Jacob of Sarug's Homily on Edessa and Jerusalem 9781463243357, 1463243359

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Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on Edessa and Jerusalem

Texts from Christian Late Antiquity

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TeCLA (Texts from Christian Late Antiquity) is a series presenting ancient Christian texts both in their original languages and with accompanying contemporary English translations.

Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on Edessa and Jerusalem

Edited and Translated by

Jonathan Loopstra

gp 2021

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2021 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܙ‬

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2021

ISBN 978-1-4632-4335-7

ISSN 1935-6846

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

For Carol Sue

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents .................................................................................... v Acknowledgments.................................................................................. vii Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 The Legend of Abgar and the City of Edessa ............................ 6 Edessa vs. Jerusalem: ‘the Peoples’ and ‘the People’ .............. 13 A Summary: The Story of Two Daughters ............................... 15 The Letter of Abgar and Syriac Christian Interpretive Themes .................................................................................. 21 1) Faith Without Investigation .............................................. 21 2) Fragrance and the Wisdom of Nature ............................ 23 3) The Tree of Life and the Olive Tree ............................... 24 4) The Bridal-Chamber and the Marriage Feast................. 25 The Letter of Abgar and Scriptural Quotations....................... 27 1) Isaiah 66:19: “The Distant Islands” ................................ 28 2) Song of Songs 1:5: “I am Black!” .................................... 29 3) Jeremiah 31:22: “A Woman will Embrace a Man” ....... 30 4) Acts 14:27: “The Gate of Faith” ...................................... 32 5) Romans 4:3 and 11:17–23: “Abraham Placed his Faith in God” ........................................................... 33 Outline of “On Edessa and Jerusalem” .................................... 35 Comparison of Manuscripts ........................................................ 36 Text and Translation ............................................................................. 41 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 95 Antioch Bible ................................................................................. 95 Ancient Authors ............................................................................ 95 Modern Authors............................................................................ 99 Index ...................................................................................................... 103 Biblical References ...................................................................... 103 Names and Themes .................................................................... 104 v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the series editors Sebastian Brock and George Kiraz for proposing this project. As always, Sebastian has been more than generous with his time and advice. My appreciation also goes out to Mark Dickens for his helpful comments on an earlier draft. I would like to thank my colleagues at the University of Northwestern-St. Paul for granting me a sabbatical, during which I was able to work on this project. Likewise, I am also deeply appreciative for the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton and the Patricia Crone Fund. As a liberal arts faculty member with many teaching and administrative duties, I consider the resources and time provided by a membership at IAS to be priceless. Thanks also to my wife Carol, who faithfully “toils, loves, petitions, and embraces” (line 88 cf. Jer 31:22).

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INTRODUCTION INFORMATION ON THIS HOMILY Homily Title: On Edessa and Jerusalem Source of Text: Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacob Sarugensis, edited by Paul Bedjan (Paris-Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1910), 2nd ed. Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2006), vol. 5, pp. 731–747. [Homily 180]

Jacob of Sarug (c. 451–521 CE) is one of the most beloved Syriacspeaking poet-theologians. He is thought to have composed over seven hundred homilies, though only a relatively small number of these have been translated into modern languages. Born in the village of Kurtam, near the Euphrates River, Jacob was educated in what was then one of the leading centers of Syriac Christianity, the city of Edessa. Following his education, Jacob served West Syrian (‘Jacobite’) churches as Chorepiscopos of Ḥawra, before being consecrated as bishop of Baṭnan (Sarug), about fifty kilometers south-west of Edessa. Jacob shepherded his congregations through the sometimes-volatile political situation along the Roman-Sasanian frontier. As a leader in the Church, Jacob would also have been mindful of the fraught ecclesiastical divisions left in the wake of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 CE. Jacob would have witnessed firsthand the deepening divisions between his own West Syrian church and pro-Chalcedonian and East-Syrian communities. Nonetheless, it was while ministering in these challenging political and religious settings that Jacob penned some of his most lasting and memorable works. 1 For background on Jacob’s life and works, see the articles in Kiraz (ed.), Jacob of Serugh and His Times. 1

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JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

Jacob’s poetic homilies are known in Syriac as memro (singular) or memre (plural). These homilies, written in dodecasyllabic metre, are explorations of biblical and religious themes, most of which are taken directly from the Bible. Some of Jacob’s memre are based on events in the life of Jesus, as well as other stories from the Old and New Testaments. Yet other memre draw upon narratives from outside the Bible, specifically from ecclesiastical history. “On Edessa and Jerusalem” is one such memro. 2 As the title suggests, this poem-homily takes as its principal subject a legendary exchange of letters between Jesus in Jerusalem and King Abgar in Edessa. Today, scholars doubt that the historical King Abgar V, who reigned from 4 BC–7 CE and again from 13–50 CE, actually corresponded with Jesus. Nevertheless, we can assume that many of Jacob’s late-fifth century congregants would have believed (or wanted to believe) that such correspondence was genuine. For many in the fifth century, the notion that a Gentile, “Aramaean” king of Edessa was among the very first—if not the first—to confess Jesus as “God, and Son of God” would have been a source of great pride (lines 137–139 and 273–274). Even Edessa’s nickname, “the Blessed City,” is rooted in this Abgar Legend. 3 As was true for many of Jacob’s other memre, his work “On Edessa and Jerusalem” eventually came to be read in liturgical setThe Syriac text used in this translation can be found in Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, vol. 5, pp. 731–747. Peter Bruns has already provided a German translation in Bruns (trans.), “Ein Memra des Jakob von Serug auf Edessa und Jerusalem,” pp. 537–553. In the nineteenth century, Cureton published an abbreviated “canticle” of this encounter between Jesus and Abgar, which he titled “Canticle of Mar Jacob the Doctor, upon Edessa, when she sent to our Lord to come to her.” Cureton, Ancient Syriac Documents, pp. 106–107 (Eng.). Also, Illert provides a helpful survey of Jacob’s works related to the Abgar Legend. Illert, Doctrina Addai. De imagine Edessena, pp. 53–55, 206–208. 3 “… The crucial factor in its later identity was its prominence as a center of Mesopotamian Christianity—the ‘First Christian Kingdom’ or the ‘Blessed City’—and it was this factor that preserved the name and status of Edessa through the Byzantine Empire and beyond.” Ross, Roman Edessa, p. 117. Also, Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ pp. 62–82. 2

INTRODUCTION

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tings, contexts that offer some clues as to how later listeners would have understood this work. 4 Paul Bedjan, the nineteenth-century publisher of the Syriac text, used a thirteenth-century manuscript that assigns this work as number 180 in the collection, to be read on “the night of the fifth day of Hosanna Week.” 5 Several other manuscripts give this homily a different number, though these manuscripts also generally place this work among the readings associated with Holy Week. They assign this homily to be read after Jacob’s memro “On the Church and the Synagogue,” but before the readings for the Feast of Hosannas. 6 It appears that this memro, “Edessa and Jerusalem,” was read along with the scriptural accounts of Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem and his rejection by the Jews.7 It is in Matthew 21:43 that Jesus warns the assembled Jewish leaders the kingdom will be taken away from them and given to “a People that will produce fruit.” Such a liturgical setting makes sense, given the Jewish-Gentile conflict portrayed in Jacob’s memro. Although we know that Jacob wrote at least seven other memre against the Jews, “On Edessa and Jerusalem” is of particular interest for how Jacob brings this anti-Jewish apologetic to his interpretation of the Abgar Legend. 8 For background on Jacob’s audience, see Harvey, “To Whom Did Jacob Preach?,” pp. 115–132. 5 St. Thomas Church MS 6, f. 150r b 12. 6 In Diyarbakir Meryem Ana Kilisesi MS 3, pages 713–719. This homily is numbered 76 (‫)ܥܘ‬. A similar arrangement also occurs in our only copy of a type of instructional manuscript, a Syriac “Masora,” which organizes Jacob’s memre according to the cycle of yearly readings. Damascus Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate MS 12/22, fol. 273r–277r. In this “Masora” manuscript, “On Jerusalem and Edessa” immediately follows “On the Church and the Synagogue,” exactly as in Diyarbakir Meryem Ana Kilisesi MS 3. For more on this collection of ‘vocalized words and readings,’ see Loopstra, The Patristic “Masora,” p. 126. 7 See Burkitt, The Early Syriac Lectionary System, pp. 301–331. He gives details regarding the Feast of Palm Sunday (p. 304) and the readings from Matthew chapter 21 (p. 331). 8 These have been published in 1976 with a French translation by Albert, “Jacques de Saroug: Homélies contre les Juifs.” 4

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JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

Jacob’s anti-Jewish rhetoric in this memro is relatively standard for the time in which he lived. Earlier Syriac writers such as Aphrahat and Ephrem use similar language. It has been suggested there was a significant Jewish presence in the region of Adiabene, just east of Edessa, by the first century CE, and this population increased after the Roman-Jewish wars in Palestine. 9 In his classic work Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ Segal attributes Christianity’s growth in Edessa to its large Jewish population. 10 Some scholars draw parallels between a Jewish story recorded by Josephus of the “Conversion of the Royal House of Adiabene” and what eventually became the Christian Legend of Abgar. 11 Yet, it is not so clear that Jewish or Jewish-Christian communities posed a significant threat to Syriac Christianity in Edessa by the time Jacob was writing in the late fifth century. 12 Though titled “On Edessa and Jerusalem,” the Jews in this memro often appear more as a literary construction than flesh-and-blood antagonists. Jacob seems more interested in using the picture of Jerusalem as the unfaithful fiancée to define and reinforce his own community’s identity as the faithful lover. This method of using the Jews as a foil against which Christians could present their particular theological views fits well with recent developments in scholarship on early Syriac Christianity. 13 Koester, History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age, pp. 222 ff. Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ pp. 41–43; also Barnard, “The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa during the First Two Centuries AD,” pp. 161–175. 11 Robert Murray provides a summary of related scholarship. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, p. 8. 12 Segal saw the turning point of Jewish influence in Edessa as the treaty of 363 CE, which was followed by attacks on Jews in and around the city. He sees Jewish and pagan groups as “few in number and with little authority” by the late fifth century. Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ pp. 101–108. 13 See, for example, Shepardson, Anti-Judaism, and Christian Orthodoxy; Walters, “Aphrahat and the Construction of Christian Identity in FourthCentury Persia.” 9

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INTRODUCTION

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It is also possible that some of Jacob’s seemingly anti-Jewish rhetoric was, in effect, a defense of his own Christian community against other groups. 14 West Syrian (Miaphysite) writers sometimes label their opponents the “new Jews.” 15 In this memro, Jacob refers to the division among “the communities [ʿīdotho]” over Christ (lines 4, 33). 16 Read through the lens of ecclesiology, such a division between churches was becoming increasingly real by Jacob’s day. Even more telling is Jacob’s repeated insistence that Abgar, the exemplary king, did not transgress the boundaries of faith; he did not “investigate” or “pry into” the nature of Jesus (lines 246–248). As Abgar, one should neither “make distinctions” nor “inquire into contradictory arguments” (line 281). Such language is very much part of the theological inheritance Jacob had received from earlier writers such as Ephrem. In short, though “On Edessa and Jerusalem” can undoubtedly be read as an anti-Jewish tract, this long poem-homily about Abgar’s act of faith can also be understood as an apology for Jacob’s own Syriac Christian community in Edessa. As Jacob encourages his listeners (271–272): But now oh you who dwell in the fortified city of the king, you have inherited his city; inherit his faith along with it!

Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ p. 107–109. “Flee now, Oh people of Christ, from the mania of the New Jews! I speak of those who came together at the Council of Chalcedon and separated this unified one into two natures.” Severus’ Cathedral Homily 1 in Brière and Graffin, Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d’Antioche, p. 261. Similar associations are made between Judaism and Arianism or Sabellianism. See Labourt, Dionysius Bar Ṣalībī. Expositio liturgiae, p. 35 (Syr.). See also the recent discussion of this question of ‘real’ versus ‘imagined’ Jews in Butts and Gross, Jews and Syriac Christians. Intersections across the First Millennium, pp. 1–26. 16 The text is in Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, vol. 5, p. 731. As discussed below (n45), the word “communities/churches” in both of these lines has been changed by later scribes to read ʿarrotho, “rival wives,” reflecting possible confusion over the meaning. See Diyarbakir, Meryem Ana Kilisesi MS 3, p. 713 lines a 29 and b 34. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܥܪܬܐ‬. 14 15

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JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

“On Edessa and Jerusalem” is a work of contrasts. Running throughout this memro is a two-fold apologetic that pits Jewish Jerusalem against Gentile Edessa. On the one hand, drawing upon the Legend of Abgar, Jacob contrasts the embrace of Jesus by Edessa with the Jewish rejection of Christ. On the other hand, Jacob boldly promotes what he sees as the faithful heritage of Edessa, the “first-ripe fruit” of Gentile faith, against Jerusalem’s faithlessness. If taken as an actual historical account, the Legend would imply that Abgar’s early faith in Jesus and his repudiation of the “blackness” of idolatry had bestowed upon Edessa a unique heritage. After all, Abgar of Edessa came to faith before the Crucifixion and without having set his eyes on Jesus. As a poet-theologian, Jacob creatively couches these two apologies as an imagined conflict between two young women, Edessa and Jerusalem. Central to this conflict is the Bridegroom Jesus, promised to one but loved by the other. We can catch a glimpse of this struggle in the contrasting names Jacob assigns to each daughter. Jerusalem Edessa Daughter of the People Daughter of the Peoples Daughter of Jerusalem Daughter of the Aramaeans Daughter of the Hebrews Daughter of the Darkness Daughter of Abraham Daughter of the Black Ones

THE LEGEND OF ABGAR AND THE CITY OF EDESSA

Because this Legend connects the city of Edessa directly to the life and ministry of Jesus, it would have served as a valuable apology in the late fifth century. 17 We can assume that Jacob’s audience would have been familiar with the basic outline of King Abgar’s exchange Griffith, “The Doctrina Addai as a Paradigm of Christian Thought in Edessa in the Fifth Century,” pp. 269–292. For more background on the Legend of Abgar and its reception over time, see the studies in Illert, Doctrina Addai. De imagine Edessena; Mirkovic, Prelude to Constantine; Desreumaux, Histoire du roi Abgar et de Jésus. For another, fairly recent work on the composition of the Abgar correspondence, see Karaulashvili, “The Epistula Abgari: Composition, Redaction, Dates.” 17

INTRODUCTION

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of letters with Jesus. Modern readers, however, may need more background to follow Jacob’s thought in this memro. The city of Edessa was brought into the sphere of Roman power during the Severan Dynasty, around the year 242 CE; thereafter, it served as the capital of the Roman province of Osrhoene. 18 Located east of Antioch, along age-old trade routes, Edessa (Urhoy in Syriac) has been home to many peoples throughout history. Among these were speakers of Aramaic; Syriac is in fact the dialect of Aramaic that was spoken in Edessa. Throughout the third and fourth centuries, the city gradually became a major center for Syriac-Christian language, culture, and traditions. During this Roman period, a succession of local kings ruled Edessa; scholars have labeled them the Abgarids because several share the name Abgar. One of these was Abgar V, nicknamed “the Black” (in Syriac, Ūkkomo). Over time, a tradition developed that this same Abgar, having heard of Jesus’ miracles in Judaea, had professed faith in Jesus and offered him protection from Jewish persecution. 19 Several accounts of this legendary correspondence have been preserved. One of the narratives that likely circulated in Edessa by Jacob’s day is known as The Teaching of Addai the Apostle. The Teaching of Addai was composed in Syriac by an anonymous Edessan scribe sometime in the early fifth century. 20 According to the story, having learned from his envoys about Jesus’ minisSyriac speakers such as Jacob, however, knew this city as ʾŪrhoy. Today, the city is called Urfa (or Şanlıurfa), located in southern Turkey. Interestingly, later Syriac historians would use the prefix ‘Ur’ to provide a linguistic connection between Urshalem (Jerusalem) and ʾŪrhoy (Edessa); ‘Ur’ was thought to mean ‘town.’ Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ p. 3n2. 19 Most scholars agree that it was a different king, Abgar VIII, who, at least, “tolerated” the religion of Christianity. Ross, Roman Edessa, p. 133–135. 20 For the Syriac text and English translation, see Howard, The Teaching of Addai. An older edition can be found in Phillips, The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle. Edward Mathews presents a fine overview of the different scholarly opinions regarding the origins of this narrative and the historical background to Christianity in Edessa before the fifth century. See Mathews, St. Ephrem the Syrian: Selected Prose Works, pp. 8–12. 18

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JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

try in Jerusalem, King Abgar sends a letter proclaiming his faith in Jesus as both God and Son of God. He also requests that Jesus come to Edessa to heal him of an illness.21 In reply, Jesus praises the bold faith of Abgar and bestows upon him a blessing. The Apostle Thomas later sends Addai, one of the disciples, to Edessa, where he heals the King and teaches the citizens of Edessa the essentials of the Christian faith. There is a general scholarly consensus that the goal of The Teaching of Addai was less to provide an accurate history of early Edessa than to answer ecclesiological and political questions that had arisen in the previous century. 22 In its present form, The Teaching appears to be an apology for the form of Nicene Christianity espoused by the bishop Rabbula of Edessa, who served as a reforming bishop in that city from 411 to 435/6 CE. 23 Therefore, the ‘teaching’ that Addai offers Abgar fits best with the fifth-century— not first-century—Christian theological vocabulary. Other, similar accounts of this Legend also circulated, even in Latin- and Greek-speaking communities. For instance, the Spanish nun Egeria, who visited Edessa around 385 CE, claims to have seen the correspondence between Abgar and Jesus as part of her The text gives the date as the three hundred and forty-third year of the Greeks. Howard, The Teaching of Addai, p. 3. 22 Griffith suggests that, “the author wanted to put forward a paradigm of normative Edessan Christianity, supported by the local ecclesiastical and historical lore, which he hoped would play an authoritative role in the largely Christological controversies of his own day.” Griffith, “The Doctrina Addai as a Paradigm of Christian Thought in Edessa in the Fifth Century,” p. 271. The Abgar Legend may have been reworked repeatedly, and The Teaching of Addai is one such revision. Ross, Roman Edessa, p. 135– 138. For more information on the history of Edessene Christianity in this region, see Griffith, “Christianity in Edessa and the Syriac-Speaking World.” 23 Griffith, “The Doctrina Addai as a Paradigm of Christian Thought in Edessa in the Fifth Century,” p. 291. For a newer take on the interconfessional situation in the fourth and fifth centuries, see Thomas, “The Conversions of Adiabene and Edessa in Syriac Christianity and Judaism.” 21

INTRODUCTION

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pilgrimage. 24 Moreover, the church historian Eusebius of Caesarea, writing even earlier (on or before 300 CE), records a rather lengthy “translation” of these letters between Abgar and Jesus in his Ecclesiastical History. 25 Eusebius claims that the “Record Office at Edessa” had provided the Greek translation (Hist. Eccl. 1.13). 26 Though there are differences between the text of Abgar’s letter in the Teaching of Addai and Eusebius’ translation, there are also notable similarities. Both accounts, taken together, provide a basic outline that can help us follow Jacob’s train of thought in this particular memro. The Teaching of Addai 27 My Lord: Peace. I have heard concerning you and your healing that you do not heal with drugs or roots; it is rather by your word that you give sight to the blind, cause the lame to walk, cleanse the lepers, and cause the deaf to hear; by your word you heal spirits, lunatics, and those in pain. You even raise the dead. So when I heard of the great wonders which you do, I decided whether that you are God in that you have come down from heaven and have done these things, or that

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 28 I have heard about you and about the cures you perform without drugs or herbs. If report is true, you make the blind see again and the lame walk about; you cleanse lepers, expel unclean spirits and demons, cure those suffering from chronic and painful diseases, and raise the dead. When I heard all this about you, I concluded that one of two things must be true—either you are God and came down from heaven to do these things, or you are God’s Son

She writes that the copies of the correspondence she has “at home is not so complete, because what I was given here is certainly larger.” Wilkinson, Egeria’s Travels, pp. 117. See also Illert, Doctrina Addai. De imagine Edessena, pp. 120 ff. 25 Williamson, Eusebius. The History of the Church, p. 30; Brock, “Eusebius and Syriac Christianity,” pp. 212–234. Mirkovic sees Eusebius’ account as one of the earliest sources for this legend. It was Constantine, he suggests, who “made a conscious effort to look like the pious king of Edessa.” Mirkovic, Prelude to Constantine, p. 115. 26 Williamson, Eusebius. The History of the Church, p. 31. 27 Howard, The Teaching of Addai, pp. 8–9. 28 Williamson, Eusebius. The History of the Church, p. 31. 24

10 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM you are the Son of God because you are doing all these things. Because of this, I have written requesting that you come to me since I reverence you, and heal a certain illness which I have since I believe in you. Furthermore, I have heard that the Jews murmur against, persecute, and are seeking to crucify you in an effort to destroy you. I have a small and beautiful city in which two might live in peace.

doing them. Accordingly, I am writing to beg you to come to me, whatever the inconvenience, and cure the disorder from which I suffer. I may add that I understand the Jews are treating you with contempt and desire to injure you: my city is very small, but highly esteemed, adequate for both of us.

Both accounts also provide a short reply by Jesus to King Abgar. The Teaching of Addai Blessed are you who though not having seen me have believed in me. For it is written concerning me that those who see me will not believe in me, but those who do not see me will believe in me. … As for your city may it be blessed and may no enemy ever again rule over it.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History Happy are you who believed in me without having seen me! For it is written of me that those who have seen me will not believe in me, and that those who have not seen will believe and live. …

In both versions, the narrative continues with the arrival of Addai in Edessa, of which two details concern us here. 29 First, in both The Teaching of Addai and Eusebius’ account, the Addai story reiterates the idea that King Abgar came to faith before the apostle arrived in Edessa to teach “about the coming of Jesus and how it happened, and about His power.” 30 This emphasis that Abgar believed before he was taught by Addai is a key part of Jacob’s argument in this memro. Second, the Addai story reinforces the earlier account of Abgar’s intense hostility towards the Jews. At one point, King In Greek literature, Addai is known as Thaddaeus. In another memro, entitled “On the Apostle Addai,” Jacob expounds further upon the Addai narrative. 30 Howard, The Teaching of Addai, p. 33. 29

INTRODUCTION

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Abgar informs Addai that he had been willing to lead an army from Edessa to Jerusalem against the Jews but for the “covenant of peace” between his city and Rome.31 Both The Teaching of Addai and Eusebius’ history record that the King wanted to send this Edessene army to “destroy” the Jews who had crucified Jesus in Jerusalem. The Teaching of Addai 32 I have so believed in him that against those Jews who crucified him, I wish that I might lead an army myself and might go and destroy them. But because that kingdom belongs to the Romans I have respect for the covenant of peace which was established by me as by my forefathers with our lord Caesar Tiberius.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 33 I believed in Him so strongly that I wanted to take an army and destroy the Jews who crucified Him, if I had not been prevented by the imperial power of Rome from doing so.

Finally, the fifth-century Teaching of Addai includes a well-known and often repeated promise from Jesus to King Abgar: “Because you have thus believed in me, may the city in which you dwell be blessed and may the enemy never prevail over it.” 34 This special blessing of protection upon Edessa is repeated, almost verbatim, in later Syriac writings, such as the missionary narrative known as the Acts of Mar Mari. 35 The citizens of Edessa—“the Blessed City”— would still recall this legend, even after the city eventually fell to the Later Syriac historians will record that it was Abgar who reported to Tiberius the way the Jews acted towards Jesus, with the result that Pilate was dismissed. Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu’l Faraj 1225– 1286, Vol. 1, pp. 48–49. 32 Howard, The Teaching of Addai, p. 31. 33 Williamson, Eusebius. The History of the Church, pp. 32–33. 34 Howard, The Teaching of Addai, p. 57. 35 Harrak, trans., The Acts of Mār Mārī the Apostle, p. 7. For the reception of the Abgar Legend in Late Antiquity, see Given, “Utility and Variance in Late Antique Witnesses to the Abgar-Jesus Correspondence,” pp. 187–222; Ramelli, “The Addai-Abgar Narrative,” pp. 205–246. 31

12 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Turks in 1145 CE. 36 Therefore, it is not surprising that Jacob likewise refers to a “blessing” upon Abgar and Edessa in this memro. This legendary exchange of letters between King Abgar of Edessa and Jesus of Jerusalem lies at the heart of Jacob’s “On Edessa and Jerusalem.” In this work, Jacob elaborates on the meaning of this correspondence for the city of Edessa and her inhabitants. Three separate times in this memro, Jacob quotes Abgar’s confession above: “You are God, the Son of God” (lines 119, 124, 259). For Jacob, this double confession—God and Son of God— witnesses to the King’s bold faith. 37 Yet, in Jacob’s deft hands, Abgar’s confession also becomes an apology for the significance of the city of Edessa in the mission of the Church. We see this most notably when Jacob pairs Abgar’s confession with that of Peter in lines 123–124: 38 Peter said, “You are the Messiah, the Son of God” (Matt 16:16) Abgar said, “You are God, the Son of God” (Letter of Abgar)

Jacob’s message is that Abgar recognized and confessed Jesus’ divinity, much as Peter in the Caesarea Philippi story (Matthew 16). 39 However, unlike Peter, who had lived side by side with Jesus, Note the lament when Edessa, “the city of Abgar, the friend of Christ,” was taken by the Turks. Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu’l Faraj 1225–1286, Vol. 1, p. 269. 37 Jacob incorporates Abgar’s double confession in other memre as well. In his “Homily on Habib,” Jacob writes, “This truth Edessa from her youth maintained, nor daughter of the poor, in her old age, changed she it. Her righteous king to her became a scribe, and of him she learned about our Lord, that He is the son of God, and God. … And thus to believe the daughter of the Parthians learned, thus she affirmed, and thus she teaches all who listen to her.” Cureton, Ancient Syriac Documents, p. 93 (Eng.). 38 The Peshiṭta version of Matthew 16:16 reads, “You are the Messiah, the Son of the Living God.” All translations of the Syriac are taken from the Antioch Bible series, except where noted otherwise. For the translations used here, see the Bibliography. 39 In the biblical text of Matthew, Peter confesses Jesus as “Messiah.” It is Abgar who confesses him as “God.” 36

INTRODUCTION

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Abgar came to faith having never set his eyes upon the Lord. Yet, as Jacob puts it, the faith of Abgar and that of Peter “were equal” (lines 121–122). Further, just as Peter received a blessing from Jesus for his confession, so Abgar also received a blessing (lines 119– 120). 40 So Abgar sent to the Son, “You are God, the Son of God,” And he received back a blessing because of the beauty of his faith.

In the late fifth century, at a time of increasing competition between cities for apostolic validation, Jacob’s direct comparison of Abgar with Peter would undoubtedly stand out. It is clear from this memro that Edessa’s remarkable and very early inheritance through faithful Abgar was a mark of pride, both for the city and for those with a claim to Abgar’s heritage.

EDESSA VS. JERUSALEM: ‘THE PEOPLES’ AND ‘THE PEOPLE’

One of Jacob’s main objectives in this memro is to explain how the Gentile Church, exemplified by Edessa, has replaced the Jews in the history of salvation. Jacob presents this as a conflict between the ‘People’ (ʿammo) and the ‘Peoples’ (ʿamme). In Syriac, the singular term ʿammo and its plural ʿamme can be translated in a variety of ways: as ‘nation(s)’, ‘gentile(s)’, or even ‘pagan(s).’ 41 Jacob plays on this contrast between the People and the Peoples throughout his memro. In so doing, he is following in the footsteps of earlier writers such as Aphrahat (4th c.) and Ephrem (4th c.), for whom such a contrast was commonplace. 42 In Matthew 16:17, Peter receives a blessing from Jesus as a result of his confession: “Blessed are you, Simon son of Jonah, for this was not shown to you by man.” In other words, Abgar receives a blessing from Jesus, much as Peter did. 41 Brock and Kiraz, Gorgias Concise Syriac-English, English-Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܥܡܐ‬. 42 See Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, ch. 1. One can translate this term as ‘Nation’/‘Nations’, as does Murray. However, the historical development of the ‘nation-state’ means that a modern understanding of 40

14 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM This distinction between the People and the Peoples reflects a theology of supersession popular in the early Church, an idea that the Gentiles, the Peoples, have now replaced the Jewish People. Early Christian thinkers wrestled with what they saw as the failure of the Jews—the covenant People—to embrace Jesus, their covenanted Bridegroom. Given Israel’s rejection of her Messiah, does the Sinai Covenant in Exodus 19 still hold? Moreover, if God made promises to “the People, the virgin daughter of Israel,” as Jeremiah 31:4 suggests, in what way is the Gentile Church now “the Bride of Christ” (Eph 5:28–30), rather than the Jews? Questions such as these were especially hard to avoid when Christians read the account of Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem and his subsequent denunciation by the Jewish crowds (Matt 21, John 19). For many in the Early Church, the most obvious answer to these and similar questions was that the Jewish People had forfeited the earlier covenant made with them. Following this line of thought, it was suggested that the Gentile Church, the Peoples, now replaced the Jews as the true Bride of Christ. In Sebastian Brock’s view, the earlier poet-theologian Ephrem understood this as a two-stage process: although the Jewish adultery with the Golden Calf in Exodus 32 had been forgiven, the Jewish rejection of Jesus, as he walked the very streets of Jerusalem, would not go unpunished. In consequence, the People had now been superseded by the Peoples, the Jewish Nation by the Gentile Nations. 43 Notably, Jacob follows this same two-fold schema in his memro “On Edessa and Jerusalem.” In lines 69 and 70, Jacob has Edessa plead with Jesus to put away Jerusalem, the adulterous bride-tobe. nation can be quite different from what early Syriac writers understood by the term ʿamme. For this reason, we have preferred the terms ‘People’ and ‘Peoples.’ 43 Brock, The Luminous Eye, p. 118. Jacob takes up this theme in his other memre as well; see, for instance, Childers, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Praise at Table (Hom. 146), p. 120, lines 70 ff. In another homily, Jacob connects the ‘betrothal’ of the Jews at Sinai with the ‘betrothal’ of the Church at Mount Tabor. Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord, pp. 32 ff.

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She is not for You, she whom You betrothed in the midst of Egypt (Exod 19–32). She loves the calf, but You [Christ], who are holy, she does not love!

As a representative of the Gentile Church, Edessa begs Jesus, the Bridegroom, to end his covenanted relationship with Jewish Jerusalem. The answer to Edessa’s petition (i.e., Abgar’s letter) is to release Jerusalem from her betrothal contract. By the end of this memro, it is Gentile Edessa—not Jewish Jerusalem—who is prepared to enter into the bridal chamber (lines 291–292).

A SUMMARY: THE STORY OF TWO DAUGHTERS

In his memro “On Edessa and Jerusalem,” Jacob uses his profound skills as a poet and wordsmith to make the case that the Peoples, represented by Edessa, have now supplanted the People, the Jews. From the very first line, Jacob sets the stage by introducing the “discourse of judgment” (memro d-dīno) that Edessa sent against Jerusalem (lines 1–4): Edessa produced a discourse of judgment that she would send to the Daughter of Jerusalem, the lover of vain images. The Daughter of the Hebrews hated the Bridegroom who came to her, and on account of Him, strife broke out between the communities.

In Jacob’s telling, Abgar’s letter, sent from Edessa to Jerusalem, condemned the Jews for their lack of faith while affirming the exceptionality of Edessa’s belief. As Jacob puts it in line 4, this struggle “between the communities (ʿīdotho)” was over Jesus, the Bridegroom. The word translated as “community,” in lines 4 and 33, appears to have been problematic for the later scribes who passed down this memro. The term ʿīdtho can mean “community,” though it later became almost synonymous with the “Church.” 44 If one assumes the former definiBy the fifth century, the word ʿīdtho had come to signify ‘church,’ though it had earlier implied ‘community.’ Robert Murray has suggested that by the fourth century this term was “still interchangeable,” able to be 44

16 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM tion, Jacob’s use of the term “communities” (ʿīdotho) in line 4 might suggest that Abgar’s letter to Jesus foreshadowed the growing disputes between Church and Synagogue. Yet, by Jacob’s day, this term was increasingly used of the Christian Church community. Read in this way, this line could be taken as a subtle jab at the growing divisions within the ‘church communities’—Miaphysite and Dyophysite—over the nature of Christ. Curiously, we find that later scribes have changed the word ʿīdotho to read ʿarrotho (pl. of ʿartho), meaning “rival wives.” A possible attempt to avoid confusion, this variant reading would certainly fit the context of this memro.45 Even so, despite this confusion, Jacob’s main thesis in the first four lines of this memro is clear: there is a struggle over Jesus between the faithful “community” in Edessa and another unfaithful “community.” Having introduced Edessa’s discourse of judgment on Jerusalem and the resulting conflict, Jacob then sets before his audience the many transgressions of the Jews against Jesus. Though he was sent to the Daughter of Jerusalem to fulfill vows made with her in the desert of Sinai, she ultimately rejected him. Though he lived close by, in her midst, and though he brought with him a dowry in preparation for the marriage (line 7), she refused him. Though he offered her all types of treasures (line 9) and performed miracles, signs, and healings in her midst (lines 11–17), Jerusalem despised, rejected, and heaped abuse on Jesus, freely taking what he offered while not accepting him (line 8). As a poet, Jacob builds upon this tension between unbelieving Jerusalem and believing Edessa by employing a series of stark contrasts: Whereas Jerusalem closed her gates to Jesus (lines 6, 10), Edessa opened her gates and invited Jesus to enter (lines 61, 143). Whereas used for either church or synagogue. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, p. 18. 45 It is, of course, possible that these consonants were originally read as “rival wife/wives” not “community/church.” For our purposes, we will assume the textual critical principle lectio difficilior potior (“the more difficult reading is the stronger”), in which case the more difficult reading for the scribes who passed down this work would be ʿīdtho (“church”).

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the Jews were near Jesus (lines 198, 200), far-off Edessa heard and believed (lines 197, 199). Whereas the Jews had all the scriptures and prophets (line 149), Edessa came to faith without the scriptures, apostles, or preachers (lines 237–240). What is more, because Edessa lacked access to the Scriptures, it was Nature herself who taught her that Jesus was God. The Daughter of Jerusalem loved her vain images (line 2), while the Daughter of Edessa willingly begged Jesus to “make my vain images pass away” (line 58). In this way, Jacob sets before his audience a series of competing images of two daughters: one full of faith, the other full of contempt. To be clear, much of Jacob’s anti-Jewish rhetoric is not unique; similar language appears in the works of other early Syriac writers. What is relatively distinct is how Jacob adapts this standard rhetoric to fit his interpretation of the Abgar Legend. To illustrate, Syriac-Christian writers often use the Syriac root √ to speak of how, in their view, the Jews ‘abused’ or ‘dishonored’ Jesus. 46 Yet, in this memro, Jacob transforms this Jewish scorn into something positive; namely, Abgar is able to see beyond this abuse and recognize Jesus for who he truly is. Jacob writes that the Jews “attacked him [Jesus] with abuse √,” despite all the good things that Jesus brought (lines 19–20). For Jacob, this abuse suffered by Jesus merely highlights the extraordinary and peculiar faith of Abgar. It was Abgar and Edessa who “gazing upon His [Jesus’] beauty … recognized who He was, even as He was despised √” (line 79). It is Abgar’s ability to see beyond the abuse of Jesus at the hands of the Jews that makes his faith, and, by extension, Edessa’s inheritance, so remarkable. (See also lines 105–108, 116). Brock and Kiraz, Gorgias Concise Syriac-English, English-Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܨܥܪ‬. Here, we will use to represent the base consonants, without added vowels. In Homily 169, for instance, Jacob writes that “He [Jesus] is the Light and when He was dishonored [] by darkness, His glorious radiance shone over them and put them [the Jews] to shame.” And, again, “Theirs [the Jews] were the foolish speeches, shameful insults [ṣaʿre], and complaints against Him.” Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women Whom Jesus Met, p. 164, 166. See also Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord, p. 17, line 98, 101; p. 51, line 395; p. 53, line 419. 46

18 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Jacob presents both Abgar and Edessa as exceptional in other ways as well. In this memro, they are portrayed as an early fruit, as mediators, and, again, as representatives of the Gentiles. Several passages in this memro stress that Abgar came to faith early, especially in relation to the timeline of events narrated in the Gospels and Acts (lines 75–108). For Jacob, Edessa is the first-ripe fruit (bakorto) of faith because Abgar recognized Jesus’ divinity before most others. Seen chronologically, Abgar would have sent his letter to Jerusalem during Jesus’ earthly ministry, before his crucifixion, death, and resurrection. In this light, Abgar’s conversion is the first fruit of Gentile belief. But Jacob also sees Abgar and Edessa as mediators and representatives, helping to bring the Peoples to faith (lines 143–144). When Abgar sent his letter to Jesus, he was acting as a representative of the Gentiles: “By Abgar’s hand, the Assembly of the Peoples petitioned” (line 214). By the faith of Abgar, “the Church of the Peoples in Edessa” (line 211) has now gained a blessing and has become “heirs—Sons of the Promise” (lines 235–236). Jacob also ties Edessa to his own heritage: Abgar is the “Son of the Aramaeans” (line 138); Edessa is the “Daughter of the Aramaeans” (line 203). 47 While the faithlessness of the “Daughter of the Hebrews” has led to divorce (line 195), faithful Edessa has succeeded in wooing her divine Lover. Towards the end of this memro, in lines 271–272, Jacob speaks directly to his Edessene audience, exhorting them to take pride in their exemplary heritage from faithful Abgar. For now, oh you who dwell in the fortified city of the king—

Later, Jacob of Edessa would hold that Edessa was refounded by Greek Macedonians. Some held the Abgarid dynasty to be Arab. For more on language, religion, and ethnicity in regard to Edessa, see Debié, “Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation,” pp. 99–108. For the views of Eusebius of Caesarea (4th c.) on the Aramaeans, see Brock, “Eusebius and Syriac Christianity,” p. 226. There are now many useful studies on what Jacob and others understood by “Aramaean.” See, for example, Salvesen, “Keeping it in the Family? Jacob and his Aramean Heritage According to Jewish and Christian Sources,” pp. 206–220. 47

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you have inherited his city; inherit his faith along with it!

For Jacob, therefore, the residents of Edessa are heirs to the faith of Abgar, “son of the Aramaeans.” Abgar’s bold and early faith is also part of a movement to spread the Gospel to the Peoples. Towards the end of this memro, Jacob paints a remarkable picture of Peoples from diverse regions, languages, and cultures, who have now become “one People” through their faith in Jesus (lines 307–310). All of the Assemblies of the Peoples of the earth were one People, And the Assemblies sang praise with a single shout of joy. The varied races, in the languages of their own peoples, In their tributes, present their offerings as one.

Though we find similar images in Jacob’s other memre, here he expressly links these Peoples with the conversion of Abgar and his city, Edessa. 48 One way that Jacob builds a vision of Abgar as a representative of the Gentiles is through the King’s unfortunate nickname Ūkkomo, ‘the Black.’ For Jacob, Edessa was stained black—as dark as night—through her sacrifices to idols (line 339). 49 Yet it is by Abgar Ūkkomo’s act of faith that Edessa has now become multicolored, and her blackness has been cleansed (lines 67, 340). She can now walk in her illumined streets by the “polishing of baptism” (line 338). In sending out his petition to Jesus, King Abgar was cleansed of his blackness. For Jacob, then, the conversion of blackened Edessa-Ūkkomo exemplifies the work of Similarly, Jacob uses the imagery of Ezekiel’s chariot in other memre to communicate the spread of the Gospel throughout the earth. See Hom. 125, Golitzen, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Chariot that Prophet Ezekiel Saw, p. 92. Interestingly, in this Hom. 125 it is the Apostle Addai who is connected with the spread of the Gospel to the ‘Peoples of Mesopotamia,’ not Abgar (line 801). 49 Edessa had a long familiarity with ‘pagan’ gods, especially Bel and Nebo. There are hints that some traditions still survived into the fifth and sixth centuries. Jacob, in fact, mentions these gods of Edessa in a separate memro, “On the Fall of the Idols.” Ross, Roman Edessa, pp. 85–89. 48

20 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM the Son of God as “he came and expelled darkness from the corners of the earth.” (lines 323–324). Lastly, in a memorable passage toward the end of this homily (lines 295–325), Jacob surveys the ancient powers of his world, eminent nations whose darkness has now been removed by the true Light of Jesus. Though perhaps more poetry than history, Jacob envisions these ancient peoples—Assyria, Rome, Babylon, Egypt, Cush, India, Media, and Canaan—all bringing their praises to Jesus (lines 311–312): There is one bridal chamber, and there are young women without number! There is one Bridegroom, but friends of the bridegroom without end.

From “all corners” of the earth they come (line 342). Yet, remarkably, all are united in their worship of the Bridegroom, though Jacob identifies each region and each nation by its own distinctive regional characteristics. In this vision of Christian mission, Jacob marvels at the diversity of places where worship now occurs. He suggests that worshippers of Jesus can be found across varied geographic regions: from mountains and hills, and from depths to heights (lines 313– 314). In his words, Jesus “set them in different places so to give praise” (line 316). Very much a product of his day, Jacob is particularly interested in the ascetics, those who embraced a type of protomonastic calling. 50 He marvels at those who have gone out into “the desolate desert, far from civilization” to worship the Bridegroom (line 318). Among these, Jacob names the “Solitary Ones,” or Iḥīdoye, an ascetic movement within early Syriac-speaking Christianity. 51 Likewise, Jacob identifies the “Virgins,” celibates who 50

71–90.

Griffith, “Mar Jacob of Serugh on Monks and Monasticism,” pp.

The term translates the Greek term monogenes (μονογενής) in John 1:18, where Christ is Iḥīdoyo (‘the only-begotten’). On Aphrahat’s (4th c.) exhortations to various ascetic groups in Demonstration 6, see Lehto, The Demonstrations of Aphrahat, the Persian Sage, pp. 169 ff. Other introductions 51

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took an oath to dwell in their homes or communities as their place of ascetic practice. In lines 319–320, Jacob creatively plays on the distinction between these two groups: From their caves, the Solitaries who loathe a dwelling; From their dwellings, the Virgins who avoid the path of the world.

Jacob ends this memro “On Edessa and Jerusalem” by envisioning a landscape of varied worshippers, each with their own practices, filling the deserts, hills, and valleys of his world. All these, Jacob suggests, are seeking to follow Christ on the road to “His Father’s place” (line 326). Yet Jacob’s message in this memro is clear: all these movements of “the sweet fruits of new praise” (line 233) were foreshadowed in King Abgar of Edessa, “the first to present the fruits of faith” (line 145).

THE LETTER OF ABGAR AND SYRIAC CHRISTIAN INTERPRETIVE THEMES

As a late fifth-century poet, Jacob employs methods of interpretation that may be foreign to modern readers. Yet, even those with some background in early Syriac theology will find this homily a worthwhile study; in this memro, we see how Jacob interprets the Legend of Abgar with an eye towards the theological and interpretive convictions of his own day. 1) Faith Without Investigation Throughout this memro, Jacob reiterates that Abgar did not “investigate” () or “pry into” () the “story (sharbo) of the Son” (lines 257–282). He is equally adamant that Abgar never concerned himself with “superfluous words” (line 260) or excessive inquiries into theological matters. Instead, Jacob suggests that “without explanation, he [Abgar] believed in the Son of God” (line 248). Though these oft-repeated exhortations may sound strange to to these ascetic communities include Abouzayd, Iḥidayutha and Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom.

22 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM modern readers, Jacob’s appeal that Abgar had come to faith without investigation reflects the theological concerns of his time. Early Syriac Christianity held that it was hubris for the creature to attempt to define the Creator fully. 52 Human beings are finite, and, as such, they overstep their boundaries when they probe into theological matters beyond their reach. For Syriac Christians such as Jacob, the divisive Christological debates of previous centuries at Nicaea (325 CE) and Chalcedon (451 CE) brought home the reality of such dangers. Syriac Christians would suggest that “Arians” or other Christian communities transgressed appropriate boundaries by excessive inquiry and probing. Consequently, Jacob reads Abgar’s exemplary faith into the petition sent to Jerusalem; Abgar does not examine too deeply the divine nature and person of Jesus. Abgar simply believes, and he believes simply. Moreover, as Jacob sees it, Abgar’s faith is also exemplary because he never saw Jesus face to face. Unlike Peter, Abgar came to faith without having set his eyes on the Lord. Much as Ephrem before him, Jacob disparages those who would seek out what is hidden (kasyotho). As Jacob puts it, Abgar “did not transgress things hidden (kasyotho)” (line 262). As a result, Abgar received the “good wage of his faith” (line 263). Abgar can serve as a preeminent model of true faith, an exemplary ruler who refused to dig too deeply into matters beyond his ken (lines 251–254): Abgar did not search into how it was possible that God Himself Should descend to the earth, and to walk upon it as a human being. Rather, he believed, and the spirit of doubt did not blow in him, And without investigation, his faith gained the crown.

In this, Jacob highlights Edessa’s exceptional Syriac Christian inheritance, while also warning his congregation against other comFor Ephrem’s use of this imagery, see Brock, The Luminous Eye, p. 26. This theme is repeated throughout Jacob’s corpus. In his memro on the Transfiguration, Jacob describes the Divinity as “ineffable.” Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord, p. 6, line 14. 52

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munities that might practice or condone such excessive “investigation.” 2) Fragrance and the Wisdom of Nature According to the Legend, Abgar came to faith without apostles or preachers, as Jacob is eager to recall (83–84, 148, 210, 247–248). To communicate how Abgar could apprehend Jesus’ divine nature without scriptures or teachers, Jacob turns to the sense of smell. In her book on smell imagery in the Early Church, Susan Ashbrook Harvey remarks that Syriac Christianity “provides some of the most sophisticated olfactory material” on this topic. 53 In this memro, Jacob uses such “olfactory material” to significant effect. He uses smells—both good and bad—to communicate the uniqueness of Abgar’s experience. Through his keen sense of smell, Abgar could grasp, by instinct, what others could not. Figuratively, it was by smell—not the scriptures—that Abgar divined who Jesus was. With only her innate senses as a guide, Edessa could distinguish the Savior’s sweet smell from the stench of the thief. In a near-parallel to Jesus’ parable about the sheep that knew their master, Jacob suggests that Edessa had rejected the odor of the thief by testing “all scents by him [Jesus]” (lines 179–180). 54 In another, highly sensory scene, Jacob invites his audience to picture Jesus, as the Bridegroom, captivating “the young women for His pleasure” with “his perfumed garments” (line 174). By his Incarnation, Jesus has

Harvey, Scenting Salvation, p. 5. Indeed, Jacob uses this smell imagery in his other memre as well. For example, in his memro on the Ascension, Jacob writes, “His garments were fragrant with the vapor of the incense, like that of Aaron … He is wholly perfume, for His Father was reconciled to the world through Him.” Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord, p. 40, lines 309, 312. 54 This is similar to Jesus’ exhortation in John 10:1–5: “The flock will not follow a stranger but runs away from him, because it does not know the stranger’s voice.” In this memro, of course, the distinguishing mark is the smell, not sound. 53

24 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM “sweetened” the Creation (line 330); 55 yet, despite all this sweetness, only Edessa, the Daughter of the Aramaean, could discern his rich fragrance as “God and Son of God.” Moreover, Jacob contrasts Edessa’s sharp sense of smell with the olfactory failures of Jewish Jerusalem. Compared to Edessa, Jerusalem was unable to sense the sweet fragrance of the Son that was wafting all around her. Edessa could recognize Jesus’ fragrant aroma (“the scent of myrrh”), even though she was deeply mired in the “stink of idolatry” (lines 191–192). In an ironic twist, Jacob claims it was Jewish Jerusalem—she who had all the prophets and the scriptures—who refused to throw out her “vain images” (line 2). Though mired in idolatry, Edessa begs Jesus to cleanse her of desolate idols (lines 193–194). Yet, the Jews prove incapable even of scenting and recognizing the sweet fragrance of their longpromised Bridegroom in “the synagogues” (line 175). Consequently, to Edessa, not to Jerusalem, the Tree of Life wafts its perfumed fragrances (lines 185–188). 3) The Tree of Life and the Olive Tree Both the symbols of the Tree of Life and the olive tree of the Son hold deep theological and liturgical meanings for the early Syriac Church. As the Tree of Life, Christ gives his sacramental, lifegiving fruit to the world through the Crucifixion. 56 In this memro, Abgar’s faith is awakened by the smell of Jesus, a fragrance sent from the Tree of Life through the wind (or Spirit). As Jacob puts it, Edessa “inhaled Life” from the Tree of Life and “recognized who had sent it” (line 186). Edessa pleads with Jesus, “whose scent had stirred her” (line 188). In early Syriac imagery, Christ is likewise symbolized by the olive or the olive tree, meaning that he is the source of anointing and the sacraments. As Robert Murray puts it, 57 This theme is found elsewhere in Syriac literature. See, for instance, Desreumaux, Trois homélies syriaques anonymes et inédites sur l’Épiphanie, p. 691, line 1. 56 For more on this symbol of the Tree of Life, see Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 320 ff. 57 Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, p. 116. 55

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all the aspects of the olive—its provision of light, anointing, and healing—serve the Syrian Fathers … when they speak of the baptismal anointing.

In this memro, Jacob brings this same imagery to the Legend of Abgar. Not only are Abgar and Edessa the early fruit of faith (lines 75, 145), but they represent the Gentiles who have been grafted into “the richness of the olive tree at its root” (line 224). Echoing the rich agricultural vocabulary of Romans 11:16–17, Jacob suggests that the Daughter of Abraham has now been replaced by the Daughter of the Aramaeans, the “foreign branches” (line 223). (See the discussion of Romans 11 below.) 4) The Bridal-Chamber and the Marriage Feast. As we have seen, Jacob retells the Legend of Abgar as a struggle between the Daughter of Jerusalem and the Daughter of Edessa over Jesus, the Bridegroom. Such nuptial imagery was popular in early Syriac Christianity, owing much to biblical passages such as Matthew 9, Matthew 25, and Song of Songs 1. 58 In fixing this memro around a marriage theme, Jacob uses imagery that would have been familiar to Ephrem and other Syriac writers. Here the marriage bed—the bridal chamber—lies at the very center of the dispute between these two daughters (lines 55–56). She [Edessa] loved the Bridegroom, while the Hebrews persecuted Him, And she lovingly invited Him to enter her bedchamber.

Using colorful imagery, Jacob repeatedly visualizes Edessa as a young female lover, pleading with Jesus to come and enter her chambers. At the same time, Jacob fancies Jerusalem—the covenanted bride-to-be—sitting at the very cusp of the marriage bed while refusing, even spurning, the advances of her betrothed Bridegroom (lines 132–133). But the bride, whom He had seated in the very midst of His bedchamber, did not recognize Him.

58

Brock, The Luminous Eye, pp. 117–130.

26 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Attentive, Edessa heard the news of Him and longed for His beauty.

Jacob uses these intimate portraits to communicate his message: the rejection of the Bridegroom by the Jewish People has resulted in her replacement by the Gentile Peoples. In keeping with this nuptial theme, Jacob depicts Edessa as a bold, vivacious, yet faithful courter. Reflecting upon Abgar’s early letter to Jesus, Jacob sees Edessa as the lover who initiates contact with the Beloved. It is she who first “sent for the Bridegroom of Light that He would come to her” (line 85). Conspicuously, it is Edessa—not the Bridegroom—that condemns the Daughter of Jerusalem for her faithlessness and abuse. It is also Edessa who writes out the marriage contract with Jesus: “She made a marriage contract with Him, that she would be His own” (line 80). Demonstrating her fidelity, Edessa entreats the Bridegroom to receive her into the marriage feast (ḥlūlo) instead of the Daughter of the Hebrews (lines 71–72). Should the Daughter of the Hebrews depart, I will enter instead; The marriage feast [ḥlūlo] is prepared. Receive the Daughter of the Peoples—she who begs You!

With such bold actions Edessa triumphs over Jerusalem and prepares to enter the bedchamber. Yet, before she enters, the Daughter of Edessa is clothed by the Bridegroom in robes “woven of flame” (line 290). Such clothing imagery is also prevalent in early Syriac theology, having clear connections with the baptismal liturgy. 59 Towards the climax of this memro, Jacob incorporates a term that can denote special intimacy, the “Bridal-Chamber of Light” (gnūno d-nūhro). As he anticipates the consummation of this marriage, Jacob speaks to the citizens of Edessa, reassuring them (lines 291–292): You are the first! Behold your picture in the Bridal Chamber of Light

For more background on Jacob’s baptismal imagery, see Brock, “Baptismal Themes in the Writings of Jacob of Serugh,” pp. 325–347. 59

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Is being painted and being praised, alongside the chaste Daughters of the Day.

The Bridal Chamber of Light (gnūno d-nūhro) denotes the eschatological consummation of this marriage between Christ and his Church. 60 This same terminology is used elsewhere in early Syriac literature and in writings from other neighboring religious traditions. 61 But here, in this memro, Jacob uses this language to assure his audience that it was Edessa who is the first to be brought into the “Father’s House” (line 76); it is her portrait—not that of Jerusalem—that now hangs in the marriage chamber, awaiting the consummation. 62

THE LETTER OF ABGAR AND SCRIPTURAL QUOTATIONS

This memro “On Edessa and Jerusalem” also includes a wide range of biblical allusions, including several direct quotations from the Bible. Five of these passages are of particular interest for how Jacob brings the Syriac Bible into conversation with the Abgar LegJacob uses this imagery of the ‘bridal chamber of light/fire’ in his other memre as well. In his work on Elijah’s ascension, he uses this term to refer to the prophet’s union with the divinity. Kaufman, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Elijah, p. 414, line 585: “How divinity made a bridal chamber of fire for him.” For other examples, see Mathews, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The First Day, p. 36; Alwan, Jacques de Saroug. Quatre homélies métriques sur la Création; Mathews, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Creation of Adam and the Resurrection of the Dead, p. 16. 61 For an overview of this term’s use in Syriac writings, see Brock, The Luminous Eye, p. 116. It also occurs, along with extensive nuptial imagery, in the Coptic Manichaean Psalm Book. Allberry, A Manichaean PsalmBook, Part II, pp. 102 ff. See also Widengren, Mesopotamian elements in Manichaeism, pp. 109–122. 62 This use of the term ‘portrait’ may be an allusion to the tradition that Jesus sent Abgar an image of himself, a portrait that became known as the ‘Mandylion.’ In the Teaching of Addai, it is Hanan, the archivist who “took and painted the portrait of Jesus with choice pigments. … When King Abgar saw the portrait, he received it with great joy and placed it with great honor in one of the buildings of his palaces.” Howard, The Teaching of Addai, pp. 9, 11. 60

28 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM end. In fact, each of these passages mentions either Jerusalem or the relationship between the ‘People of Israel’ and the ‘Peoples,’ themes Jacob also takes up in this memro. 1) Isaiah 66:19: “The Distant Islands” In three separate passages, Jacob employs the phrase “the distant islands” (gozrotho raḥīqotho) (lines 29, 131, 295), an expression that occurs once in the Peshiṭta Syriac Bible, in Isaiah 66:19. 63 In two of these passages, Jacob adds “young women” to this quotation. In so doing, Jacob uses this scriptural imagery to frame the struggle between “the young women of the distant islands” (Edessa) and Jerusalem. The Gentiles of Edessa were “distant” from Jesus when they came to faith, unlike the Jews. For Jacob, this eagerness of the “distant islands” to learn of Christ and follow him stands in stark contrast with Jerusalem, who, though close by, failed to recognize her own Bridegroom.64 These islands marvel and are “astonished” at the stubbornness of the Jews in not accepting Jesus. Stylistically, Jacob employs this quote from Isaiah 66:19 at crucial transition points in this memro. The first quote, in line 29, marks a significant shift in the narrative from Jerusalem’s rejection of the Bridegroom to the story of believing Abgar. Here, “the distant islands” introduce the listener, for the first time, to distant Edessa, the daughter who heard the news of Jesus from afar and believed (lines 27–30).

Isaiah 66:19 seems the most likely source, though Psalm 97 reads “multitude of islands.” 64 Jacob’s emphasis that Edessa was far off from Jesus is captured elsewhere in Scripture. For instance, Jacob uses the term “Assemblies of the Peoples” four times in this memro, a phrase that occurs in the Peshiṭta Syriac Bible only in Jeremiah 4:16. In this passage, Jeremiah alludes to several of the same themes in this memro, including a ‘far-off land,’ and the contrast between the ‘Peoples’ and Jerusalem. The Syriac text of Jeremiah 4:16 reads, “Remind the nations, proclaim to Jerusalem: See! Crowds of people come from a far-off land; they will raise their voices against the towns of Judah.” 63

INTRODUCTION

29

She [Jerusalem] did not want to look upon either Him or His healings, And she felt compelled to do away with Him, along with His help. Nonetheless, the young women who were in the distant islands Heard and they were astonished at what the Daughter of the Hebrews had done.

We also find a similar transition towards the end of this memro, when Jacob repeats this same phrase for the third and last time. Whereas “the young women who were in the distant islands” in line 29 introduced the audience to Edessa, this third quote in line 295 transitions from the story of Abgar to Jacob’s final, stirring paean about the spread of the Good News from Edessa to the nations of the earth. The biblical context of these last chapters in Isaiah also fits Jacob’s message in this memro. Isaiah 65 and 66 foretell the ultimate destiny of both Jerusalem and the Peoples. In Isaiah 65:2, God punishes the “rebellious Peoples” (ʿamme) before he declares the coming of a “new Heaven and New Earth” (Isaiah 65:17). In chapter 66, Isaiah casts a vision of Jerusalem’s future and her final relationship with the Peoples (ʿamme); among these Gentiles are “the distant islands, who have not heard my [God’s] name” (verse 19). For Jacob, these “distant islands” are Edessa and the Peoples, successors of the faith that Jerusalem has now rejected. 65 2) Song of Songs 1:5: “I am Black!” In another remarkable passage, Jacob presents the city of Edessa as an alluring lover, offering a long and moving entreaty to Jesus. At the height of her petition, Edessa exclaims, “I am black! Come, create a beautiful color for me!” (line 67). In casting Edessa as the Shulamite in the Song of Songs 1:5 (“I am black”), Jacob brings The next verse in Isaiah prophecies that “All Peoples (ʿamme) will someday bring offerings (qūrbone) to the Lord … to my holy mountain, to Jerusalem” (v. 20). This declaration is quite similar to the imagery Jacob includes toward the end of this memro. He envisions that, “in their tributes, they [the Peoples] present their offerings [qūrbone] as one” (line 310). 65

30 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM together this biblical narrative with the story of Abgar in two important ways. 66 First, this quote from the Song of Songs fits remarkably well with Abgar’s nickname Ūkkomo (‘the Black’). By casting her as the biblical Shulamite, Jacob can present Edessa as a worshipper of ancestral idols (“I am black …”), while also portraying her desire for a baptism that would cleanse her of that blackness (“… create a beautiful color for me!”). Second, by associating her with the Shulamite, Jacob has us imagine Edessa in the role of a faithful and vibrant lover, proactively seeking out and yearning for the Bridegroom. It was Abgar of Edessa, after all, who took the initiative to send his declaration of faith to Jesus. The scriptural context of this passage in Song of Songs fits Jacob’s theme of conflict between Edessa and Jerusalem remarkably well. As the Shulamite speaks to the “Daughters of Jerusalem” (Song 1:5–7), so, in this memro, Edessa taunts the “Daughter of the Hebrews” (line 71). Other imagery likely borrowed from the Song of Songs includes fragrant perfume (v. 3, cf. l. 177), choirs of young women (v. 3, cf. l. 174), and even the bedchamber (v. 4, cf. l. 56). 67 3) Jeremiah 31:22: “A Woman will Embrace a Man” As if to reinforce this view of Edessa as an impassioned young courter, Jacob twice quotes directly from what is an otherwise fairly obscure passage in the Book of Jeremiah, a verse that, in Syriac translation, speaks of a woman’s “embrace” or “fervent love.” Jacob writes, It is written in the prophets, “A woman will embrace [tḥabeb] a man.” (line 87) As it is said, “A woman will embrace a man.” (line 92)

In both lines, Jacob quotes directly from the Syriac translation of Jeremiah 31:22. These lines immediately follow the impassioned plea of Edessa, as the Shulamite, that Jesus should come, overturn Jacob alludes to these images from the Song of Songs in his other memre as well. See, for instance, Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord, pp. 39–41. 67 Other extended examples of this imagery can be found in Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women Whom Jesus Met. 66

INTRODUCTION

31

her idols and remove her “blackness.” Once again, Jacob casts Edessa as a vibrant and robust lover. Jacob interprets this very enigmatic biblical passage in light of the king’s bold faith in seeking out Jesus and loving him, even from afar (lines 90–91). It was she who embraced Him [√], she who recognized Him, and she who begged, that He should come to her and get rid of the idols from her ancestral house.

Though this passage in Jeremiah has been interpreted in many ways throughout Church History, only here do we find Jeremiah 31:22 interpreted through the lens of the Abgar Legend. 68 The passage is obscure in the original Hebrew, and modern translations vary widely. 69 In contrast, the Syriac translation is reasonably straightforward: “a woman will embrace (or love) a man.” In its biblical context, this chapter of Jeremiah foretells the promised “new covenant” (Jer 31:31), an important passage for early Christian interpreters. Jeremiah castigates faithless Israel—the “virgin of Israel”—calling her to turn back to God. Jeremiah 31:21–22 reads, in the Syriac, Return, virgin of Israel … How long will you waver, repentant daughter? For the Lord has created a new thing in the land: a woman will embrace a man.

We can see how language such as “virgin Israel,” “repentant daughter,” and “a new thing” certainly fit well with the imagery Jacob seeks to portray in this memro. Such language also makes it possible for Jacob to represent Edessa, the Gentile Church, as the “new thing” foretold in Jeremiah. In other words, it is Edessa who has sought out and embraced Jesus; by embracing the Son of God,

We have been unable to find any other writer who connects the conversion of Edessa with this prophecy in Jeremiah. 69 For example, the NRSV reads, “a woman encompasses a man;” the NIV reads, “the woman will return to the man;” and the NET reads, “something as unique as a woman protecting a man!”. 68

32 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Edessa has become Jeremiah’s “new thing in the land” (Jer 31:22). 70 4) Acts 14:27: “The Gate of Faith” Jacob uses the phrase “gate of faith” twice in this memro. In line 238, Jacob employs this expression to contrast Edessa’s faith with Jerusalem’s law. Yet it was not the law that brought them [the Peoples] before God, Rather, by the gate of faith, apart from the law.

Likewise, in line 255, we are told that it was through this “gate of faith” that King Abgar passed. In both lines, Jacob’s underlying message is clear: faith has now come to Gentile Edessa, without the need for Jewish Law. Jacob uses this phrase “gate of faith” in many of his other memre. Yet “gate of faith” is also a scriptural expression found in Acts 14:27. In the book of Acts, it is used regarding the opening of the mission to the Gentiles, despite increasing tension with the Jews. Thus, having returned to Antioch from their first missionary journey, Paul and Barnabas proclaim that God has now “opened the gate of faith to the Peoples (ʿamme).” This gate was opened in the face of severe persecution by Jews and Judaizers (Acts 14:19; 15:1). This passage also immediately precedes the Jerusalem Council (Acts 15), where it was decided that Gentile Christians should not be required to keep the Jewish Law. In this sense, Jacob’s use of “the gate of faith” in this memro fits well with the biblical context of Acts: the gate of faith is now opened to the Gentiles, those who do not need to keep the Jewish Law. In the Book of Acts, however, it is Paul who proclaims the opening of “the gate of faith” in the city of Antioch, not King Abgar in the city of Edessa. The Teaching of Addai suggests that Abgar’s letter to Jesus arrived in 31–32 CE, years before Paul’s exGod promises that a “new covenant” will be established. The Syriac reads that this covenant is “not like that covenant that I established with their fathers … in the land of Egypt, for they had made void my covenant: indeed I scorned them.” (Jer 31:32). 70

INTRODUCTION

33

perience on the Damascus Road (ca. 34–37 CE). Seen in this light, the “gate of faith” would have been opened for Abgar before Paul and Barnabas reported back to the Church at Antioch. Therefore, if read historically, the Abgar Legend would suggest this gate of faith was opened for the Gentiles first in Abgar’s Edessa, not in Paul’s Antioch. 71 5) Romans 4:3 and 11:17–23: “Abraham Placed his Faith in God” Twice in this memro, Jacob draws upon Paul’s citation from Genesis 15:6: “Abraham placed his faith in God, and this was accounted to him as righteousness.” According to Jacob, Abgar was “made right” by faith, much as Abraham. Therefore, Edessa and the Peoples have been brought into Abraham’s lineage of faith (lines 229– 230). The Peoples renewed the Chosen Shoot of the House of Abraham, “By faith in it, Abraham was made right.”

Like Abraham, Abgar was not under Jewish Law. 72 Thus Jacob can suggest that both leaders were alike in that they stepped out in pure faith (lines 239–246). No law gave a hand to King Abgar; Rather, he believed and became an heir by his faith. The Peoples entered through a soul full of faith, Just as Abraham, ‘was made right by his faith.’ The king believed in our Lord, that He was the Son of God,

Although Legend of Abgar became the accepted narrative for the arrival of Christianity in Edessa, later Syriac Christians, such as Jacob of Edessa (d. 708), did not necessarily think of Edessa as the first Christian kingdom. Syriac historians came to see Constantine as the first king to convert to Christianity. Debié, “Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation,” pp. 95–103. 72 Interestingly, both men—Abraham and Abgar—feature in stories that were told about the history of Edessa. Segal, Edessa: ‘The Blessed City,’ pp. 1–8. 71

34 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM And that He descended from heaven to walk in the land of Judah. And even if he had read all of the books of the prophecy, By faith he could add nothing more.

For Jacob, then, both Abraham and Abgar are men of exemplary faith. As a representative of the Peoples, Abgar has blessed the Gentiles, who have now entered “through a soul full of faith.” Jacob also leans heavily upon the agricultural imagery in Romans 11 to develop his argument that it is Edessa and the Peoples that have now been grafted into the root of faith. In Syriac translation, Romans 11:16 and 17 read as follows: If you see, the first-fruits of the produce are holy, then so is all the rest, and if the root is holy, then so are the branches. If the branches were then cut off and you, wild olives that you are, were grafted in their place and if you then partake of the olive tree’s root and its richness …

Earlier in this chapter, Paul establishes his credentials as a “descendant of Abraham” (v. 1) and an “apostle to the Peoples” (ʿamme) (v. 13). The Gentiles have now been grafted into the olive tree. Jacob embraces Paul’s language but applies it to the Abgar Legend. For Jacob, Abgar is the first-ripe fruit of faith from among the Gentiles. Because of faithful Abgar, the Gentiles, the “wild olive” (lines 221 and 231) have now been grafted into the tree’s rootstock (lines 223–224). Yet the faith of those foreign branches Bestowed on them the richness of the olive tree at its root.

Following the example of Abgar, the Peoples—the “foreign branches”—have replaced the Jews, who have now been cut off (Rom 11:17–21). Because of this, it is now the Peoples who have been granted the “richness of the olive tree at its root,” a phrase Jacob quotes nearly verbatim from Rom 11:17 (see p. 34 above). Jacob’s vision is of new life emerging from a tree that has been pruned of its deadwood. The result is new growth and the “sweet fruits of new praise” (lines 232–233). Behold, it was planted and glorified on the root of the House of Abraham.

INTRODUCTION

35

And it continuously bears the sweet fruits of new praise.

Consequently, Jacob’s message to his listeners in Edessa echoes the Apostle Paul’s message to the Romans: “It was because of their unbelief they were cut off, and you stand upon her faith” (Rom 11:20).

OUTLINE OF “ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM” Lines 1–4:

Introduction

Lines 29–55:

Edessa comes to faith and sends a petition to the Bridegroom.

Lines 5–28:

Lines 56–72: Lines 73–126: Lines 127–160: Lines 161–196: Lines 197–220: Lines 221–234: Lines 235–282: Lines 283–311: Lines 312–326:

The Bridegroom is sent, but Jerusalem rejects and despises him.

Edessa declares her love for the Bridegroom, though Jerusalem remains unfaithful. Edessa, having the first fruit of faith, needs neither teachers, apostles, nor preachers.

Comparisons between the ‘People’ and the ‘Peoples’ show the fault of the Jews.

Nature teaches Edessa and she recognizes the fragrance of the Bridegroom. The ‘Peoples’ are blessed through believing Abgar. Foreign branches are grafted onto the tree of the house of Abraham.

Through believing Edessa, the gate of faith has been opened to those who do not dispute or doubt

Illumined by the Son, the ‘Peoples’ of the earth have become one.

Across all creation, the assemblies of the ‘Peoples’ praise and glorify the Son.

36 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Lines 327–332:

Conclusion: the blackness of idolatry has ended and darkness has been expelled from the ends of the earth.

COMPARISON OF MANUSCRIPTS

The Syriac text used as the basis for this English translation is taken from Paul Bedjan’s nineteenth-century published edition in Homiliae Selectae, vol. 5. pp. 731–747. With only a few added changes, Bedjan took his text from a thirteenth-century manuscript in St. Thomas Church, in Mosul, Iraq. This manuscript has a lacuna between lines 21 and 22, which this translation has filled with Syriac text from other manuscripts. The following table presents a collation of three manuscripts, noting where the text differs from Bedjan’s published Syriac text. B: St. Thomas MS 6 (STC74–6), 13th century. Homily #180, fols. 150r–152v D: Diyarbakir, Meryem Ana Kilisesi MS 3 (DIYR 00003), 13th century. Homily #76, pp. 713–719; fols. 303r–306r. M: Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs MS 130 (CFMM 00130), 12th–13th century. Homily #91, fols. 24v–27v

‫‪INTRODUCTION‬‬

‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬

‫‪D‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܰܥ ܳܪ�ܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܙܒܕܗ‬ ‫ܙܒܕܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܬܪܘ‬ ‫ܘܣܒܥܘ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܒܫܡܗ‬ ‫ܨܚܝܬ‬ ‫ܨܥܪܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܬܕܡܪ‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܘܬܗ�ܝ‬ ‫ܛܒܗ‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܥܪܬܗ̇‬ ‫ܰܥܪܬ ̇ܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܢܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܢܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܫܠܚܬ‬ ‫ܫܠܚܬ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܢܢܗܪ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܚܫܘܟܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܢܢܗܪ‬ ‫ܕܚܫܘܟܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܒܝܬ ܥܒ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܝܗܘܕ‬ ‫ܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܢܘܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܠܢܘܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܢܐܬܐ ܢܥܡܪ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬܐ ܢܢܗܪ‬ ‫‪om.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ̇‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܐܘܟܡܐ‬ ‫ܢܥܘܠ ܚܒܝܒܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܥܩܘܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܓܐܝܐ‬ ‫ܦܐܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܝܐ‬ ‫ܪܚܡܐ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܚܬܢܐ‬ ‫ܐ�ܛܥܪ‬ ‫ܡ�ܛܥܪ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟ�ܘܙܐ ܘ� ܐܣܬܢܩܬ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܟ�ܘܙܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ �‬ ‫ܐܣܬܢܩܬ‬ ‫ܒܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܝܒ ̈‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܬܚܒܒ‬ ‫ܒܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ ܕܟܪܐ ܟܬܝܒ ܒܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ‬ ‫‪out of order‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬ ܪܚܡܬ‬

‫‪B‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܙܒܕܗ‬ ‫ܘܣܒܥܘ‬ ‫ܒܫܡܗ‬ ‫ܨܥܪܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܘܬܗܪ‬ ‫ܛܒܗ‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܢܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܫܠܚܬ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܚܫܘܟܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܢܢܗܪ‬ ‫ܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܝܗܘܕ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܣܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬܐ ܢܢܗܪ‬ ‫‪om.‬‬

‫ܢܥܘܠ ܚܒܝܒܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܦܐܝܐ‬ ‫ܪܚܡܐ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܝܬ‬ ‫ܚܬܢܐ‬ ‫ܡ�ܛܥܪ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟ�ܘܙܐ‬ ‫ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ �‬ ‫ܐܣܬܢܩܬ‬ ‫ܒܢܒܝ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܝܒ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬ ܪܚܡܬ‬

‫‪line #‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬

‫‪38 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM‬‬

‫ܫܐܠܬ ܚܒܒܬ‬ ‫ܐܟܡܐ ܕܟܬܝܒ‬ ‫ܒܥܬܗ ܕܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܥܛܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ‬ ‫ܠܡ�ܦܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܫܠܝܚܐ ܘ�‬ ‫ܘ�‬ ‫ܠܟ�ܘܙܐ‬ ‫ܪܓܬ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܐܫܬܕܪ‬ ‫ܦܐܪܩܠܝܛܐ‬ ‫ܒܙܩܝܦܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܬܕܥ‬ ‫ܡܪܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܐܢܬ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ�ܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܬܚ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܥܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܝܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܟܠܝܘܡ ܥܡܗ‬ ‫ܢܗܪ ܒܡܫܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܒܡܫܝܚܐ ܘܚܫܟ‬ ‫ܥܡܐ ܒܟܪ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܗܝܪܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܢ̈ܫܐ ܕܫܡܐ‬ ‫�ܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܘܓܢܒܪܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܚܙ�̈ܐ ܡܚܘܝܢ‬

‫ܕܢܐܬܐ ܫܐܠܬ‬ ‫ܘܬܛܥܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܬܚܒܒ‬ ‫ܕܟܪܐ ܥܒܕܬ‬ ‫ܠܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܠܟ�ܘܙܐ ܘ�‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܫܠܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܪܚܡܬܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܦ�‬ ‫ܘ� ܦܪܩܠܝܛܐ‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܦܗ‬ ‫ܠܙܩܝܦܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܬܕܥ‬ ‫̈ܝܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܢܬ ܗܘ‬ ‫�ܗܐ‬ ‫ܡܬܟܫܠ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܬܚ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܐܘܪܫܠܡ‬ ‫ܕܝܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܥܡܗ ܟܠܝܘܡ‬ ‫ܕܐܘܟܡܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܫܟ ܥܡܐ ܕܢܗܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܢ̈ܫܐ ܕܫܡܐ‬ ‫�ܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܕܓܢܒܪܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܣܦܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܚܘܝܢ ܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܢܒܝܐ‬

‫ܫܐܠܬ ܚܒܒܬ‬ ‫ܐܟܡܐ ܕܟܬܝܒ‬ ‫ܒܥܬܗ ܕܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܥܛܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ‬ ‫ܠܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܫܠܝܚܐ ܘ�‬ ‫ܘ�‬ ‫ܠܟ�ܘܙܐ‬ ‫ܪܓܬ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܐܫܬܕܪ‬ ‫ܦܪܩܠܝܛܐ‬ ‫ܒܙܩܝܦܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܬܕܥ‬ ‫ܡܪܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܕܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܐܢܬܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ�ܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܬܚ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܥܡܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܬܒܗ‬ ‫ܟܠܝܘܡ ܥܡܗ‬ ‫ܢܗܪ ܒܡܫܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܢܗܪ ܒܡܫܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܫܟ ܥܡܐ ܒܟܪ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܕܢܗܝܪܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܐܝܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܝܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܘܓܒ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܚܙ�̈ܐ ܡܚܘܝܢ‬

‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪123‬‬ ‫‪123‬‬ ‫‪126‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫‪132‬‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫–‪139‬‬ ‫‪140‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬ ‫‪154‬‬ ‫‪157‬‬

‫‪INTRODUCTION‬‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝ�ܦܬ ܫܛܬ‬ ‫ܝ�ܦܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ � ܩܪܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝܕܝܥܬ‬ ‫ܒܪ‬ ‫ܡܢܘ‬ ‫ܕܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ‬ ‫ܓܝܣܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܚܗ‬ ‫ܕܪܚܝܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܚܐ‬ ‫ܚܡܪܗ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܐ ܠܢܘܗܪܐ ܟܕܟ‬ ‫ܚܙܐ ܠܗ ܢܐܚܐ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܐ ܢܘܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܐܝ�ܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܝ�ܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܬ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒܪܝܟܐ ܘܚܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫�ܗܐ‬ ‫ܫܩܠܬ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܘܝܠܦ‬ ‫ܐܝܟܢ ܕܟܬܒ‬

‫ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܫܛܬ ܝ�ܦܬ‬ ‫ܝܕܥܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ� ܩܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܝܕܝܥܬ‬ ‫ܕܒܪ‬ ‫ܘܡܢܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܠܟܠ‬ ‫ܓܝܣܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܚܗ‬ ‫ܕܥܛܪܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܚܐ‬ ‫‪ (marg.‬ܠܕܡܗ‬ ‫)ܚܡܪܗ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܢܒܥܐ ܠܢܘܗܪܐ ܕܢܐܚܐ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܟܕ ܚܙܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܫܐܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܢܗܪ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܥܩܪܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܝ�ܢܗ ܕܥܡܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܬ ܐܒܪܗܡ‬ ‫ܚܠܝܐ ܒܪܝܟܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܢܣܒܬ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܦ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܟܬܒ ܗܘܐ‬

‫ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝ�ܦܬ ܫܛܬ‬ ‫ܝ�ܦܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ � ܩܪܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝܕܝܥܬ‬ ‫ܒܪ‬ ‫ܡܢܘ‬ ‫ܕܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܓܝܣܐ‬ ‫ܡܚܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܚܝܗ‬ ‫ܒܪܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܚܡܪܗ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܐ ܠܢܘܗܪܐ ܟܕܟ‬ ‫ܚܙܐ ܠܗ ܢܚܐ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܐ ܢܘܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܐܝ�ܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܝ�ܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܬ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒܪܝܟܐ ܘܚܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫�ܗܐ‬ ‫ܫܩܠܬ‬ ‫�ܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܝܠܦ‬ ‫ܐܝܟܢ ܕܟܬܒ‬

‫‪159‬‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫‪160‬‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫‪164‬‬ ‫‪166‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫‪178‬‬ ‫‪178‬‬ ‫‪180‬‬ ‫‪181‬‬ ‫‪184‬‬ ‫‪191‬‬ ‫‪201‬‬ ‫‪211‬‬ ‫‪218‬‬ ‫‪219‬‬ ‫‪220‬‬ ‫‪221‬‬ ‫‪224‬‬ ‫‪225‬‬ ‫‪226‬‬ ‫‪228‬‬ ‫‪244‬‬ ‫‪248‬‬ ‫‪248‬‬ ‫‪254‬‬ ‫‪259‬‬ ‫‪264‬‬ ‫‪273‬‬

‫‪40 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM‬‬

‫ܕܒܪ �ܗܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܚܕ ܗܘ‬ ‫� ܬܦܪܫܝܗܝ ܕ�‬ ‫ܡܬܥܩܒ‬ ‫ܒܣܒܪܬܗ ܕܝܚܝܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܚܕܝ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܨ̈ܒܝ‬ ‫�ܚܝܩܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܡܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܫܒܚ‬ ‫ܪܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܗܠܝܢ ܟܠܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܥܡܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܒܒܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܚܕܘܓܬܐ ܣܟܐ‬ ‫� ܐܝܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫܕܪܝܢ ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ ‫�ܬܪܗ ܪܡܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܒܡܥ�ܐ ܘܒܓܘ‬ ‫ܢ̈ܚ�‬ ‫ܝܬܒܝ̈ܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈ܒܥܝܢ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܡܬܟ�ܟܢ‬ ‫ܝܬܒܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܠܦ‬ ‫ܦܢ̈ܝܬܐ‬

‫ܕܒܪ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܚܕ ܗܘ‬ ‫� ܡܬܦܪܫ ܘ�‬ ‫ܡܬܦܫܩ‬ ‫ܒܡܫܝܚܐ ܕܗܘܝܘ‬ ‫ܢܘܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܚܕܝ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܝܢ ܨ̈ܒܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܡܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܫܒܚ‬ ‫�ܚܝܩܬܐ‬ ‫ܪܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܝܢ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܟܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܟܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܣܟܐ � ܐܝܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܚܕܘܓܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫܕܪܢ ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ ‫ܠܘܡܕܐ ܕܐܬܪܗ‬ ‫ܘܒܓܘ ̈‬ ‫ܢܚ� ܐܦ‬ ‫ܒܡܥ�ܐ‬ ‫ܥܘܡ�ܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܬܟ�ܟܢ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܒܥ̈ܝܢ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܠܦ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܦܫܬܐ‬

‫ܕܒܪ �ܗܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܚܕܘ‬ ‫� ܬܦܪܫܝܗܝ ܕ�‬ ‫ܡܬܥܩܒ‬ ‫ܒܣܒܪܬܗ ܕܝܚܝܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܫܕܝ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܨܒ‬ ‫�ܚܝܩܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܡܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܫܒܚ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܗܠܝܢ ܟܠܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܥܡܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܒܒܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܚܕܘܓܬܐ ܣܟܐ‬ ‫� ܐܝܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫܕܪܝܢ ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ ‫�ܬܪܗ ܪܡܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܒܡܥ�ܐ ܘܒܓܘ‬ ‫ܢ̈ܚ�‬ ‫ܝܬܒܝ̈ܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈ܒܥܝܢ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܡܬܟ�ܟܢ‬ ‫ܝܬܒܬ‬ ‫ܐܫܬܚܠܦ‬ ‫ܦܢ̈ܝܬܐ‬

‫‪274‬‬ ‫‪280‬‬ ‫‪281‬‬ ‫‪283‬‬ ‫‪289‬‬ ‫‪293‬‬ ‫‪295‬‬ ‫‪296‬‬ ‫‪298‬‬ ‫‪305‬‬ ‫‪307‬‬ ‫‪308‬‬ ‫‪312‬‬ ‫‪314‬‬ ‫‪317‬‬ ‫‪320‬‬ ‫‪325‬‬ ‫‪326‬‬ ‫‪335‬‬ ‫‪336‬‬ ‫‪342‬‬

TEXT AND TRANSLATION

41

42 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

HOMILY 180: CONCERNING EDESSA AND JERUSALEM (FOR THE NIGHT OF THE FIFTH DAY OF HOSANNA WEEK)

Edessa produced a discourse of judgment that she would send 1 To the Daughter of Jerusalem, the lover of vain images. The Daughter of the Hebrews hated the Bridegroom who came to her, 2 And on account of Him, strife broke out between the communities. 3

“discourse of judgment.” Though relatively infrequent, Jacob uses this same phrase in his memro “On the Ascension of Our Lord” regarding the document Jesus presents to Death in order to free Adam. Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord, p. 16, line 101. 2 The phrase “Daughter of the Hebrews” occurs five times in this memro. In this first section (lines 1–30), Jacob uses this phrase along with “Daughter of Jerusalem” (line 2) and “Daughter of Abraham” (line 5) to contrast Jerusalem with Edessa, the daughter featured in the next section (lines 31 ff.). 3 The nineteenth-century editor Bedjan read this word as “communities” (ʿīdotho), based on the text of Saint Thomas Syriac Catholic Church, MS 6. In later Syriac-speaking Christianity, this term was used in regard to distinctly Christian communities, or “churches.” Yet, in his sixth “Memro Against the Jews,” Jacob uses this term to describe Jewish-Christian “communities.” Albert, “Jacques de Saroug: Homélies contre les Juifs,” p. 160, line 9. The scribes who copied several Syriac manuscripts containing “On Jerusalem and Edessa” have vocalized and dotted the consonants of this word to read instead ‘rival wives’ (ʿarrotho), similar in appearance to ‘communities’ (ʿīdotho). We have kept Bedjan’s reading ʿīdotho, though “rival wives/lovers” would undoubtedly also fit the context here. 1

‫‪43‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܝܫܐ ܳܡܪ ̱ܝ ܰ� ܽ‬ ‫ܺܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܠܗ ܰܕܩ ܺܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܩܘܒ‬ ‫ܺܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܡܪ ܐ ‪.‬ܩܦ‪.‬‬ ‫ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܥܠ ܐܘܪܗܝ ܘܥܠ ܐܘܪܫܠܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܘܫܥܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܕ�ܝܐ ܕܚܡܫܐ ܕܫܒܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܺܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܕ ̣ܬ ݀ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܡܪܐ ܺܕܕ ܳܝܢܐ ܥܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܫ ܰܕܪ ܳܠ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܳ ܰ ܰ ̈ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܣܪ ܽܝܩܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫�ܒ ̱ܪܬ ܐܘܪܫܠܡ ܪܚܡܬ ܨ�ܡܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܳܶ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܣܢܬܗ �ܚ‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܥܒ��ܐ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܢܦܠ ܶܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܪ� ܳܢܐ ܶܒܝܬ �ܕܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ‬

‫‪B731‬‬

44 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 5

10

His Father sent Him to betroth, to take as a wife the Daughter of Abraham; 4 He stood at the gate, 5 but she refused to open the gate that He should enter. He brought a dowry for the betrothal and He entered to give it to her; Of all that He brought, she took from Him, yet she did not accept Him. He opened His treasury and filled her streets with the good things He brought; 6 She consumed His dowry, and, as for Him, she cast Him outside of her gate. 7 He changed water to good wine at the banqueting hall; 8 She drank and became drunk, and she—the wicked of heart— despised Him.9

“to betroth, to take as a wife.” lit. “to betroth, to take.” For more background on betrothal theology in early Syriac Christianity, see Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 131–142. 5 “the gate.” Bedjan notes the possibility of misreading this word as “land” (arʿo) instead of “gate” (tarʿo). 6 In other memre, Jacob likewise refers to Jesus opening “His treasury.” See his Hom. 170, line 309 in Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women whom Jesus Met. Ephrem is also fond of this image of Jesus as the Treasurer. Ephrem, Hymns on Virginity in Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, p. 113 (Syr.), p. 97 (trans.). 7 “she cast.” This same verb (from the root ) can be used to indicate divorce (i.e., “to put away” one’s wife). J. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܢܦܩ‬. 8 “banqueting hall.” The context appears to describe the wedding at Cana in John 2:1–12, though this particular phrase does not occur there. Beth meshtūtho does occur elsewhere in the Gospels (in Matt 22:10, Luke 12:36, and Luke 14:8). 9 “despised.” In this memro, Jacob repeatedly uses forms of this root < ṣʿr >, “despise, abuse, dishonor,” in order to contrast Jerusalem’s denigration of Jesus with Edessa’s pure faith. 4

‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰܫ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܪܗ ܰܐ ܽܒܘܗܝ ܕܢܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܡܟܘܪ ܢܶ ܰܣܒ ܰܒܪܬ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܪ ܳܗܡ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܠܗ ܰܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܰܥܠ ܰ�ܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܚ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܳܘ� ܶܦ ܰ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ �ܶ ܽܥܘܠ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒܕܐ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܟ ܳܝ� ܳܬ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܬܝ ܙܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ܢܶܬܠ ܳ�ܠ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ ܺ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܶܶ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܡܘܢ ܕܐܝܬܝ ܫܩܠ ̣ܬ ܡܢܗ ܘ� ܩܒܠܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩܝ̈ ̇ܗ ܛ ̈ܘ ܶܒܐ ܰܕܐܝܬܝ܆‬ ‫ܦܬܚ ܶܒܝܬ ܓܙܗ ܘܡ� ܫ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܶ ܰܶ ܶ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܶܡܢ ܰܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܩܬܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܪܥ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܙܒܕܗ ܐܟܠ ̣ܬ ܘܠܗ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܫ ܶ‬ ‫�ܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܠܦ ܰܡ ܳܝ̈ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܪܐ ܛ ܳܒܐ ܶܒܝܬ ܡܫܬܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܥܪܐ ܶܠܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܨ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ� ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܐܫܬ� ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܣܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܝܚܬ ܶ� ܳܒܐ܀‬ ‫ܶܘ‬

‫‪732‬‬

46 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

15

20

25

He multiplied bread and all the hungry ate and were satisfied; 10 Yet she denies His name and refuses to affirm her betrothal with Him. He drove away the insolent demons that were tormenting her; Yet having recovered health, she attacked Him diabolically. He healed her sick, bandaged her wounds, and gave life to her dead; 11 Yet she hated, envied, despised, and persecuted, even as she was recovering health. All help, all healings, all good things 12 He granted her, yet she attacks Him with abuse. He healed the sick, yet she grieved when they were healed! 13 He cast out demons, yet she did not wish for Him to drive them away! He opened (the eyes of) the blind, yet she rose up babbling that he was not blind! 14 He gave life to the dead, yet she was wanting to kill him, but they did not allow her! 15 She greatly despised the Son of God who came to her; Because of Him, she hated the healings that He had granted her. 16 She did not want to look upon either Him or His healings And she felt compelled to do away with Him, along with His help. 17 Nonetheless, the young women who were in the distant islands 18 Matt 14:13–21; Matt 15:33–38. John 11:1–44; Luke 7:11–17. 12 “help.” lit. “helps” (pl.). 13 cf. Matt 21:14–15. 14 “he.” Jacob has in mind the blind man healed by Jesus in John 10 11

9:18.

“wanting to kill him.” This is possibly a reference to Lazarus in John 12:9–11. 16 “granted her.” Compare with line 20 above. 17 “help.” lit. “helps” (pl.). 18 “the distant islands.” This is an exact quote from Isa 66:19: “I will set a sign in them, I will send from them a remnant to the peoples … to 15

‫‪47‬‬

‫‪15‬‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫‪25‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܚܡܐ ܶܘ ܰܐܟ� ̱ܘ ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫ܣܓܝ ܰܠ ܳ‬ ‫�ܗܘܢ ܰܟܦܢ̈ܶܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܣܒܥ ̱ܘ܆‬ ‫ܫܪܐ ܶܠܗ ܰܕ ܺܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܡܗ ܳܘ� ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܦܪܐ ܰܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܟܝܪ ̇ܗ ܽ ̱ܗܘ܀‬ ‫ܕܫ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܛܪܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܶܡ ܳܢ ̇ܗ ܰܕ ̈ܝ ܶܘܐ ܺ‬ ‫�ܙܝܙ̈ܶ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܩܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ ܳܠ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬܚ ܰ‬ ‫�ܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܶܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܚܬܗ ܺܫ ܳܐܕ ܺܢܝܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܦ ܳܟܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܺܣܝ ܺ‬ ‫ܟ� ܶ‬ ‫ܥܨܒ ܽܫ ̈‬ ‫ܝܗ ̇ܝܗ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܚܢܶ ̇‬ ‫ܝܗ ܰܘ ܺܐܚܝ ܺܡܝ̈ܬ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܥܪܬ ݀ ܶܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܨ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܣܢܬ ܶܚ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܦ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܣܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܟܕ ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫�ܡܐ܀‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܟܠ ܽ�ܥ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܡܢ̈ܐ ܽܟܠ ܛ ̈ܒܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܕ� ܢܶܐ ܽܟܠ ܚ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܳܣ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ� ܶܗܒ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܠ ̇ܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܟܐ ܶܒܗ ܰܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܨ ܳ� ܽܪܘ܀‬ ‫ܐܣܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܝܗܐ ܰܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܚ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܥ ܳܩܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܳܡܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܟ� ܶ‬ ‫ܰܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܡ ܰ‬ ‫�ܡܝܢ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ̈ܶ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ݀ ܶ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܛܪܘܕ ܐ ܽܢܘܢ܀‬ ‫ܡܦܩ ܕܝܘܐ ܘ� ܒܥܝܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܢ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩ ܰܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬ ܳܣܪܒܐ ܕܠܘ ܣܡܝܐ ̱ܗܘܐ܆‬ ‫�ܣܡܝܐ ܦ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܺ ܺ ̈ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܩܛ� ܗ ܳܘܬ ܶܠܗ ܐ ܽܠܘ ܰܫ ܽ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܩ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗ܀‬ ‫ܐܚܝ ܡܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܣܢܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܶܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܣܢܬܗ ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܳ ݀ ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܘ�ܡܢ̈ܐ ܳܕ� ܶܗܒ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܢܬ ܚ‬ ‫ܳܡܛܠܬܗ ܣ ܶ ̣‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫�ܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܬ ܶ‬ ‫� ܳܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܙ ܐ � ܶܠܗ ܘ� ܽ‬ ‫ܘ�ܡ ܰ�ܘ ̈ ̱ܗܝ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܰܘܐܠ ܳܝ� ܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܰܕ ܰܢܫܢܶܐ ܠܗ ܳ ܰܥܡ ܽܥܘܕ� ܰܢ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ̈ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܩܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܥ�ܝܡܬܐ ܕܒܓܙ�ܬ ܐ �ܚ‬

‫‪the distant islands, who have not heard my name, have not seen my glory:‬‬ ‫”‪and they will declare my glory among the peoples.‬‬

48 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 30

35

40

Heard and they were astonished at what the Daughter of the Hebrews had done. The news of the Bridegroom reached good-natured Edessa; 19 She longed for His beauty and she earnestly wanted to see Him. And on account of Him, she clothed herself with zeal against His community; 20 She urged Him to change places and come to her. 21 And through her king, just and full of faith, Edessa sent word that the Son of God should come to her. King Abgar, who was also called Ūkkomo (‘the Black’) 22 —The father of the bride—he urged the Bridegroom to come to Edessa. 23 That is to say, the night sent for the day, For ‘black’ (ūkkomo) is called the color of the night. Night is the world that was darkened entirely in idolatry, And the entire world was pictured in Abgar, who was Ūkkomo. (Both) the name of the king and the color of the night was darkness; The entire world was pictured in these, which were black.

“news.” This word (ṭebo), translated as “news, report, or rumor,” is repeated five times in this memro. In every instance, it is Edessa, the Daughter of the Aramaeans, who has listened and heard this news, not Jerusalem. Brock and Kiraz, Gorgias Concise Syriac-English, English-Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܛܒܐ‬. 20 “community.” Some manuscripts read “rival wife” (ʿartho). See footnote 3 above and Introduction. 21 “to change places and come to her.” Jacob is alluding to Abgar's letter to Jesus. See Introduction. 22 “Ūkkomo.” Here and throughout this work, Jacob draws upon Abgar's nickname “the Black” to communicate the impact of Abgar’s conversion upon the removal of this blackness. J. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܐܘܟܡܐ‬. 23 “Edessa.” lit. “her.” 19

‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫‪40‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܒܕܐ ܗ ܳܘܬ ܰܒܪܬ ܥܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ̱ܗ ܰ ̈ܘܝ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ��ܶܐ܀‬ ‫ܬܗܪ ܽܡܘܢ ܳܥ ܳ ̱‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܶܛ ܶܒܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܥܡ ܺܢܝܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܡܛܐ ̱ܗܘܐ �ܘܪܗܝ ܛ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܽܫ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܘܗܝ ܰܣ ܺܓܝ ܰ�ܐܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܦܪܗ ܘܬܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܪ ܰܓ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܝܒܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܀‬ ‫ܚܙ ̱ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ܺ�ܥܕܬܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܽܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܫ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܛ� ܳܢܐ ܶܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ܆‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰܶ ܳ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܡܦܝܣܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܕܢܫܢܐ ̱ܗܘܐ ܘܢܐܬ ܐ � ܐܕ ̇ܝܗ܀‬ ‫ܺ ܰ̈ ܰ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܒܐܝܕܝ ܡ�ܟ ̇ܗ ܟܐܢܐ ܕܡ� ܗ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ݀ ܽ ܳ ܺ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫�ܘܬ ̇ܗ ܰܒܪ ܐ� ܳܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܫ�ܚܬ ܐܘܪܗܝ ܢܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ̣ܰ ܳ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܐܒܓܪ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܦ ܐܘܟܡܐ ܐܬܟܢܝ ܗܘܐ܆‬ ‫̱ܳ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܽ ̇ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫�ܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܠܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܦܝܤ ̱ܗܘܐ ܕܢܐܬ ܐ � ܐܕ ̇ܝܗ܀‬ ‫ܐܒܘܗ ܕܟ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰܰ ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕ�ܡܐܡܪ �ܝܐ ܫܕܪ ܨܝܕ ܐܝܡܡܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܟ ܳܡܐ ܶܓܝܪ ܰܓܘܢܶܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ� ܳܝܐ ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܟܢܶܐ ܶܒܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ� ܳܝܐ ܳܥ ܰ‬ ‫ܟܪܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫�ܡܐ ̱ܗܘ ܕܚܫܟ ܟܠܗ ܒܦܬ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܐܒܓܪ ܺܨܝܪ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܽܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ ܶܠܗ ܳܥ ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܰܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܘܟ ܳܡܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܓܘܢܶܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܕ� ܳܝܐ ܶܚ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܫܡܗ ܰ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܟܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܆‬ ‫ܒܗ ܶܠܝܢ ܽܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܽܟ ܶܠܗ ܺܨܝܪ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܥ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܘܟ ܺܡܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ܀‬

‫‪733‬‬

50 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 45

50

55

And through that king, whose name was called Ūkkomo, 24 Edessa sent for the Son of God that He should come to her. For the Image of Light who was walking in the land of Judah, 25 She sent for Him to come illumine her darkness. The radiance from the Divine Essence shone forth in the land of Judah, 26 And the Daughter of the Black Ones loved the Light and begged to see Him. From the Parthian, a greeting of peace was sent to Jesus, 27 And she urged Him to come purify her, for she was Ūkkomo. She sent for the moon to come shine on her surroundings 28 And to change the hateful color in which she was clothed. She loved the Bridegroom, while the Hebrews persecuted Him, And she lovingly invited Him to enter her bedchamber. 29 “Come to me, Son of God, who came to the earth, 30

“through that king.” See lines 35, 45, 74, 214. “light … in the land of Judah.” cf. Isa 9:1–2. 26 “Divine Essence.” lit. “Essence.” This term is often used by Jacob to indicate the Divinity of the Son. See his Hom. 125 in Golitzen, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Chariot that Prophet Ezekiel Saw, p. 18, line 24. 27 “Parthian.” King Abgar and Edessa were far enough East to be considered on the borderlands between Rome and Parthia. In one of his extant letters, Jacob likewise refers to “Abgar the Parthian.” See Olinder, Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae quotquot supersunt, p. 260. 28 “the moon.” Several other manuscripts read here “the light” (nūhro). 29 “bedchamber” (qayṭūno). On Jacob’s use of this nuptial imagery in relation to this particular memro, see Introduction. 30 Jacob repeats this admonition later, in line 189, echoing Abgar’s petition to Jesus. 24 25

‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬

‫‪50‬‬

‫‪55‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܫܡܐ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܗܘ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܶܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܟ ܺܢܝ ܶܠܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܟ ܳܡܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫�ܚ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܺܕܢܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܀‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܽܕܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܗ ܶܠܟ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܰܒ ܳ‬ ‫�ܨ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ܺܕ ܽܝܗܘܕ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ݀ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܶܽ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟܘܬ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܫ�ܚ ̣ܬ ̱ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܢܐܬ ܐ ܢܢܗܪ ܚܫ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕܢܚ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܨ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܚܐ ܶܡܢ ܐܝܬܘܬ ܐ ܰܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܝܗܘܕ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳ ̈ܶ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫�ܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܬܗ ܽ‬ ‫ܬ ܕܬܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܠ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܘܒܪܬ ܐܘܟܡܐ ܪܚ‬ ‫ܚܙ ̱‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܪܬܘܝܬܐ ܫ�ܡܐ �ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܬܕܪ ̱ܗܘܐ܆‬ ‫ܡܢ ܦ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܝܗ ܽܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܺܕܢܐܬ ܐ ܰܢܚܠ ̇‬ ‫ܐܘܟ ܳܡܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܒ ܽܒܘܬ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫�ܣܗܪܐ ܫ�ܚ ̣ܬ ܕܢܐܬ ܐ ܢܢܗܪ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰܢܚ ܶܠܦ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰܓ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܢܐ ܰܣ ܳܢܝܐ ܰܕ�ܒܝܫܐ ̱ܗܘܬ܀‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ� ܳ�ܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܪܚܡܬܗ �ܚܬܢܐ ܟܕ �ܕܦܢ ܠܗ ܥ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܒܐܝܬ܀‬ ‫ܩܪܬܗ �ܶ ܽܥܘܠ ܚܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ̇ܗ‬ ‫ܘ�ܩ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܐ ܳܠܟ ܶ� ܰܐܕܝ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܐ � ܳ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ܆‬

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52 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

60

65

And illumine my streets and make my vain images pass away! 31 That Hebrew woman, she seeks to harm You, Beautiful One; She despises your Father and does not receive You in love. Behold, my high gates are open to You; they await You! Come, enter, Oh Bridegroom! I will welcome You, for I love You! 32 Come, dethrone and throw away my idols, so they fall from their high places, And set on me your sign, 33 for I will be Yours from now on. 34 May my streets be paved in Your love, Oh Bridegroom—I beg! I will behold Your beauty which guides me—I will welcome You! ‘I am black!’ 35 Come, create a beautiful color for me, 36

“vain images.” Here, Jacob compares Edessa’s willingness to tear down these idols with the unwillingness of the Jews, the lover of vain images, in line 2. In his memro “Against the Jews,” Jacob likewise refers to the vanity of non-Christian traditions. See Albert, “Jacques de Saroug: Homélies contre les Juifs,” pp. 75, 91, 103, 117, 163. In Hom. 17, Jacob uses similar language to describe the Canaanites as “the race of pagans [who] despised idols of vanity.” Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women whom Jesus Met, p. 21, line 121. 32 “welcome you.” Here and in line 66 the text can also read “rejoice with you.” 33 “your sign.” In early Syriac Christianity this often refers to the sign of the Cross. See Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena, p. 17, line 2 (Syr.). 34 “from now on.” lit. “here and there.” 35 This is a direct quote from Song of Songs 1:5–6. See Introduction. 36 “beautiful color.” This phrase is used elsewhere in Jacob’s writings and the works of other poets, such as Ephrem and Narsai. See Mathews. Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The First Day, p. 6, line 12; Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones, II, p. 26, line 10 (Syr.); McLeod, Narsai’s Metrical Homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension, p. 149, line 14. 31

‫‪53‬‬

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰ ܰ ܽ̈ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܣܪ ܽܝܩܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܐܢܗܪ ܫܘܩܝ ܘܐܥܒܪ ܨ�ܡܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܬܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܣܪܘܚ ܳܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܳܒܟ ܰܫܦܝܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܝ ܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳܺ‬ ‫� ܽܒܘܟ ܣܢܝܐ ܘ� ܡܩܒ� ܠܟ ܚܒܝܒܐܝܬ܀‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܝܚܝܢ ܳܠܟ ܰܬ ܰ‬ ‫�ܥܝ ܳ� ܶܡܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܦܬ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܣ ܶܟܝܢ ܳܠܟ܆‬ ‫ܳܗܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܚܕܐ ܳܕܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܬ ܐ ܽܥܘܠ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܥ ܳܡܟ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܚܡܐ ܐ̱ ܳܢܐ ܳܠܟ܀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܦܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܟ�ܝ ܳܢ ܺ‬ ‫ܘܡ ܽ‬ ‫ܦܠܝܢ ܶܡܢ ܽ� ܰ‬ ‫ܣܚܘܦ ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܳܬ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܗܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܫܕܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܺܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܫܟ ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܝܠܟ ܶܡ ܳܟܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܣܝܡ ܺܒܝ ܺܢ ܳ‬ ‫�ܗܠ܀‬ ‫ܝܦܝܢ ܽܫ ̈ܘ ܰܩܝ ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܺܪܨ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒܟ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ܐ̱ ܳܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܚܙ ܐ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܦܪܟ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܡܗ ܶܠܟ ܺܒܝ ܶܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܚܕܐ ܰܥ ܳܡܟ܀‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܬܐ ܐ̱ ܳܢܐ ܳܬ ܐ ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܺܠܝ ܰܓ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܢܐ ܰܦ ܳܐ�ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐܘܟ‬

54 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

70

Through the living water from the magnificent cloud of Your Father! 37 She is not for You, she whom You betrothed in the midst of Egypt; 38 She loves the calf, but You, who are holy, she does not love! Should the Daughter of the Hebrews depart, I will enter instead; The marriage feast is prepared; receive the Daughter of the Peoples—she who begs You!” 39 Edessa longed for the Heavenly One, 40 that He would be with her, And through her king, she begged Him to come to her.

“magnificent cloud.” This is a possible allusion to the baptism of Jesus (Matt 3:14–17). The same word translated here as “cloud” is used in Heb 12:18 to describe the “fog” that descended at the time of the Sinai Covenant. Though slightly different words are used, Jacob could also have in mind the pillar of “cloud” (ʿanono) that guided the Hebrews in Exodus 13:21. In some of his other writings, Jacob describes the magnificent “cloud” (ʿanono) that appeared around Jesus at the Transfiguration. Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord, p. 62, line 510. 38 Exod 19:3–6. 39 “marriage feast.” Jacob here refers to the ḥlūlo, a term closely connected to the wedding banquet in Matthew 25:10 in early Syriac theology. “I beg you.” Jacob uses the verb (“beg, encourage, persuade”) several times in this memro to reiterate that it was Edessa, through Abgar, that first petitioned Jesus, not Jerusalem (lines 34, 38, 52, 64, 72, 74, 90, 172, 182, 204). 40 “Heavenly One.” A frequent title for Jesus. Or, as heavenly Bread, Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate, p. 33, line 12 (Syr.). 37

‫‪55‬‬

‫‪70‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܡ ܳܝ̈ܐ ܰܚ ̈ܶܝܐ ܶܡܢ ܰܥ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܪܦ ܶܠܗ ܓܐܝܬܐ ܰܕ ܽܐܒܘܟ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܐ ܳܠܟ ܳܗܝ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ� ܳܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܟܪܬ ̇ܗ ܶܡܢ ܰܓܘ ܶܡ ܶ�ܪܝܢ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܫܐ ܐܢ̱ܬ܀‬ ‫�ܥܓ� ܪܚܡܐ ܘܠܟ � ܪܚܡܐ ܕܩܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܝܗ ܶܐ ܽܥܘܠ ܶܐܢ ܳܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܚ� ܶܦ ̇‬ ‫ܦܩܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰܒ ̱ܪܬ ܥܒ��ܶܐ܆‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ܳܠܟ܀‬ ‫ܚ�ܘ� ܡܛܝܒ ܣܒ ܒ ̱ܪܬ ܥ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܢܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳ� ܳܢܐ ܶܪ ܰܓ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܰܥ ܳܡ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܐܝܕܝ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܺܒ ܰ ̈‬ ‫�ܟ ̇ܗ ܺܢܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܀‬

‫‪735‬‬

56 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 75

80

85

Her faith appeared as a first-ripe fruit, 41 And the Bridegroom brought her first into His Father’s house. 42 By the love of the Bridegroom, she went before those young women Who were not aware that the Bridegroom had come, while Edessa recognized Him. 43 Gazing upon His beauty, she recognized who He was, even as He was despised. 44 She went before—she made a marriage contract with Him, that she would be His own.45 The apostles of the Son were sent to the cities And in their teaching, they taught about the Crucifixion. 46 Edessa went before—she loved the Son without the apostles; She had no need for preachers of the faith. It was she who sent for the Bridegroom of Light, that He would come to her; As He had not yet sent for her, she desired Him, that she would be His own. It is written in the prophets, “A woman will embrace a man;” 47 She toiled, loved, petitioned, embraced, as it is written. And owing to this, the bride yearned that the Bridegroom should come;

“first-ripe fruit” (bakorto). lit. “first-ripe” or “early.” cf. Isa 28:4; Hosea 9:10. Interestingly, the same association between this term and the city of Edessa is found among Jacob’s letters. Olinder, Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae quotquot supersunt, p. 245, line 28. 42 “Father’s house.” Compare with Jacob’s repetition “ancestral [fathers’] house” in line 91. 43 “Edessa.” lit. “she.” cf. Matt 25:1–13. 44 “recognized.” Jacob compares Jerusalem’s inability to recognize Jesus in the previous line with Edessa’s recognition of Jesus in this line. 45 “marriage contract.” lit. “contract, agreement.” 46 “taught.” lit. “taught them (fem. pl.),” that is “the cities.” 47 This citation, both here and in line 92, is an exact quotation from the Syriac Peshiṭta of Jeremiah 31:22. See Introduction. 41

‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬

‫‪80‬‬

‫‪85‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ݀ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܒܟܪܬ ܐ ܐܬܚܙ� ̣ܬ ̱ܗܘܬ ܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܠ ̇ܗ ܰܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܡ ܑܝܬ ܰܐܥܶܠ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫�ܒܝܬܐ ܰܕܐܒ ̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܐܢܶܝܢ ܰܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܚ ܶ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܰܩ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܒܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܥ�ܝ̈ ܳܡܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܳ ܰ̈ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܺܝ ܰܕܥܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܕ� �ܓܝܫܢ ܗܘܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܳܰ ݀ ܽ ̱ܶ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܰ ܽ ܰ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܩ ̣ܬ ܫܘܦܪܗ ܘ�ܕܥ ̣ܬ ܡܢܘܢ ܟܕ ܡ�ܛܥܪ܆‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܺܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܕ ̣ܬ ݀ ܬܶ ܰܢܘܝ ܰܥ ܶܡܗ ܕܬܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܩ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܥܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܠܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܺ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܡܕ ܳܝܢܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܐܫܬ ܰܕܪ ̱ܘ ̱ܗܘܘ ܠ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܫ� ̈ܝ ܰܚ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳ ܽ ܰ ܶ ܶܶ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܦܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܒܝܘܠܦܢܗܘܢ ܬ�ܡܕ ̱ܘ ܐܢܝܢ ܠܙܩ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܪܚܡܬܗ ܰܠ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܰܩ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܘ ܳܕ� ܫ ܺ� ̈ܝ ܶܚܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܳܽ ܶ ܰ ܳܽ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܣܬ ܰܢܩ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܀‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟ�ܘܙ ܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ � ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫�ܚ ܳ‬ ‫�ܚ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܶܠܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܺܗܝ ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܽܕܢܘܗܪܐ ܺܕܢܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰܰ ܳ ܳ̇ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܺܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܕܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܠܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܟܕ � ܫܕܪ ܒܬܪܗ ܒܥ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ̈ܶ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܟܬܝܒ ܒܢܒܝܐ ܕܢ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܕ ̣ܬ ݀ ܶܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܚ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܒ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܐܠ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܚܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܥܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܟܡܐ ܰܕܟܬܝܒ܀‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܥܬܗ ܺܕܢܐܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ ܳܗ ܳܢܐ ܰܟܠܬܐ �ܚܬܢܐ‬

58 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 90

95

100

It was she who embraced Him, she who recognized Him, and she who begged That He should come to her and get rid of the idols from her ancestral house, As it is said, “A woman will embrace a man.” But it was not to teachers, or apostles, or preachers That Edessa looked to tell her that the Bridegroom had come. Although the Son was not yet glorified, she gave Him honor; 48 Even in the days of His flesh, she longed to be His own. For the Great Serpent was not yet crushed by the Crucifixion 49 And the Great Faction of idolatry had not yet been exposed. 50 Neither had the demons yet fallen from their ranks, 51 Nor had the Paraclete been sent to teach the world. 52 By the Crucifixion, He exposed the rulers and authorities; 53 The Son of God, although mocked, 54 put them to shame. 55 And by the laying aside of His flesh, 56 as the Created Order trembled and was troubled, 57 The demons recognized that He was God and the Son of God. 58 cf. John 13:31–32. Jacob suggests that Abgar’s confession is unique because it came early, before Jesus’ Death and Resurrection (lines 95–109). If one assumes, as Jacob and his readers may have, that King Abgar came to faith before the biblical event of Pentecost (see line 100), then Edessa is in a unique position when compared with other Gentile cities that were only evangelized later by Jesus’ disciples (lines 111 ff.). 49 Gen 3:15; Ps 74:14. 50 cf. Col 2:14–15. In his memre “On the Nativity,” Jacob refers to the “side [] of the left.” See, Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Nativity, p. 170 line 265, and p. 175 line 292. 51 Possibly, Luke 10:18 (“I saw Satan fall”). 52 John 14:16 and Acts 2. 53 “rulers and authorities.” Col 2:15. 54 “mocked.” Matt 20:19, Mark 10:34, and Luke 18:32. 55 “put them to shame.” Col 2:15. 56 cf. Col 2:15. 57 Matt 27:51–53. 58 Luke 4:41; Matt 8:29. Compare with Abgar’s double-confession in lines 124 and 259. 48

‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬

‫‪95‬‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܺ ܰ ܶ ܶ ܺ ܺܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܺ‬ ‫ܥܬܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܀‬ ‫ܗܝ ܚܒܒܬܗ ܗܝ ܝܕ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ ̈ܶ‬ ‫�ܘܬ ̇ܗ ܘܢܶܥܛܐ ܦܬܟ�ܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܐܒܗ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܝܪܐ ܕܢܩܒܬܐ ܠܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܚܒܒ ܕܟܪܐ܀‬ ‫�ܡ ܳ‬ ‫�ܦܢ̈ܶܐ ܳܘ� ܰܠ ܺ‬ ‫ܫ� ̈ܝ ܶܚܐ ܳܘ� ܳ‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܰ‬ ‫�ܟ ܽ�ܘܙܶ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܳܰ ݀ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ܀‬ ‫ܚܪ ̣ܬ ܐܘܪܗܝ ܕܢܣܒܪܘܢ ̇ܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܟܕ ܳ� ܰ‬ ‫ܥܕ ܺܟܝܠ ܐܫܬ ܰܒܚ ̱ܗܘܐ ܒܪܐ �ܩܪܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܰ̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܺܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܕܬܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܣܪܗ ܶܪ ܰܓ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܝܠܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܒ�ܘܡ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܰܳ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܟܕ � ܪܨܝܨ ܗܘܐ ܚܘ�ܐ ܪܒܐ ܒܙܩܝܦܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܰ ̱ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰܳ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ� ܡܦܪܣܝ ̱ܗܘܐ ܓܒܐ ܪܒܐ ܕܦܬܟܪܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܦ� ܰܕ ̈ܶܝܘܐ ܰܢ ܺܦ ܺ‬ ‫�ܓ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܠܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ ܶܡܢ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܗܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܩܠܝܛܐ ܰܕܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܫܬ ܰܕܪ ܰܦ ܰܪ ܺ‬ ‫�ܦܗ ܳ‬ ‫�ܥ ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ܀‬ ‫ܘ� ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒܙܩܝܦܘܬ ܐ ܦܪܣܝ ��ܟܘܤ ܘ�ܫܘܠܛܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܰܒܪ ܰܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܒܗܬ ܶܐ ܽܢܘܢ ܰܟܕ ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܒ ܰܙܚ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳܙܥ ܶܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܕ ܰܘܕ܆‬ ‫ܘܒܫܠܚ ܒܣܪܗ ܟܕ ܒ��‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܰܕ ̈ܶܝܘܐ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ� ܽ‬ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒܪ ܐ� ܳܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܕܥ ̱‬

‫‪736‬‬

60 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 105

110

115

Yet, in the moment of the Crucifixion, they did not learn 59 Who He was, and whose Son He was, who was despised by the Jews. Edessa alone knew—she could recognize who our Lord was— While the sons of the Hebrews cast Him from their streets! He was no longer seen by her: the land trembled, the sun was darkened, 60 The dead came to life, and the Temple curtain tore itself asunder. 61 Yet Edessa had no need for Paul to uproot her images 62 Or for Peter to speak the Gospel in her. From the land of Edessa, her faith sprouted forth In the heart of the king, from the gift of the Son of God. 63 He who gave to Peter the revelation of Apostleship, 64 He also revealed to Abgar the One whom the abusers despised. He who bound Paul by the light and enticed him to Himself, 65 He also awoke the king to confess his faith. So Abgar sent to the Son, 66 “You are God, the Son of God,” 67

Matt 27:39–48; Luke 23:35. Matt 27:51; Luke 23:44–45. 61 Matt 27:51–53; Luke 23:45. 62 “Edessa.” lit. “she.” cf. 1 Cor 10:7, 14. 63 cf. Eph 2:8–10. 64 cf. Gal 2:8. 65 Acts 9:2–3. At least two manuscripts read “bore him” instead of “enticed him.” 66 “Abgar.” lit. “he.” 67 Abgar’s confession is found in the second paragraph of his letter. See Introduction. 59 60

‫‪61‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬

‫‪110‬‬

‫‪115‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶܳ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܦܘܬ ܐ � ܺ� ܶ�ܦ ̱ܘ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ܆‬ ‫ܐ � ܒܩܐܪܣܐ ܕܙܩ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܡ ܽܢܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒܪ ܰܡܢ ܗܘ ܕܐ�ܛܥܪ ܡܢ ܽ� ̱ܗܘ ܳܕ�ܶܐ܀‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܬ ܰܕܥ ܰܡ ܽܢܘ ܳܡ ܰܪܢ܆‬ ‫ܐܘܪܗܝ ܒ�ܚܘܕ �ܕܥ ̣‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܟܕ ܳܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܢ̈ܝ ܥܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒ��ܶܐ ܡܢ ܫܘܩܝܗܘܢ܀‬ ‫ܕܦܝܢ ܶܠܗ‬ ‫ܚܙ ܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܳܕܙ ܰܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܶ‬ ‫ܡܫܐ ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܫܟ܆‬ ‫ܺ ̈ ܶ‬ ‫ܚܝܘ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܦ ̈ܝ ܰܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܰܕ ܳ�ܪܐ ܰܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܦܫܗ܀‬ ‫ܡܝ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ݀ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ� ܐܣܬܢܩ ̣ܬ � ܥܠ ܦܘܠܘܤ ܢܥܩܘܪ ܨ�ܡܝ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܰܥܠ ܶܦ ܽ‬ ‫ܛܪܘܤ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܢܡ ܶܠܠ ܳܒ ̇ܗ ܳܟ ܽܪ ܽܘܙܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܶܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܺ ܰ ݀ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ̇ܗ܆‬ ‫ܡܢ ̇ܗ ܕܐܪܥ ̇ܗ ܕܐܘܪܗܝ ܝܥܬ ܗ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ̣ܰ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ�ܒܗ ܕܡ�ܟܐ ܡܢ ܡܘܗܒܬܗ ܕܒܪ ܐ�ܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܶ ܳܳ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܗܘ ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܠܦ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܚܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܛܪܘܤ ܰ� ̱ܗܒ ܓ��ܢܐ ܕܫܠ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܓ� ܰ� ܰ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܡܢ ܶܡ�ܛ ܰܥܪ ܶܡܢ ܰܡ ܳ� ܶܚܐ܀‬ ‫ܽܗܘ‬ ‫ܒܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܗܘ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܠܘܤ ܰܦ ܶ‬ ‫ܠܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܟܪܗ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܆‬ ‫ܘܫܕܠ ܶܗ ܶ� ܰܐܕ ̱‬ ‫ܽܗܘ ܰܐ ܺܥ ܶ‬ ‫�ܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܢܡ ܶܠܠ ܰܗ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܪܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ܐܢ̱ܬ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܫܠܚ ܠܒܪܐ ܕ‬

‫‪737‬‬

62 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 120

125

130

And he received back a blessing because of the beauty of his faith. 68 A blessing for Peter, and there was a blessing for King Abgar; The blessings were equal, 69 in that faith was equal. Peter said, “You are the Messiah, the Son of God;” 70 Abgar said, “You are God, the Son of God.” He is the Christ and the Son of God, as well as God, And blessed is he who does not stumble over Him nor searches Him out. 71 Faith was sent forth from the House of the Peoples 72 To Jerusalem, the city of the scribes of prophecy. (The eyes) of a blind world were opened by the Son of God, But the Daughter of the People shut her eyes from the Light. 73 For the distant islands came upon the news of the Bridegroom, 74 But the bride, whom He had seated in the very midst of His bedchamber, did not recognize Him. Attentive, Edessa heard the news of Him and longed for His beauty, Yet that one who spoke with Him every day flees from Him.

Jesus’ blessing on Abgar is found in his reply to the king. See Introduction. 69 “blessings were equal.” Alternatively, “they were worthy of the blessings/beatitudes.” 70 Matt 16:16. 71 “stumble over him.” cf. 1 Peter 2:8. “searches Him out.” On Jacob’s warnings against excessive searching or investigation, see Introduction. 72 “House of the Peoples.” That is, Edessa. 73 “Daughter of the People.” That is, Jerusalem. 74 Isa 66:19. 68

‫‪63‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬

‫‪125‬‬

‫‪130‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܽ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩ ܶܒܠ ܽܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܒܐ ܶܡܛܠ ܫܘܦܪܐ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܠܦ ܽ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܘ ܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܛܪܘܤ ܛ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܽܗ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ ܘ� ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܽ̈ܶ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܫܘܝܢ ̱ܗܘܘ ܛܘܒܐ ܒܕ ܫܘ�ܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܗ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳܰ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܪܗ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܬ ̱ܗܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܦܛܪܘܤ ܐܡܪ ܕܐܢ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ ̱ܳܳ ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܐܒܓܪ ܐܡܪ ܕܐ�ܗܐ ܐܢ̱ܬ ܒܪ ܐ�ܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܐܦ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܘ�ܘ ܡܫܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܰ� ܳܝܢܐ ܳܕ� ܶܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܛ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܬܩܠ ܶܒܗ ܐܘ ܳܒ ܶ� ܐ ܶܠܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܬ ܳ‬ ‫�ܚܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܆‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ ܶܡܢ ܶܒܝܬ ܥܡܡܐ ܡ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܽ ܰ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܺܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܨܝܕ ܐܘܪܫܠܡ ܩܘܪ�ܬ ܣܦ�ܐ ܕܢܒܝܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܒܪ ܐ ܳ�ܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܬܦܬܚ ܶܒܗ‬ ‫ܥ�ܡܐ ܣܡܝܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܰܒ ̱ܪܬ ܰܥ ܳܡܐ ܶܕܝܢ ܰܥ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܨ ̣ܬ ݀ ܰ� ̈�ܢܶ ̇‬ ‫ܝܗ ܶܡܢ ܰܢ ܺܗ ܳܝܪܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ̈ ܳ ܳ ܰܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܩܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܠܛܒܗ ܕܚܬܢܐ ܐ̱ܬܝ ܓܙ�ܬ ܐ �ܚ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ̇ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܶ ܳ ܺܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܟܠܬܐ ܕ�ܬܒܗ ܒܓܘ ܩܝܛܘܢܗ � ܝܕܥܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܶܛ ܶܒܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܽܫ ܶ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪ ܰܓ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܡܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܦܪܗ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫�ܝܘܡ ܰܥ ܶܡܗ ܳܥ ܳ‬ ‫�� ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫ܪܩܐ ܶܡܢܶܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܕܡܡ‬

64 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 135

140

The uncircumcised recognized the Son of Adonai and became His disciples, 75 Yet the circumcised persecuted Him so that He should flee from their streets. To the Assemblies of the Peoples, King Abgar became a spokesman. 76 Because the world is dark and Abgar—the son of the Aramaeans— black, 77 The world of darkness was illumined through Abgar, by Christ; But the People were darkened by the Son of God, who was the Light. 78 The night of the Peoples became day by the shining of the Son, But the Daughter of the Hebrews was darkened at noon, much as at night. Edessa opened the great gate to the cities, That all the Peoples should be betrothed to Him, the Light that shone forth.

“Son of Adonai.” Jacob uses this title for Jesus throughout his corpus, as in Hom. 35 in Kaufman, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Elisha, p. 330, line 331. 76 “spokesman.” lit. “mouth.” The phrase “Assemblies of the Peoples,” also translated as “gatherings of peoples,” is used frequently by Jacob. Although it is doubtful that Jacob has it in mind, this exact phrase appears in the Peshiṭta version of Jer 4:16, a passage that fits well with this contrast between the People and the Peoples (lines 140–141). Having admonished Jerusalem for her evil heart, Jeremiah writes, “Remind the nations, proclaim to Jerusalem: See! Crowds of peoples come from a far-off land, and they will raise their voices against the towns of Judah.” The connection between Jacob’s “Assemblies of the Peoples” and this prophetic passage would not work in the original Hebrew, which reads “watchers/besiegers” (‫ )נצר'ם‬instead of the Syriac “assemblies/crowds” (kenshe). See, Greenberg and Walter, The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Jeremiah, p. xxvii. 77 “Aramaeans.” See Introduction. 78 “People.” That is, the Jews. 75

‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬

‫‪140‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܰܐ ܽܕ ܰܘܢܝ ܰ� ܽ‬ ‫ܐܬܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܡܕ ̱ܘ ܶܠܗ܆‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܥܘ�� ܘ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̱‬ ‫ܘܐ ܳܢ ܳ ̈ܫܐ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܢܶ ܽܦܘܩ ܶܡܢ ܽܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩܝ̈ ܽܗܘܢ܀‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܓܙܝ�ܐ ܪܕܦ ̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̱ ̈‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܢ̈ ܶܫܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܶܠܗ ܦ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܡܐ܆‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܽܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܒܪ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܽܫܘܟ ܳܥ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܘܟܡ ܰܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܡܝܶܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܥ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܢܗܪ ܰܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܽܫܘܟ ܺܒ ܰ ̈‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܝܕܝ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܰܕܢ ܺܗ ܳܝܪܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܚܫܟ ܰܥ ܳܡܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܢܚܗ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܳܡܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ܆‬ ‫�ܝܐ ܕܥ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ��ܶܐ ܰܐܝܟ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܬ ܥܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܪܐ ܶܚ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܫܟ ̣ܬ܀݀‬ ‫ܒ�ܝܐܳ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܺ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܕ ܳܝܢܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܐܘܪܗܝ ܦܬܚ ̣ܬ ܬܪܥܐ ܪܒܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܽ ܽ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܡ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܟܪܘܢ ܠܗ �ܢܘܗܪܐ ܕܕܢܚ܀‬ ‫ܕܟ�ܗܘܢ ܥ‬

‫‪738‬‬

66 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 145

150

155

She was the first to present the fruits of faith, And from her rose a new glory, with a great voice. 79 For faith sprouted forth from her, without being sown, And, without the apostles, she learned to speak forth the Gospel. As for that Hebrew woman, the prophets taught her by their revelations, For the writers (of Scripture) were also her judges: 80 The great Moses, through miracles and terrible deeds and wonders; And Joshua, Son of Nun, of raised arms and acts of valor; King David through his beautiful Psalms; King Solomon through proverbs full of wisdom. She read Isaiah and learned mysteries from Jeremiah;81 Hosea taught, Zechariah revealed, Joel admonished. For all the witnesses revealed to her all the hints— 82 All the riddles—all of them, types of the Only Begotten. 83 But she read and learned, yet scorned and despised; she learned, yet she denied; 84 This idea that the Assembly of the Peoples (i.e., the Gentiles) and Creation now brings forth a “new glory with a great voice” is echoed in some of Jacob’s other memre, such as his homilies on the Nativity and the Creation. See Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Nativity, p. 227, line 366; Mathews, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The First Day, Hom. 71, line 236. 80 “judges.” Other manuscripts read “masters/teachers” (rabbone). 81 “mysteries”(ʾroze). The term translated here as “mystery” has specialized meanings in early Syriac theology. See Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 21, 77, 243–44; Brock, The Luminous Eye, pp. 41, 162. 82 “hints” or “parables.” Jacob will later, in line 247, boast that Abgar was unique because he came to faith without “hints.” The word translated here as “witnesses” can also mean “seers.” 83 “Types of the Only Begotten.” The term iḥīdoyo refers to Christ and can also be translated as Solitary One. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 13–14. Jacob uses iḥīdoyo three times in this memro (lines 158, 283, 294). 84 lit. “But she read, she learned, she scorned, she despised, she learned, she denied.” 79

‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬

‫‪150‬‬

‫‪155‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܺ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܝ ܩܕܡܝܬ �ܗܒܬ ܦܐ� ܐ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܶܳ ܽ ̣ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܠܩ ܡܢ ̇ܗ ܫܘܒܚܐ ܚܕܬ ܐ ܒܩ� ܪܡܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܺ ܰ ݀ ܶܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܟܕ � ܙܪܝܥܐ ܝܥܬ ܡܢ ̇ܗ ܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܺ ̈ ܶ ̣ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܕ� ܫ�ܝܚܐ ܣܒܪܬ ܐ ��ܦ ̣ܬ ܠܡܡܠܘ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܰܐ ܽ‬ ‫�� ܰܢ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܓ ܳ ̈‬ ‫ܢܒܝ̈ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܠܦ ̇‬ ‫�ܗܝ ܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܝܗܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܳܣ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܐܝܟ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܳܢܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܦ�ܐ ܐܦ ܰܕ ܳ ̈�ܢܶܐ܀‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܽ ̈ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܡܝ̈ ܳܗܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܡܘܫܐ ܪܒܐ ܒܚܝ� ܘܓܘܢܚܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳܳ ܳܳ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܶ ܽܫܘܥ ܒܪ ܢܘܢ ܕܪܥܐ ܪܡܐ ܘܓܒ�ܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰܺ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܙܡ ܳܝ�ܬܗ ܰܫ ܺܦ ܳܝ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܕܘܝܕ ܡ�ܟܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܰ ܳ ܰ̈ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܠܝܡܘܢ ܡ�ܟܐ ܒܡܬ� ܕܡܠܝܢ ܚܟܝܡܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܘ�ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫�ܦ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܐ̱ ܳ� ܙܶ ܐ ܶܡܢ ܶܐ ܰܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܩܪ ̣ܬ ݀ ܶܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܝܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ̣ ܰܶ ܽ ܺ‬ ‫ܽܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܫܥ ܰܡ ܶܠܦ ܙܟܪ�ܐ ܡܚܘܐ �ܘܐܝܠ ܡܪܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫̈ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܰܚ ܳܙ�̈ܶܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܚ ܶܘܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܽܟܠ ܦ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܚܕ ܳܬ ܐ ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫�ܗܘܢ ܽܛ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܟܠ ܽܐ ܳ ̈‬ ‫ܘܦܣܘ ̈ ̱ܗܝ ܺܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܝܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܕ ܳ�ܐ܀‬ ‫ܣܪܬ ݀ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܩܪܬ ݀ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܛ ܰ‬ ‫�ܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫�ܦ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܳܫ ܰܛ ̣ ݀‬ ‫�ܦ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܆‬ ‫ܬ ܰܒ ܰ ̣‬ ‫ܰܘ ܳ ̣‬

‫‪739‬‬

68 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 160

165

170

Her fiancé arrived, but she went out to Him with abuse. In contrast, the Daughter of the Peoples had not read the books of Moses And was not enlightened by the revelations of prophecy, Nor teachers, nor preachers of truths. They were heard by her—Edessa recognized who the Son of God was; 85 Nature taught her—that wisest of the wise. 86 And from the works of the Son, she recognized whose son He was; She set in her heart the good tidings about Him that came to her And by her wisdom, she recognized the Son, who He was. She judged the stories about Him and recognized that He was heavenly, 87 That by His works He was not like earthly things. His fair name drew her after Him and, because of this, She urged Him to come to her as a result of her love for Him. And the smell of His robes wafted in Creation, His perfumed garments, 88 And He captivated the young women for His pleasure. 89 85 86

sition.’

“Edessa.” lit. “she.” “nature (kyono).” In this context, kyono likely means ‘natural dispo-

“stories about Him.” Jacob uses the term sharbo repeatedly to describe the specific “story, account, or narrative” of Jesus. Brock and Kiraz, Gorgias Concise Syriac-English, English-Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܫܪܒܐ‬. In “On Jerusalem and Edessa,” Jacob repeats this word five times, most often to reinforce the idea that Abgar did not need to pry into Jesus’ story in too much detail. In his other memre, Jacob uses this term specifically regarding Jesus’ divine mission in the history of salvation. For example, Jacob writes, “Exalted is your revelation and glorious is the discourse concerning you and beautiful is your story [sharbo].” Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord, p. 8, line 31. See Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Holy Sunday of the Pentecost, pp. 14–15. 88 “robes.” This same Syriac word is used for Jesus’ clothes that were divided in Matt 27:31, 35 and Luke 23:34. It is also the term used for Jesus’ clothing that turned white at the Transfiguration (Matt 17:2). 89 “young women” (line 174) and “perfumed garments” (line 173); both images are also present in the biblical text of the Song of Songs. 87

‫‪69‬‬ ‫‪160‬‬

‫‪165‬‬

‫‪170‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶܳ ܺ ܳ̇ ܰ ܽ ̈ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫�ܘܬܶܗ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܦܩ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܀‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܡܟܝܪܗ ܘܒܨܘܚܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܶܕܝܢ ܟܕ � ܩܪܝܢ ܠ ̇ܗ ܣܦ�ܝ ܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܫܐ܆‬ ‫ܒܪܬ ܥ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ̱ ܳ ̈ܶ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ� ܒܓ��ܢܐ ܕܢܒܝܘܬ ܐ ܢܗܝܪܐ ̱ܗܘܬ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ̈ܶ ܳ ܳ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܫ ܺܪ ܳܝ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘ� ܡ�ܦܢܐ ܘ� ܟ�ܘܙ ܐ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܝܥܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ ܳܠ ̇ܗ �ܶܕܥ ̣ܬ ܡܢܘ ܒܪܐ ܕܐ�ܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܟ� ܳܢܐ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܠܦ ̇ܗ ܳ‬ ‫�ܗܝ ܰܚ ܺܟ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡܬ ܰܚ ܺܟܝ̈ ܳܡܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܽܣ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܘܥ� ܰܢ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܒܪ ܰܡܢ ܐܝܬ ̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶܛ ܰܒܘ̈ܗܝ ܳܛ ̈ܶܒܐ ܳܕܐܬܶܝܢ ܗ ܰܘܘ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ� ܳܒ ̇ܗ ܳܣ ܰܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܆‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܰ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܰ ܽ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܐܣܬܟܠܬܗ ܠܒܪܐ ܡܢܘ ܒܚܟܝܡܘܬ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܥܬܗ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܕ ܰܢ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳ� ܰܢܐ ̱ܗܘ܆‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܘܝܕ‬ ‫�ܒ ̱‬ ‫ܝܕܬܶܗ ܳ� ܳܕ ܶܡܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܰ� ܳ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܥܒ ܳ ̈‬ ‫�ܥ ܳ�ܝܶܐ܀‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ ܳܗ ܳܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܫܡܗ ܫܦܝܪܐ ܢܓܕ ̇ܗ ܒܬܪܗ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ ܶ ܶ ̇ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܡܦܝܣܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܕܢܐܬ ܐ � ܐܕܝܗ ܥܠ ܕܪܚܡܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܶ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫�ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܫܘ ̈ ̱ܗܝ ܡܒܣܡܐ ܘܪܝܚܐ ܕܢܚܬܘ ̱ܗܝ ܦܚ ܒܒܪܝܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶܶ ܰ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܗ ܺ� ܽܝܐܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܘܫܒܐ ܐܢܝܢ ܠܥ�ܝܡ‬

70 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 175

180

185

His sweet fragrance, where was it in the synagogues? 90 “Who is this?” 91 was His name spoken in Creation. But the scent of His perfumes and His sweet spices struck Edessa, 92 And at once, she recognized the scent of the one who was of God. Her sense of smell was pure, so as to test all scents by Him, For a sheep distinguishes the scent of the shepherd from that of the robber. 93 His scent spread, but it was not like that of idols, And she recognized and distinguished Him, that He was God! 94 The sweet scent of the Son of God was heavenly, And the bride recognized that the scent of the Bridegroom was not of the earth. 95 From the Tree of Life, the Spirit blew towards her, 96 And she inhaled Life, and recognized Who had sent it. At once, she wrote, she sent, she requested, and she begged That He should come to her—the Tree of Life, whose scent had stirred her. “I have recognized You, my Lord! Come to me! Do not be despised

4:24.

90

“in the synagogues.” lit. “in the faces of the synagogues.” cf. Luke

“who is this?” This may be an allusion to Matt 21:10: “When He entered Jerusalem, the whole city was stirred up, saying ‘Who is this?’” Jacob may also have in mind Luke 4:22, 28–30. 92 “sweet spices.” A rendering of the Greek “aroma” (ἄρωμα). 93 cf. John 10:27. 94 “distinguished.” Jacob uses the same word as in line 180 above, regarding the story of the sheep and the thief. 95 “scent.” Diyarbakir Meryem Ana Kilisesi MS 3 is more specific: “his incense/fragrance.” 96 “Spirit.” In Syriac (rūḥo) can mean either “wind” or ”spirit.” On the imagery of the Tree of Life and its fruit, see the treatment in Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, p. 125. 91

‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪175‬‬

‫‪180‬‬

‫‪185‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ ܰ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܟ� ̈ܘ ܳܫܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܥܛܪܗ ܚ�ܝܐ ܟܪ ̱ܗܘܐ ܒܐܦܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܡ ܽܢܘ ܰܡ ܽܢܘ ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬܡ ܰܠܠ ̱ܗܘܐ ܫܡܗ ܒܒܪܝܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܣܡܘ ̈ ̱ܗܝ ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܡܚܐ ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܕܗ ܽ� ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܺܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܆‬ ‫ܘܡ ̱‬ ‫ܕܡ ܽܢܘ ܰܕܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܕܐ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܺܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܶܢܩܕ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܰܣ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܩ ̇ܗ ܬܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܒܚܘܪ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܶܒܗ ܽܟܠ ܺ� ܳ‬ ‫ܝܚ ܺܢܝܢ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܓ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܚܗ ܳܕܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܫܐ ̱ܗܝ ܢܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܩܝܐ ܺܪ ܶ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܶܡܢ ܰܗܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܺ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܦܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܟ�ܐ܆‬ ‫ܝܚܗ ܘ� ܳܕ ܶܡܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ �ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܡܚܐ ̱ܗܘܐ ܪ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺܘ ܰܝܕܥܬܗ ̱ܗܘܬ ܘܦܪܫܬܗ ̱ܗܘܬ ܕܐ�ܗܐ ̱ܗܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳܳ ܳ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܫܡ�ܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܪܝܚܗ ܚ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ݀ ̱ܰ ܳ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ�ܕܥ ̣ܬ ܟܠܬܐ ܕܪܝܚܗ ܕܚܬܢܐ ܠܘ ܡܢ ܐܪܥܐ ̱ܗܘ܀‬ ‫ܶܡܢ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܚ ̈ܶܝܐ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܒ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܽܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܝ� ܳܢܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܚܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܚ ̈ܶܝܐ ܘ�ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܣ ܰܩ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܡ ܽܢܘ ܰܫ ܰܕܪ ܐ ܽܢܘܢ܀‬ ‫ܬ ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܕܐ ܶܟ ܰ‬ ‫�ܚ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬܒ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܘܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܪ ̣ܬ ݀ ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܆‬ ‫�ܘ ܳܬ ̇ܗ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܺܕܢܐܬܶ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܚܗ ܰܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܠܢ ܰܚ ̈ܶܝܐ ܺܕܪ ܶ‬ ‫ܓܫ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺܝ ܰܕܥܬܟ ܳܡܪ ̱ܝ ܬ ܐ ܳܠܟ ܶ� ܰܐܕܝ � ܬ�ܛ ܰܥܪ܆‬

‫‪740‬‬

72 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 190

195

200

205

By the Jewish woman who seeks to hurt and to mock You. 97 Behold, Your excellent name refreshes me, as the scent of myrrh, 98 More than the stink of idolatry in which I stand. My desolate idols cannot compare to You, the Son of God; Come, destroy them and take hold of the land, for it looks to You! Behold, the Daughter of the Hebrews carries and presents the deed of divorce. 99 Take it from her and let her be off, for she has not loved You!” This is the wonder: the strangers who were far off have entered, But the tenants who were close by have vacated of their own accord! To Edessa (came) the news and the report, though far off, But, to Jerusalem (came) the wonders and the miracles, close at hand. The Daughter of the Hebrews eats His bread and drinks His wine, 100 Yet she despises Him and does not want Him to be with her. The Daughter of the Aramaeans, 101 though far off, heard the news of Him; Sick in love with Him, she urged Him to come to her. In her wisdom, she recognized who He was and what is His place, And while (he was yet) on the earth, she recorded that He was heavenly in her petition. Though she had not yet heard of the message that took place from Gabriel, 102

cf. Mark 15:20–23. “scent of myrrh.” Song 1:3. Multiple manuscripts read “oil [meshḥo] of myrrh.” 99 “deed of divorce” (dūlolo). lit. “divorce.” 100 “his wine.” Curiously, the Diyarbakir manuscript has substituted “his blood.” 101 “Daughter of the Arameans.” That is, Edessa. Jacob compares this daughter with the Daughter of the Hebrews mentioned just two lines earlier (line 201). 102 “message” or “Gospel.” cf. Luke 1:26. 97 98

‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪190‬‬

‫‪195‬‬

‫‪200‬‬

‫‪205‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܕܬܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܣܪܘܚ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܒ ܰܙܚ ܳܒܟ܀‬ ‫ܡܢ � ̱ܗܘܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ ܕܡܘܪܐ ܫܡܟ ܰܫܦܝܪܐ ܗܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܒܣܡ ܠܝ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܦܬ ܽ‬ ‫ܟܪܘ ܳܬ ܐ ܳܕܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡܐ ܐ̱ ܳܢܐ ܳܒ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܡܢ ܪܗܡܘܬ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܦܬܟ�ܝ ܚ�ܒܐ ܠܟ � ܕܡܝܢ ܒܪ ܐ�ܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܘܟ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܣܚܘܦ ܶܐ ܽܢܘܢ ܰܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܳܬ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ ܳܕܗܐ ܳܚܐܪ ܠܟ܀‬ ‫ܝܡܐ ܰܒܪܬ ܥܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ� ܳ� ܺ‬ ‫ܳܗܐ ܽܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܛܥ ܳܝܢܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ��ܶܐ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶܳ̇ ܰ ܳ̇ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܦܩܐ ܕ� ܐ ܶܚܒܬܟ܀‬ ‫ܰܣ ܳܒܝ ̱ܗܝ ܡܢܗ ܘܐܪܦܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܳܗ ܰܢܘ ܬܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟܪ�̈ܶܐ ܰܕܪ ܺܚ ܺ‬ ‫ܕܥ� ̱ܘ ܽܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܩܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܢܗܘܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܝ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܬ�̈ܶܐ ܰܕܩ ܺܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܰܘܒܨܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܒܝܢ ̱ܗ ܰܘܘ܀‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ̱ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܐ ܳܕܢܐ ܰܟܕ ܰܪ ܺܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܘܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ ܛ ܳܒܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܩܐ܆‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܶ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܚ ̈ܝ ܶ� ܰܟܕ ܰܩ ܺܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܗ�ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܒܐ܀‬ ‫�ܘܪܫܠܡ ܕܝܢ ܬ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܒܪܬ ܥܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ��ܶܐ ܳܐܟ� ܰܠ ܶ‬ ‫ܚܡܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܬ�ܐ ܰܚܡܪܗ܆‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܰ ܳ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܡܨܥܪܐ ܠܗ ܘ� ܒܥܝܐ ܠܗ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܥܡ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰܺ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܡܥܐ ܛ ܶܒܗ܆‬ ‫ܒ ̱ܪܬ ܐ�ܡܝܐ ܟܕ ܪܚܝܩܐ ܘܫ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒܗ ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒܚ ܶ‬ ‫ܟܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܗܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܝܣܐ ܠܗ ܺܕܢܐܬ ܐ ܶ� ܐܕܶ ̇ܝܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܝܢܘ ܰܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܬ ̇ܗ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܰܡ ܽܢܘ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬܪܗ܆‬ ‫ܒܚܟܝܡ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܰܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܟܬܒܬܗ ܶܒܣܦܪ ̇ܗ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳ� ܰܢܐ ̱ܗܘ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܶܡܢ ܰܓ ܺ‬ ‫ܰܟܕ � ܺ‬ ‫ܣܒܪܬ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܡܝܥ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܪ�ܶܠ܆‬

‫‪741‬‬

74 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

210

215

220

It was she who recognized that the Son of God had come to the earth. As if she had read all the books of prophecy, She perceived Him without instruction by the light of the Son’s features. The Church of the Peoples in Edessa was a song of faith, 103 And on behalf of all the Peoples, she sent for the Son to come; All the world sought out the Son of God, For by Abgar’s hand, the Assembly of the Peoples petitioned. And as she recognized the Dispensation of the House of God, 104 It set on him a name, that which is called Ūkkomo (‘the Black’). That ūkkomo, that is to say, that darkness, Sought out the Light that he might see and gain life from Him. The whole Assembly of the Peoples sent for Him, the Son of God, To see His light, for idolatry had made it dark. The wild olive grafted itself into that tree 105 Of the House of Abraham, when the tree was wasted and laid bare. 106 Yet the faith of those foreign branches 107 Bestowed on them the richness of the olive tree at its root. 108

“Church” or “community.” “dispensation” (mdabronūtho). Also translated as “providence,” this term is used by Jacob to refer to the “plan” or “economy” of God in His dealings with humanity through Jesus. For a fuller definition, see the explanation in Kaufman, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Elijah, Hom. 113, p. 264, n137. 105 “olive.” See the treatment in Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 111–113, 320–324. “tree.” Some manuscripts instead read “root.” 106 “wasted” or “despoiled.” 107 “foreign branches.” Rom 11:16–19. 108 “the richness of the olive tree at its root.” A nearly exact quote from Rom 11:17. See Introduction. 103 104

‫‪75‬‬

‫‪210‬‬

‫‪215‬‬

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫�ܥ ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܺܗܝ ܺܝ ܰܕܥܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ݀ ܽ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܺܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܐܝܟ ܗܘ ܕܩܪ ̣ܬ ܟ�ܗܘܢ ܣܦ�ܐ ܕܢܒܝܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܒܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܙܬܶܗ ܳܕ� ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܦܘ ̈ ̱ܗܝ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܠܦ ܳܢܐ܀‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܰ ̈ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫�ܕܬ ܥܡܡܐ ܒܐܘܪܗܝ ܙܡܪܬ ܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܽ ܽ ܰ ̈ܶ ܶ ܰ ̣ ݀ ܰ ܳ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܚܠܦ ܟ�ܗܘܢ ܥܡܡܐ ܫ�ܚ ̣ܬ ܠܒܪܐ ܢܐܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܟ ܶܠܗ ܳܥ ܳ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܳܒܥܶܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܠܗ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܦܝ ܳܣܐ ܰܩ ܶܪܒ܀‬ ‫ܕܒܐܝܕܗ ܕܐܒܓܪ ܟܢܫܐ ܕܥ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܒܝܬ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܰܘܐܝܟ ܑܝ ܰܕܥܬ ̇ܗ ܡܕܒܪ ܢ‬ ‫ܬ ܶܠܗ ܳܗܝ ܽܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܘܟ ܳܡܐ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܫܡܐ ܳܣ ܰܡ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬܟܢܶܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܐܡܪ ܰܗܘ ܶܚ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܗܘ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ ܳܡܐ ܰܐܝܟ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫�ܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܟܐ܆‬ ‫�ܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܒܥܶܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܰܕܟܕ ܳܚ ܶܙ ܐ ܶܠܗ ܺܢ ܶܚܐ ܶܡܢܶܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܶܠܗ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܟܢܫܐ ܕܥ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܙ ܐ ܽܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܢܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܗ ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܚܫܟ ̱ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܦܬܟܪܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܗܘ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܦܫܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳܪܐ ܰܐܛܥܶܡ ܰܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܝ� ܳܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܙ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒܝܬ ܐܒܪܗܡ ܟܕ ܐܝ�ܢܐ ܚܪܒ ܐܫܬܠܚ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳܽ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ ̈ܶ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ� ܳ�ܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ �ܗܠܝܢ ܣܘܟܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ݀ ܳ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫�ܗܒ ̣ܬ �ܗܠܝܢ ܫܘܡܢܗ ܕܙܝܬܐ ܡܢ ܥܩܪܗ܀‬

76 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 225

230

235

And that Tree of Life, which infidelity uprooted, 109 The Peoples renewed, by the faith of the House of God. And the rootstock acquired long branches from the House of the Peoples, 110 That is, the blessed and sweet rootstock of the Patriarchs. The Peoples renewed the Chosen Shoot of the House of Abraham; “By faith in it, Abraham was made right.” 111 And the wild olive entered and was established instead of that olive tree in the midst; Behold, it was planted and glorified on the root of the House of Abraham. And it continuously bears the sweet fruits of new praise, Instead of the tree which had removed itself from its rootstock. The Peoples recognized the faith of the House of God, And behold, they were established by faith to become heirs, Sons of the Promise. 112 Yet it was not the law that brought them before God; Rather, by the gate of faith, apart from the law. 113 No law gave a hand to King Abgar;

Compare with the similar language in line 111. “rootstock.” lit. “he.” “House of the Peoples.” Jacob again distinguishes between the House of Abraham (line 222) and the House of the Peoples in Edessa. Thus, the Peoples, not the People, recognize and welcome “the faith of the House of God” (lines 226, 235). 111 Romans 4:2–3, Gen 15:6, James 2:23; Gal 3:6–8. See also line 242. 112 “faith.” lit. “it.” “Sons of the Promise.” Here Jacob quotes from Gal 4:28. In this passage, Paul presents two covenants and also two Jerusalems: “the present Jerusalem” (Gal 4:25) and “the Jerusalem above” (Gal 4:26). 113 “gate of faith.” Jacob uses this phrase throughout his works. The phrase also occurs in Acts 14:27 regarding the opening of faith to the Gentiles, “the Peoples.” It appears twice in this memro (lines 238, 255). See Introduction. 109 110

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܳ ܽ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܐܝ�ܢܐ ܕܚܝܐ ܕܥܩܪܬ ܟܦ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ̣ܽ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܐ�ܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܰܚܕܬ ܰ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ ܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܩܢܐ ܣܘܟܐ ܐ�ܝܟܬܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬ ܥܡܡܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܳܗܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܗܘ ܥܩܪܐ ܒܪܝܟܐ ܘܚ�ܝܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܚܕܬ ̇‬ ‫ܡܡܐ �ܢܶܨܒܬܐ ܓܒܝܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܐܒܪܗܡ܆‬ ‫ܘܗ ܥ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒ ̇ܗ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܪ ܳܗܡ ܐ ܰܙܕ ܰܕܩ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܠܓܘ܆‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ܘܩܡ ܙܝܬܐ ܕܒܪܐ ܚܠܦ ܗܘ ܙ‬ ‫ܕܒܝܬ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܕܝܪ ܰܥܠ�ܥܶ ܳܩ ܳܪܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܺܢܨܝܒ ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܪ ܳܗܡ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫�ܝܘܡ ܺܦ ܶܐ� ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܛܥܝܢ ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫ܚ� ܳܝ̈ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܕܫܘܒ ܳܚܐ ܰܚܕܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܚܠܦ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܝ� ܳܢܐ ܽܕܗܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܩܠ ܰܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܦܫܗ ܶܡܢ ܥܶ ܳܩ ܶܪܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳܽ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܰ� ܽ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܝܬ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܗ �ܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡܝܢ ܳܒ ̇ܗ ܕܢܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܩ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘܢ ܳ��ܬ ܐ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܽܡܘ�ܟ ܳܢܐ܀‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܠܘ ܳܢ ܽܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܐ ܐܥܶܠ ܐ ܽܢܘܢ ܶܨܝܕ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܶܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܐ ܳܕ� ܳܢ ܽܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܐ܀‬ ‫ܐ � ܒܬܪܥܐ ܕܗܝܡܢ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܠܘ ܢܡܘܣܐ � ̱ܗܒ ܠܗ ܐܝܕܐ܆‬

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78 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 240

245

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255

Rather, he believed and became an heir by his faith. The Peoples entered through a soul full of faith, Just as Abraham “was made right by his faith.” 114 The king believed in our Lord, that He was the Son of God, And that He descended from heaven to walk in the land of Judah. And even if he had read all of the books of the prophecy, 115 By faith he could add nothing more. Without instruction, without observances, without hints, Without explanation, he believed in the Son of God. And it was faith alone, which was firm, That made him a friend, and behold, he was united to the Gospel and became renowned. 116 Abgar did not search into how it was possible that God Himself 117 Should descend to the earth and walk upon it as a human being. 118 Rather, he believed and the spirit of doubt did not blow in him, 119 And without investigation, his faith gained the crown. 120 Therefore, it is right that by the gate of faith, Through which the king entered, anyone who does not pry can go in— (Whoever) does not inquire, does not dispute, does not stir up strife, Neither disparages the story of the Son with interrogations. “You are God, the Son of God,” he wrote to Christ,

Rom 4:2–3; Gen 15:6. See line 209. 116 “friend” (roḥmo). James 2:23. cf. John 15:15. 117 “search” (√). See Introduction. 118 “human being” (barnosho). This is a general term for a “human being” or “mankind.” 119 “doubt.” lit. “doubts” (plural). 120 “investigation” (√); “gained the crown.” cf. 1 Cor 9:25. See also lines 256 and 257. 114 115

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܶܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܐ � ܗܝܡܢ ܘܗܘܐ �ܪܬ ܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ̈ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܥ� ̱ܘ ̱ܗܘܘ ܥܡܡܐ ܒܢܦܫܐ ܕܡ�ܝܐ ܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܐܝܟ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܪ ܳܗܡ ܶܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܐܙܕ ܰܕܩ ̱ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܝܡܢ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܗ ܶ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܒܡ ܰܪܢ ܺܕܐܝܬ ̱‬ ‫ܢܚܬ ܰܕ ܰܢܗ ܶܠܟ ܰܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܡܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳܝܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ܺܕ ܽܝܗܘܕ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܽ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܢܒ ܽܝܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܶܘ ܽܐܠܘ ܩܪܐ ̱ܗܘܐ ܟ�ܗܘܢ ܣܦ�ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܦ ܶܡ ܶܕܡ ܳ� ܶܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܐ ܰܕܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܫܟܚ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ܀‬ ‫ܒܗܝܡܢ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܳ ̈ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ� �ܘܠܦܢܐ ܕ� ܢܛܘ�ܬ ܐ ܕ� ܦ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܫ ܳܩܐ ܰܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܕ� ܽܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡܢ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܒܗ ܒܒܪ ܐ�ܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܫ ܺܪ ܳܝܪܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ܆‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܒ�ܚܘܕ ̇ܝܗ ܗܝܡܢ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܣܒܪܬ ܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܚܡܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬܶܗ ܳܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܰܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܚܠܝܛ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܰܡܗ܀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܓܪ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ� ܳ‬ ‫ܒ� ܐ ܰܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܝܟܢ ܰܡ ܳܨ�ܐ ܽܕܗܘ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܢܶ ܽܚܘܬ ܰ� ܳ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܰܘ ܰܢܗ ܶܠܟ ܳܒ ̇ܗ ܐܝܟ ܰܒ ܳܪܢ ܳܫܐ܀‬ ‫ܶܐ ܳ� ܰܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡܢ ܳܘ� ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܒ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ ܶܒܗ ܽܪܘܚ ܽܦ ̈ܘ ܳܠ ܶܓܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳܳ ܰ ܳܽ ܶ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܝ� ܶܫ ܰ‬ ‫ܩܠ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܀‬ ‫ܘܕ� ܒܨܬ ܐ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ܟܠ‬ ‫ܳܶ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܶܡ ܺܟܝܠ ܙ ܕܩ ܕܒܗܘ ܬܪܥܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܥܠ ܶܒܗ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܟܐ �ܶ ܽܥܘܠ ܽܟ ܳ‬ ‫�ܢܫ ܰܟܕ � ܳܒ ܶ� ܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܟܕ � ܰ‬ ‫ܡܥ ܶܩܒ ܰܟܕ � ܳܕ ܶܪܫ ܰܟܕ � ܳܫ ܶܓܫ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܪܒܗ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܙ ܶܠܠ ܰܫ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܟܕ ܳ� ܰ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܶܒܝܬ ܽܫ ̈ܘܐ�܀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܟܬܒ ܰܠ ܺ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܚܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ܐܢ̱ܬ ܰܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬

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265

270

And he did not try to set the story in order with a mass of superfluous words! Without disputing, Abgar believed in Him, that He had come down from heaven, 121 And his faith did not transgress things hidden. 122 The blessed one received the good wage of his faith, 123 And the world learned that nothing else was needed besides. The Son of God saw that his faith was perfect And that the king needed no further instruction to be given him. Nor does the Gospel of the Son require anything else, Either adding (to) or subtracting (from) what Abgar spoke. 124 So Jesus bestowed on Abgar a blessing, that he should rise to rest in his faith; 125 He should not add to it, for nothing else was needed besides. But now oh you who dwell in the fortified city of the king, You have inherited his city; inherit his faith along with it! 126 Then believe, as the just king wrote, “The Lord Jesus is the Son of God and also God.”

“Abgar.” lit. “he.” “things hidden.” This hesitancy to speak of ‘things hidden’ is found in many of Jacob’s other memre as well as in the works of other early Syriac-speaking poets. For example, Jacob reflects at some depth on the hidden and revealed Christ in Hom. 165: “You are hidden as well as revealed; how can anyone be competent to speak [of you]?” Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord, p. 11, line 36. 123 “good wage.” Rom 4:4–5. This term also occurs in Ecclesiastes 4:9. Jacob uses this same language in several of his other memre, such as Hom. 170 in Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women whom Jesus Met, p. 196, line 189. 124 “Abgar.” lit. “he.” 125 “Jesus … Abgar” lit. “he … him.” See Jesus’ blessing on Abgar in the Introduction. 126 “Abgar’s.” lit. “his.” lit. “His city—you have inherited Abgar’s faith.” 121 122

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈ܶ ܶ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܣܕܪ ܰܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܰ‬ ‫ܒܣ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܡ� ܰ�ܬ ܳܝ�ܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܓܐܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܢܚܬ ܰܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳܝܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡܢ ̱ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܒܗ ܰܟܕ � ܳܕ ܶܪܫ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ݀ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ ܰܥܠ ܰܟܣܝ̈ܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܘ� ܦܣܥܬ ܗܘܬ ܗ‬ ‫̣ܽ ܳ ̱ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩ ܶܒܠ ܛܘܒܐ ܐܓܪܐ ܛܒܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܦܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܝܠܦ ܥ�ܡܐ ܕ� ܣܢܝܩܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܥܠ�ܬ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܒܪ ܰܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܚܙܝ ̱ܗܝ ܕ ܓܡܝܪܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܳܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܺ‬ ‫ܬܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܣܦ ܶܠܗ܀‬ ‫ܣܢܝܩ ܡ�ܟܐ ܥܠ �ܘܠܦܢܐ ܕܢ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܣܒܪܬܶܗ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܘ� ܳܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܪ ܳܢܐ ܶܡ ܶܕܡ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܦ� ܶ‬ ‫�ܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ�ܪ ܳܡ ܳܢܐ ܐ ܰܡܪ܀‬ ‫� �ܡܘܣܦܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܘ� ̱ܗܒ ܶܠܗ ܽܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ ܰܕ ܽܢܩܘܡ ܢܫ� ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܶ ܳ̇ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܣܦܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܘ� ܢܘܣܦ ܒܗ ܕ� ܣܢܝܩܐ ̱ܗܘܬ ܥܠ�ܬ‬ ‫ܕܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܐܦ ܰܐܢ̱ܬ ܳܗ ܳܫܐ ܳܐܘ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܟ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܪܡܗ ܰ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܳܥܡܪ܆‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܺܶ ܺܰ ܰܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܗ܀‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢ̱ܬܗ �ܪܬܬ �ܪܬ ܥܡ ̇ܗ ܗ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܟܬܒ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫�ܟܐ ܺܟ ܳܐܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܟܢ ܗܝܡܢ ܐܝܟܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒܪ ܰܐ ܳ� ܰܗܐ ̱ܗܘ ܳܐܦ ܐ� ܰܗܐ ̱ܗܘ ܳܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܪ�ܐ �ܶ ܽܫܘܥ܀‬

‫‪744‬‬

82 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 275

280

285

And “He is heavenly and the Physician who heals without medicines.” 127 These are sufficient, so that by them you can receive the blessing. Know the Son, that He is “the Son of God, also God,” And you should not bring any other story to your faith! Do not seek to make distinctions about Him, do not inquire into Him, do not argue about Him; 128 Rejoice that He is “the Son of God and also God.” And do not make distinctions about Him and do not be inquiring into contradictory arguments, For His story is exalted and who can attain that which is heavenly? The whole world became luminous by the Gospel of the Only Begotten, For He is Life and He is the Healing for all who are broken. 129 Behold, Ūkkomo delighted in Him and he became luminous as the day, And the color of the night assumed the Sun of Righteousness. 130 In the world of darkness, the Sun shone forth from the Divine Essence 131 And all of Creation is illumined and delighted by the Son of God. Cast (words) at your fiancé, Daughter of the Day, and give praise to Him, 132 In Abgar’s letter to Jesus, the king writes “you do not heal with drugs or roots.” He also acknowledges that “You are God, who has come down from heaven.” See Introduction. On Jesus as the heavenly Physician, see Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, pp. 89 and 199. 128 “make distinctions.” i.e., to distinguish between the Natures. See line 281 as well. 129 “the Healing” (ʿṣobo). This term can also be translated as “bandage” or “prescription.” It is used for Jesus in Early Syriac Christianity. 130 “color of the night.” This phase is also used by Ephrem several times in his Hymns Against Heresies. Beck, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen contra Haereses, p. 60, line 11, and p. 64, line 2 (Syr.). The phrase “Sun of Righteousness” may be an allusion to Mal 4:2. 131 “Divine Essence.” See also the earlier use of this term in line 49. 132 “cast (words).” Some manuscripts read instead “be glad” (). “Daughter of the Day” is often used in early Syriac Christianity 127

TEXT AND TRANSLATION

83

ܶ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰ ‫ܰܘܕ‬ ‫ܡܡܢ̈ܐ܆‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳ� ܰܢܐ ܗܘ ܘܐܣܝܐ ܕܡܐܣܐ ܕ� ܣ‬ ܶܰ ܳ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܰ ̱ܶ ܳ ܳ ̈ ܳ ‫ܘܣܦܩܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܒܥܠܬܗܝܢ ܛܘܒܐ ܬܣܒ܀‬ ܳ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ܳܐܦ ܰܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܰܕ ܳܥܝ ̱ܗܝ ܰܠ‬ ܳ ‫ܒܪܐ ܰܕ‬ ܳ ‫ܒܪܐ܆‬ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳܺ ܳ ‫ܳܘ� ܰܬܥܶܠ ܳܒ ̇ܗ ܰܫ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܽܢܘܬܟ܀‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܐ̱ܚܪ ܢܐ ܒܗ‬ ܰ �ܳ ܰ �ܳ ‫ܬܦ ܶܪ ܳܫܝ ̱ܗܝ‬ ܳ ‫ܬܥ ܶܩ ܳܒܝ ̱ܗܝ ܳ� ܬܶ ܽܕܪ‬ ‫ܘܫܝ ̱ܗܝ܆‬ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ‫ܐ� ܳܗܐ ܐܦ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܒܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰܚ ܽܕܘ ܺܕܐܝܬ‬ ̱ ܳ ܰ �‫ܳܘ‬ ܰ ‫ܬܦ ܶܪ ܳܫܝ ̱ܗܝ ܳܕ� ܶܡ‬ ‫ܬܥ ܰܩܒ ܰܒ ̈ܗ ܳܦ ܳܟܬܐ܆‬ ܶ ‫ܳܕܪܡ ܽ ̱ܗܘ ܰܫ‬ ܰ ‫ܘܡܢ ܳܡ ܶܛܐ ܶܠܗ ܰܕ‬ ܰ ‫ܪܒܗ‬ ‫ܫܡ ܳ� ܰܢܐ ܽ ̱ܗܘ܀‬ ܳ ‫ܽܟ ܶܠܗ ܳܥ‬ ܰ ‫�ܡܐ ܰܢܗܪ ܰܒ‬ ܺ ‫ܣܒܪܬܶܗ ܺܕ‬ ܳ ‫ܝܚ‬ ‫ܝܕ ܳ�ܐ܆‬ ܺ ‫ܬܒ‬ ܽ ‫ܘ�ܘ ܰܚ ̈ܶܝܐ‬ ܺ ‫ܥܨ ܳܒܐ ܽܕܟܠ ܰܕ‬ ܳ ‫ܘ�ܘ‬ ܽ ‫ܘܗ‬ ܽ ‫ܽܕܗ‬ ‫ܝܪܝܢ܀‬ ܳ ‫ܳܗܐ ܽܐ‬ ܳ ‫ܘܟ ܳܡܐ ܓܐܶܐ ܶܒܗ ܰܘ ܰܢܗܪ ܰܐܝܟ ܺܐ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܳܡܐ܆‬ ܳ ܺ ‫ܘܓܘܢܶܗ‬ ܶ ‫ܒܫܗ‬ ܶ ‫ܕ� ܳܝܐ ܰܠ‬ ܳ ‫�ܫ‬ ܰ ‫ܡܫܐ ܰܕܙ ܺܕ ܽܝܩܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ܳ ܽ ܺ ܶ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ‫ܒܥ‬ ܶ ‫�ܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܽܫܘܟ ܕܢܚ ܒܗ ܫܡܫܐ ܡܢ ܐܝܬܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܺ ܰ ܶ‫ܘܢ‬ ܰ ‫ܗܪ ̣ܬ ݀ ܶܫ‬ ‫ܒܒܪ ܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ܀‬ ‫ܦܪ ̣ܬ ݀ ܽܟ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܒܪܝܬܐ‬ ܶ ܺ ܰ ܳ ܳ ‫ܟܝ ܰܒܪܬ ܺܐ‬ ܰ ‫ܝܡ ܳܡܐ‬ ܳ ‫ܒܝ ܶܠܗ ܽܫ‬ ‫ܘܒܚܐ܆‬ ̱ ‫ܘܗ‬ ̱ ̱ ‫ܫܕܝ ܒܡܟܝܪ‬

to describe the Church made pure by baptism. In the context of this memro, this phrase fits well with Jacob’s image of the conversion of Abgar Ūkkomo (‘the Black’). Through Abgar's faith, Edessa, the “Daughter of the Black Ones” (lines 50, 333), has now become the “Daughter of the Day.” In another memro, Jacob places the betrothal of the “Daughter of the Day” at the “marriage feast in blood at Golgotha.” See Jacob’s “Homily on the Veil of Moses,” in Brock, Studies in Syriac Spirituality, p. 95.

275

280

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84 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 290

295

For the Bridegroom has adorned you in robes, woven of flame! 133 You are the first! Behold, your picture in the Bridal Chamber of Light 134 Is being painted and being praised, alongside the chaste Daughters of the Day. 135 Behold, all the Assemblies of the Peoples are summoned, they are assembled; 136 They clapped their hands and these all belong to the Only Begotten. Behold, the young women from the distant islands— 137 The virgins from the ends of the seas—they praised. Assyria gives worship with the offerings of Magianism,138 Rome gives praises by the great crown of rulership. 139 Babylon gives honor while repudiating Chaldeanism, 140

“woven of flame.” For Jacob’s use of soteriological imagery, see Rilliet, “La métaphore du chemin dans la sotériologie de Jacques de Saroug,” pp. 324–332. 134 “the Bridal Chamber of Light” (gnūno d-nūhro). This theological image communicating intimate union between the Church and Christ occurs only once in this memro. See Introduction. 135 Note that this attribution has switched from the singular, in line 289, to the plural here: “Daughters of the Day.” 136 In this line, both “Assemblies” (knushotho) and “assembled” (ethkanash) come from the same Syriac root , a play on words we have tried to capture in the English translation. 137 Isa 66:19. 138 “Magianism.” Or, “sorcery.” 139 “rulership.” Or, “the Principate.” 140 “Chaldeanism.” Or, “the magical arts.” 133

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ̈ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܺܙܩ ܰ‬ ‫ܝ�ܝ ܶܡܢ ܰܓ ܰܘܙܠܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܟܝ ܚܬܢܐ ܒܢܚ‬ ‫ܕܨܒܬ ̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܢܐ ܽܕܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܰܨ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܡܝܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ̱ܝ ܰܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܰܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܓܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܟܝ܆‬ ‫�ܡ ̱‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܰ̈ ܳ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܢ̈ܬ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܳܡܐ܀‬ ‫ܨܝܪ ܘܡܫܒܚ ܥܡ ܢܟܦܬܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫�ܗܘܢ ܳܨܒ ܶܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫ܐܬܟ ܰܢܫ܆‬ ‫ܗܐ ܟ�ܘܫܬܐ ܕܥ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰܢܩ ̈ܫ ̱ܝ ܰܟ ܳܦܐ ܰܘܗܘܝ ܟ�ܗܝܢ ܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܝܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܕ ܳ�ܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ̈ܳ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܳܳ ܰܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܩܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܐ ܥ�ܝܡܬܐ ܡܢ ܓܙ�ܬ ܐ �ܚ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰܘܒܬ ̈ܘ ܳܠܬܐ ܶܡܢ ܶܦܢܝ̈ܬܐ ܰܕ�ܡܡܐ ܰܫ ܰܒܚ܀‬ ‫ܳܽ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܳܶ ܰ ܽ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܫܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐܬܘܪ ܣܓܕܐ ܥܡ ܩܘ�ܒܢܐ ܕܡܓ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰܳ ܺ ܳܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܗܘܡܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܚܐ ܒܬܓܐ ܪܒܐ ܕܪܫܢܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܩܪܐ ܳܒ ܶܒܠ ܰܟܕ ܳܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܝ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܕ ܽ�ܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܣܪܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ �ܟ‬

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86 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 300

305

Plentiful Egypt, while putting away magic. 141 Cush and India, by precious gems and jewels, The Mede with her strength and the land of Canaan with her great men, The West with its gold and the East with its perfumes and spices, The North with her mountains and the South with the courses of her armies— All of these love the Bridegroom, even as you love Him; 142 They all seek to receive Him, even as you sought Him. All of the Assemblies of the Peoples of the earth became one People And the Assemblies sing praise with a single shout of joy. 143 The varied races, in the languages of their own peoples, 144

“Plentiful … putting away.” Jacob here is playing upon two words that sound alike: “bountiful, laden,” and √, “to disregard, to forget.” 142 “you.” That is, Edessa. 143 “shout of joy.” The same Syriac word (yūbobo) is used in 1 Sam 4:5 when all Israel raised a “shout of joy” at the arrival of the Ark, a sound so loud “it made the ground shake.” 144 lit. “Races, races in their tongues from their peoples.” The term “race” (sharbtho) can also be translated as “family, tribe, generation.” The phrase Jacob uses here (sharbon sharbon) occurs elsewhere in his works. In his Homily on Pentecost, he describes Babel’s division using identical language: “He divided them into various tongues and various races.” Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Holy Sunday of the Pentecost, p. 6, line 25. Yet, whereas Babel divided the Peoples, Pentecost was seen as having undone this division. In this memro, “On Jerusalem and Edessa,” the unity comes before Pentecost through Abgar and Edessa’s faith. 141

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‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܛܥ ܳܝܢܐ ܶܡ ܶ�ܪܝܢ ܰܟܕ ܳܛ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝܐ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܰ‬ ‫�ܚ ܳܪ ܽܫܘܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܶ ܺ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܦܐ ܰ� ܺܩ ܳܝ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܽܟܘܫ ܰܥܡ ܶܗ ܽܢܕܘ ܒܛܒܥܐ ܘܟ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒܓܢ̱ ܳܒ ܶ� ̇ܝܗ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܥܘ ܳܙ ̇ܗ ܳܡ ܰܕܝ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܟܢܥܢ܀‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܽ� ܶ‬ ‫ܣܡܐ ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܪܒܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܡ ̇‬ ‫ܝܗ܆‬ ‫ܗܒ ̇ܗ ܘܡܕܢܚܐ ܒܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܗܛܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܚ ̈ܝ ܰ� ܳܘܬ ̇ܗ܀‬ ‫ܪܒܝܐ ܒܛܘ� ̇ܝܗ ܘܬܝܡܢܐ ܒܪ‬ ‫ܘܓ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܳܗ ܶܠܝܢ ܽܟ ܶ‬ ‫ܝܘܗܝ܆‬ ‫�ܗܝܢ �ܚܬܢܐ �ܚܡܢ ܰܐܝܟ ܕܪܚܡܬ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܥܝ̈ܢ ܰܕ ܰܢܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܒ� ܳ�ܝ̈ ̱ܗܝ ܐܝܟ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܟ�ܗܝܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܥܝܬ ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܥ ̈‬ ‫ܡܡܐ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܢܫܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܟ ܽ‬ ‫�ܗܘܢ ܶܟ ̈‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܰܚܕ ܰܥ ܳܡܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܽ̈ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳܙ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܚܕ ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܡ�ܢ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒܚܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܳܒܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܟ�ܘܫ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܢ ܰܫ�ܒܢ ܒ�ܫܢܝܗܝܢ ܡܢ ܥܡܡܝܗܝܢ܆‬

88 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 310

315

320

In their tributes, present their offerings as one. There is one bridal chamber and young women without number! There is one Bridegroom, but friends of the Bridegroom without end. 145 There are some who give praise on the tops of mountains and upon the hills, And there are others who send out praise from the depths to the height. The love of the Bridegroom has aroused the young women 146 And He set them in different places so to give praise: Between mountains, as well as in caves and in the midst of the gorges; In the desolate desert, far from civilization, both in the midst and all around; 147 From their caves, the Solitaries who loathe a dwelling; 148 From their dwellings, the Virgins who avoid the path of the world. 149 Others rove as wild animals, without paths; Yet others, in chasms and caves, without food. 150 “friends of the bridegroom.” In Syriac Christianity, this term is sometimes associated with the women at Jesus’ empty tomb, who announced his resurrection to the disciples. J. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, ‫ܚܕܘܓܬܐ‬. It is possible that Jacob is casting a vision of the Gentile Peoples, as “friends” or “bridesmaids,” that now proclaim the news of Christ to the world, much as the women at Jesus’ tomb. 146 “love of the Bridegroom” or “love for the Bridegroom.” “aroused.” lit. “shook” or in some contexts “terrified.” 147 lit. “In the desert that is apart from cultivated land which is in the midst and on all sides.” 148 “dwelling.” or the “inhabited world.” “Solitaries” (Ihīdoye). Jacob has in mind a class of ascetics in early Syriac Christianity, a movement that sought to imitate the Solitary One, Jesus. Griffith, “Mar Jacob of Serugh on Monks and Monasticism,” 74–86; Abouzayd, Iḥidayutha; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 13–16. 149 “Virgins.” The term here is masculine, not feminine. 150 Heb 11:38. 145

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‫‪320‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܺܒ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܒ ܰܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܝܩ ܰ� ܶ‬ ‫ܝܗܝܢ ܰܐܝܟ ܰܚܕ ܳ� ̈ܗ ܳܒܢ ܽܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܗܝܢ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܰ ܰ ̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ� ܶܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܢ� ܳܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܓܢܘܢܐ ܚܕ ̱ܗܘ ܘܥ�ܝܡ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܽ̈ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܚܕ ̱ܗܘ ܚܬܢܐ ܘܠܚܕܘܓܬܐ ܣܟܐ � ܐܝܬ܀‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܰ ܳ̈ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܝܬ ܕܡܫܒܚܢ ܥܠ ܪܫ ܛܘ�ܐ ܘܥܠ �ܡܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܡܫ ܺ‬ ‫ܘܒܚܐ ܰ� ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܡܢ ܽ� ̈ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܺܘܐܝܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܡܩܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܪܝܢ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܪܗ ܪܡܐ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܰܐ ܺܙܝܥ ܶܐܢܶܝܢ ܰܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܚ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܥ�ܝ̈ ܳܡܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܬ�ܝܢ ܰܐ ܺܩܝܡ ܐܢܶܝܢ ܰܠ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܫ ܳܒ ܽܚܘ܀‬ ‫ܘܒܐܬ�ܝܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܽ ܶ ܳ ܰ ܰܶ ܰ ܰ ܰ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܒܝܢܬ ܛܘ�ܐ ܐܦ ܒܡ��ܐ ܘܒܓܘ ܢܚ�܆‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܠܓܘ ܰܘ ܽ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܒܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒܫ ܳܝܢܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܟܠ�ܓܒܝܢ܀‬ ‫ܬܒܐ ܶܡܢ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܣܢܘ ܰ� ܳ‬ ‫ܝܕ�ܶܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ� ܺܚ ܳ ̈‬ ‫ܩ�ܝ̈ ܽܗܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘܪܚܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܥ ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܶܡܢ ܰ� ܰ‬ ‫ܒܬ ̈ܘ ܶ� ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܕܫ ܽܓ ̇‬ ‫ܬܒܝ̈ ܽܗܘܢ܀‬ ‫ܳܶ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ̈ܳ ܳ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ�ܚܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ̱ܚ� ܢܐ ܕܦܗܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܚ�ܘܬ ܐ ܕ� ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܦ ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܚ� ܢܶܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܥ�ܐ ܰܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܒܚ ̈ܘ ܳ�ܢܶܐ ܕ� ܳܡ ܽܙ ܳܘܢܐ܀‬ ‫̱‬

‫‪746‬‬

90 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM

325

330

The Bridegroom kindled a fire upon the earth and went away to His place; 151 Behold, the conflagration in the Assemblies of the Peoples of the earth! Behold, they seek Him—from the midst of civilization to the midst of the desolate desert! For they wander about to go with Him to His Father’s place. 152 The Illustrious Son has illumined the Assemblies And He has cast out that darkness of their ancestors from them! 153 The night has passed away and the day is established, having seized power, And behold, Creation has been sweetened by the Light that is unending! The shadowy dusk has fled from the world, which was darkness; The dawn has come and has made luminous the faces that had been in the shadows! 154 By baptism, the Daughter of the Black Ones has become magnificent; 155 Behold, she is clothed in white robes and is raised up from the midst of the water.

“fire upon the earth.” Compare with Luke 12:49: “I have come to put fire on the earth, and I wish it were already burned!” This same image of Jesus kindling a fire is used by Jacob to describe the Samaritan woman spreading the news about Jesus to her village in his Hom. 46. Harvey et al, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women whom Jesus Met, p. 110, line 525. 152 This desire of the Church, the Bride of Christ, to go to “the Father’s place” also appears in Jacob’s other memre, such as Hom. 165. Kollamparampil, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord, p. 37, lines 275 ff. 153 Compare with the “ancestral house” in line 91. 154 “the faces.” lit. “her faces.” 155 Compare these lines with Edessa’s initial petition to Jesus in lines 50–68 of this memro. 151

‫‪91‬‬

‫‪325‬‬

‫‪330‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܫ ܺܢܝ ܰ� ܶ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܢܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܐ ܰܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܒܥ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܡܝ ܰܚ ܳ‬ ‫�ܡܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܪܗ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܽ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܥܡܡܐ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܣܦܝܦܐ ܒܟ�ܘܫܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܓܘ ܽܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܓܘ ܰܫ ܳܝܢܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪܒܐ ܳܗܐ ܳܒܥܝ̈ܢ ܶܠܗ܆‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܟܕ ܡܬܟ‬ ‫�ܟܢ ܺܢܐܙ̈ ܶ ̱ܠܢ ܰܥ ܶܡܗ �ܬܪܗ ܰܕ ܽܐܒ ̱‬ ‫ܳ ܰܺ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܽ̈ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܢܗܝܪܐ ܐܢܗܪ ܐܢܝܢ ܠܟ�ܘܫܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܢܗܝܢ ܰܗܘ ܶܚ ܽܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܛܪܕ ܶܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܟܐ ܰܕ ܳܐܒ ܰܗ�̈ ܶܗܝܢ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܥܒܪ ܶܠܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܺܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܡ ܳܡܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ� ܳܝܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܒܟ ܽܫܘܠܛ ܳܢܐ܆‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ ܕ� ܶܡܣܬ ܰ�ܟ܀‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܡܬܒܣܡܐ ܒܪܝܬܐ ܒܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܟܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܝܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܡܫܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܥܪܩ ܶܡܢ ܐܪܥܐ ܕܚܫܘܟܐ ̱ܗܘܬ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܰܨ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܢܗܪ ܰܐ ܶܦܝ̈ ̇ܗ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܦܪܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܟܡ ܳܝ�ܢ ̱ܗ ̈ܘܝ܀‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܽ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܒܪܬ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ ̈ܡܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܕܝܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܳܠ ̇ܗ ܓܐܝܬܐ ܒܡܥܡ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܶ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܚܘ�ܐ �ܒܝܫܐ ܘܣ�ܩܐ ܡܢ ܓܘ ܡܝܐ܀‬

‫‪747‬‬

92 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM 335

340

The world shone forth and all of Creation was seated in the Light, And the hateful color has been transformed by the rising Sun. 156 Behold! The black woman (ūkkomtho) sits in the fine linen of the beautiful ones 157 And she resembles the Sun, from the polishing of baptism. She was Ūkkomo (‘the Black’) from the smoke of transgressions, But she withdrew her hands from the sacrifices and behold, the splendid one! The dark world became luminous through the Son of God; Blessed is He who came and expelled darkness from the corners of the earth! 158

“the hateful color.” Jacob used this same phrase earlier, in line 54, before Edessa’s impassioned plea that Christ would “change” her (imperfect). Jacob now uses this same verb, though in the past tense (perfect), to communicate the fulfillment of that wish: “has been transformed.” 157 “ūkkomtho.” cf. line 67. 158 “corners [of the earth].” lit. “corners, regions.” The Diyarbakir manuscript includes a variant “souls, persons” (napshotho) instead: thus, “expelled darkness from the souls.” 156

‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪335‬‬

‫‪340‬‬

‫‪TEXT AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܬܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܗܪܐ �ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܒ ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܬ܆‬ ‫ܢܗܪ ܠܗ ܥ�ܡܐ ܘܟܠܗ ܒܪ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܚܠܦ ܶܠܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܫ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܫܐ ܰܕ ܰܕܢܚ܀‬ ‫ܘܓܘܢܐ ܣܢܝܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܶܳ ܰ ܺ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܗܐ ܐܘܟܡܬܐ �ܬܒܐ ܒܚ� ܕܫܦܝ�ܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܳ̇ ܰ ܽ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܘܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܝܐ �ܫܡܫܐ ܡܢ ܕܡܪܩܬܗ ܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܟ ܳܡܐ ̱ܗ ܳܘܬ ܶܡܢ ܬ ܳ� ܳܢܐ ܰܕܥ̈ ܰ� ܳܘܬ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ݀ ܺ ̈ܶ ̇ ܶ ܶ ܳ ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܗܐ ܰܫ ܺܦ ܳ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܝܪܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ̣ܬ ܐܝܕܝܗ ܡܢ ܕܒܚ‬ ‫ܒܒܪ ܰܐ ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܢܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܪ ̣ܬ ݀ ܰܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܪܥܐ ܕܚܫܘܟܐ ̱ܗܘܬ܆‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܛܪܕ ܶܚ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܫܟܐ ܶܡܢ ܶܦܢܝ̈ܬܐ܀‬ ‫ܒܪܝܟ ̱ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܫܠܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܥܠ ܽܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܝ‬

BIBLIOGRAPHY ANTIOCH BIBLE

Greenberg, Gillian and Donald Walter (trans.). The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Isaiah. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2012. Greenberg, Gillian and Donald Walter (trans.). The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Jeremiah. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2013. Childers, Jeff (trans.). The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Matthew. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2012.

King, Daniel (trans.). The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Romans. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2013. Kitchen, Robert A. (trans.). The Syriac Peshiṭta Bible with English Translation. Acts. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2014.

ANCIENT AUTHORS Acts of Mar Mari

Harrak, Amir (trans.). The Acts of Mār Mārī the Apostle. Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005. Aphrahat Lehto, Adam. The Demonstrations of Aphrahat, the Persian Sage. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010. Bar ʿEbroyo Budge, Ernest (ed. and trans.). The Chronography of Gregory Abu’l Faraj 1225–1286. 2 Vols. London: Oxford UP, 1932. 95

96 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Dionysius bar Ṣalibi Labourt, Jerome (ed. and trans.). Dionysius Bar Ṣalībī. Expositio liturgiae. CSCO 13–14/ Syr. 13–14. Paris: Typographeo Reipublicae, 1903. Ephrem Beck, Edmund (ed. and trans.). Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen Carmina Nisibena, I. CSCO 218–219/ Syr. 92–93. Louvain: CorpusSCO, 1961. Beck, Edmund (ed. and trans.). Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen contra Haereses. CSCO 169–170/ Syr. 76–77. Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1957.

Beck, Edmund (ed. and trans.). Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania). CSCO 186–187/ Syr. 82–83. Louvain: CorpusSCO, 1959.

Beck, Edmund (ed. and trans.). Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate. CSCO 223–224/ Syr. 94–95. Louvain: CorpusSCO, 1962. Beck, Edmund (ed. and trans.). Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones, II. CSCO 311–312/ Syr. 134–135. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1970. Mathews, Edward. St. Ephrem the Syrian: Selected Prose Works. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1994.

Eusebius Williamson, G.A. (trans.). Eusebius. The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine. Rev. by Andrew Louth. New York: Penguin Books, 1989. Jacob of Sarug Albert, Micheline (ed. and trans.). “Jacques de Saroug: Homélies contre les Juifs,” PO 38.1. Turnhout: Brepols, 1976.

Alwan, K. (ed. and trans.). Jacques de Saroug. Quatre homélies sur la création. CSCO 508–9. Louvain: CorpusSCO, 1989.

Bedjan, Paul (ed.). Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis. ParisLeipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1905.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

97

Bruns, Peter (trans.). “Ein Memra des Jakob von Serug auf Edessa und Jerusalem.” In Words, Texts and Concepts Cruising the Mediterranean Sea: Studies on the Sources, Contents and Influences of Islamic Civilization and Arabic Philosophy and Science Dedicated to Gerhard Endress on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, eds., Rüdiger Arnzen and Jörn Thielmann. Orientalia Lovainiensia Analecta 139. Leuven: Peeters, 2004. pp. 537–553.

Childers, Jeff W. (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Praise at Table. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 46. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2016. Cureton, W. (ed. and trans.). Ancient Syriac Documents Relative to the Earliest Establishment of Christianity in Edessa and the Neighbouring Countries. London: Williams and Norgate, 1864.

Golitzen, Alexander (trans.); notes by Mary Hansbury. Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Chariot that Prophet Ezekiel Saw. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 3. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2016.

Harvey, Susan Ashbrook et al (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Women whom Jesus Met. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 44. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2016. Kaufman, Stephen (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Elijah. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 18. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009.

Kaufman, Stephen (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on Elisha. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 28. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010.

Kollamparampil, Thomas (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Ascension of Our Lord. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 24. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010. Kollamparampil, Thomas (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Holy Sunday of the Pentecost. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 16. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010.

Kollamparampil, Thomas (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Nativity. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 23. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2010.

98 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Kollamparampil, Thomas (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Transfiguration of Our Lord. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 13. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2008. Mathews, Edward (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Creation of Adam and the Resurrection of the Dead. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 37. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2014. Mathews, Edward (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The First Day. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 27. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009.

Mathews, Edward (trans.). Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The Second Day. Texts from Christian Late Antiquity 40. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2016. Olinder, Gunnar (ed.). Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae quotquot supersunt. CSCO, Syr. II.45. Paris: Typographeo Reipublicae, 1937.

Narsai McLeod, Frederick G. (ed. and trans.). Narsai’s Metrical Homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension: Critical Edition of Syriac Text. PO 40.1 [182]. Turnhout: Brepols, 1979. Severus of Antioch Brière, M. and Graffin, F. (ed. and trans.). Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d’Antioche. Traduction syriaque de Jacques d’Édesse. Homélies I à XVII. Patrologia Orientalis 38.2; Turnhout: Brepols, 1976.

The Teaching of Addai

Desreumaux, Alain. Histoire du roi Abgar et de Jésus, Présentation et traduction du texte syriaque intégral de la Doctrine d’Addaï. Paris: Brepols, 1993.

Howard, George (trans.). The Teaching of Addai. Chico, CA: The Society of Biblical Literature, 1981. Phillips, George. (trans.). The Doctrine of Addai, the apostle. London: Trübner, 1876.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

99

MODERN AUTHORS

Abouzayd, Shafiq. Iḥidayutha: A Study of the Life of Singleness in the Syrian Orient, from Ignatius of Antioch to Chalcedon 451 AD. Oxford: Aram Society for Syro-Mesopotamian Studies, 1993. Allberry, C.R.C. A Manichaean Psalm-Book, Part II. Stuttgart: W. Kolhammer, 1938. Barnard, L.W. “The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa during the First Two Centuries AD.” VirChr 22 (1968): 161–175.

Brock, Sebastian. “Baptismal Themes in the Writings of Jacob of Serugh.” In Symposium Syriacum 1976: célebré du 13–17 septembre 1976 au Centre Culturel « Les Fontaines » de Chantilly (France). Orientalia Christiana Analecta 205. Rome: Pont. Inst. Orientalium Studiorum, 1978. pp. 325–347.

Brock, Sebastian. “Eusebius and Syriac Christianity.” In H.W. Attridge-G. Hata (eds.), Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism. LeidenNew York-Köln: Brill, 1992. pp. 212–234. Republished in Brock, S. From Ephrem to Romanos. Interactions between Syriac and Greek in Late Antiquity. Aldershot-Brookfield-SingaporeSydney: Ashgate/Variorum, 1999. n. II.

Brock, Sebastian. The Luminous Eye: the spiritual world vision of Saint Ephrem. Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1992.

Brock, Sebastian. Studies in Syriac Spirituality. Poonah, India: Anita Printers, 1988.

Brock, Sebastian P. & George A. Kiraz, Gorgias Concise SyriacEnglish, English-Syriac Dictionary. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2015. Burkitt, F.C. The Early Syriac Lectionary System. London: Published for the British Academy by H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1923.

Butts, A.M. and S. Gross (eds.). Jews and Syriac Christians. Intersections across the First Millennium. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2020.

Debié, Muriel. “Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation.” Church History and Religious Culture 89 (2009): 93–114.

100 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM Desreumaux, Alain (ed.). Trois homélies syriaques anonymes et inédites sur l’Épiphanie. PO 38.4 [177]. Turnhout: Brepols, 1977. Given, J. Gregory. “Utility and Variance in Late Antique Witnesses to the Abgar-Jesus Correspondence.” Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 17 (2016): 187–222.

Griffith, Sidney. “Christianity in Edessa and the Syriac-Speaking World: Mani, Bar Daysan, and Ephraem; the Struggle for Allegiance on the Aramean Frontier.” Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002): 5–20.

Griffith, Sidney. “The Doctrina Addai as a Paradigm of Christian Thought in Edessa in the Fifth Century.” Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 6(2) (2003): 269–292.

Griffith, Sidney. “Mar Jacob of Serugh on Monks and Monasticism: Readings in his Metrical Homilies ‘On the Singles.’” In Jacob of Sarug and His Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac Christianity, ed. George Kiraz. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010. pp. 71–90.

Harvey, S.A. Scenting Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015.

Harvey, S.A. “To Whom Did Jacob Preach?” In Jacob of Sarug and His Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac Christianity, ed. George Kiraz. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010. pp. 115–132. Illert, M. (ed.). Doctrina Addai. De imagine Edessena / Die Abgarlegende. Das Christusbild von Edessa. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.

Karaulashvili, Irma. “The Epistula Abgari: Composition, Redaction, Dates.” Ph.D. dissertation, Central European University, 2004. Kiraz, George (ed.). Jacob of Serugh and His Times: Studies in SixthCentury Syriac Christianity. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010. Koester, Helmut. History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age: Introduction to the New Testament. Vol. 1. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984.

Loopstra, Jonathan. The Patristic “Masora”: a study of patristic collections in Syriac handbooks from the Near East. CSCO 689. Louvain: Peeters, 2020.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

101

Mirkovic, Alexander. Prelude to Constantine: The Abgar tradition in early Christianity. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2004.

Murray, Robert. Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition, rev. ed. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2004. Payne Smith, J. A Compendious Syriac Dictionary. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1903.

Ramelli, Ilaria L. “The Addai-Abgar Narrative: Its Development through Literary Genres and Religious Agendas.” In Early Christian and Jewish Narrative: The Role of Religion in Shaping Narrative Forms. Eds. Ramelli, Ilaria L. and Perkins, Judith. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015. pp. 205–246.

Rilliet, Frédéric. “La métaphore du chemin dans la sotériologie de Jacques de Saroug.” Studia Patristica 25 (1993): 324–332. Ross, Steven. Roman Edessa. Politics and Culture on the Eastern Fringes of the Roman Empire, 114–242 CE. New York: Routledge, 2001.

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INDEX References are to line numbers, not to page numbers.

BIBLICAL REFERENCES

Genesis 3:15 15:6 Exodus 13:21 19:3–6 Psalms 74:14 Songs 1:3 1:5–6 Ecclesiastes 4:9 Isaiah 9:1–2 28:4 66:19 Jeremiah 4:16 31:22 Hosea 9:10 Malachi 4:2 Matthew 3:14–17 8:29 14:13–21 15:33–38

16:16 17:2 20:19 21:10 21:14–15 22:10 25:1–13 25:10 27:31–35 27:39–48 27:51–53 Mark 10:34 15:20–23 Luke 1:26 4:22–30 4:24 4:41 7:11–17 10:18 12:36 12:49 14:8 18:32 23:34 23:35 23:44–45

97 242 68 69 97

191 67

263

47 75 29, 131, 295 137n76 87, 92 75

286

68 104 13 13

103

123 173 102 176 21 11 78 72 173 105 103, 109, 110 102 190

207 176 175 104 17 99 11 323 11 102 173 105 109, 110

104 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM John 2:1–12 9:18 10:27 11:1–44 12:9–11 13:31–32 14:16 Acts 2 9:2–3 14:27 Romans 4:3–4 11:16–19 11:17 1 Corinthians 9:25 10:7, 14

11 23 180 17 24 95 100 100 117 238

230, 242, 263 223 224 254 111

NAMES AND THEMES

Abgar: 37, 42, 116, 121, 124, 137, 138, 139, 214, 239, 251 apostles: 81, 93, 115, 148 Aramaean/s: 138, 203 Assemblies: 137, 293, 307, 308, 324, 327 banqueting hall: 11 bedchamber: 56, 132 black woman: 337 blessing: 120, 121, 122, 269, 276 Bridal Chamber: 291, 311 Bridegroom of Light: 85 Bridegroom: 3, 31, 38, 55, 62, 65, 76, 77, 78, 85, 89, 94, 131, 184, 290, 305, 312, 315, 323 Chosen Shoot: 229 church/community: 4, 33 Church of the Peoples: 211 Creation: 103, 173, 176, 288, 330, 335

Galatians 2:8 3:6-8 4:25–26 4:28 Ephesians 2:8–10 Colossians 2:11 2:14–15 2:15 Hebrews 11:38 12:18 James 2:23 1 Peter 2:8

115 230 236 236 114

103 98 101, 102, 103 322 68

230, 250 126

Crucifixion: 82, 97, 101, 105 Daughter of Abraham: 5 Daughter of Jerusalem: 2 Daughter of the Aramaeans: 203 Daughter of the Black Ones: 50, 333 Daughter of the Hebrew/s: 3, 30, 71, 142, 195, 201 Daughter of the People: 130 Daughter of the Peoples: 72, 161 Daughter/s of the Day: 289, 292 David: 153 the dead: 17, 24, 110 demons: 15, 22, 99, 104 despise/abuse √: 12, 18, 20, 25, 79, 106, 116, 189, 202 discourse of judgment: 1 Dispensation: 215 dispute √: 257, 261, 279

INDEX distinguish/separate : 180, 182, 279, 281 divorce: 195 dowry: 10 Edessa: 1, 31, 36, 46, 73, 83, 94, 107, 113, 133, 143, 177, 199, 211 Egypt: 69, 300 Essence: 49, 287 faith: 35, 75, 84, 113, 118, 120, 122, 127, 145, 147, 211, 223, 226, 230, 235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 246, 249, 254, 255, 262, 263, 265, 269, 272, 278 first ripe: 75 gate of faith: 238, 255 gate/s: 6, 10, 61, 143, 238, 255 Gospel: 112, 148, 250, 267, 283 Great Faction: 98 Great Serpent: 97 healings: 19, 26, 27 Heavenly One: 73 Hebrew woman: 59, 149 Hebrew/s: 3, 30, 55, 59, 71, 108, 142, 149, 195, 201 Hosea: 156 House of Abraham: 222, 229, 232 House of God 215, 226, 235 House of the Peoples: 127, 227 Illustrious Son: 327 Image of Light: 47 inquire √: 257, 279, 281 Isaiah: 155 Jeremiah: 155 Jerusalem: 2, 128, 200 Jews: 106 Jewish woman: 190 Joel: 156 Judah (land of): 47, 49, 244 justified: 230, 242 law (Mosaic): 237, 238, 239 living water: 68

105

Messiah/Christ: 123, 125, 139, 259 moon: 53 Moses: 151, 161 Nature: 165 olive: 221, 224, 231 Only Begotten: 158, 283, 294 Paraclete: 100 Parthian: 51 Paul: 111, 117 Peter: 112, 115, 121, 123 Physician: 275 picture: 291 place (Father’s): 326 place (His): 205, 323 preachers: 84, 93, 163 prophet/prophecy: 87, 128, 149, 162, 209, 245 robe/s: 173, 290, 334 scent/smell: 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 188, 191 search/pry into √: 126, 251, 254, 256 sign: 64 Solitaries: 319 Solomon: 154 Son of Adonai: 135 Son of God: 25, 36, 46, 57, 102, 104, 114, 119, 123, 124, 125, 129, 140, 164, 183, 193, 208, 213, 219, 243, 248, 259, 265, 274, 277, 280, 288, 341 sun: 109, 287, 336, 338 Sun of Righteousness: 286 Temple curtain: 110 the Healing: 284 treasury: 9 Tree of Life: 185, 188, 225 truth: 163 ūkkomo: 37, 40, 42, 45, 52, 216, 217, 285, 339 virgins (f.): 296 virgins (m.): 320

106 JACOB OF SARUG’S HOMILY ON EDESSA AND JERUSALEM marriage feast (ḥlūlo): 72 wonder/astonished √: 30, 197, 200

young women: 29, 77, 174, 295, 311, 315 Zechariah: 156