead of the subjunctive Iraqi phenomenon.

is an

§90

This example and the others found in our text reveals that when a pro­ nominal suffix is added to a verb in the imperfect, the argument about the elision of the final short vowels as an indicator of mood disappear­ ance is very hard to swallow, so to speak. We have no way of knowing whether the short vowel of verbs in the imperfect + pronominal suffix is elided or not. In some modern Arabic dialects, the final short vowel of the imperfect is lengthened when used with a pronominal suffix: Example: Moroccan Arabic Nlabsuh We wear it My conclusion regarding the partial disappearance of moods/moodendings in MA varieties is based on analogy with NA, where as in mod­ ern Arabic dialects (modern NA), the disappearance of moods/moodendings is based on empirical data, gleaned from living spoken Arabic varieties.

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§91 J * . / >nn ‘until’ can also occur with a verb in perfect if the action has been completed, as in Modern Standard Arabic: Example: Abboud and McCarus (1992,1,385) ajlgjuJI

(J. —^

Aj J c Lui

I helped him until he got his degree. pi*, may function, according to CA, as a preposition and as a conjun tion. As a conjunction, the verb after it is in the subjunctive if the subor­ dinate clause expresses, in an explicit way, an intention or possible result. Otherwise, the perfect or imperfect are used. In our example, we have no way of knowing which form the writer is using. The verb could be in the subjunctive: yajliyahum or in the indicative yajlihim. The same thing applies to the second verb ajj —► yubaddiduhum (indica­ tive) or ^aau yubaddidahum (subjunctive). Fischer is of the opinion that the subjunctive is used ‘most of the time indiscriminately after J and pi*, in post-classical Arabic.’ Hopkins, however, is of the opinion that it was the imperfect which was used in non-classical Arabic (cf. Hopkins, SGEA, §304).12 In Japheth’s translation of Daniel 2:9, he renders the Aramaic >7 "ry so that, until,’ Heb iyob with pi*. with the indicative: Example: cf. Japheth (1887,19).

yijuo in nmrwi nrno nboi p o m N>n m n 'oiyTinn Nb Nnbn in >7 m\ya n V7JN1 >b noN Nnbn inb N3nvy> Nrry n t v >mp mNnb >Minnn Igjlcv ! gjV- ^iialj j pi

j LuiSj

j

i.

cA |

aa K j

SaP

j

p£I

[

j p i j j p u >] _jll p311

p l£ pl p i l l {Jjiil

That, if you make not known to me the dream, there is but one law for you; and you have agreed together to speak before me ly­ ing and corrupt words, till the time be changed: only tell me the dream, and I shall know you can declare to me the interpretation §92

pl ‘th a t’, a particle which is also called a nominalizer, i.e. ‘just as a noun may function as a subject or object of a verb, or object of a preposition, etc., so any clause beginning with p i, p l, or pl function in the same way.’ (Abboud and McCarus, 1,430). pl + verb in the imperfect (CA. subjunctive): 12. For the functions of p * in CA see Fischer (2002, 109, 166, 169, 182) and Wright (1974, II, 30).

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Example: MS CJer. 20:6, (commentary)

-cJ'

jt

J - £&

4

His intention was not (lit. That he would harm him) to harm him. In the latter example, the doubly weak verb from ( c ^ ) in form IV, fLuti,, the final hamzah is elided. This is a general phonetic/morpholog cal phenomenon that has nothing to do with the disappearance or the preservation of moods. CA J j « j ‘they did say’ (jussive). MA text: l>Jj_L_s (indicative) becomes Ij —L i_ j (jussive). Im perative

Verbs whose second radical is w /y is elided in the imperative. In CA, this happens only in the second person singular. Our translator, however, applies weak radicals all the way through as in IjlSj ‘and say!’ (second pers, plural, MS AJer. 4:5). Forms In certain cases the forms that are used in CA are not the same in MA texts. The forms in the linguistic structure of MA are similar to NA’s. Example: MS A Jer. 4:5:2nd form in stead of 4th form . Declare in Judah! p Ijjp . Example: MSS D and E 49:3 second form in stead of first form:

Cry out!

p in Negation

In addition to the case of negated jussive with b ‘not’ In CA, laysa , an inflected negative, is used primarily to negate nominal sentences, the predicate of which is put in the accusative or is intro­ duced by bi = j : bUoa. oja obonbb im am ’ anid -ny ind

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Andjeremiah had finished speaking all the things, which the lord of the world commanded him.

2. MSS A and BJer. 6:27

J

q*

U

0 whom I have made, among my people, a tower! §114

Definite article: Jl / bN ‘th e’: 1. The definite article is written and used in accordance with the Arabic orthography. 2. It can be used with both Arabic and Hebrew lexemes, (j j j ih ,u 5 II and (. j.i .a-S II ‘the Chaldeans.’ 3. It is used with a noun in a context that requires an adverb in the accusative: (MS CJer. 18:17): j *JI J l ajjjjj ‘and I scatter it far away.’ 4. Nouns, whose Arabic translation requires a definite article, are used without it (MSS B and CJer. 18:18): J i l l o* p& j ^UYI fjSaJl j »j ( l i t . ‘a law from the priest, a word from the prophet, and a counsel from the wise’) instead of‘law from a priest, word from a prophet, and counsel from a wise.’ 5. The construction adjective + def. art.+ substantive, which is widespread in modern Arabic dialects, is not found in our text (cf. Hopkins, SGEA, §186). 6. In accordance with CA, the construction def. art + substantive + def. art. Adjective is used in our text: (MS AJer. 33:14) 1 j a- 'I J j —i—II -j—°il ‘I will confirm the good word.’ §115

Construction indef. Substantive + indef. Adjective: Examples:

1. MS CJer. 18:18 (Commentary)

Jc. Ijkaja.1 j^il Ja.1j J j

Lit. That-them gathered-they upon opinion-one. They acted as one man. And 2. MS CJer. 20:6 (Commentary) ^ j J I cd lj g j AjII i L U j j a j i j

j

Ain >^ill

1

This harsh discourse, a prophecy that came to him on that day

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The Arabic construction would require a different construction: 3, ^ AjII ^l]l J a3a §116

The expression Ja.1j ij\j is a clear illustration o f‘the conflict between the notional and grammatical aspects of definition. ^ j lS*j is grammatical­ ly indefinite but notionally definite’: ‘the agreed on /adopted the same opinion’ (cf. Hopkins, SGEA, §188-§189). The Noun Gender §117

In conformity with CA, gender is indicated by the gender-marker s / n and in the plural: j j / j j / T>/ V (nn-); ^ / tin (f.). There are other non­ gender-encoded forms. Instances of non-conformity to CA are also attested in our text: Examples: 1. MS AJer. 2:19 A ;j—i A j Lit. And-treachery (m)-your (she) will scold you. And your treachery will scold you. 2. 1_i_j_1 ^ ^ Instead of 3. CA I i I > ■=> Our humiliation (m) Dual

There are few attested dual nouns in our text: j j i 1 j ; i ll ‘the two tribes’ (MS AJer. 33:24);a j „ i j_c. jl j h i i d i j r. ‘your (two) eyes will look into his (two) eyes.’ Plural

With regard to the plural in our text, besides the CA plurals—sanus and broken—one finds an extensive use the broken plural: II J j-L J l Vi ; il

I will confirm the good word §120

Object + subject + verb structure is used in the Arabic translation, which reflects a syntactical trend in Semitic languages. The fronting of the object in a verbal sentence is normally interpreted as having a clear semantic implication, namely emphasis. Examples: 1. MSS B and CJer. 20:4 liiL, au J J I3j$j j 2. MT tm 'jb o t o ijin rm rp'bo'm i

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And all Judah I shall deliver into the hands of the king of Babylon 3. MS B and C Jer. 20:5 4. MT DD’n’N "TU 1T1NDTm’

JITliJlN'bO T1N1

And all the riches of Judah’s kings I shall hand over to their enemies. §121

In MSS B and CJer. 18:17 ^ jiu l 4+ j Vj Jiia, both J ia and a*.j v are topicalized or extra-positioned, i.e., put in the front and as such they func­ tion syntactically as two topics (i-Sx*) coordinated by the conjunction j, and the verbal phrase: verb + implicit subject + verbal pronominal suf­ fix functions as a predicate. According to the Arab grammarians, this construction is a nominal sentence. The lack of a pronominal suffixes referring to both nouns makes it very difficult to accept such an inter­ pretation. §122

When the direct object is placed before the verb + subject, it can be either in the accusative or in the nominative according to the Arab grammarians. The use of the two conjunctions j (concordance), and V (generic negation: AjaUll V) is permitted, although the preferred form will be V Jlia ; both nouns should be in the accusative with tanwin.17The functional load of V is both assertive and negative. Vasserts that it is the occipital bone, not the face which God shall show them. §123

Muraoka (1985, 37-41) states seven functions of OVS/OSV: emphasis, contrast, chiasmus-attraction, to avoid waw consecutive, response, cog16. In non-classical Arabic the use of Vj after a positive substantive is frequent in early Arabic papyri. 17. This is the opinion of ‘Ibn JinnI in al-L u m afi Sana ati al-arabiyyah, 127-130:

lill pic Vj ,

^

j

V: J j Sj

know that ‘/a’ has the noun which follows it in the accusative with tanwin (•) an, so both la s and the noun’s end with a- vowel as in la rajulafi-ddari ‘no man is in the house’ and wala ghulama laka ‘and not slave for you.’ V negates also individual elements of the sentence: 1jLa*. V j rakibtu baghlan la Himaran ‘I rode a mule, not an ass’ (Fischer W. 2002, 171­ 172).

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nate object and peculiarity within the legal texts. Jer. 18:17 O’JO Nb 2 inoo n n n 72NrfNb oono nsyi N>23Q 1271 nb jW b 2 1H23

Vj JS J l

n2>WpTbN1 in2Yb2'bN

2. MSS D and EJer. 41:13 Hebrew text: o>b’nn n\y io tini n ip p pm> tin *w n oyn bo niN-n >nn

n n p p pnv> nw bNynvn yo nbN oipbN bo -ivn -ny indi ima£) nyo nbN wnbN Non boi §99

It seems that the modality of translating within Karaite circles follows strict lines and a code of writing that is different from the one employed in any other literary composition. Any analysis of the texts of the Arabic biblical translation from the point of view of grammatical conformity with the Arabic grammatical constraints is doomed to failure. The gram­ matical meaning as reflected in the Arabic translation-text is subjected to the grammatical constraints of the Hebrew text. It is in this connec­ tion that we understand fully Zafrani’s words that the pupil does not always understand the translation, whose aim is to explain the Hebrew text. §100

The syntactic features exemplified in the Arabic translation of Jer. 41:13 reflect the Biblical syntax, specially the use of tenses, moods and parti-

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cles. In the latter category one finds the Hebrew wdw consecutive, con­ junction wdw, particles of negation, etc. Examples: 1. Hebrew: wdw consecutive + imperfect = perfect >nn Lit. It will be. It was. 2. Arabic: wdw conjunctive + perfect = perfect And it was Perfect and Imperfect

Japheth translates the two basic Hebrew tenses, the perfect (bya) and the imperfect ( byo>) when they appear on their own, with the Arabic perfect ( J*i) and the imperfect ( a i_ij jS jji So thus, spoke the Lord of worlds. 2. MSS B and CJer. 20:6 *panN bai miN napn m n m on owi Nian bam apvya onb nNni own ‘ ' ( " i nn jli ‘ ««■ * CA^‘ d j d l j x j p j j (Jjll And to Babylon you shall enter. There shall you die and there shall you be buried, you and all those who are dear to you, to whom you prophesied lies. Examples: Imperfect

3. MSS B and CJer. 18:17 o t n or>a ONIN D>)D Nbi Tiy (*«dac ?Ji (j*

Vj Jlji

The back of the neck, not the face I shall show them on the day of their calamity. 4. MSS B and CJer. 18:18 yian nmn aiNn Nb >o Aju^juj Jjjj a isti mim bo jini (JjIj (^lLe Jjli -1■ lAjgj

And I all Judah I shall deliver into the hands of the king of Babylon 6. MSS B and CJer. 20:5 oma>N T>a 3hn rmn> >abo nm iN bo jini Au fLA I c i l j L t Q&jk. aw> bDi nnvya nnm

DDiDJI j

JjU ^11 j ^ J111H ^

(JaI (J£ j

j

U ulul Laij J dlJAJ

As for you, Pashhur, and your entire household, you shall go into captivity, and to Babylon, you shall enter. There shall you die and there shall you be buried. Waw Consecutive + Perfect

The Hebrew waw consecutive is translated into Arabic with either a waw j o r a f a ’ '-*. The two Arabic conjunctions fulfil the function of the Hebrew waw. The two functions they assume are: a) the sequence and b) parallelism. In other words, the Hebrew bvai is rendered into Arabic by either or : Examples:

1. Jer. 20:4 Hebrew: w-p‘l = Arabic: wa-yfl. hint qmyi omn’N n m ibmi panN babi jb ninb *piu >md a im ppm nbaa obim baa jbo *r>a ijin min> ba jini tdluc. j j»aIac.I t. j)»u) (jjiaLjuj , ~ l ] (JA?

a till jAaJ liUcta, jjA Au ~L„I | ( j i j j l a U

See! I shall make you a terror to yourself and to all those who love you. They shall fall by the sword of their enemies

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while your eyes are looking and all Judah I shall deliver into the hands of the king of Babylon and, then, he shall take them into exile in Babylon and kill them with the sword. 2. Jer. 20:4 Hebrew: w-p‘l = Arabic: fa-yfl n ifa *pj>yi om n’N m m ibmi t >dhn bDbi jb -mob "pro >wn m m oom nbm obani bm jbo *m idn m im bo tini ^AlAC.1 bo uni nym bD jini myn ion bD jin o w n m omobi o n m omn’N t>d yrrn rm m >Dbn n m iN bD nbDD Ij^ g j

Ia u £ J S j AjjAoil aUA

jJjjj ^ \l

j

AjL) ^lull

And I shall deliver all the city’s power and all its toil, glory and all the riches of Judah’s kings I shall hand over to their enemies (who) then shall plunder them and they shall take and keep them in Babylon. Wdw Consecutive + Imperfect

In this text, we have several examples of the Hebrew construction: wa-yp‘l.

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Examples:

1. Jer. 28:15 Hebrew: wa-yp‘l = Arabic: f l

N'333i n'wn bN N'333i rna-p 30N'1 nnm n rmNi mn' jnbw Nb n'Mti nj yaw 3pw bv 3it3i ovn un >v*robN noin 'bN '33bN n'03' bNp on 'VbN 33 jnv3> ob D’J)n N' INbN VOON 31DbN 'bv 3VWbN Nin 31300 Ip 313N1 Then the prophet Jeremiah said to Hananiah, the impostor,1‘Listen now 0 Hananiah! The lord of the world did not send you, but you kept giving this people false assurances.’ The same applies to other Arabic translation of Japheth ben Ali. In other context the waw or fa f are used as in Japheth’s translation/com ­ mentary on the book of Daniel 1:1-2 (Japheth ben Ali 1887). 2. Daniel 1:1 Hebrew: wa-yyp‘l = Arabic: wa-fl

b33 Jbo 33N33133 N3 iTT1iT>jbO O'P'131' 3113bOb WlbWT13W3 mby is o obwvp (J jL tilla

j j ^ U 3 ^ .j j j

C-L^. J j j lilLa ^ jiiljjgj

Aiuj

lAjj^al^j

jjj

In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon to Jerusalem, and besieged it. 3. Daniel 1:2 Hebrew: wa-yyp‘l = Arabic: fa-fl

D’nbND 31'3 >bD31UpQ1 D3in> jbtD O'pltl' TIN1 3 '3 '33N ITl'l JJjl uLuj (_yjljl

Uj Lj IjjgJ till* ^jSIjj ^j o-Iij Jjjl

And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of the house of God. As indicated in the above-mentioned examples, Japheth uses both waw and fa alternatively to indicate sequential actions or parallel actions. Saadia, however, uses fa before both verbs (Saadia 1973).

1.

In the Hebrew text, it is Hananiah the prophet.

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4. Daniel 1:1-2 m i ron NON! mim qbo o>p>im *rbo jo nnbNnbN mobN m l NnmNna oboim biNn jbo nbbN mn miN '(ynni mim jbo o>p>imn nbbN manNa 2 1. In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, joined Nebukhadnezzar, king of Babylon, Jerusalem then he besieged it. 2. Then God caused him to seize Tehoiakim. king of Tudah. and some of the vessels of God’s house. Wdw + Cohortative

In two occasions the cohortative is used link to the imperative with the conjunction wdw (Jer. 18:18). They translated by J a . hatta ‘in order that, so that,’ and jw a ‘and.’ Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18

Hebrew: w-cohortative = Arabic: hatta +yfl (subjunctive) man jnna mm mNn Nb m nmwno imnm by nnwmi mb m m bn bN nmwoi'bNi pobn innn mb Nmio mm onno QA

J l Auj ( j j (jli J>ulju jALuojj J c . jjJ j J a . Ijllaj

J£ J l Juk^j V j JajJIU Aj^Aaj J l a IjlljU

QA

Come and let us ( so that we) lav plans against Jeremiah for the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utterances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage. Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and not listen to what he says. The use of the Arabic hatta+yfl (subjunctive) translating the Hebrew w-cohortative in this construction expresses the purpose of a given com­ mand. I this situation the command or order is expressed by the Hebrew verb -[bn in the imperative, which in its turn is translated by a corre­ sponding Arabic verb in the Imperative JUj. Wdw +Jussive Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18 Hebrew: w-jussive = Arabic: hatta +yfl (subjunctive)

rmyi irma nun mNn Nb m nmwno m>av by nnwnn mb m m bDbN nmwpTbNi pwbn mpn mb Nmio mm tmno ^L*V1 J VJ J

A ju jk i Jjjj

jjiUL

( jl i Jill Jj jfe lx a jj J c

J i a IJ l x j ^ajSall

J j j i J i a IJ

jlj

J tS j (JS J l J u u e j

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Come and let us ( so that we) lay plans against Jeremiah for the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utterances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage. Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and notjisten to what he says. Moods

Biblical moods such as cohortative and jussive are translated by the Ara­ bic imperfect as we have seen in the above examples. The imperative, however, is translated by the Arabic imperative. The Cohortative

The cohortative in Hebrew is known by its morphological form: imper­ fect + ah: n. It occurs only with the 1st pers singular and plural: I/we. Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18

Hebrew: nflah = Arabic: nfl n i a w n o irr> o -p b y r o w r r n

Jjjljj j AU-JJ So that we lay plans against Jeremiah The Imperative

As said earlier, the Hebrew imperative is rendered into Arabic by the corresponding mood, imperative. Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18 n s y i in o Q m i n i d n j i N b o m n w n o irr>OT> b y m w r m lo b m m bD b N n n 'w p i'b N i i d d j i jo b n >d o o i m i o o n n

I qa AjtJjjjS -lUJ (jiul j l i JAjljJ jAIuxJJ JJ^j 1jILkj jji ojjjjLaj

Ijllu

’J j jluillU 4_jj*^aj ^

J\

Come and let us ( so that we) lay plans against Jeremiah for the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utterances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage. Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and notjisten to what he says.

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Discursive Analysis Participle

The Hebrew active participle is translated with the corresponding Ara­ bic active participle. Example: MS AJer. 2:17

Hebrew: active participle = Arabic: active participle cljl jc----------J----------i j --------- C J-V I ------------ kii----------C-l_________J cl) j j I j __1__ A

ft

\

, ^ ____

jc— jl------- A j A Jli

.. „lj.,

ij j l *_______ i

»: £ jb ------------------ j

"

A cU a < il£ jj *iij

CjSj

11 \

( J a a j .J A

A

(jrfuil jlS

Is this what you are doing to yourself, namely you aban­ doned obeying the lord your god at a time He was leading you in the way? Certain Hebrew active participles are rendered into Arabic with a sub­ stantive. Example: MSS B and CJer. 20:6 > n \y a l o b n i r o n

^ null

ijk J j

t£ ]jb

(JaI

b o i im w o n n N i

Ij

dul

L a lj

As for you, Pashhur, and your entire household, you shall go into captivity. Some Hebrew nouns, which originally were participles, and whose morphology testifies to their origin, are treated as nouns and translated into Arabic as such. Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:17, and Jer. 20:4 o m n ’ l N / 3 ’ 1N

^aIjc.1 J jo*JI The enemy /enemies. ion S j3

Power. (Jer. 20:5) Negation The negation used in the text is of two types: negation + verbs and negation + nouns.

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• Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah Lo + Imperfect

Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18 Hebrew: lo+yp‘l = Arabic: laysa +yfl n>djo *iTn

JA Zjjm a j

oDno man iddo m in u n ii Nb o qa 1 QA .Iuj /jli

For the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utter­ ances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage. al + Cohortative Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18

Hebrew: al+yp‘1(ah) = Arabic: la +yfl m m bD bN nn>wpi~bNi iiwbi iro n iDb n’dio Vj jUXb 4jjxjaj IjlUu Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and not listen to what he says. Ld+ Noun + Verb (Imperfect) Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:17

Hebrew: lo+ noumyp‘1= Arabic: la + noun +yfl dt >n o m ONIN pod Nbi (>*4aC ?ji a >3\y> bDi n rw o dtini ^ *** ciul L»lj As for you, Pashur, and your entire household, you shall go into captivity. Prepositions

Japheth usually renders the Hebrew prepositions: bN e l 3 be, D ke, b le, o me, io min, and oab lifney by corresponding prepositions:

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465

Examples: 1. Jer. 18:17

OTN 01>2 OfCIN D>)3 Nbl N m ro ib£ni panN bobi -yb -mob -pm m n lilljjc. J Jcl ‘ '«;■■■>j^laiuuj j dll dilc-Ck. jjA jlj jJali See! I am making you a terror to yourself and to all those who love you. They shall fall by the sword of their enemies while your (two) eyes are looking (dual). 2. MS AJer. 33:24 Hebrew: construct cardinal number + plural= dual: Jlij— a a A ^ j—tl /j__j \ j i a \1 The two tribes, (dual)

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

Verb agrees in gender with the second subject in a series of three subjects: Example: MSS B and CJer. 18:18

Hebrew: third per. (f. sing.) = Arabic: third per. (m. sing.) 1DD11 ID b N ’ D iO N ’ D3 0 DD11 O O n O D U b l 1DDO D H T l *TDNn N b >D i n n bD b N n n ^ p Y b N i iw b D

1^JLxj

£ja a^)

{ja

Jjjj Vj jUUU AajiSoS

(J£ ^1

For the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utter­ ances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage. Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and not listen to what he says. The orders of subjects of the verb perish in the Arabic translation nei­ ther is nor conforms to the order in the source language. The second and third elements in order in the coordinated subjects is reversed. The im­ plication of such re-arrangement of the verse reveals a very important detail about the way the Karaites, especially the Jerusalem school, have configured their literary system. As mentioned earlier, the nature of the Karaite literary system is hierarchical. It can be illustrated as follow: In the top of the literary system, we find the Torah followed by the prophets, and at its bottom we find the counsel of the Hakham. The latter can have a negative connotation. It may refer to the rabbis who draw their authority from the Hakhamim o f the Mishnah, the Oral Law. Example: MSS B and CJer. 20:6 o v yi m a n o v y i N i m b a n > D \y i ID b n -[r u n

bD i n r w D d j in i

Dpvyp o n b j i n d ) ~iv j n T o n N b D i n n N * n p n

j

(JjU

^ Uul) fjB jjj±uS ‘ '

JaI (J£j jll

ll dul Lalj

J ‘—Iul (jSJJ

Cjja j

As for you, Pashhur, and your entire household, you (sing) shall go into captivity and to Babylon you (sing) shall en­ te r. There shall you (sing) die and there shall (sing) you be buried. You and all who are loving you (plural) to whom you prophesied lies. The subject of the three verbs: go into captivity, enter, die, is in the plural, but the verbs themselves are in the singular.

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467

Asyndesis and Syndesis Asyndesis

Japheth’s text has the tendency to preserve the Hebrew asyndetic struc­ ture. Example: MSS B and CJer.l8:18

IjlUiljllS They said, ‘come!’ Syndesis Coordinated syndetic clauses are rendered by various Arabic syntactical/discursive devises: waw, f a ,’ atta, ’a m m a fa ’inna, ’innakadha, al-ladhi. Examples:

1. MSS B and CJer. 20:6 Hebrew: ’asher = Arabic: al-ladhi -ipvn onb nto) ~iwn -pnnN boi And all who are loving you to whom you prophesied lies. 2. MSS Band CJer. 20:6

iDbn jn a *■“" jSaJI •j j &aj ^^jill j»t«VI (ja *»jj£ For the law shall not perish from the priest, nor the utter­ ances from the prophet, nor counsel from the sage.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

4. MSS B and CJer. 18:18 Hebrew: wa = Arabic: hatta

m m bD bN r a ’vypYbNi pwbD iro n iDb AaDVS ^1 hVi Vj JjUiUL l^lUu Come and let us (so that we) smite him with the tongue, and not listen to what he says. Word Order

As I have explained earlier in the morpho-syntax section, the Arabic translation follows slavishly the word order of the Hebrew text. The verbs that contain their subjects, as subject-morphemes do not deviate form Arabic grammatical norms. And as we have seen, Japheth ben Ali, generally speaking, blends various linguistic features with regard to the rules of agreement in gender and number between the verb and its sub­ ject. Jer. 20:6 clearly deviates from this norm. Example: MSS B and CJer. 20:6

Hebrew: verb (sing) + subject (pl) = Arabic: verb (sing) + subject (pl) owi m an owi Nnn bini nwn n b n i n n n \y bDi nn\yo nnNi ip\y d onb nND) dwn ~mnN bDi nnN *opri J lj

(JjU

j

^ i*>i\l k 'V^ll

Jjj^ jjk k>~i Ul^jlj bv b’ibN 3bNi\y> nNbN 2\yT>jbN 3*i bNp n o 3Nnb novbiNi oinbbN nno o p n p rm\yn nnS ra m in Concerning Moab, thus said the lord of armies, the god of Israel, ‘Woe to Nebo because it has been plundered, shamed and captured is Kirayathaim, the stronghold of Moab is shamed and startled!’ 2. Non-vocalized: Ex. MSS A and B Jer. 5:2 J L U lL

I j ll i < j'j

And if they say, ‘As AYY live,’ it is therefore they swear falsely. B) Hebrew words partly integrated into the Arabic morpho-syntax: defi­ nite article al / Jl / bN + Hebrew. Examples:

1. MSS A and BJer. 5:7

Ujjll Ciu J l j

And to harlot’s house they flooded in great numbers. Out text shows a high percentage of Arabic cognate lexemes. That is those lexemes that have a least two root-letters in common. 2. MS DJer. 31:18 (a) Hebrew:

m in e

(b) Arabic:

n in o

Lamenting. New Arabic Lexemic Strata

It is of tremendous importance to see the lexemic distribution of the lingual varieties within our text. Besides the Hebrew words and expres­ sions, one finds also many NA words and expressions. There is, however, one striking feature with regard to NA lexemes, is that they stretch along a huge geographical area, from Iraq to North Africa and Andalusian Ara­ bic. The list below is but a sample of these lexemes: 2.

ms e \y>3bN.

3.

MSD*l\y>.’

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470 1.

2. 3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

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Japheth ben Ali’s Judaeo-Arabic Translation o f the Book o f Jeremiah

j i — jl: ‘what?,’ is attested in many non-CA varieties inclu ing Andalusian Arabic cJ— k>—i—1‘some words’ as the plural of 3 h « \is attested in many non-CA varieties. p.' » « in CA and MSA, it means ‘metal,’ in addition to this, it has acquired another meaning: ‘source’ in is modern nonCA varieties. ^ i jj j ‘show me.’ CA: ^—iJ , imperative second person singular. ‘raiders’ J j II ‘he distresses someone’ or ‘he stifles.’ j : ‘again, more, besides’ is perhaps medieval Qayrawani Arabic variety. It is attested in modern Tunisian Arabic. a : ‘also.’ It is a Persian as in j j K i » It is attested in modern Iraqi Arabic.

9. * # jj ‘pit.’ It is well attested in non-CA Arabic varieties. CA: 2 10.