Issues in Japanese Phonology and Morphology [Reprint 2012 ed.] 9783110885989, 9783110169584

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Issues in Japanese Phonology and Morphology

W G DE

Studies in Generative Grammar 51

Editors

Harry van der Hulst Jan Köster Henk van Riemsdijk

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Issues in Japanese Phonology and Morphology

Edited by

Jeroen van de Weijer Tetsuo Nishihara

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

2001

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. KG, Berlin.

The series Studies in Generative Grammar was formerly published by Foris Publications Holland.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Issues in Japanese phonology and morphology / edited be Jeroen van de Weijer, Tetsuo Nishihara. p. cm. - (Studies in generative grammar ; 51) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 3 11 016958 4 (alk. paper) 1. Japanese language - Phonology. 2. Japanese language Morphology. I. Weijer, Jeroen Maarten van de, 1965II. Nishihara, Tetsuo, 1961 III. Series. PL528 .188 2001 495.6'15-dc21 2001044669

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Issues in Japanese phonology and morphology / ed. by Jeroen van de Weijer ; Tetsuo Nishihara. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 2001 (Studies in generative grammar ; 51) ISBN 3-11-016958-4

© Copyright 2001 by Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin. All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Disk conversion: OLD-Satz digital, Neckarsteinach. Printing & Binding: Hubert & Co, Göttingen. Cover Design: Christopher Schneider, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Preface

We are pleased to thank a number of institutions and individuals for their help during the progress of the present volume. This book was first conceived on the occasion of the meeting of the Phonological Society of Japan in Kobe in September 1998, where the editors could contact some of the present authors and discuss the plan for a book in person. The Holland Institute of Generative Linguistics (HIL) at Leiden University afforded an excellent academic environment for developing the project and generously provided copying and Internet facilities. We would like to thank a large number of reviewers in The Netherlands, Japan and other countries for their generous input into all of the papers. We thank the series editor, Prof. Harry van der Hulst, for his support and interest during all stages of finalizing the present volume. We would also like to thank Dr. Anke Beck and Dr. Ursula Kleinhenz of Mouton de Gruyter for their enthusiasm and support. Last but certainly not least, it has been a pleasure and an honour to work with the authors in this volume. We are therefore very pleased to publish this volume shortly after the year 2000, when the Netherlands and Japan celebrated 400 years of good relations. Leiden, The Netherlands Sendai, Japan Summer 2001

Contents

Preface

I.

ν

Studies in Japanese Phonology

Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi Heaviness in Interfaces Shosuke Haraguchi The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

3

47

Takeru Honma How should we Represent 'g' in loge in Japanese Underlyingly? . .

67

Haruka Fukazawa and Mafuyu Kitahara Domain-Relative Faithfulness and the OCP: Rendaku Revisited.. Haruo Kubozono

85

/

Epenthetic Vowels and Accent in Japanese: Facts and Paradoxes

111

Hidetoshi Shiraishi Prosodie Structure and Sandhi Phenomena in the Saru Dialect of Ainu Shin-ichi Tanaka The Emergence of the 'Unaccented': Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound Accentuation Shohei Yoshida An Element-Based Analysis of Affrication in Japanese

159 193

Yuko Z. Yoshida and Hideki Zamma The Accent System of the Kyoto Dialect of Japanese A Study on Phrasal Patterns and Paradigms

215

141

Vili

Contents

II. Studies in Japanese Morphology Taro Kageyama Word Plus: The Intersection of Words and Phrases

245

Takayasu Namiki Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

277

Tetsuo Nishihara, Jeroen van de Weijer, and Kensuke Nanjo Against Headedness in Compound Truncation: English Compounds in Japanese

299

III. Studies in Contrastive Japanese-English Phonetics and Phonology Yosihiro Masuya Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

327

Noriko Yamane sC Clusters as Complex Segments: Evidence from the Contrastive Phonology of English and Japanese

357

Author Index

389

Language Index

394

Subject Index

396

List of Contributors

401

I. Studies in Japanese Phonology

Heaviness in Interfaces* Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi Osaka University and Kyoto University of Foreign Studies

Introduction Weight distinctions in linguistics have been considered to belong in the realm of phonology in the past three or four decades.1 Weight here usually refers to counting of phonological units such as segments, moras, and syllables. Recently, it has been found that there are cases of "weight"bound phenomena sensitive to word-counts, e.g. right-branch effects. In syntax, we find only a few cases of "weighf'-sensitivity, such as Heavy-NP Shift in English and other languages. However, partly because the number of cases found is limited and partly because relying on notions like "weight" in syntax contradicts the tacitly assumed modularity assumption in linguistic theory, the syntactic notion of "weight" has not been made clear enough. In this paper, however, we propose that phonological and syntactic (and morphological) notions of "weight" have a feature in common, namely branching. Branching at some level of linguistic representation makes the terminal string "heavy," and all the cases of "heaviness" effects are actually cases of alignment of "heavy" branching constituents at the edge of some upper-level constituent. The view in no sense is novel. For example, Hayes (1980, 1982) and Haraguchi (1991) have already noted the relation between branching, heaviness and foot-edge alignment in stress theory. We here attempt to generalize it to other "heaviness" effects, using examples from English and Japanese. This, in other words, may cast doubt on the aforementioned modularity assumption of components of grammar. We have in mind a picture of grammar not as a fork-like organization as in recent minimalist program (Chomsky 1995), but as a picture of grammar which processes phonology and syntax in a parallel fashion, and the so-called LF derives from some level of syntax-phonology evaluation by a set of operations perhaps to be called "Interpret a." This result in turn supports our view of grammar as proposed in Akasaka (1996) and Tateishi (1999), in which

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we argue that phonology and syntax are more or less intermingled with each other.

1. Problem settings What is branching, which we identify as "heaviness"? Branching is a node in a constituent structure that dominates more than one node. (1) Branching: a node A branches iff it immediately dominates Β and C and neither of Β and C dominates the other A

Β

C

a. Branching in phonology 2 Word Foot Syl I a

Foot

Syl Syl I I nec dote

b. Branching in morphology Word Stem

Suffix

Stem Suffix I I Christ ian ity

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in Interfaces

5

c. Branching in syntax Tense John

Tense Tense

ν John

ν ν

loves

loves ν

loves

Mary

The phonological and morphological trees above are mostly left-branching, and the syntactic one is right-branching. The notion of branching plays a role in phonology in two ways. First, the morphological and stress feet basically consist of two moras or syllables, so that they mostly branch into moras/syllables. Because branching is only found in an output of structure building, we can call such cases branching in Structural Change. Second, in domain construction processes like foot formation, whether the syllable branches or not plays a significant role, so so-called weightsensitivity effects are observed (Hayes 1980). In such cases, branching functions as the trigger of a grammatical process, so it can be called branching in Structural Description. In traditional generative grammatical terms, branching in phonology plays a role both in Structural Description and in Structural Change. In syntax, however, branching only plays a role in Structural Change. The basic structure construction process in syntax these days (Chomsky 1995) is that a pair of words/phrases are put into a set and behave as a new phrase. The process is called Merge. For example, in the above syntactic tree, the first process of syntactic structure construction is to choose the words loves and Mary and put them into a new set (= node in traditional syntactic terms) which is labeled loves again. As structure building always creates a branching structure, we can say that the Structural Change of Merge always branches. On the other hand, branching hardly plays a role as a conditioning factor of another kind of syntactic operation: Move. For example, we have never encountered a language in which processes like Wh-Movement or Passive are triggered only if the

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noun phrase branches: It is very unnatural for a language that the noun phrase Dogs can passivize while the dog cannot or the other way around. Also, we cannot imagine a language in which who can Wh-move while who the hell cannot. This shows that branching functions as an output condition for almost all structure building processes in all components of grammar related to forms (we will come back to morphology later because morphology behaves like phonology in some respects and like syntax in others) as opposed to meanings. However, there is a group of movement rules that seems to be triggered by some kind of branching/heaviness. English Heavy NP Shift and Japanese Scrambling are canonical cases of this. The common feature of the two processes is that they both are optional and they both do not conform to the "Last Resort" view of movement rules which is assumed as standard in current syntactic theories like the minimalist program (Chomsky 1995). In the current theory of syntax, movement must be triggered by some purely (morpho-)syntactic reasons. For example, a movement process which is generally called Passive must be triggered by the Case-assigning/checking properties of verbs and nouns, and Wh-Movement is also triggered by the necessity of attraction of the feature [+Wh] by COMP. Because there is a well-established trigger, it is currently assumed that all movement processes must be obligatory. However, a process like Heavy NP Shift is optional, and, moreover, it does not have a good candidate of its trigger. Heavy NP Shift occurs only because the NP is "heavy" in some sense, as illustrated in (2). (2) Heavy NP Shift a. I found the word pneumonoultramicroscopicsilicovolcanoconiosis in the dictionary. b. I found in the dictionary the word pneumonoultramicroscopicsilicovolcanoconiosis. *I found in the dictionary the word tsetse. We will come back to such examples later in section 4 and conclude that such cases should be accounted for in terms of prosodie branching (i.e. this long single word consists of two or more prosodie words). Of course, the notion of prosodie word is phonological. Does this mean that syntax utilizes the phonological terms, casting doubt on the modularity issue of components of grammar? We will answer this question by "Yes and no." Yes, phonological processes like prosodie category

Heaviness

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7

formation can affect syntax, and vice versa (Selkirk and Tateishi 1988, 1991). No, this does not show that syntax is not a separate module. It is the nature of the component called syntax that has been wrongly understood. Tateishi (1999) points out that the semantics-oriented view of syntax as is currently assumed in the minimalist program cannot stand as is, because such a view cannot properly "spell out" phonological strings out of syntactic trees and cannot properly describe various phenomena related to phonology-syntax interface, such as word order and the distinction between function and content words. Akasaka (1996), on the other hand, argues that the semantics/LF-oriented view of syntax cannot properly explain a simple syntactic fact of Binding. Based on these studies, we both conclude that syntax must be more "phonology/form-oriented." Contrary to the view of syntax in Chomsky (1995) that syntax builds up a structure which can be properly interpreted in semantics and that phonology "strips off" a phonological matrix out of such a structure (SPELL OUT), we say that syntax builds up a structure which is pronounceable, and semantics "strips off" semantic information out of it (Interpret a). This, we believe, is an appropriate form of components of grammar which can ultimately explain form/meaning interfaces. In what follows, we will first introduce heaviness effects in phonology and morphology (sections 2 and 3), and then point out problems related to syntactic heaviness effects: Scrambling and Heavy NP Shift (section 4). Section 5 summarizes our view of grammatical components and their interactions, and concludes the paper.

2. "Heaviness" in phonology: Foot, accent, and weight-sensitivity As phonology is basically concerned with linear strings of sounds, the relative length of strings plays an important role. For example, many stress systems of the world's languages have so-called "weight-sensitive" systems. In this section, we would like to look at cases of weight-sensitivity in English and Japanese. English and Japanese are weight/quantity sensitive in apparently different ways. In English, the weight-sensitivity effects are attested in the stress system. Let us first consider a very simple and well-known case of English. 3

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(3) English Main Stress (Nouns 4 ) a. The final syllable is ignored even though it is heavy ínseeí, dúmpfeg, jéoparëy b. The main stress is placed on the penultimate syllable if it is heavy, banana, Massachusetts, excursus, poíáto c. Otherwise, the main stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable. América, fóllaby, policy, agony If we follow Hayes (1995) and analyze the English case as right-to-left noniterative moraic trochee construction with final syllable extrametricality, the patterns are schematized as follows: (4) a. The final syllable is ignored. [Ft(sylMi)]^Sy)SeC0 b. The penultimate syllable gets stress if heavy. (syibaJlnisyiSDlV»* c. The antepenultimate gets it otherwise (sylA)[Ft(sylmé)(sylri)](sytea)

(where crossed-out syllables are extrametrical and underlined ones are heavy) (5) Moraic Trochee in English [word-[FtH(eavy)]S¥L] [ W o r d ...[ F t L(ight) L ( i g h t ) ] S ¥ L ] (where underlined syllables are stressed) Except for (4a), where, with the final syllable extrametricality, only one candidate is left to place accent, this pattern of stress assignment can be accounted for in terms of branching into moras. The main stress feet in (4b) and (4c) have the following structure: (6) a. (4a) ba[ F t na]na

b. (4b) A[ F t men]ca

Foot

Foot

I Syllable

η

a

Syllable

a

Syllable

Heaviness

in Interfaces

9

We can generalize such cases in the following way: (7) The main stress foot must be branching into moras. This is a case of branching condition on Structural Change (and Structural Description, at the same time), i.e. an output. Here, we have our first case of branchingness effect, in phonology. In Japanese, the heaviness effect is a little different from English. Japanese is a typical pitch accent language in that accent is expressed by an abrupt fall of pitch on a designated syllable. The heaviness effect in Japanese is observed when an accent is placed on a heavy syllable. In Japanese, the vocabulary is classified into four classes, and, as Itô and Mester (1995) argue, these classes adopt different ranges of constraints. For example, while we cannot predict the place of accent with Yamato (= Native Japanese) nouns, as McCawley (1968) correctly points out, Foreign nouns usually have mostly predictable accent patterns, i.e., the accent is on the antepenultimate mora.5 (8) Yamato nouns a. miyako 'city' b. kábuto 'helmet' c. kokóro 'heart' d. atamá 'head'

(no accent) (initial accent) (penultimate accent) (final accent)

(9) Foreign nouns6·7 a. rikuésuto 'request' b. intaanétto 'internet' c. súpai 'spy'8 d. depáato 'department store' However, if the antepenultimate mora happens to be the second mora of a heavy syllable, the accent shifts to the preantepenultimate mora. (10) The preantepenultimate patterns with heavy syllables a. karéndaa 'calendar' b. rifcéfchia 'rickettsia' c. nyuuyóokaa 'New Yorker' d. sooraökaa 'solar car' This means that, whatever the exact content is, we have constraints of the following kind in an OT-type constraint form.

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( 1 1 ) ANTEPENULT 9

Place an accent on the antepenultimate mora. ( 1 2 ) ALIGN(ACCENT, LEFT, *BR(SYL)) 1 0 :

Accent on the branching syllable (= heavy syllable) must be on the left position.

(12) is higher-ranked than (11), so that the antepenultimate regularity does not block the shifting of an accent to the initial position of a heavy syllable. We see here another mode of reference to branching in phonology.

3. "Heaviness" in morphology Heaviness effects are observed in morphology, too. In this section, we will introduce four kinds of examples of branching effects in the realm of morphology. The four patterns constrain different kinds of branching, showing that reference to branching is widespread inside grammar. We also note that the morphological reference to branching/heaviness ranges from micro-level constituents such as segments and feet to macro-level constituents like words. This in turn casts doubt on the status of morphology as an independent component of grammar.

3.1. Minimal word in English In English, a person's name can be contracted to form a hypocoristic form (= nickname). (13) English hypocoristics Elisabeth > Betty Catherine > Cathy Robert > Bob Mary > Mar [mae:r] Beatrice > Bee Margaret > Peggy etc. These hypocoristics all consist of two moras, as pointed out by McCarthy and Prince ( 1 9 8 6 ) .

Heaviness

in Interfaces

11

(13')[b[ Mora e]t[ Mora i]]n [^[μοΓ30Ε]Θ[ΜΟΓ31]] [Minora0] [\lorab]] [m[Moraae][Moraaer]] (where a long vowel is represented as two consecutive identical vowels, only conventionally) [b[Morai][Morai]] [P[Morae]g[Mora1]] A nickname with one mora cannot exist in English: (14) Betty > *Be [be] etc. nor can a lexical word with one mora exist. (15) s p a : tea:

CUe:

ΜΜΟ^ΗΜΟ^Ι]

Minorai] [Moral]] [kj[MoraU][MoraU]]

The derived words such as hypocoristics are minimally bimoraic and the minimal size of content words is also bimoraic. Based on this and other facts from other languages, McCarthy and Prince (1986) conclude that the minimal size of the word universally is a bimoraic foot. (16) Minimal Word: [Foot Mora Mora] In other words, we can say the following: (17) A word must be minimally complex/heavy (i.e. branching). 12 Here, we see that branching into moras is an output condition on word formation.

3.2. Japanese hypocoristics Japanese also has hypocoristic word formation patterns (Poser 1990, Tateishi 1989) just like English. It is possible to form various kinds of nicknames from names and other words.

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(18) name Saburo Hiroshi Yoneko Haruka etc. (where -san, -chan

nickname Saa-chan, Sabu-chan, Buu-chan, Sai-chan Hii-san, Hiro-san Voí-chan, Yone-san, Yoo-chan, Neko-san Ηαα-chan, Haru-chan, //ai-chan are vocative suffixes)

Like English, the size of hypocoristic forms (if we ignore suffixes) is all bimoraic. This is the second argument for the minimal complexity requirement (17).

3.3. Word contraction in Japanese Itô (1990) observes interesting patterns of word contraction forms in Japanese. Japanese has a fairly productive process of word contraction (see also Nishihara, Van de Weijer and Nanjo, this volume). The contracted forms can be used in place of full forms in most cases. (19) Japanese contracted words a. Bimoraic Patterns sutoraiki > suto 'strike' demonsutoreeshon > demo 'demonstration' negachibu > nega 'negative' hisuterii > hisu 'hysteria' modan booi > mobo 'modern boy' etc. b. 4 mora patterns paasonaru konpyuutaa > paso-kon 'personal computer' purinto kurabu > puri-kura 'Print Club (a kind of instant camera booth popular among youths)' Hirakata Paaku > Hira-Paa 'Hirakata Park (the name of an amusement facility in Osaka)' dezitaru kamera > dezi-kame 'digital camera' poritikaru saiensu > pori-sai 'political science' Kimura Takuya > Kimu-Taku (the name of a popular singer/actor)

Heaviness

in Interfaces

13

As is obvious, examples in (19a) are all bimoraic and the examples in (19b) are all compounding of two bimoraic forms. It appears that the morale branching output condition also accounts for these cases. However, as Itô correctly points out, when the word begins with a heavy syllable, we cannot have bimoraic contraction. We have trimoraicity in such cases. (20) maikurofon > maiku, *mai 'microphone' shinpashii > shinpa, *shin 'sympathy' konbineeshon > konbi, *kon 'combination' kooporeeshon > koopu, *koo 'cooperation' 13 Note that the bimoraic patterns like nega above all branch on the root node, while ill-formed examples like *kon for konbineeshon do not. ( 2 1 ) [word[syln[Morae]][sylg[Moraa]]]]

[wordtsyl^ Llora0][fdora11]]]

That is, when the words are analyzed into syllables, we see bisyllabic branching in nega and other bimoraic cases and no branching in kon and other ill-formed bimoraic cases. In compounded 4 mora cases, we see branching into words on the root node. (22) [Word [Word [Sy|p [ Mora a] ] [Sy,s [ Mora o] ] ]

[ Word [ Syl k [MoraO] [ M o r a n ] ] ] ]

Also, the well-formed trimoraic forms like konbi show branching into syllables on the root node. (23)

[word[syl^[Mora 0 ][tvlora 1 1 ]][syl^[[vlora']!]

Thus, we can generalize the pattern as follows: (24) (Unlike nicknames) contraction forms require branching on the root node. We have no idea why hypocoristics and contraction forms require different kinds of branching. However, we can at least say that the notion of branching can generalize all these word-formation patterns. 14

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3.4. Compounding and right-branch effects In this section, we will introduce a completely different kind of branching effect in morphology and phonology, which pertains to the domain of accentuation. First, English has a rule of stress assignment to compounds which assigns the main stress on the first word of the two component words of compounds. (25) [ N bláckbird] [ N tówel rack] [ N Énglish teacher] 'English teacher (not a math teacher)' This leftward stress assignment is kept intact in compounds with three or more words.15 (26) [ N [ N towel rack] factory] [ N [ N Énglish teacher] union] [ N [ N video game] cartridge] However, this generalization has a group of important exceptions. All complex examples in (26) are left-branching structures. In the rightbranching structure, the main stress of the whole compound falls on the main-stress of the right-branch (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968, Liberman and Prince 1977). (27) [ N bathroom [ N tówel rack]] [NJapan [ N [ N Énglish teacher] union]] [ N nintendo [ N video game]] If we call the domain on which the main stress of the compound falls Accentual Phrase (Acc) 16 , we see the following schematic patterns.17 (28) [ n A B ] : [ A c c A ' B ] U N / A C C A B ] C]:[AccA'BC] [nA [N/ACCB C]]: [AC [ Tense DP-Objcct, LTenseTenSe [v ... V-tJ]] By being in a SPEC-head relation with the head Tense, the Nominative Case feature of the DP is checked and the EPP feature discharged. A typical A-bar-movement like Wh-Movement is also triggered by some feature checking necessity of COMP. There is no movement process in syntax which has no reason. Hence, it follows that all movement processes are obligatory. The optionality of Scrambling directly challenges this. Scholars are divided into two groups on this issue. Saito, Fukui, Takano and others (Fukui 1993, Saito 1992, Saito and Fukui 1998, Fukui and Takano 1998, Takano 1998) argue that Scrambling is a really optional movement process in syntax and Universal Grammar must have some device to allow for such optional movement with no trigger. On the other hand, Miyagawa (1997) argues that Scrambling indeed has a driving force, such as Case-checking and focus, that is, Scrambling must move either the focus leftward or must be a subcase of Α-Movement for Casechecking/agreement. In this paper, we will take Saito, Fukui and Takano to be correct and we assume that Scrambling is an optional movement process. We basically follow Takano's (1998) argument for this position. For example, if we follow Miyagawa (1997) and say that the short-Scrambling to VP is a case of focus movement to the left, we need to conclude that nothing can move and adjoin to VP unless it is a focus. This simply is not the case.

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(41) Q: Taroo-wa [ VP ehon-o itu ni-satu kat-ta-no]? Taro-TOP picture book-ACC when two-books buy-PAST-Q 'When did Taro buy two picture books?' A: Taroo-wa [VPehon-o kinoo ni-satu kat-ta]./ Taroo-wa [VPkinoo ehon-o ni-satu kat-ta], 'Taro bought two picture books yesterday.' (where italicized elements are focused and boldfaced elements are Scrambled) A Scrambled element need not be focused. Also, if we follow Miyagawa (1997) and if medial-distance Scrambling to IP is a case of A-Movement triggered by Case-checking/ agreement, we get into trouble when a PP is Scrambled to IP, as PP need not be Case-checked. (42) a. Taroo r ga jibun¡-no-hurusato-kara tayori-o yokoshi-ta. Taro-NOM self-GEN-birthplace-from letter-ACC send-PAST 'Taro sent a letter from his country.' b. Jibuiij-no-hurusato-kara Taroo r ga tayori-o yokoshi-ta. Thus, we will assume that Scrambling is optional. We will discuss later Boskovic and Takahashi (1998), the third type of approach to optionality of Scrambling. However, we would like to say that Scrambling is partly triggered by phonology. The so-called self-embedding construction (Kuno 1973) is a case in point. 22 (43) a. ?*Hanako-ga [ IP Jiro-ga [ IP Taro-ga [IPMichiyo-ga byooki-da]-to itta]-to hookoku-shi-ta]-to omot-ta. Hanako-NOM Jiro-NOM Taro-NOM Michiyo-NOM sick-PRESthat say-PAST-that report-do-PAST-that think-PAST 'Hanako thought that Jiro reported that Taro said that Michiyo was sick.' b. liplipfrpfrpMichiyo-ga byooki-daj-to fIPTaro-ga t it-ta]j-to [ [P Jiro— ga t hookoku-shi-tall-to [, P Hanako-garomot-tal1. (where boldfaced, italicized and underlined constituents are moved out of corresponding trace positions) According to Kuno, self-embedding is defined in the following way:

Heaviness

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21

(44) Self-Embedding A non-terminal node of category X constructs a self-embedding structure iff [χΑΥΒ] where A and Β are not empty and Y either is or contains some element of category X. Note that the self-embedding effect is not caused by the processing burden of the stack of DPs with the same case-marker. If this is the case, the so-called multiple-subject construction must all be unparsable. This simply is not the case. (45) a. [jpSakana-ga tai-ga Akashi-ga ii]-to Hanako-wa it-ta. fish-NOM red snapper-NOM Akashi-NOM good-that HanakoTOP say-PAST 'Hanako said that it is red snappers in Akashi among fishes which are good.' b. [ipKyoto-ga otera-ga tatemono-ga hurui]-no-wa yuumee-da. Kyoto-NOM temple-NOM building-NOM old-that-TOP famousPRES 'It is famous that, in Kyoto, buildings of temples are old.' Also, the A strings of (44) in the self-embedding construction need not be of the same category. In (46), the A elements in the embedded IP's are all different, but the self-embedding effect shows up. (46) ?*Hanako-ga [ IP kinoo [1Pkanojo-ni [jpMichiyo-ga byooki-da]-to Jiroga it-ta]-to Taro-ga hookoku-shi-ta]-to omot-ta. Hanako-NOM yesterday her-DAT Michiyo-NOM sick-PRES-that Jiro-NOM say-PAST-that Taro-NOM report-do-PAST-that thinkPAST 'Hanako thought that Taro reported yesterday that Jiro said to her that Michiyo was sick.' Also note that the self-embedding effect is not caused by structural ambiguity. For example, the following case of multiple across-the-board 0-assignment causes no processing disorder. (47) Taro-to Hanako-to Michio-to Yuji-ga kaimono-shi, ryoori-shi, tabe, katazuke-ta.

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Taro-and Hanako-and Michio-and Yuji-NOM shopping-do cookingdo eat clean-PAST 'Taro, Hanako, Michio and Yuji did shopping, cooking, eating and cleaning the dishes together.' or, 'Taro shopped, Hanako cooked, Michio ate, and Yuji cleaned the dishes.' Even though (47) can have two possible 0-marking patterns, we can interpret the sentence with the two patterns with no difficulty. As the self-embedding constructions are all formed by legitimate syntactic structure-building, the only option left to us is only to explore the possibility of phonological explanation. In this respect, note that the Intonational Phrase (i.e. the domain where the intonation pitch contours are reset to its higher position) building in Japanese always places the boundary at the clause initial position. (48) Taro-ga [ IP Hanako-ga tensai-da]-to it-ta. [ IntP Taro-ga][ IntP Hanako-ga tensai-da-to it-ta] 23 Assuming that the left boundary of the clause corresponds to an Intonational Phrase and that the left boundary of the maximal projection like VP corresponds to Phonological Phrase basically following Selkirk and Tateishi (1991), we will get the following structure for (43a). (49) ?*[ IP Hanako-ga [ VP [ IP Jiro-ga [ VP [ IP Taro-ga [ VP [ IP Michiyo-ga [ VP byooki-da]]-to it-ta]]-to hookoku-shi-ta]]-to omot-ta]]. [utt[mtp[phpHanako-ga]][IntP[PhPJiro-ga]][IntP[PhPTaro-ga]][IntP[PhP. Michiyo-ga][ PhP byooki-da-to it-ta-to hookoku-shi-ta-to omot-ta.]]] (where Utt is Utterance) In (49), we can immediately note that there are three Intonational Phrases with a single Phonological Phrase in a row at the utterance-initial position. In terms of intonational rhythm, this is very unstable, as prosodie categories as we have discussed above prefer binary rhythm patterns. On the other hand, (43b) with Scrambling of the embedded IPs has binary intonational phrases if we assume that Scrambling in this sentence is IP-adjunction.

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(50) [ T p\\vi¡pfifMichiyo-κα byooki-daj-to íIPTaro-ga t it-tall-to [1PJiro-ga t hookolai-shi-tal]-to [ IP Hanako-ga t omot-ta]]. —>

Ut[intp[phpMichiyo-ga] [ PhP byooki-da-to]] [ IntP [ PhP Taro-ga] [ PhP it-ta]] [intptphpJiro-ga] [ PhP hookoku-shi-ta-to]] [ lntP [ PhP Hanako-ga][ PhP omot-ta]]] tQ

International Phrases are the domain where a single intonational contour is uttered, such as a clause. Thus, as an Intonational Phrase is another type of prosodie category, preferably it should contain two Phonological Phrases to keep binary rhythmic patterns. Scrambling of IP's in (43) does just that. The example in (46) can also be made better by placing two elements in the A string of (44). (51) shows one example. (51) a. ?*[ IP Hanako-ga [ IP kinoo [ IP kanojo-ni [ IP Michiyo-ga byooki-da]-to [ IP Jiro-ga it-ta]]-to [ IP Taro-ga hookoku-shi-ta]]-to omot-ta], [utt[intp[phpHanako-ga]][ IntP [ PhP kinoo]][ IntP [ PhP kanojo-ni]][ IntP [ PhP _

Michiyo-ga][ PhP byooki-da-to]][ IntP [p hP Jiro-ga][ PhP it-ta-to]][ IntP [ PhP Taro-ga][ PhP hookoku-shi-ta-to omot-ta]]]. (three non-branching Intonational Phrases in a row at the Utterance-initial position) b. [ IP [ IP Taro-ga kinoo [ IP Jiro-ga kanojo-ni [ IP Michiyo-ga byooki-da]to it-ta]-to hookoku-shi-ta]-to [ IP Hanako-ga omot-ta]]. [ u t t [ i n t p [ p h p T a r o - g a ] [ PhP kinoo]] [ IntP [ PhP Jiro-ga] [ PhP kanojo-ni]] [ IntP [ PhP .

Michiyo-ga][ PhP byooki-da-to it-ta-to hookoku-shi-ta-to]][ ImP [ PhP Hanako-ga][ PhP omot-ta]]]. (Intonational Phrases are all binary) Note that in (51b), there are more arguments whose roles are not yet determined in the middle of the sentence processing than in (43a) or (46), because, until the word byooki-da-to appears, the exact semantic role of the five phrases preceding it cannot be determined. This shows that the self-embedding effect cannot be a matter of sentence processing. We would say that the following constraint takes control over the Scrambling in the self-embedding cases at least. (52) IntPBR: A n Intonational Phrase must branch into Phonological Phrases. 24

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Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi

Thus, we would like to say that at least some cases of Scrambling are prosodically-determined. We will come back to the theoretical implications of this in Section 5.

4.2. Heavy NP Shift Heavy NP Shift in English is troublesome for the syntactic mechanism when we come to the level where the word order is determined. This is due to the nature of English movement rules. Movement is almost always leftward in English and current syntactic theories like the minimalism only allow leftward movements. However, Heavy NP Shift appears to be a rightward movement. In English, the direct object immediately follows the verb. Basically, the sentence is ungrammatical if the direct object is not adjacent to the verb. (53) a. He attributed the fire to a short circuit, b. *He attributed to a short circuit the fire. However, when the object DP 25 is 'complex' or 'heavy,' the object DP need not be adjacent to the verb. (54) a. He attributed to a short circuit the fire which destroyed most of my factory. b. He attributed the fire which destroyed most of my factory to a short circuit. Traditionally, this phenomenon has been analyzed as the transformation by which the object DP moves rightward when it is "heavy." This transformation has been called Complex NP Shift or Heavy NP Shift (Ross 1986, Fiengo 1974). 4.2.1. Why is Heavy NP Shift a problem? In a syntactic theory based on principles and parameters, Heavy NP Shift is one of the rightward movements such that the constituent of a sentence moves rightward by Move a. In the minimalist program (Chomsky 1995, Kayne 1994), however, this rightward characteristic makes Heavy NP Shift notorious for syntactic theory. Let us show why.

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The word-order determination in the minimalist program is the cause of the trouble. In Kayne (1994), a syntactic element A which asymmetrically c-commands another element Β precedes Β without exception. 26 Thus, in the structure in (55), the word order relation is always SVO. (55) [ IP Subj I [ v p V [ NP Obj]]] (order information not included) Subj asymmetrically c-commands V and Obj, so that Subj precedes V and Obj. V asymmetrically c-commands Obj, so that V precedes Obj. The syntactic tree itself does not include any ordering information. For Kayne, the very basic word order for the world's language thus is SVO, and the SOV order as seen in Japanese is derived by application of Move a. Fukui and Takano (1998), on the other hand, agree with Kayne in assuming orderless trees but differ in their mechanism of word-order determination. Putting aside trivial details, they claim that the word-order determination is done with a universal syntax-phonology mapping rule which says, "The projection of the head comes later." As the head of a phrase always come at the end in their mechanism, the default word order for them is SOV, and an English-style SVO order is "derived." For both Kayne (1994) and Fukui and Takano (1998), the problem which Heavy NP Shift poses is the same: Heavy NP Shift appears to be a rightward movement. As we all know, Heavy NP Shift places a "Heavy" DP in the final position of the sentence. If we assume that the position of the Heavy DP is a VP-adjoined position, we have the following structure: 27 (56) VP VP

"Heavy" DP

Because the Heavy DP asymmetrically c-commands all elements dominated by VP, for Kayne, the linear ordering of the Heavy DP must be always to the left, contrary to the fact. For Fukui and Takano, because the Heavy DP is not a lower projection of the root node, it must precede the

26

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rest of the VP. In either theory, the Heavy DP cannot be placed on the right, which it must be. The solutions to this problem for them look similar. Let us first introduce Kayne's account of Heavy NP Shift. Kayne (1994) proposes that Heavy NP Shift is a kind of Scrambling, and claims that Heavy NP Shift involves leftward movement, not rightward movement, following his generalization about asymmetric c-command. Thus, an example like (57): (57) John gave to Bill all his old linguistics books. must have a structure as in (58) before Spell-Out and application of his word-order determination. (58)... [all his old linguistics books [gave to Bill]]. The constituent to Bill moves leftward independently of Verb-Raising, which raises the verb gave to an upper position. As a result, the structure in (59) is derived. (59) John gave [[to Bill]i [Xo [[all his old linguistic books] [Y° [e]¡... This leftward movement is regarded as a kind of Scrambling which is optional. Because it is optional, (60) without Scrambling can be generated (60) John gave all his old linguistic books to Bill. Although Fukui and Takano (1998) deal with Heavy NP Shift only in passing, they say that Heavy NP Shift is a process in the phonological component, as Chomsky (1995) suggests. Although we cannot say anything conclusive about what they think of when they say that Heavy NP Shift is phonological, we can at least say that their spirit is similar to Kayne's in that they think that Heavy NP Shift is optional and is not triggered by anything syntactic. The two theories of word order determination have one claim in common. Heavy NP Shift does not have any syntactic trigger. They do not specify what the trigger of Heavy NP Shift is, but, from our point of view, syntactic processes without syntactic trigger are likely to have a phonological trigger. With Heavy NP Shift, we may expect that the notion of heaviness may be phonological in nature. Thus, in the next section, we will

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review the theories of triggers of Heavy NP Shift and conclude that the trigger of Heavy NP Shift is in fact phonological. 4.2.2. Triggers of Heavy ΝΡ Shift As far as we know, the only potential trigger of Heavy NP Shift is focus other than something purely phonological. For example, Rochemont and Culicover (1990) and Takano (1998) both argue that Heavy NP Shift is triggered by some kind of (presentational) focus. It is only natural that Heavy NP Shift is somehow related to focus, as Heavy NP Shift places some heavy element in the sentence final position and the sentence final position in the information flow tends to convey new information. (61) To whom did you give the book your mother bought you for your birthday? - a. I gave the book my mother bought me for my birthday to my son. b. *?I gave to my son the book my mother bought me for my birthday. As in (61), it is at least odd to place the focus in the sentence-medial position on purpose by Heavy NP Shift. However, consider (62): (62) What did you give to your son? - a. I gave the book my mother bought me for my birthday to my son. b. I gave to my son the book my mother bought me for my birthday. If Heavy NP Shift is triggered by something like focus, why is it optional? Also, if focus can always Heavy NP Shift, why can't "light" NP's shift? (63) What did you give to your son? - a. I gave books to my son. b. *I gave to my son books.28 This shows us that some kind of "Heaviness" is necessary for Heavy NP Shift. Thus, we must say that a reason other than focus is needed for Heavy NP Shift though Heavy NP Shift is associated with focus more or less, perhaps indirectly.

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Tateishi

Then, what is "heaviness" for Heavy NP Shift? Ross (1986) has already had an answer to this problem. Ross defines "complex" NP (the term for Heavy NP by Ross) as follows: (64) A noun phrase is complex if it dominates the node S. ([NP...[S···]]) (64) may well be paraphrased as follows, because the only case of a noun phrase dominating S in English is an adnominal relative clause construction which thus necessarily is right-branching: (65) A DP is heavy if it is right-branching. By (65), examples like (66) nicely fit in, as the shifted DP is right-branching. (66) John invited to the party [ DP [ D phis][ N p[ A pClosest]friend]].

However, the definition in (65) does not necessarily fit all Heavy NP Shift constructions. Consider the following example with Heavy NP Shift of a left-branching DP: (67) John invited to friend's]] [ NP father]]

the

party

[Dp[DpLnp[Dph's][Npmother's]][NP

Thus, we need (68) for the definition of Heaviness: (68) A DP is heavy if it is branching. As we had conceptually argued for in (37), repeated below, some grammatical process that refers to branching is likely to be non-syntactic. (37) If a grammatical process/derivation is conditioned/constrained by branching/ heaviness, it is not syntactic. Moreover, there are two kinds of examples which show that the notion "branching" here is indeed phonological. First, even though it is branching in a strict sense, examples like (69) generally do not undergo Heavy NP Shift. (69) *?I introduced to Bill

[DP[DPmy][NPfiancée]].

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This is perhaps due to the fact that function words such as pronouns are phonologically weak and they do not constitute a prosodie category of their own. Second, even though it is not branching syntactically, excessively long words can undergo Heavy NP shift. (70) a. *I looked up in the dictionary tsetse. b. I looked up in the dictionary pneumonoultramicroscopicsilicovolcanoconiosis. (71) a. *I found in the dictionary the [ NP [ N word][ N math]]. b. I found in the dictionary the [ NP [ N word][ N flaucinaucinibilipilification]]. In (71), even though the two words are branching at the word level, they are not at the phrasal level like all the examples above. This shows that something other than syntactic branching is at work. As Heavy NP Shift appears to be purely optional as the studies above say, we cannot immediately make it follow from some phonological constraint. However, we can at least say that Heavy NP Shift moves something "heavy" phonologically or stays in situ (if other elements indeed move, as Takano (1998) argues). We basically follow Zee and Inkelas (1990) and propose that "Heaviness" can be defined as branching at the Phonological Phrase level.29 In the relative clause (complex NP) case, the clause always makes an independent Phonological Phrase (and an independent Intonational Phrase, as we have argued for above), so that the complex NP always branches into two phonological phrases at least, the head noun and the relative clause. With (66) and (67), if we assume with Selkirk (1986) that, in English, the boundary of a Phonological Phrase is marked at the right boundary of X max , we can have the following prosodie structure with multiple "heavy" stacks of Phonological Phrases. (72) John invited to the party [DP[DPhis][Np[ApClosest]friend]]. -> [PhPhis][PhPclosest][PhPfriend] or [ PhP his closest] [ PhP friend] (if we assume that function words are weak and cannot be independent prosodically) (73) John invited to friend's]] [ NP father]]

the

party

[Dp[Dp[Dp[Dphis][Npm°ther's]][NP

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Yukiko Akasaka

->•

and Koichi

Tateishi

[phphis][phpmother's][phpfriend's][phpfather] or [ PhP his mother's] [ PhP friend's] [ PhP father]

Examples like my fiancée do not usually undergo the shift because pronouns are phonologically weak. The excessively long words can undergo the shift because they are too long to pronounce in a single phonological phrase. For example, pneumonoultramicroscopicsilicovolcanoconiosis would be pronounced with several Phonological Phrases as in what follows: (74) [ PhP pneumonoultra] [ PhP microscopic] [PhPsilicovolcano] [ PhP coniosis] Thus, we can safely say that Heavy NP Shift is prosodically controlled. However, this means that, as we will discuss in the following section, Heavy NP Shift is a syntactic rule that is sensitive to phonology. This leads us to doubt the generally-assumed organization of components of grammar. 30 4.2.3. Apparent

Problems

We have seen in the previous section that an optional syntactic process like Scrambling often functions as a rhythmic adjustment. Also, we have seen that Heavy NP Shift in English directly targets a prosodicallybranching DP and linearizes it to the right. What does the fact that Heavy NP Shift can be prosodically controlled mean theoretically? This means that we do not have any purely syntactic processes that refer to branching in the phrase structure. This has led us to conclude that Heavy NP Shift is phonological in nature. However, do we, or must we, conclude that Heavy NP Shift is purely phonological? It appears that this is not the case. Although it is triggered by "heaviness" in a prosodie sense, Heavy NP Shift is subject to various syntactic conditions.31 (75) The subject cannot shift even if it is heavy. *She/*It/*i impressed John very much [the woman who saved a kid's life hit by a car]. (76) A prepositional object and an indirect object cannot shift. a. *I talked to t about Jonnie's problems [all of the teachers], b. *John gave t a book about roses [the man in the garden].

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(77) A DP cannot shift over an embedded clause. *I told t that we were in trouble [a man who had a kind face]. All these data show that, even though the Structural Description of Heavy NP Shift involves phonological notions, Heavy NP Shift is sensitive to syntactic distance, such as subject/object asymmetry and syntactic locality. D o we have to assume such a mixture of levels in a single movement process? We believe that these facts can be explained once we think seriously of how the rightward shift can be established in the aforementioned orderless tree theories like Kayne (1994) and Fukui and Takano (1998). In Kayne's and Fukui and Takano's theories, the word order information is mapped based on the hierarchical information in tree structures. Due to the nature of their mapping procedures, any moved element must move to the left. In Kayne's theory, adjunction of an element X to, say, an IP creates the following structure:

With this structure, X necessarily precedes all terminals dominated by IP, because it asymmetrically c-commands all nodes under IP. Thus, all movement rules for Kayne is leftward. For Fukui and Takano, X is demerged and concatenated to the left at an IP level, because it is the first non-projection of the head under IP. In either theory, movement in syntax always goes to left. There is no room for the rightward shift. In such a situation, we have only two interpretations of the rightward shift like Heavy NP Shift: The rightward shift occurs in phonology, or the "shifted" element actually is left unmoved. We cannot take the first option, because the aforementioned mapping theories map structures into strings and there is no constituent structure left after mapping. We cannot attribute the shift to phonological constituents like phonological phrase, because what we need here for Heavy NP Shift is two phonological phras-

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es, a non-constituent string. A non-constituent string cannot behave as a unit in a linguistic operation. Thus, we need to conclude that "Heavy NP" is left unmoved. Takano (1998) proposes that the DP-PP pattern of the ditransitive construction, which most likely triggers Heavy NP Shift, actually is derived from the PP-DP construction, as (79) shows. Takano bases his conclusion on some syntactic facts like binding. If we follow Takano and assume that the DP-PP pattern of the ditransitive construction involves movement of the DP over PP, we can say that, in the Heavy NP Shift case, the movement is deferred due to the "heaviness" of the DP.32 (79) Ditransitive Construction for Takano (1998) John [gives to Mary books] -» John [gives books¡ to Mary t¡] (80) Heavy NP Shift John [gives to Mary [ DP ( PhP his diamond)( PhP rings)]] ment due to heaviness)

(no move-

Heavy NP Shift here is the deferring of syntactic Move a due to a syntactic constituent's branching into phonological phrases. With this in mind, we can readily account for all pseudo-syntactic characteristics of Heavy NP Shift. First, the fact in (75) relates to the base-generable position of the subject. Even if we generate the subject vP-internally as is generally assumed, we have the following structure: (81) It [ vP [the woman who saved a kid's life hit by a car] ν [ VP impressed John] very much]. The verb impress raises to the projection of v, the light verb, and adjoins to it.33 (82) It [vPimpressed¡[vP[the woman who saved a kid's life hit by a car] ν [VPt¡ John] very much]]. If we defer the NP-movement of the subject due to heaviness of the subject, the derivation ends here. The word order we would have is *It impressed the woman who saved a kid's life hit by a car John very much, which is clearly different from the Heavy NP Shift case.34 (76) can also be explained easily. Let us first consider the prepositional object case, which would have the following structure before the "Shift."

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(83) *I talked [ PP to [all of the teachers]] [ PP about Jonnie's problems]. Now that rightward movement is not available, the only choice for us to have (76a) would be to move the PP about Jonnie's problems between to and all of the teachers. Such an operation is not allowed in syntax, because it is a lowering and because it is an adjunction to an intermediate projection of a preposition. About the indirect object case (76b), we already have an explanation. Suppose we follow Takano, which we do, and assume that the natural (hierarchical) order of elements in a ditransitive construction is Goal-Theme, as we do in the DP-PP construction derived from the PP-DP construction. If so, we have, for example, John gave [the man in the garden] a book about roses as the base. Now, this construction have already all its Case checking relations satisfied as is (of course, by later NP-movement and other checking mechanisms) and is in fact licensed as a grammatical sentence in English. With the Goal-Theme order, there is no need for the shift of either object. As there is no option of rightward movement in grammar, this is the only ordering relation we have for this sentence and there is no Heavy NP Shift. (77) can also be explained if we assume that Goal comes first hierarchically. If Goal comes first among internal arguments, we only have I told [a man who had a kind face] (Goal) that we were in trouble. Again, without rightward movement, we cannot have Heavy NP Shift. Heavy NP Shift (or, more precisely, Heavy NP Non-Shift) is triggered by phonological branching, and its apparent purely syntactic behavior is a by-product of the facts about English sentence structures. About Scrambling, we have a very interesting alternative. Boskovic and Takahashi (1998) propose that Scrambling is not a matter of movement. Rather, they say that the Scrambling construction is base-generated. According to them, later operations "lower" Scrambled elements to its 0-marked positions. (84) a. Pronounced structure: scrambled Hanako-o Taroo-ga yon-da. Hanako-ACC Taro-NOM call-PAST 'Taro called Hanako.' b. Interpreted Structure (LF?): Reconstructed Taroo-ga Hanako-o yon-da. Boskovic and Takahashi's motivation for their analysis is to give a reason for a seemingly optional operation like Scrambling: Reconstruction for Θ-

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assignment. Given that Scrambling is partly controlled by prosody, their proposal, which in a sense denies a syntactic analysis of Scrambling, is worth serious consideration. However, they have two conceptual problems. First, it is not clear if Θroles can make derivations uninterpretable so that they trigger lowering in this case. We do not have much to say about this, as this is a matter of core syntax. The second problem with Boskovic and Takahashi is why a structure like (84a) can be base-generated in the first place. Of course, we can always say, "Because principles of the phrase structure construction allow for it." However, why is it possible to have one additional lowering derivation while we have always an option of direct base-generation in a 0-marked position? The only answer we can have here is that (84a) is possible for word-order determination, i.e. for phonology. Thus, even if Boskovic and Takahashi are correct in their analysis of word-order, we still have to explore into the "phonology" of Scrambling. In sum, we have seen in this section that the two seemingly syntactic operations, Heavy NP Shift in English and Scrambling in Japanese, are partly controlled by phonology. They both refer to prosodie branching, as we have seen in previous sections with phonological and morphological phenomena. However, they are also syntactic in that they necessarily refer to syntactic constituency and hierarchies. This may suggest that phonology and syntax must be processed in a more parallel way.

5. Conclusion and related issues Recall the morphological right-branch effects in English and Japanese. The schematic patterns are repeated below. (85)[NAB]:[ACCA'B] B] C] : [ Acc A' Β C] [ n A [ n / A c c B C]]: [ Acc A][ Acc B· C]

UN/ACCA

Left-branching compound words (including simple binary ones) constitute a single Accentual Phrase, while right-branching ones constitute two. When can Accentual Phrase be formed? It cannot be in phonology or in a special Morphology component, as Chomsky (1995) appears to assume. In the theory of phrase structure proposed in the minimalist program, we find two departures from the traditional X-bar-based theory of phrase

Heaviness

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structure. First, as introduced in the previous section, there is no word order specification in the syntactic tree. Second, there is no X-bar theory per se. In the minimalist program, a phrase like big white dog is represented as follows. (86) dog

dog As there is no X-bar theoretic category in a phrase structure, the traditional categorial notions like Ν and NP play no role in syntax. The nodes in a tree are only "labeled" with the name of the head. Consider the following compound noun: (87) statistics

statistics We cannot say anything decisive about whether compound noun formation is an adjunction or substitution. Perhaps it is the former. But we can at least say that we cannot distinguish between phrases and compounds just by looking at the trees. The existence of an independent component for word-formation presupposes the existence of distinctiveness of the notion word, but this is just not available in current syntactic theory. As the pruning of the X-bar tree notation is a welcome move for minimizing idiosyncratic specifications in syntax, we cannot get rid of this assumption. If so, the only thing we can do is to refer to the tree's interpretational aspects directly or indirectly. If so, we can only construct prosodie categories at the same time the syntactic trees are constructed. Spell-Out or

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whatever mechanisms which strips off phonological strings out of trees cannot distinguish between words and phrases. Also, the fact that the Nuclear Stress Rule (Chomsky and Halle 1968), the stress-assignment mechanism for phrases, is sensitive to the selectional property of a verb and semantic predictability, as pointed out by Bolinger (1972) and re-stated by Zubizarreta (1998), may show that phonological structures are already there deep inside syntax. (88) a. I have a point to émphasize. b. I have a point to make. (Zubizarreta 1998, p. 70) In (88b), for the verb make to come in the final position is highly predictable by the use of the word point, and thus the Nuclear Stress Rule chooses point as the target of the main stress. If the above arguments are all correct, the organization of grammar will be as follows: (89) Semantics

^ / ^ ^ I n t e r p r e t Alpha Lexicon, Numeration

Interpretable Tree Merge, Move and Prosodie Category Formation (Stress?)

\^Speel-Out?

Phonetic Representation

Syntax, phonology and perhaps semantics are all communicating with each other in a single interface level ("Interpretable Tree"), and it is at this level where the aforementioned prosodically-oriented syntactic operations occur. This is reminiscent of Zubizarreta's (1998) idea about the organization of grammar and Selkirk's (1984) conception of the S-Structure with focal and intonational information. We would go further and say that fully phonological constituents, such as phonological phrases, is involved in syntax.35

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What is the nature of an Interpretable Tree? In the minimalist syntax as proposed in Chomsky (1995), the nodes of the tree are all set-theoretic object of the following form: (90) {α,{α,β}} This reads as "a merger of a and β with the head a," that is, a's projection.36 The righthand member of the set expresses the syntactic and semantic relations of elements, and the lefthand member of the set expresses the headedness of the node. However, we immediately find that the lefthand member tells us a redundant information, because, once we get to know what a and β are, we immediately know which of the two is likely to be the head of the phrase. This set-theoretic notation is also mysterious in that, even though Chomsky considers syntax as communicating with Semantics and Phonology, syntactic objects in Chomsky's tree do not contain any phonological information although it does contain semantic information in some form. We conjecture that it is the lefthand member of the node set which should contain phonological information like prosodie categorization. The Interpretable Tree for us is a tree which contains both relational (semantic/ syntactic) and prosodie information bits.37 In the minimalist program, derivations are intended to make a structure both semantically and phonologically interpretable. In the current syntactic discussions, we see arguments about how we can make a structure semantically interpretable, such as issues on quantifier scope, Whmovement and reconstruction and 0-marking, and operations for that purpose are syntactic derivations. In this sense, syntax and semantics in the current syntactic theory are parallel. In the discussions with these in mind, one basic assumption has been considered something inviolable: Inclusiveness. Inclusiveness rules all syntactic derivations and bans something other than information from lexical items inserted in a tree. This perhaps follows the tradition of compositional formal semantics. However, for a tree to become phonologically interpretable, it is unavoidable to insert something not in the lexicon. For example, it is simply impossible to have a complete stress grid structure up to the Utterance level in the lexicon. Phonology is just not made this way. However, as we have seen above, rules like the Nuclear Stress Rule, which adds a stress grid, must be applicable in syntax. We would say that the Inclusiveness theme must be loosened to allow for pure insertion of grids and prosodie categories for the phonological purpose. Unless we do so, we cannot have syntactic derivations which are both semantically and phonologically interpret-

38

Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi

able, as we have argued for above. Strictly LF-oriented inclusive syntax fails. As syntactic derivations construct both syntactic and phonological structures, it is only natural that operations like Heavy NP Shift refer to both syntax and phonology. Tateishi (1999) has pointed out that the theory of word-order determination of Kayne (1994) or Fukui and Takano (1998) cannot distinguish between functional categories and lexical categories, and they all are Spelt-out as independent words. This is troublesome when we look for an account of reduction of function words such as Auxiliary Contraction. Without ample amount of categorial information and Prosodie Phrase formation, we cannot distinguish between something strong and nonreduced and something weak and reduced. Moreover, it is well known that there are strong syntactic conditions to Contraction, which suggests we need two kinds of structures for the account. Also, Akasaka (1996) points out that the well-known Binding Theoretic patterns like (91) cannot be accounted for solely at LF. (91) a. MaXj criticized himself¡. b. *Max¡ criticized him¡. Note that both anaphors and pronominals, except for reciprocals which necessarily involve some quantificational operation, are variables in semantics, at least truth-functionally. (92) a. Max¡ criticized himself;.: Ax(criticize(x)(x))(Max) b. Max¡ thinks that Mary criticizes him¡.: Ax(think(A(Az(Ay(criticize(y)(z))(x))(Mary))))(Max) If the two sentences in (91) are interpreted in semantics of this kind, we have (92a) for both, and we cannot distinguish one from the other. Thus, the Binding Theory cannot be semantic, Akasaka argues. With the organization of grammar we have proposed for various "heaviness" phenomena, we can say that Binding is a form-determination process (i.e. a phonological process) which refers to indexing or whatever mechanisms that marks an antecedent and anaphoric expressions. Binding has been pushed out of the realm of syntax partly because Binding has been considered an S-Structure phenomenon, and the S-Structure vanished from syntax due to the ban on non-interface intermediate levels in syntax in the minimalist program. In our view in this paper, S-Structure is revived in

Heaviness

in Interfaces

39

some way, as a pre-Spell-Out structure with full syntactico-semantic and phonological characterizations. Spell-Out splits off prosody out of this level. All prosodie structures are already there in the pre-Spell-Out structure. Along with syntactic structure-building such as Merge and Move, the prosodie structure-building goes on. Only with this assumption, we can find a proper account of "mixed-level" phenomena such as Heavy NP Shift, Scrambling, Nuclear Stress Rule, and so on. This is in a sense a revival of the notion of S-Structure, but more in a sense of Zubizarreta (1998) and Selkirk (1984). However, this does not mean that we need a fixed level called S-Structure. Spell-Out "splits off" only a prosodie structure at the "Utterance" level on the phonological side of a coin, and structure-building continues until we reach that level, so we do not need to specify "SStructure" as something special. This makes a once-abandoned S-Structure explanation of phenomena like Binding possible again, but this time as a theory of form determination. Finally, we have the following three major problems to solve if what we argue for in this paper is correct: (93) a. Because Spell-Out now splits off all phonological materials out of a tree, all that is left after Spell-Out should be phonetic implementations. This in a sense is well fit into the framework of grammar like Chomsky's (1995), because there is only a real interface with motors and perceptions after a "fork" of organization of grammar. So, we need to re-examine and see whether anything "phonological" is left after Spell-Out. b. Also, we need to have an account of word-order (and prosodic-order) determination, as syntax with prosody can now incorporate word-order. c. Finally, we need to have a theory of pronunciation of empty categories of syntax. Especially, in a theory like Chomsky (1995) where traces are copies of an antecedent, we need to have a principled account of which element in a syntactic chain is "prosodically significant." However, these should be left for future investigations.

40

Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi

Notes * The order of the authors is alphabetical and the two authors are equally responsible for the content of this paper. The authors thank the editors of this book for the chance to contribute this paper to the present volume. We have benefited much from comments from an anonymous reviewer of this volume, Francis Michinao Matsui, and Elisabeth Selkirk. We would also like to thank our colleagues at Osaka University and Kyoto University of Foreign Studies for their encouragement and comments. All mistakes and errors which are left in this paper are, of course, solely our own. 1. However, since SPE's (Chomsky and Halle 1968) unfortunate neglect of the notion of syllable and the use of [± tense] for length distinctions, the weight distinction in phonology had also been neglected until the (re)birth of the metrical theory as presented by Liberman and Prince (1977). 2. This is an abbreviated tree. There are nodes like mora under Syl(lable), for example. 3. Of course, there are many exceptions to the regularities that we introduce here, as is mentioned in studies like SPE and others. In this paper, we will ignore all these exceptional cases and only discuss the core cases. 4. We will ignore the so-called "Ambisyllabicity" (Kahn 1976). However, the existence of ambisyllabicity itself may show that the sensitivity to branching is real in a sense. 5. Yamada (1990) argues that Yamato nouns basically have an antepenultimate accent pattern and that Japanese accent is predictable in all vocabulary classes. Yamada bases his argument on the fact that this pattern is dominantly attested in derived words such as compounds and newly coined words like foreign borrowings. However, we think that these facts do not save us from specifying the place of accents in all those words with unpredictable accent patterns. 6. There are some identifiable groups of exceptions to this regularity. Most typical of these are those words whose accent patterns are taken from accent patterns of original languages, e.g. Chómusukii 'Chomsky,' ákusento 'accent.' 7. Japanese syllable structure is basically (C)V(V)(C), where the coda C is either a nasal or the first half of a geminate. All segments except onsets are counted as moras. There are some exceptional trimoraic syllables (Tateishi 1997,1998b). 8. Some speakers shift the accent to the right, due to devoicing of the vowel [u], which is not substantially relevant to the point here. 9. Probably, this derives from the final two moras constituting a foot and from the foot in question being extrametrical (Tateishi 1985,1992), together with an End Rule of some kind. 10. In (12), *BR(SEG) designates a heavy syllable that is accented. We need this kind of designation to capture the fact that accent never falls on the second mora of a heavy syllable in other vocabulary classes either. We avoid formalizing this constraint as ALIGN(ACCENT, LEFT, SYL), because this formulation is partly vacuous and redundant as accent necessarily falls on the left (and right) edge of a light syllable anyway. Note that the constraint in question is not undominated in an Optimality term as an anonymous reviewer claims, because we occasionally find non-head accentuation even in the Tokyo dialect of Japanese (Tateishi 1997). 11. In McCarthy and Prince's theory of prosody, onsets are outside of the moraic structure. We follow their way of representing moras. 12. As onsets and extra codas are adjuncts to syllables in McCarthy and Prince (1986), we can say that these are not counted as branches. We avoid using the term foot explicitly, because the status of the notion foot in morphology is not as clear as that in the stress

Heaviness in Interfaces

13. 14.

15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20.

21.

22. 23.

24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

41

theory, and because using the term foot may make it impossible to distinguish between a non-branching degenerate foot and a binary foot. What we need here is a binary branching foot. Function words are naturally exceptions to this generalization, as they often behave as a syntactic affix. Examples like sinkuro 'synchronization (sinkuronaizeeshon), synchronized swimming (sinkuronaizudosuimingu)' perhaps fit into the bimoraic compounding pattern. Perhaps, in the case of nicknames, the word must be only minimally complex because hypocoristics generally are used with vocative suffixes like -san, -chan, -ko and so on. Combined with these suffixes, the word becomes truly complex. On the other hand, without the help from such suffixes, contraction forms must be truly complex/heavy. Cases like retii < remontii 'lemon tea' are probably formed following such complexity requirement. We only discuss the location of the main stress. We call Accentual Phrase what McCawley (1968) calls minor phrase. It comes between Phonological Word and Phonological Phrase and bears at most one accent. Compounds are of course not only formed out of nouns. Non-nominal compounds are often subject to idiosyncracies. "Length" of words in Japanese for this purpose is measured by the mora count. Roughly speaking, if a word has three or more moras, it is long (McCawley 1968). Incidentally, this Accentual Phrasing works as the domain of another Japanese phonological rule called rendaku (Otsu 1980, Ito and Mester 1986, Fukazawa and Kitahara, this volume) and the rule of rendaku also has a right-branching effect. As Elisabeth Selkirk (personal communication) has correctly pointed out, in Japanese, a right-branching Adjective-Adjective-Noun sequence, e.g. [ao_i [uma_i [ame]]] 'blue tasty candy', is prosodically parsed into [ PPh ao_i uma_i ame]. This means that adjectives are regarded as non-maximal in syntax-phonology mapping, if we follow Selkirk and Tateishi (1991) and assume that it is the left edge of a syntactic maximal projection that coincides with a boundary of a Phonological Phrase. More elaborated investigations on the syntax of attributive adjectives are in order. For example, in a language with bisyllabic stress alternation, of course a word can have an odd number of syllables. In such a case, Universal Grammar should give us an option of having a degenerate monosyllabic foot and of not parsing a left-over syllable into a foot. Kuno (1973) actually uses relative clause constructions. The point of self-embeddedness is kept intact, however. There are cases where (48) is pronounced with one Intonational Phrase: [ IntP Taro-ga Hanako-ga tensai-da-to it-ta], with no resetting of the pitch contour and continuous lowering of pitch. In such cases, our intuitive interpretation is either that Taro-ga is focalized or that Hanako-ga tensai-da-to it-ta is defocalized. We only discuss the default out-of-the-blue cases in this paper. Perhaps, this constraint must be interpreted as a relative one. Other factors like focus and topic may make a unary-branching Intonational Phrase sound better. The terms NP and D P are here used interchangeably. A asymmetrically c-commands Β if and only if A c-commands Β but not vice versa. The point still goes through even if Heavy NP Shift is IP-adjunction. Note that this sentence may be fine only if we put emphatic stress on books. Stress marks the boundary of some kind of prosodie category, and this strengthens our position that Heavy NP Shift is triggered by something phonological.

42

Yukiko Akasaka and Koichi Tateishi

29. See also Verhijde and Van de Weijer (1992) for a similar conclusion independently reached. 30. Why is a heavy NP "shifted"? We conjecture that this would be due to the fact that prosodie heaviness (non-unarity) obligatorily creates binary rhythm. With two words we can compose a hierarchical structure, but we cannot with only one. (i)

a. Unary Phrase *

A b. Binary Phrase *

* [A

* B]

With something binary and with a rhythmic head at the end, we can easily adjust the rhythm of the whole utterance. Thanks go to an anonymous reviewer for this point. We need an account of truly focal "light" NP Shift. (ii)

She bequeathed to the library her PAPERS

and to the radio station her CD's.

(Elisabeth Selkirk (personal communication)) In such a case, we assume that a focus forces prosodie bracketing. (ill)

* * [PAPERS]

Thus, heaviness here corresponds to some prosodie hierarchy which is either forced by binarity or focus. 31. There is another interesting syntactic fact pertaining to Heavy NP Shift. A D P can shift over the object-oriented secondary predicate, while it cannot shift over the subject-oriented secondary predicate. (i)

a. Jews never eat t raw [fish over two days old]. b. *John left t angry [the reception for the ambassador from Ulan Bator],

However, examples like (ia) can "shift" the D P even if it is light. (ii)

Jews never eat t raw some fish.

Thus, we must say that this DP-predicate permutation needs another explanation. We are grateful to Makoto Kurata for reminding us of this fact. 32. Takano's (1998) D P Shift is actually a complex of two movement operations: one for reaching the domain of Case-assigner and the other for Case checking. Moreover, Takano differs from us in that he interprets Heavy N P Shift as a PF interpretation (= pronunciation) of a trace instead of a target. H e also attributes "heaviness" to focus, which we reject as shown in discussions in previous sections. We do not adopt Kayne's (1994) extra-Scrambling analysis which we introduce above simply because Kayne's theory involves some complexity in his analysis of SOV languages.

Heaviness in Interfaces

43

33. Here we simply follow Fukui and Takano's (1998) assumption that the syntactic trees must keep "expanding" throughout the course of derivations, which they attribute to Chomsky (1995). Thus, there is no head movement per se and the so-called head movement is also a case of phrasal adjunction. 34. The reason of ungrammaticality of (82) perhaps is attributed to an independent matter of Case-checking of the subject. Even if we shift the object and the adverb later by some sort of Scrambling, they should come to the left of the verb and we would have * It John, very much, impressed the woman who saved a kid's life hit by a car. 35. Perhaps, we are leaving the minimalist spirit of strict modularity among grammatical components. According to our view of grammar, syntactic trees can contains anything phonological and semantic, including something like phonemes. Being invisible and being irrelevant are separate matters, we believe. 36. Adjoined nodes may have a different form, which is not substantially relevant to the discussion in this paper. 37. See Akasaka (2000) and Akasaka and Tateishi (2000) for details.

References Akasaka, Yukiko 1996 Binding as the Realization of Overt Variables. Master's thesis, Kyoto University of Foreign Studies. 2000 Extended Prosodie Syntax: Case Studies in English. Master's thesis, Osaka University. Akasaka, Yukiko and Koichi Tateishi 2000 "Metrical Branching and Phonology-Syntax Interface," Phonological Studies 3, 61-42 Bolinger, Dwight 1972 "Accent is Predictable (If You are a Mind Reader)." Language 48, 633-644. Boskovic, Zeljko and Daiko Takahashi 1998 "Scrambling and Last Resort." Linguistic Inquiry 29, 347-366. Chomsky, Noam 1972 "Remarks on Nominalization." Studies on Semantics in Generative Grammar, 7-61, Mouton, The Hague. 1986 Barriers. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. 1995 The Minimalist Program. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Chomsky, Noam and Morris Halle 1968 The Sound Pattern of English. Harper and Row, New York. Fiengo, Robert 1974 Semantic Conditions on Surface Structure. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Fukui, Naoki 1993 "Parameters and Optionality." Linguistic Inquiry 24, 399-420. Fukui, Naoki and Yuji Takano 1998 "Symmetry in Syntax: Merge and Demerge." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 7,27-86. Hale, Kenneth 1980 "Remarks on Japanese Phrase Structure: Comments on the Papers on Japanese Syntax." MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 2,185-203.

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Haraguchi, Shosuke 1991 A Theory of Stress and Accent. Foris, Dordrecht. Hayes, Bruce 1980 A Metrical Theory of Stress Rules. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. 1982 "Extrametricality and English Stress." Linguistic Inquiry 13, 227-76. 1995 Metrical Stress Theory; Principles and Case Studies. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Itô, Junko 1990 "Prosodie Minimality in Japanese." CLS 26,213-239. Itô, Junko and R. Armin Mester 1986 "The Phonology of Voicing in Japanese: Theoretical Consequences of Morphological Accessibility." Linguistic Inquiry,17, 49-73. 1995 "Japanese Phonology." The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. by John A. Goldsmith, 817-838, Blackwell, Oxford. Jackendoff, Ray 1977 X' Syntax: A Study of Phrase Structure. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Kahn, Daniel 1976 Syllable-Based Generalizations in English Phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Kayne, Richard S. 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Kubozono, Haruo 1988 The Organization of Japanese Prosody. Kurosio Publishers, Tokyo. Kuno, Susumu 1973 Nihon Bunpo Kenkyu [Studies in Japanese Grammar], Taishukan, Tokyo. Liberman, Mark and Alan Prince 1977 "On Stress and Linguistic Rhythm." Linguistic Inquiry 8, 249-336. McCarthy, John and Alan Prince 1986 "Prosodie Morphology." ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst and Brandeis University, Waltham. McCawley, James D. 1968 The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. Mouton, The Hague. Miyagawa, Shigeru 1989 Syntax and Semantics 22: Structure and Case Marking in Japanese. Academic Press, San Diego. 1997 "Against Optional Scrambling." Linguistic Inquiry 28,1-25. Otsu, Yukio 1980 "Some Aspects of Rendaku in Japanese and Related Problems." MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 2, 207-227. Poser, William J. 1990 "Evidence for Foot Structure in Japanese." Language 66, 78-105. Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky 1993 Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Technical Report 2, The Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, New Brunswick. Rochemont, Michael S. and Peter W. Culicover 1990 English Focus Constructions and the Theory of Grammar. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ross, John Robert 1986 Infinite Syntax! Ablex Publishing Corporation, Norwood, NJ.

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Saito, Mamoru 1985 Some Asymmetries in Japanese and Their Theoretical Implications. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. 1992 "Long Distance Scrambling in Japanese." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1, 69-118. Saito, Mamoru and Naoki Fukui 1998 "Order in Phrase Structure and Movement." Linguistic Inquiry 29, 439-474. Saito, Mamoru and Hajime Hoji 1983 "Weak Crossover and Move-α in Japanese." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 1, 245-259. Selkirk, Elisabeth 1984 Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. 1986 "On Derived Domains in Sentence Phonology." Phonology Yearbook 3, 371405. Selkirk, Elisabeth and Koichi Tateishi 1988 "Constrains on Minor Phrase Formation in Japanese." CLS 24, 316-336. 1991 "Syntax and Downstep in Japanese." Interdisciplinary Approaches to Language: Essays in Honor ofS.-Y. Kuroda, ed. by Carol Georgopoulos and Roberta Ishihara, 519-543, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Takano, Yuji 1998 "Object Shift and Scrambling." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16, 817-889. Tateishi, Koichi 1985 Accent of Compound Nouns in the Standard Japanese: A Nonliner Approach. Master's thesis, International Christian University. 1989 "Theoretical Implications of the Japanese Musician's Language." Proceedings ofWCCFL 8, 384-398. 1992 "Maximal Non-Exhaustive Invisibility." Kansai Linguistic Society 12,134-144. 1997 "Nihon-go Tokyo-Hogen Washa-ni Okeru Akusento-no Yure-to OnsetsuKozo [Variability of Judgement on Accentuation among Tokyo Japanese Speakers and the Syllable Structure]." a paper presented at the 115th meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan, Kyoto University. 1998a "Foot or Syllable?: Binarity Effects in Japanese and English Phonology." ICU English Studies Vol. 7, Society of ICU English Studies, 1-22. 1998b "Non-Repair Strategies in Japanese Syllables." Phonological Studies 1, 123130. 1999 "Are Interface Studies Possible?" Journal of the Phonetic Society of Japan 3, 4-19. Verhijde, Mark and Jeroen van de Weijer 1992 "On Deriving Minimal NPs." Proceedings of the Leiden Conference for Junior Linguists 3, ed. by L.C.J. Barbiers, M. den Dikken and C.C. Levelt, 293-306. Leiden University Press, Leiden. Webelhuth, Gert 1989 Syntactic Saturation Phenomena and the Modern Germanic Languages. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Yamada, Eiji 1990 "Stress Assignment in Tokyo Japanese." ms., Fukuoka University, Fukuoka.

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Zee, Draga and Sharon Inkelas 1990 "Prosodically Constrained Syntax." The Phonology-Syntax Connection, ed. by Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zee, 365-378, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Zubizarreta, Maria Luiza 1998 Prosody, Focus, and Word Order. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered Shosuke Haraguchi Meikai

University

Introduction Japanese is generally regarded as having a pitch accent system. However, it has a number of dialects, which are classified as unaccentual systems (e.g., Kagoshima Japanese), as well as accentual systems (e.g., Tokyo-type Japanese and Kansai-type Japanese). For detailed discussion, see McCawley (1968), Haraguchi (1977,1991), among others. Accentual systems of Japanese dialects have a number of distinct characteristics. For example, in almost all dialects, verbs and adjectives are divided into two classes: either accented and unaccented like Tokyo Japanese, or two different melodies HL & LHL like Osaka Japanese, LHL & LH like Kagoshima Japanese, etc. The former normally has accent on the penultimate mora of the Present forms of verbs and adjectives, which is equivalent to the stem-final mora/syllable in (1). (1)

(C)]..«n,

Γ (r)u] -I verb

ι i] L, On the other hand, nouns tend to have more accentual varieties than those of verbs and adjectives, depending on surface accentual/tonal realization. Consider the following table, which lists some of the tonal patterns frequently observed in Japanese dialects.

(2) a. b. c. d. e. f. gh.

No. of surface tonal patterns 1 2 3

η n+1 n+2 2n+2 3n+3

analyses one-melody unaccentual system two-melody unaccentual system accentual system accented words only accented and unaccented words accented and unaccented words + Accent Shift (or Tone Shift) two-melody system three-melody system

48

Shosuke

Haraguchi

If a dialect has one or two tonal patterns, the system is interpreted as a one-melody unaccentual system or a two-melody unaccentual system. Miyakonojo Japanese, Izumi Japanese, and Nakamura Japanese are examples of (2a). Kagoshima Japanese in southern Kyushu is a celebrated example of (2b). Both patterns are different from all the remaining ones in that the former are interpreted as unaccentual systems and the latter as accentual systems. As far as I know, Kumi Japanese is a good case of (2c) (see Haraguchi 1977, 1998, among others). Fukuoka Japanese is the only attested case of (2d); Tokyo Japanese is a typical example of (2e); Osaka Japanese and other Kansai-type dialects are examples of (2g); and Old Kyoto Japanese is the only attested case of (2h) (see Haraguchi 1997, among others). Note that (2f), of which Tsuruoka Japanese is an example, is a rather strange possibility, because one-melody dialects can have just one unaccentual word, not two, for η-mora words. The purpose of this paper is two-fold: (i) To discuss this seeminglystrange tonal property of Tsuruoka Japanese in detail, reexamining the major tonal facts of nouns, verbs, and adjectives, and reviewing my previous analysis incorporating an accent shift rule; (ii) To propose an alternative analysis with a phonetic process which moves the Η-tone to the right and to discuss its theoretical implications.

1. Tsuruoka Japanese as an n+1 underlying accentual pattern As noted above, the existence of this type of dialect would be rather surprising. This is because if lexical items have η moras (or syllables), we would expect that the largest number of their accentual pattern be n+1, taking the unaccented lexical items into account. This n+1 pattern is observed in (3). (3) n+l\ Tokyo Japanese noun-Nom. a. hasi(-ga) LH Η b. hasí(-ga) LH L c. hási(-ga) HL L

gloss edge

analysis unaccented

bridge

final-accented

chopstick

initial-accented

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

49

Here and below, the location of (surface) accent is represented by the acute accent on a vowel. Japanese is unique in that it has a dialect with the n+2 surface accentual patterns: Tsuruoka Japanese (as well as a number of dialects of the Tohoku District). This dialect has long attracted the attention of a large number of Japanese linguists, who have tried to propose a variety of analyses, accounting for the seemingly-strange accentual facts. See Shibata (1957), Kindaichi (1953), Haraguchi (1979,1997,1998), Nitta (1994) among others. To see the tonal properties of Tsuruoka Japanese, let us begin by examining the facts of nouns and noun phrases. This dialect has two accentual classes for one-mora nouns; four accentual classes for two-mora nouns; five accentual classes for three-mora nouns; and six accentual classes for four-mora nouns. First, let us examine the following cases of two-mora and three-mora nouns in (4). All the examples discussed in this paper are cited from Nitta (1994), basically following his notation with minor notational changes. Thus, the notations /'í, 'á, 'ú, 'ó, 'á/ stand for [i, e, u, o, a] respectively; Β, for prenasalized labial [b]; g for velar nasal [η]; and the acute accent, for accent on the mora. (4) No. of Gloss Mora 2a. nose 2b. 2c. 2d. 3a. 3b. 3c. 3d. 3e.

In isolation ~ + s a ~+do 'Acc' 'and' hana hanasa hanado L L L L L L LL leg 'ásí 'ásisá 'ásidó LH LLH LLH shoulder kadá kadása kadádo LH LH L LH L autumn 'àgi 'ágisa 'ágido HL HLL H LL fish sagana saganasa saganado LL L L L LL L L L L head 'ádamá 'ádamasá 'ádamadó L L H L L LH L L L H kogoró heart kogorósa kogoródo L LH L LH L L LH L rabbit 'úsági 'úságisa 'úságido LH L LH LL LH L L helmet káBudo káBudosa káBudodo H L L H L L L, H L L L

~+no 'Gen' hanano L L L 'àsino LL L kadáno LH L 'ágino HLL saganano L L L L 'ádamano L L L L kogoróno L LH L 'úságino LH L L káBudono H L L L

~-i-gara 'from' hanagara LLLL 'ásigára LLHL kadágara LH LL 'ágigara HLLL saganagara L L L LL 'ádamagára L L LHL kogorógara L LH L L 'úságigara LHLLL káBudogara H LLLL

50

Shosuke

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All the L-toned nouns of the 2a and 3a types are analyzed as unaccented by all linguists, while the other nouns with an Η-tone are analyzed as accented, with the accent on the Η-toned mora. When the accusative marker -sa, the Genitive marker -no, -do 'and' corresponding to -to in Tokyo Japanese, and -gara 'from' corresponding to -kara of Tokyo Japanese, are attached to the nouns, the unaccented nouns remain L-toned. However, in the accented type 2b and 3b nouns, only L-tone appear when the Genitive marker -no is attached to a noun, which suggests that the word-final accent is deleted when it is adjacent to the Genitive marker. Also, before the other particles, the Η-tone appears one-mora to the right, which is interpreted by most Japanese linguists as a shift of accent to the right. In other cases, the accent seems to surface in its underlying position. Haraguchi (1979), paying attention to the fact that accent shifts to the right only when the vowel of the post-accented mora is [e, o, or a], while the shift is blocked when the vowel is [i or u], proposes that the seemingly peculiar properties of Tsuruoka Japanese can be accounted for if we assume the following accent shift rule contingent on the height of the post accented vowel. (5) Accent Shift: Shift accent one-mora to the right if the vowel of the post-accented mora is [-high] (i.e., [e, o, a]). This rule is formally represented as in (5') in Haraguchi (1979), in which the star (*) stands for the accent and V, for a vowel or a mora: (51) Accent Shift: * V

V -high

V

' V -high

Assuming this accent shift rule, we can analyze the nouns of the 2c and 3c types as having an underlying penultimate accent, which is moved one mora to the right after the application of the accent deletion rule before no. Haraguchi (1979) also proposes that, assuming this accent shift rule, this accentual system is nothing but a variant of Tokyo-type pattern: the n+1 accentual pattern. Let us now examine four-mora nouns in (6).

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

51

(6) No. of Gloss In isolation ~+sa ~+do Mora 'Acc' 'and' 4a. chicken niwadori niwadorisa niwadorido LLLLLLLLLLLLLL 4b. wild pig 'ínosisí 'ínosisisá "ínosisidó L L LH L L L L H L L L L H 4c. sound of feet 'asi'odó 'ási'odósa 'ási'odódo LLLH LLLHL LLLHL 4d. onion tamanégi tamanégisa tamanégido L L H L L L H LL L L H LL 4e. morning glory 'ásága'o 'ásága'osa 'ásága'odo LHLL LHLLL LHLLL 4f. mushroom mázidage mázidagesa mázidagedo HLLL HLLLL HLLLL

+no 'Gen' niwadorino LLLLL 'ínosisino LLLLL 'ási'odóno LLLHL tamanégino LLHLL 'ásága'ono LHLLL mázidageno HLLLL

~+gara 'from' niwadorigara LLLLLL 'ínosisigára LLLLHL 'ási'odógara LLLHLL tamanégigara LLHLLL 'ásága'ogara LHLLLL mázidagegara H LLLLL

Parallel to what we have seen in (4), the L-toned nouns are unaccented and the final-accented nouns of the 4b type lose accent before the Genitive marker no. The nouns of the 4c type have an underlying accent on the penultimate mora, shifting it to the right by the accent shift rule in (5). Those of the 4d type have the same surface and underlying accent on the penultimate mora, and those of the 4e and 4f types have an underlying accent on the initial mora, with the subsequent accent shift to the second mora in the case of the 4e type. Consider now the cases of one-mora nouns, which have just two types, unaccented and accented.

(V) No. of Gloss Mora la. mosquito lb.

picture

In isolation ~+sa 'Acc' ka kasa L LL 'é 'esá H LH

~+do 'and' kado LL 'édo HL

~+no 'Gen' kano LL 'eno LL

~+gara 'from' kagara LLL 'egára LHL

In isolation, unaccented nouns are L-toned just like other unaccented cases of longer nouns, while accented nouns are Η-tones as in 'é. When the Accusative marker sa is attached to them, the unaccented nouns remain L-toned, but the accented nouns surface as LH-toned, which is in-

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terpreted as a shift of accent to the right. When the particle do 'and', corresponding to in Tokyo Japanese, is attached, the accent does not shift to the right for some reason unclear to me at present. When the Genitive marker no is attached, the word-final accent is deleted, while it is shifted to the right in the case of the particle gara 'from', corresponding to kara in Tokyo Japanese. I assume that the accent shift rule in (5) applies to lexical items in the lexicon and to what McCawley (1968) calls the 'minor phrase'. Recall that this rule moves the accent to the right if the height of the following vowel is non-high. Once we assume this rule, the data in (4, 6, and 7) can be analyzed as follows: Underlying Accent o unaccented ó initial-accented (or final-accented) nose hana 0 o unaccented leg 'ásí o ó final-accented shoulder kadá ó o initial-accented autumn 'àgi ó o initial-accented fish sagana oo 0 unaccented head 'ádamá oo ó final-accented heart 0ó o kogoró penultimate-accented rabbit 'úsági oó o penultimate-accented helmet káBudo ó 0 o initial-accented chicken niwadori o o 0 o unaccented wild pig 'ínosisí OO0 ó final-accented sound of feet 'ási'odó O 0 ó o penultimate-accented onion tamanégi o ó o o antepenultimate-accented (or penultimate-accented) morning glory 'ásága'o Ó 0 o o initial-accented mushroom mázidage Ó o 0 o initial-accented

(8) No. of Mora Gloss la mosquito lb picture 2a 2b 2c 2d 3a 3b 3c 3d 3e 4a 4b 4c 4d 4e 4f

Sample ka 'é

The existence of one more additional surface accentual pattern in Tsuruoka Japanese is accounted for by the Accent Shift rule in (5). This rule plays an important role in accounting for a variety of phenomena found in verbal inflection and adjectival inflection of this dialect, to which I will return in the next section.

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

53

2. The tonal system of Tsuruoka Japanese As discussed in section 2, Tsuruoka Japanese is peculiar in that it appears to have an n+2 surface tonal distinctions. This seemingly strange characteristic of Tsuruoka Japanese is shown in the section above to be due to the existence of an accent shift rule dependent on the height of vowels, repeated here for ease of reference: (5) Accent Shift: Shift accent one-mora to the right if the vowel of the post-accented mora is [-high] (i.e., [e, o, a]). In this section, I will discuss a number of tonal properties of this dialect to shed light on some of its peculiar properties.

2.1. The tonal system of Tsuruoka nouns Let us first discuss the tonal system of nouns in this dialect, and determine what the best way is to analyze its melodic properties. The basic tonal facts of nouns are illustrated in (4, 6,7) in section 2. I will begin with a discussion of the accentual system of this dialect. A careful examination of the above facts shows that accent seems to be shifted to the right when the following mora contains a non-high vowel [e, o, or a]. One case which does not conform to this accent shift is 'é 'picture' in (lb) followed by do 'and'. For some unexplained reason the phrase 'édo does not undergo accent shift. Thus, if this is a fact, we must regard this phrase as an exception to the rule. The all-L tone in the no-phrases of the lb, 2b, 3b, and 4b types compels us to set up an accent deletion rule, which deletes accent immediately in front of the Genitive marker no: (9) Accent Deletion before no: * -»· 0 / -no Notice that unless we assume that this rule applies before Accent Shift in (5), we would not account for the difference between the 2b, 3b, and 4b types and the 2c, 3c, and 4c types. This shows that we need derivational information to distinguish the b classes and the c classes.

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Shosuke Haraguchi

An examination of the list immediately shows that only one H tone appears in a word or a phrase and everything else is L. Let us first discuss how this fact is analyzed within the framework of Haraguchi (1977) and (1979). The basic tone melody of this dialect is LHL. Assuming that the H tone is associated with the accented mora first, as in numerous other Japanese dialects, all other moras are associated with the L tone of the LHL melody. Notice also that the absence of a contour tone (i.e., HL falling tone or LH rising tone) indicates that this dialect prohibits association of two or more tones to a single tone-bearing unit, which leaves the L tone unassociated with the peripheral mora of the initial-accented word or of the final-accented word. The remaining thing for us to do is to account for the all-L tone of unaccented words. One possible solution is to assume that Tsuruoka Japanese has no system to associate the basic tone melody LHL with unaccented words, which leaves the unaccented words toneless. The toneless words later receive the default L tone by a default tone association convention. The second possible solution is that, just like Tokyo Japanese, the H tone of the LHL melody is associated with the final mora of the unaccented words, which brings about the following schematic melodic shape: (10) . . . X X X X \ l / I L H L The H tone associated with the unaccented mora is then deleted and the floating L tone is associated with the toneless final mora. The third possible solution is to assume that the H tone of the LHL melody is associated with the initial mora of a word. Thus, the derivation is the mirror image of the second solution, as indicated in (11): (11)

X X X X I I / / L H L

Which solution is the best? It is rather difficult to argue for one over the others. One might claim that the best guess would be to choose the last one, taking the following observation by Nitta (1994: 85) into consideration. (12) Classes la, 2a, 3a, etc. are phonologically represented as having, LL, LLL, LLLL, etc. but these all L melodies, as Kindaichi has indepen-

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

55

dently pointed out, sound like ML, MML/MLL, MMLL/MLLL, etc. respectively. It seems the latter melodies are normally the case.

To derive the melodies ML, MLL, MLLL, etc., what would be needed is to simply assume that the initial H tone associated with the unaccented mora is phonetically realized as the M tone. The M tone which appears optionally on the second mora will be handled by assuming an optional phonetic spreading of the M tone one mora to the right. Assuming that this solution is correct, Tsuruoka Japanese would be just the opposite of Tokyo Japanese in the association of the H tone with an unaccented word. Admitting the initial plausibility of this analysis, I will elect to choose the second solution here. This solution makes it necessary to introduce an H Deletion rule, which erases the H tone on the unaccented mora, inducing the subsequent spreading (or association) of the L tone. One of the reasons that I choose this option is to make this dialect parallel to other Tokyo-type Japanese in handling the association of the H tone with the final mora of unaccented words. This analysis is supported by features of verbs in this dialect, which are discussed in the next subsection. Overall, we can say that tonal facts of Tsuruoka Japanese are more complicated than those of Tokyo Japanese in that the former requires the accent shift rule dependent on the height of vowels, the H Deletion rule for nouns, and a couple of phonetic rules. Tonal facts of Tsuruoka nouns discussed in section 1 can be summarized as follows:

(13) a. All L-toned nouns are unaccented. b. Accented words have just one Η-toned mora. c. Accent Shift, which moves accent one mora to the right contingent on the height of the post-accented vowel, makes it possible to analyze a number of nouns as having underlying accent one-mora to the left of the surface accent, as illustrated in (8). d. An accent deletion rule applying before the Genitive no makes the tone of the final-accented nouns all L-toned.

I will not go into the details of exceptions to the analysis presented above. For further discussion of ramifications on marked irregularities and a number of exceptions, see Haraguchi (1997) and (1998).

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2.2. The tonal system of verbs in Tsuruoka Japanese Let us now turn to tonal phenomena of verbs in Tsuruoka Japanese. An examination of the tonal system of verbs gives further supports to the above analysis incorporating Accent Shift (5). Verbs are, just like other Tokyo-type Japanese, divided into two categories: accented and unaccented. The following list will make this clear: (14) a. Unaccented Class Present kiru neru 'igu ka'u mageru kariru 'oguru cuka'u kasaneru hadaragu

Melody LH LH LH LH LLH LLH LLH LLH LLLH LLLH

— sage kiruságe' neruságe' 'íguságe' ka'uságe' mageruságe' kariruságe' 'óguruságe' cuka'uságe' kasaneruságe' hadaraguságe'

Negative kine' nene' 'ígane' kawane' magene' karine' 'ógurane' cukawane' kasanene' hadaragane'

~ sage kine'ságe' nene'ságe' 'ígane'ságe kawane'ságe magene'ságe' kariruságe' 'óguraneságe' cukawane'ságe' kasanene'ságe' hadaragane'ságe'

Neg-Imperative kiNna neNna 'iguna 'ka'una mageNna kariNna 'óguNna cuka'uNna kasaneNna hadaraguna

Conditional kideba nedeba 'ígeba kae'ba magedeba karideba 'ógureba cuka'eba kasanereba hadarageba

dené' miné' koné' kuwané' torané' kagané' tadené' toZiné' cugurané' harawané' he'rané' kaZo'ené' 'ugogasané'

dené'sage' miné'sage' koné'sage' kuwané'sage' torané'sage' kagané'sage' tadené'sage' toZiné'sage' cugurané'sage' harawané'sage' he'rané'sage' kaZo'ené'sage' 'ugogásauné'sage'

déNna míNna kúNna kúna tóNna káguna tadéNna toZíNna cugúNna hará'una hé'Nna kaZo'éNna 'ugogasuna

dedéba midéba kudéba kéba todéba kagéba tadedéba toZidéba tuguréba hara'éba heréba kaZo'edéba 'ugogaséba

b. Accented Class déru míru kúru kú tóru kágu tadéru toZíru cugúru hará'u hé'ru kaZo'éru 'ugogásu

HL HL HL H HL HL LHL LHL LHL LHL LHL LLHL LLHL

dérusage' mírusage' kúrusage' kúsage' tórusage' kágusage' tadérusage' toZírusage' cugúrusage' hará'usage' hé'rusage' kaZo'érusage' 'ugogásusage'

where e' stands for open [ε], Ζ for prenasalized [z], and Ν for moraic nasal.) Notice that the unaccented verbs have the Η tone on the final mora of the Present. This means that the Η tone of the LHL basic tone melody is associated with the final mora of verbs in the autosegmental analysis. Recall that for unaccented nouns we have chosen the second solution in which

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

57

the H tone is associated with the final mora, with the subsequent erasure of the H tone. Verbs are different from nouns in that this H deletion does not apply to verbs. However, the association of the H tone with the final mora of unaccented cases is common to both nouns and verbs. Accented class is assumed to be assigned accent by the following rule, which is identical to that of Tokyo Japanese: (15) Assign accent to the stem-final mora. This accent assignment applies before the accent shift rule in (5). The stem-final or penultimate accent does not undergo accent shift because the Present morpheme ru has a high vowel. The implication of this assumption will be clear immediately below. First consider the morpheme sage'. An examination of both the unaccented class and the accented one shows that this morpheme is accented. Within the present framework assuming an accent shift rule, we must further assume that this morpheme belongs to the so-called 'Pre-accenting' class, which is represented schematically as follows: (16)

* *

*

sa ge' This makes it possible for the accent shift rule to move accent to the right, as illustrated in (16): (17)

* *

*

* *

ku ru- sa ge'

*

*

*

ku ru -sa ge'

Notice that this accent normally does not surface when the morpheme is attached to accented verbs, with a few exceptions with which we are not concerned here. Turn next to the Negative ne\ which is derived from the underlying form ai by Coalescence. This bound morpheme should be classified as unaccented, because there is no indication of the existence of accent when it is attached to unaccented verbs. The fact that it has accent when it is attached to accented verb stems can be easily handled by the accent shift rule (5) introduced independently for nouns. Notice that the Negative Imperative na is also unaccented. What is interesting is that when it is attached to the Present form of verbs, the ru is

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Shosuke Haraguchi

turned into the geminate Ν immediately before η of the Negative ne'. This segmental process seems to be common to most dialects of the Tohoku district and the northern Kanto district (e.g., various Ibaragi dialects). Irrespective of the relative order of this segmental rule and the accent shift rule, we can account for the reason why accent shift is blocked in cases where the accent is followed by the geminate N. This will be clear from the discussion below of the accent shift of the Past form. Consider now the Conditional form (d)eba, which corresponds to (r)eba of Standard or Common Japanese. Thus, when the Conditional is attached to the consonant-ending (or consonantal) verbs, eba is selected as illustrated in: (18) a. b. c. d. e. f. g· h. i. j· k. 1.

'igeba kae'ba 'ógureba cuka'eba kasanereba hadarageba kéba kagéba tuguréba hara'éba heré-ba 'úgogasé'ba

'ig + eba kaw + eba 'ógur + eba cukaw + eba kasaner + eba hadarag + eba kúw +eba kág+ eba tugúr + eba haráw + eba hér + eba 'úgogás +eba

'go' + Conditional 'buy' + Conditional 'send' + Conditional 'use' + Conditional 'pile' + Conditional 'work' + Conditional 'eat' + Conditional 'write' + Conditional 'make' + Conditional 'pay' + Conditional 'enter' + Conditional 'move' + Conditional

Otherwise (i.e., when it: is attached to the vowel-ending verbs), deba is se lected, as illustrated in: (19) a. b. c. d. e. f. g· h. i.

kideba nedeba magedeba karideba dedéba midéba kudéba todéba tadedéba

ki + deba ne + deba mage + deba kari + deba dé + deba mí + deba kú + deba tó + deba tadé + deba

'wear' + Conditional 'sleep' + Conditional 'bend, twist' + Conditional 'borrow' + Conditional 'go out' + Conditional 'see' + Conditional 'come' + Conditional 'take' + Conditional 'build' + Conditional

The distribution of (d)eba is identical with that of (r)eba of Standard Japanese and other Tokyo-type Japanese. The alternation of r and d is also

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

59

found in a number of Japanese dialects. The Conditional (d)eba should be unaccented by nature, but it gets accent when it is attached to the accented verbs. This accent is due to the accent shift rule (5) discussed above. Let us now turn to the Past morpheme ta, which is realized as da by a phonetic voicing rule which applies in the following environment: (20)

(Cvo.ced)r

V

,

IN J

V

Otherwise ta remains as it is. Just like other forms, the Past ta is unaccented by nature. Thus, when it is attached to unaccented verbs, the Past forms have no accent at all. However, when it is attached to accented verbs, it sometimes gets accent as illustrated in the examples of the column I: (21) I. Accent on the Past a. dedá 'went out' b. midá 'saw' c. kitá 'came' d. 'áttá 'met' e. 'úttá 'hit' f. tottá 'took' 'ate' g· ku(t)tá h. cukuttá 'made' i. harattá 'paid' ayamattá 'apologized' j·

II. Accent on verb stem káida 'wrote' dásita 'put out: sent' yóNda 'read' tadáida 'struck' 'éráNda 'chose' 'árúida 'walked' 'entered' hé'tta cigazú(i)da 'came near' 'úgogásita 'moved' 'ósikóNda 'pushed in'

These facts are analyzed as follows: The Past morpheme is extratonal or invisible, and accent is assigned to the final syllable of the verbal stem. The accent shift in question then applies to the examples of the left column and the accent is moved onto the Past morpheme. Here the geminate consonant is ignored since it cannot bear accent. In contrast, all the examples of the right column do not display accent shift, because the high vowels and the moraic nasal Ν block it. Notice that the moraic nasal Ν is interpreted as equivalent to the high vowels in a number of cases. The only example which requires comments is hé'tta 'entered', which is an apparent exception to the accent shift in question. Notice however that the word hé'tta is a surface form of /háir-ta/, which is turned into [háit-ta] by assimilation and then turned into [hé't-ta] by Coalescence of /ai/ and the subsequent (or simultaneous) shortening into je']. Thus we can correctly account for the reason why accent shift is blocked in this case. The under-

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lying high vowel, which exists when the rule in question applies, prevents accent shift from applying to this case. Notice that in the discussion above, I omitted a couple of seemingly recalcitrant cases, which will be briefly examined at this point: (22) a. tadéda b. toZida

'built' 'closed'

Recall that the Past morpheme ta is invisible and accent is assigned to the final syllable of the verbal stem. This means that accent is assigned to the initial mora of these cases. The accent shift rule under consideration should move the accent of (22a and b), while it predicts, contrary to fact, that it should be blocked from applying to derive (22b). The problem is how to account for the bocking of accent shift in (22b). Since the relevant examples are scarce, I cannot say anything conclusive at present. However, the best guess is that accent shift is permitted to apply under certain conditions even if the following mora contains a high vowel. I suspect that the voiced consonant has something to do with this. However, I have to leave the problem of the blocking of accent shift open here. The core cases discussed in this section clearly show the necessity of accent shift and of derivations.

2.3. The tonal system of adjectives in Tsuruoka Japanese Before concluding the discussion of the tonal system of Tsuruoka Japanese, I will briefly discuss that of adjectives. Since the factual investigation into the data of adjectives are limited and the quality of the data does not seem to be so reliable, the following analysis of the tonal system of adjectives is tentative at best. According to Nitta (1994), adjectives in Tsuruoka Japanese are also divided into two classes: accented and unaccented. Notice that this is also parallel to most of the Tokyo-type dialects. Consider first the following cases:

2a. b. 3a.

I. kói ée,íi né' samúi

Accented 'thick,dense' 'good' 'not' 'cold'

II. Unaccented suppe' < sui 'sour' (gap?) 'áme'

'sweet'

The Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered

b. c. 4a. b. c.

sirói, siré 'á'ói 'ókkí miziké' 'óisí

'white' 'blue' 'big' 'short' 'tasty'

kure' 'âge' kurusi kuyasi 'áBune'

61

'dark' 'red' 'hard' 'upset; frustrating' 'dangerous'

The accented class receives accent on the penultimate mora (or equivalently on the stem-final mora), which is common to almost all of the Tokyo-type dialects. The reader might wonder how to handle the fact that some adjectives like siré in 2b, 'okki in 4a, and 'oisi in 4c appear to have final accent. This fact will pose no problem if we assume that the underlying forms of these adjectives are respectively as follows: (24) a. b. c.

surface form < siré < 'ókkí 'óisí
• ee'

Looking at the samples in (23), the astute reader might have noticed that the adjective né' is classified as belonging to the accented class. However, we have seen in the section above that the bound form ne' is unaccented. How should we account for this apparent incompatibility? A careful examination of facts concerning adjectives shows beyond reasonable doubt that the adjective né' 'not' is accented. To see this, consider the following cases:

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(27) Accented adjective a. né' b. kói c. siré

class: gloss 'not' 'thick' 'white'

. . . + thing né-mono kói-mono siré-mono

non-existent . . . + not Past Negative né'gu-naru kógu-naru kógu-ne' kógu-né'kke sirégu-naru sirégu-ne' sirégu-né'kke

(28) Unaccented class: adjective gloss . . . + thing non-existent . . . + not Past Negative 'agge' 'red' Vagge'-mono'agge'gu-naru 'aggegu-ne' 'aggegu-né'kke As is clear from the comparison of (27) and (28), the Negative ne' behaves parallel to the other accented adjectives. Thus, I conclude that the adjective should be classified as accented. Returning to the bound form ne', I assume that this bound form is a kind of compound adjective and suggest that the form should be interpreted in a parallel way that Halle and Vergnaud (1987) treated some cases of compounds of Dakota and English. They propose that the noun man in English is demoted to an affix in some cases. To see this, consider the following examples cited from Halle and Vergnaud (1987: 91): (29) a. [ae]: garbage man front man Kennedy man garage man b. [a]: infantryman salesman outdoorman postman doorman They then note as follows: (30) The forms in [(29a)] are ordinary compounds with the falling stress contour typical of such words in English. The forms in [(29b)], on the other hand, are compounds whose second constituent is treated not as a full word but as an affix. This is shown by the fact that man surfaces without stress. - H a l l e and Vergnaud (1987: 92) In line with their proposal, I interpret the bound adjective ne' as being demoted to an affix. As a result of this demotion, the accented adjective loses accent, and becomes an accentless affix. This resolves the apparent incompatibility under consideration.

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63

3. An alternative analysis of Tsuruoka Japanese In the previous sections, I have assumed that Tsuruoka Japanese has the accent shift rule in (5). We are now in a position to propose an alternative analysis which does not incorporate accent shift. Instead of shifting accent, we can account for the tonal facts of Tsuruoka Japanese if we assume a phonetic rule which moves the Η-tone one mora to the right, if the mora contains non-high vowel [e, o, or a]: (31) Η-tone Shift: Move the Η-tone to the right, if the following mora contains nonhigh vowel. This is formally represented as in (32). *

(32)

V H

*

V -high

V

' V -high I H

Note that this rule can account for the tonal facts of Tsuruoka Japanese, which were treated by the accent shift rule, without introducing additional mechanisms. Since this new system has no shift of accent, we have no need to worry about the ordering of the rule of accent deletion before no and Η-tone Shift. The former, which is a phonological rule whose function is to readjust the accentual property of lexical items, should apply before the latter, which is a phonetic rule. I assume that phonetic rules are ordered after phonological rules, based on Haraguchi (1998b, 1999). The existence of Η-tone Shift is quite natural, taking into consideration the fact that even in Common Japanese there is a tendency to delay the lowering of Η-tone associated with the accented syllable. The reason that this phonetic rule is dependent on the height of the vowel of the following mora in Tsuruoka Japanese is that the low sonority of the high vowels prevents the Η-tone from moving onto them in this dialect. Though I will skip the discussion of how this phonetic rule can account for the tonal facts handled by the accent shift rule (5), it should be clear that this alternative analysis makes it easier to account for the tonal properties of this dialect. We can conclude that all the examples which are considered to be evidence for Accent Shift can now be interpreted as evidence for the Η-tone Shift rule.

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4. Summary of Tsuruoka Japanese In this paper, we have examined the tonal system of Tsuruoka Japanese in detail. First, the tonal system of nouns was discussed and it was determined that the basic tone melody is LHL and that if we introduce an accent shift rule dependent on the height of vowels, we can account for these tonal properties. Then the tonal system of verbs was closely examined and it has been shown that the accent shift analysis of Haraguchi (1979), (1997) and (1998) is well supported. Finally, the tonal system of adjectives was briefly discussed and it was shown that the accent shift rule works well here. Then, an alternative system to account for the tonal properties of Tsuruoka Japanese was proposed, which incorporates a phonetic rule: Htone shift. This system is natural and can account for the Tsuruoka facts without producing any vicious effects. It contains no theoretically difficult problems, either. The seemingly complicated tonal system of Tsuruoka Japanese has now become simple and easier to deal with.

Note * This paper is in part supported by The Special Research Project of the Typological Investigation into Languages and Cultures of the East and West, The COE Project of Kanda University of Foreign Affairs, Monbusho's Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (A), and Grant-in-Aid for International Scientific Research (Joint Research). I am grateful to two anonymous reviewers of this paper, Wayne P. Lawrence, Roger Martin, John Shillaw, Kevin Varden, and Jeroen van de Weijer for many helpful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article. The remaining errors and insufficiencies are of course mine.

References Halle, Morris and Jean-Roger Vergnaud 1987 An Essay on Stress. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Haraguchi, Shosuke 1977 The Tone Pattern of Japanese: An Autosegmental Theory of Tonology. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. 1979 "Nihongo Onchou no Shosou (Aspects of Japanese tonal systems)," Gengo no Kagaku (Science of Language) 7, 21-69. 1991 A Theory of Stress and Accent. Dordrecht: Foris. 1997 "Tsuruoka Hougen no Akusento Saikou (Accent of Tsuruoka Japanese Reconsidered)," Report (1): Researching and Verifying an Advanced Theory of

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Human Language: Explanation of the Human Faculty for Constructing and Computing Sentences on the Basis of Lexical Conceptual Features. 231-95. Kanda University of Foreign Affairs. 1998a "Aspects of Japanese Accent," Report (2): Researching and Verifying an Advanced Theory of Human Language: Explanation of the Human Faculty for Constructing and Computing Sentences on the Basis of Lexical Conceptual Features. 231-95. Kanda University of Foreign Affairs. 1998b "A Theory of the Syllable," paper presented at LP '98, Columbus, Ohio, September 15,1998. 1999 The Phonology-Phonetics Interface and Syllabic Theory," paper presented at HILP 4, Leiden University, January 29,1999. Kindaichi, Haruhiko 1953 "Akusento (Accent)," Chiiki Shakai no Gengo Seikatsu: Tsuruoka ni Kansuru Jittai Chousa (Language Life in a Regional Community: Investigation into the Tsuruoka Dialect) 163-83. Tokyo: Shuei Shuppan. McCawley, James D. 1968 The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. Nitta, Tetsuo 1994 "III Shou: Tsuruoka Hougen no Akusento (Chapter III: Accent in the Tsuruoka Dialect)." Tsuruoka Hougen no Kijututeki Kenkyuu: Dai-3-ji Tsuruoka Chousa Houkoku 1 (A Descriptive Study of the Tsuruoka Dialect: The Third Language Survey in Tsuruoka City, The First Report) 81-140. Shibata, Takeshi 1957 "Akusentoron no Tame ni (Remarks on Accentual Theories)," Kokugogaku 29, 67-76.

How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?* Takeru Honma Tokyo Metropolitan

University

1. Introduction This paper will discuss the underlying representation of 'g' 1 in Japanese within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993; McCarthy and Prince 1995). In Japanese, [g] and [g] are in complementary distribution, [g] appears in the word-initial position, while [g] appears elsewhere. As the two phones, namely [g] and [g], are in complementary distribution, traditionally phonologists 2 have supported that they are allophones of the same phoneme, say, /g/. A version of Optimality Theory which adopts Lexicon Optimization (LO) (Prince and Smolensky 1993: 192) makes a rather different claim. LO leads us to posit /toge/ as the legitimate input for the surface word [toge], since LO requires that the input forms of underived words to the EVAL be identical with the output forms of the words. The word-initial [g] and the word-medial [g] may have different input forms. This situation may pose some problems to the sympathy-based analysis of the interaction between Rendaku (or Sequential Voicing) and [g]/[g]allophony given by Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996, 1997a,b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999), as their analysis crucially depends on the assumption that toge is represented as /toge/ (with no nasalization on the velar stop). In order to solve the problems, we extend Sympathy Theory beyond the original proposal by McCarthy (1997, 1998,1999). Whereas McCarthy (1997, 1998, 1999) stipulates that ^-selecting constraints must be Faithfulness constraints, we allow Markedness constraints to be ^-selectors. This extension will have far-reaching consequences. We will not enter into the issue further in this paper, but we will point out the possibility of distinguishing the cases with Faithfulness constraints as ^-selectors from the cases with Markedness constraints as ^-selectors. This paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we will review the basic facts about Sequential Voicing and Voiced Velar Nasalization and the analysis of their interaction given by Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996,

68

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1997a, b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999). It will be shown that a standard version of Optimality Theory cannot account for the opaque interaction between the constraints in Japanese phonology. In section 3, we will introduce Sympathy Theory originally proposed by McCarthy (1997, 1998, 1999) and review the analysis of the opaque interaction in Japanese phonology in question. In section 4, we point out that the analysis provided by Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996,1997a, b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999) is not in consonant with the assumption of Richness-of-the-Base and Lexicon Optimization. In section 5, we will explore the possibility of extending the notion of ^-selector from the set of Faithfulness constraints to the set of Faithfulness and Markedness constraints. Concluding Remarks will be given in section 6.

2. Basic facts In this section, we will review the basic facts about Sequential Voicing and Voiced Velar Nasalization and the analysis of their interaction given by Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996,1997a, b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999). It will be shown that the standard version of Optimality Theory cannot account for the opaque interaction between the constraints.

2.1. Sequential Voicing Consider the examples in (1) which show some relevant factors of Rendaku or Sequential Voicing. Sequential Voicing is a junctual process in which the initial obstruent of the second member of a compound is voiced. For example, in (la) when [tama] 'ball' is compounded with [teppoo] 'gun' and becomes the second member of a compound [teppoodama], literally, 'gun ball', the [t] in [tama] is voiced and turns into [d]. However, Sequential Voicing is blocked, when the second member of a compound already contains a voiced obstruent. For example, in (lb) the voicing of the initial obstruent [t] in [taba] is blocked, because this stem has [b] (a voiced obstruent) in it. As a result, we have [satsu-taba], instead of [satsu-daba]. This blocking effect is known as "Lyman's Law." I do not commit myself to discussing the exact nature of this constraint (see Itô and Mester 1996,1997a, 1998: for details).

How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

69

(1) a. Sequential Voicing in compounds: tama 'ball' teppoo + dama 'bullet' tana 'shelf' garasu + dana 'glass shelf' b. Blocking of Sequential Voicing in stems containing voiced obstruents ("Lyman's Law") taba 'bundle' satsu + taba 'wad of bills' *satsu-daba sode 'sleeve' furi + sode 'long-sleeved kimono' *furi-zode Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996, 1997a, b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999) propose the constraint ranking in (2) in order to account for Sequential Voicing. (2) Lyman's Law OCP on [+voi, -son] in a stem SEQVOI

Initials of second compound members should be voiced

I IDENT-IO(voì)

Input-Output correspondents are identically specified for [voice]

In this analysis, Lyman's Law is considered to be a constraint on double occurrences (OCP) of the feature combination [+voi, -son] within a stem3. I D E N T - I O ( v o ì ) is dominated by SEQVOI 4 . This ranking ensures the voicing of the initial obstruents of the second members in compounds, even if this voicing incurs the violation of IDENT-IO(voì). Tableau (3) shows that the candidate (a), which satisfies SEQVOI, wins. (3)

SEQVOI » IDENT-IO(VOÌ) /hana-sono/

Lyman's Law

SEQVOI

*

a. hana-zono b. hana-sono

LDENT-IO(voi)

*!

The figure in (4) is the schematic representation of the effect of Sequential Voicing.

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Takeru Honma

(4)

word

R(endaku) ( = [+voi, — son])

The tableau ( 5 ) shows that Lyman's Law outranks SEQVOI. This ranking correctly chooses the candidate (b) as a winner. Lyman's Law blocks the voicing if the input of the second member in a compound contains a voiced obstruent. (5)

Lyman's Law > /satsu-taba/ a. satsu-daba

SEQVOI Lyman's Law

SEQVOI

b. satsu-taba

LDENT-IO(voi) *

*! *

The figure in (6) shows the configuration where Sequential Voicing is blocked by Lyman's Law. (6)

word

*R J +voi —son

2.2. Voiced Velar Nasalization In a conservative dialect of Tokyo Japanese, the two voiced velar segments [g] and [rj] are in complementary distribution. As is illustrated by the data in (7), [g] and [rj] occur in the initial position of a Prosodie Word (PrWd) and in the PrWd-medial position, respectively:

How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

(7) a. Initial [g] [g ] geta giri guchi go garasu b. Initial [g] [...g...] *kagi *kago *kaggae *tokage *igirisu

to

]

*geta *rjiri *guchi *go *garasu

[...g...] kagi kago kaggae tokage igirisu

71

gloss 'clogs' 'duty' 'complaint' 'game of G o ' 'glass'

'key' 'basket' 'thought' 'lizard' 'England'

Basically, this alternation can be analyzed as a case of allophonic variation. Allophonic patterns emerge from the interaction of faithfulness constraints, context-free markedness constraints and contextual markedness constraints (see, for example, Kager 1999: 30). (8) Contextual markedness > Context-free markedness > Faithfulness Itô and Mester (Itô and Mester 1996,1997a, b; Itô 1999; Mester 1999) propose the constraint ranking in (9). (9)

* P r W d [g I *g I lDENT-IO(nas)

[g] is prohibited PrWd-initially Voiced velar obstruents are prohibited Input-Output correspondents are identically specified for [nasal]

In this case, iDENT-IO(nas) (the faithfulness constraint) is dominated by a segmental context-free markedness constraint (here, *g that prohibits voiced velar obstruent). This markedness constraint is in turn dominated by a contextual markedness constraint (here, * P r W d [g that prohibits a velar nasal η PrWd-initially). (10) * PrW dfo > *9 » lDENT-IO(nas) Contextual markedness Context-free markedness Faithfulness

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Honma

*PrWd[o m u s t outrank *g. This ranking accounts for the realization of the voiced velar stop PrWd-initially in output for the corresponding voiced velar segment in input, as is illustrated in the tableau (11): (li)

W o » * g /geta/

"VrWdfO

a. g e t a b. geta

*g

lDENT-IO (nas)

*

*

*!

The tableau (12) illustrates the ranking between *g and lDENT-IO(nas). In order to satisfy the higher-ranked markedness constraint (*g), the faithfulness constraint (lDENT-IO(nas)) is violated. (12) *g » lDENT-IO(nas) /kagi/ a. kagi

*PrWd[0

*g

lDENT-IO (nas)

*!

®· b. kagi

*

2.3. Interaction between Sequential Voicing and Voiced Velar Nasalization Itô and Mester (1997b) report that we can find both transparent and opaque interactions between the constraints that are relevant to Sequential Voicing and Voiced Velar Nasalization (VVN). In (13), the stem-initial /k/ in the input form surfaces as [Q]. S E Q V O I is responsible for the voicing of the surface correspondent of the input /k/. Simple voicing of the input /k/ into [g] will create the violation of *g. Since *g bans voiced velar obstruents from surfacing in the output, the input /k/ will surface as a velar nasal [rj]. This interaction between two constraints S E Q V O I and *G is transparent, in the sense that the effects of the constraints, namely, voicing and nasalization, can be observed in the output. (13) Transparent interaction: k ->· g -»• η kuni 'country' yuki + rjuni 'snow country' kami 'paper' ori + gami 'origami paper' kaki 'writing' yoko + rjaki 'horizontal writing'

How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

73

kusuri 'medicine' nuri + gusuri 'medical ointment/cream' kirai 'dislike' onna + girai 'woman-hater' On the other hand, the examples in (14) show that a stem-internal [g] (14a), which is the correspondent of an input /g/, blocks the effect of SEQVOI, even if it is not a voiced obstruent phonetically. In other words, in spite of its sonorant nature in the output, a stem-internal [g] does not behave like a sonorant such as in (14c), but behaves as if it were a voiced obstruent such as in (14b) in terms of Lyman's Law and then blocks Sequential Voicing. This interaction between the stem-internal voiced velar nasalization effect and the stem-initial Lyman's Law effect (i.e. the lack of Sequential Voicing) is opaque, in the sense that Lyman's Law can take an effect on a form with a stem-internal [g], even if the form has no voiced obstruent triggering Lyman's Law. In other words, a stem-internal [g] behaves as if it were a voiced obstruent and triggers Lyman's Law and blocks the Sequential Voicing effect. (14) Opaque interaction: Surface [g] behaves as if it were [g] a. togi toge

'sharpen' 'thorn'

hamono + torji saka + torje

'knife grinder' 'reverse thorn'

*hamono + dogi *saka + doge

b. taba sode

'bundle' 'sleeves'

satsu + taba furi + sode

'wad of bills' 'long-sleeved kimono'

*satsu + daba *furi + zode

teppoo + dama hana + zono

'bullet' 'flower garden'

c. tama 'ball' sono 'garden'

Itô and Mester (1997b) propose the constraint hierarchy (15) by connecting the two ranked hierarchies (2) and (9). In this hierarchy, SEQVOI dominates *g and LDENT-IO(nas). ^ ^

Lyman's Law

I

SEQVOI iDENT-IO(voi)

*

[η *g

I

iDENT-IO(nas)

While the ranking in (15) can select the correct winner in the transparent case (16), it will designate the wrong candidate as the winner in the opaque case (17).

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(16) Analysis of a transparent case with the ranking (15)—correct result: /ori-kami/

Lyman's Law

a. ori-kami

SEQVOI

*g

LDENT-IO(voi)

LDENT-IO(nas)

*!

b. ori-gami

*!

c. ori-Qami

* *

*

(17) Analysis of an opaque case with the ranking (15)—wrong result: /saka-toge/ a. saka-toge

Lyman's Law

SEQVOI

*g

*!

*

b. saka-doge desired winner c. saka-toge wrong winner d. saka-dor)e

LDENT-IO(voi)

*

*!

LDENT-IO,„as) *

*

*

*

Itô and Mester (1997b) conclude that it is not possible to capture this kind of opaque interaction in standard O T and they present an alternative account based on the Sympathy Theory proposed by McCarthy (1997,1998, 1999). In the next section, the sympathetic analysis presented by Itô and Mester (1997b) will be discussed in some detail and some crucial problems will be pointed out.

3. Sympathy Theory and Sympathetic analysis In this section, we will review Sympathy Theory originally proposed by McCarthy (1997, 1998, 1999) and the Sympathetic analysis of the problematic case discussed above.

3.1. ^-Selecting and ^-to-O correspondence McCarthy (1997) originally proposes Sympathy Theory in order to account for the opaque interactions among constraints in the languages such as Tiberian Hebrew, Catalan and others. In Sympathy Theory, a new kind of correspondence, namely the correspondence between two co-candidates in a single candidate set, is considered to play an important role. One candidate is designated as the ^-candidate (or the sympathetic candidate) and another candidate will be selected as the optimal output in

How should we Represent

'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

75

terms of the correspondence relation between the ^-candidate and the output. If a candidate is faithful to, or similar enough to, the ^-candidate in one way or another, then it is selected as the optimal output. The $bcandidate is the candidate that is optimal with respect to some designated constraint, or ^-selecting-constraint C*. To put it more precisely, the candidate is the best among the candidates that do not violate C*. In (18), the more formal expression of the notions is cited from Itô and Mester (1997b). (18) Given a constraint hierarchy iK and a designated constraint C* e 'H, a. C* partitions the candidate set into two subsets (as do all constraints): (i) those that do not violate C*, and (ii) those that violate C* (to whatever degree — gradience of violation is irrelevant as long as there is some candidate that does not violate C* at all). b. The designated sympathy candidate (= ^-candidate) is that element of subset (i) that best-satisfies Ή - C* (the rest of the constraint system), in the standard optimality-theoretic sense (Prince and Smolensky 1993). Note that, in Sympathy Theory, two types of constraints (^-selecting constraints and Sympathy constraints) play very important roles. While a deselecting constraint (C*) determines the ^-candidate among the candidates, a Sympathy constraint governs the ^-to-Output correspondence and contributes the selection of the real output. In the next subsection, we will examine the crucial role of a Sympthy constraint.

3.2. A Sympathetic analysis of the Japanese case Let us return to the Japanese case. Itô and Mester (1997b) point out that nasalization that occurs in the output obscures (or 'opacifies') the effect of the interaction between Sequential Voicing and Lyman's Law, and therefore Sympathy must be oriented towards a non-nasalizing candidate. In other words, a candidate within the set of non-nasalizing co-candidates must be referred to as the ^-candidate. In order to select the suitable ^-candidate, Itô and Mester (1997b) propose that ^-selector C* should be lDENT-IO(nas). lDENT-IO(nas)® divides the output into two sub-

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Takeru Honma

sets: the one is the set of nasalizing candidates which violate this constraint, and the other is the set of non-nasalizing candidates which observe the constraint. One of the candidates within the set of nonnasalizing candidates will be selected as the ^-candidate. (19) /saka-toge/ Φ a. b. c. d.

saka-toge saka-doge saka-toge saka-dor)e

Lyman's Law

SEQVOI *

*g LDENT-IO(nas)*

*

*

*!

LDENT-IO(voi)

*

*

* *

*

In (19), the candidates can be divided with respect to iDENT-IO(nas)® (= C*). The candidates (19c, d) violate the C*, and then they cannot take part in the ^-competition. The darker shading in the tableau represents this situation. The other candidates (19a, b) do not violate the C® and they are relevant for the ^-competition. Between (19a) and (19b), (19a) is optimal with respect to the remainder of the constraints and is hence designated as the (sympathy) ^-candidate. The ^-candidate influences the selection of the actual output through the (#-to-Output) Sympathy constraint. Itô and Mester (1997b) propose that, in the grammar of Tokyo Japanese, the [voice]-Sympathy constraint, namely IDENT-#0 (voí) , behaves as the Sympathy constraint. The definition of IDENT-^0 (voí) is given in (20) and its ranking and the interaction among the constraints is shown in (21). (20) IDENT-&0(voí): Corresponding segments in the output and the ^-candidate are identical in the voicing feature specification. (21 ) /saka-toge/

'

r

a. saka-toge b. saka-doge c. saka-toge d. saka-doge

Lyman's Law

:

IDENT-

SEQVOI

1 *O(v0i) *

*!

i * 1 1 *; I

*g

IDENT-

IDENT-

IO(nas)*

IO(voi)

*

*

*! *

* *

*

The tableau (22) makes it sure that the constraints and the ranking that are introduced into the Sympathetic analysis can also account for the transparent case (16).

How should we Represent 'g' in

toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

77

(22) /iro-kami/

Lyman's Law

IDENT-

SEQVOI

*g

^O(VOI)

'Ss a. iro-gami b. iro-kami "" c. iro-gami

*! *!

IDENT-

IDENT-

« W

IO(voi) *

* *

*

*

The analysis so far seems to be reasonable, but as we will see below, it embodies problems related to the Richness of the Base assumption and the principle of Lexicon Optimization.

4. Richness of the Base and Lexicon Optimization 4.1. The possibility of velar nasals in input The analysis of the opaque cases with velar nasals in the stem-medial position (i.e. [saka-toge] case) crucially depends on the assumption that velar nasals in the output correspond to voiced (but non-nasal) velar stops in the input. This can be a problem, because this is not compatible with the assumption of Richness of the Base. In Optimality Theory, grammatical generalizations are expressed as the results of interactions of Markedness/Structural constraints at the level of the output or constraints that state correspondences between the output and the other levels (the level of input, ^-candidate, etc.) but no specific property can be stated referring to the level of input alone: (23) Richness of the Base: No constraints hold at the level of underlying forms, (see, for example Kager 1999:19) Itô and Mester (1997b) take up this issue in the footnote (see Itô and Mester 1997b: note 4). According to the footnote, Kazutaka Kurisu and Philip Spaelti pointed out this issue to them. Under the richness-of-thebase assumption, we cannot prevent an alternative form such as /sakatoqe/ from being a possible input. As the result of the effect of faithfulness to input nasality (namely, lDENT-IO(nas)), this input, however, will wrongly correspond to the output [saka-doge]. The tableau (24) shows that, for an alternative input /saka-torje/, the constraint system that we have developed so far would select [saka-doqe]

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Takeru Honma

as the Sympathy ^-candidate, and, ultimately, would designate this form as the optimal output, which is not the case. (24) /saka-toge/

Lyman's Law

IDENT-

SEQ Voi

^O(VOI)

Φ a. saka-toge b. saka-doge desired winner c. saka-torje

*!

*

*!

*

*!

*9 IDENTIO (nas) * *

*

*

*

Wrong winner d. saka-dorje

IDENTIO(VOI)

*

*

Below we will find that, whereas Lexicon Optimization provides a desired result for the stem-initial [g], it fails to choose an appropriate input for the stem-internal [g].

4.2. Limiting input: Lexicon Optimization One seemingly obvious way to circumvent the problem is to provide some principle to prevent velar nasals from appearing in the input. Lexicon Optimization (LO) (25) proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993) might be the candidate for such a principle. (25) Lexicon Optimization (Prince and Smolensky 1993:192) Suppose that several different inputs I2, ..., I n when parsed by a grammar G lead to corresponding outputs O l 5 0 2 , . . . , O n , all of which are realized as the same phonetic form Φ — these inputs are all phonetically equivalent with respect to G. Now one of these outputs must be the most harmonic, by virtue of incurring the least significant violation marks: suppose this optimal one is labelled O k . Then the learner should choose, as the underlying form for Φ, the input I k . LO provides a desired result for the stem-initial [g]. The combined tableaux in (26) show that two possible inputs, /geta/ and /η et a/, can correspond to a desired output, [geta]. The input /geta/ will be chosen as the actual input for [geta], because the output corresponding to the input /geta/ incurs only one constraint violation and the violation is not fatal in the upper tableau (26), while the output corresponding to the input /geta/ incurs two violations in the lower tableau in (26).

How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?

79

(26) /geta/

*g

*PrWdW

lDENT-IO(nas)

*

a. geta

*

*!

b. geta /geta/

*PrWd[0

*g

lDENT-IO(nas)

*

*

c. geta *!

d. geta

The Lexicon Optimization Tableau5 (27) provides a comprehensible representation of the effect of Lexicon Optimization. In the tableau, the input (a) wins, because its mapping to the surface form incurs less serious violations than that of the candidate (b). (27)

LO

output

input

*g

*PrWd[0

/kAndemn + ιη/

DEP-OO-

: *

class 2 affix ! ¡

a. kAndem.nir)

,

mn J

°

MAX-IO

DEP-OO-

class 1 affix

*

*!

*

¡

1 I

b. kAndemir)

**

Thus, a single ranking explains the occurrence of cluster simplification depending on the class of each affix in English. Both Urbanczyk's and Benua's research suggest that phonological patterns can vary depending on the difference between morphological categories within a language: a pattern observed in one category may not occur in another. Each morphological group gives rise to its own correspondence relation; therefore, it is possible for each of the basic pairs (IO, OO, BR, TT, etc.) to bear multiple full sets of faithfulness constraints for each morphological class within a language. We conclude from this that the full set of faithfulness constraints in Universal Grammar (UG) has the potential of propagation for any correspondence relation in a language. Fukazawa (1998) and Itô and Mester (1999) independently propose that there are five kinds of IO faithfulness constraints depending on sublexica in Japanese: IO-Yamato, IO-Sino-Japanese, IO-Mimetics, IO-Foreign, and IO-Alien. In Japanese, there are some phonological phenomena which are observed only in a certain lexical stratum (or strata). The interaction of all of those faithfulness constraints with other constraints account for such lexical stratification in Japanese. Let us take an example from Japanese. Post Nasal Voicing (PNV) is a distributional fact that all obstruents become voiced after a nasal in Yamato and Mimetics (Itô and Mester 1995, Itô, Mester and Padgett 1995, Fukazawa, Kitahara, and Ota 1998). This does not apply in lexical strata other than Yamato and Mimetics and thus voicing in obstruents is contrastive after a nasal in, for example, Sino-Japanese. To account for this asymmetry, there must be two kinds of MAx[voice] constraints for Yamato and Sino-Japanese respectively. The ranking with these relativized faitufulness constraints is: MAx[voice]-IO-Sino-Japanese » PNV > MAx[voice]-IO-Yamato. (20) PNV in Yamato /kan-ta/ 'bite (past)'

MAx[voice]-IOSino-Japanese

PNV

*

a. kanda b. kanta

MAx[voice]-IOYamato

*!

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Haruka Fukazawa and Mafuyu

Kitahara

(21) No PNV in Sino-Japanese /han-tai/ 'opposite'

MAx[voice]-IOSino-Japanese

a. handai b. hantai

PNV

MAx[voice]-IOYamato

*! *

As shown in tableaux (20) and (21), a single ranking can account for the occurrence of PNV in Yamato and its non-occurrence in Sino-Japanese. Thus, the simultaneous attendance of the relativized faithfulness constraints account for the asymmetric phonological phenomena among strata in Japanese.

3.3. Possibility of relativizing markedness constraints As we have seen in the previous section, the relativization of faithfulness constraints has broadened the scope of Correspondence Theory and has given us a number of fruitful insights. However, why only faithfulness constraints can be relativized is rarely asked in the above mentioned literature. If any markedness constraints can also be relativized with respect to a certain group of items, we might not need to relativize the faithfulness constraints to obtain the desired outcome. Itô and Mester (1999) attempt to give a formal answer to this question. The main point of their argument is that faithfulness constraints are different from structural markedness constraints in that, as a function, the former always take two arguments while the latter take only one. In other words, faithfulness constraints always compare two representations and return the number of differences between them as violations, while structural markedness constraints only check one representation and give the number of violations. In (22a), for example, i and o are arguments of the function [F( )]( ) which produces the list of violations as return values.

(22) a. Faithfulness constraint: b. Structural constraint:

[F(i)](o) = list-of-violations S (o) = list-of-violations

Itô and Mester call [F(¿)] part of the faithfulness constraint an "instantiated constraint" which is derived from the two-argument schema of the function. They further argue that because this instantiated constraint is derived for each input, there is a possibility that different instantiated

Domain-Relative

Faithfulness

and the OCP: Rendaku

Revisited

99

constraints can be ranked in different positions. We adopt their formal reasoning why only faithfulness constraints can be relativized and assume that markedness constraints never split.8

3.4. Interim summary and proposal In this section, we have discussed the nature of faithfulness constraints with respect to its relativization for various kinds of linguistic relations. Also, we have confirmed that some asymmetric phenomena depending on domains within a language are explained by the interaction of those relativized faithfulness constraints. As an extension of the relativization of faithfulness constraints, we propose that among the set of faithfulness constraints proposed in Correspondence Theory, UNIFORMITY can also be relativized depending on each phonological domain. For the case of Rendaku, UNiFORMiTY[voice]: the [voice] feature in the output cannot have multiple correspondents in the input (prohibition of fusion of the two [voice] features) is the relevant constraint to be relativized. We will claim that UNiFORMiTYfvoice] for "within a domain" is higher ranked than that for other general domains as in a ranking " U N I F O R M I TY[voice]-within a morpheme > UNIFORMITY [voice]-general". This proposal would imply two points. First, there is a possibility that this ranking schema which requires being more faithful in a smaller domain than in a larger (or more general) domain is universal. Second, this ranking leaves a possibility of relativization of UNiFORMiTY[voice] not only for within a morpheme but also for within other distinct larger domains. We will leave those two kinds of implications for future research, and will concentrate on discussing how the proposed ranking above accounts for the asymmetric phenomenon that Rendaku is observed in one case, and is blocked in another.

4. Analysis of Rendaku 4.1. Typology of the OCP on features: Three kinds of repair strategies for the OCP on features In the framework of autosegmental phonology, following McCarthy's (1986) formalization of the OCP, Yip (1988) proposes that the OCP some-

100

Haruka Fukazawa

and Mafuyu

Kitahara

times plays the role of a rule trigger. She also indicates that there are four kinds of repair strategies for the OCP violations, namely degemination, dissimilation, assimilation, and epenthesis. Therefore, it seems that there are logically five types of languages from the perspective of the OCP effect. Fukazawa (1999) reexamined Yip's categorization of languages specifically for the OCP on features. She eliminates some of the possibilities from Yip's classification such as epenthesis of a segment, and reorganizes some of the categories such as dissimilation, assimilation, and deletion. 9 She concludes that there are four types of languages regarding the OCP on features: (23) Typology of the OCP effects on features: Type 1 language:

O C P violation is observed.

Type 2 language:

O C P violation is not allowed, and featural fusion takes place.

Type 3 language:

O C P violation is not allowed, and feature deletion and feature insertion both occur.

Type 4 language:

O C P violation is not allowed, and feature deletion, or feature deletion leads to segmental deletion.

Thus, we can consider three kinds of repair strategies in the languages in which the OCP violation is not allowed. Considering Japanese compounds, the OCP on [voice] ranks high enough to be satisfied in Japanese as we have already observed in section 2. (24) OCP on [voice] in Japanese repeated from (8) /kita + Q + kaze/ 1 1 [voice] [voice] a.

b.

[k i t a + k a ζ e] I [voice]e [voice] [k i t a + g a ζ e] / I [voice]e [voice]

OCP[voice]

REALIZE-

IDENT

MORPHEME

[voice]

*

*!

*

In tableau (24), it seems that the first [voice] feature deletes to satisfy OCP[voice] at the expense of violation of R E A L I Z E - M O R P H E M E as in candidate (a). However, in addition to this featural deletion, there are other possible repair strategies to satisfy OCP[voice] according to Fukazawa's claim, such as featural fusion, featural change, and segmental deletion. Among them, featural change and segmental deletion are irrelevant since

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101

they are not observed. Therefore, we examine the case where featural fusion takes place. (25) /kita + Q + kaze/ 1 1 [voice] [voice] a.

b.

*®"c.

OCPfvoice]

REALIZE-

IDENT

MORPHEME

[voice]

[kita + kaze] 1 [voice]

*!

*

»!

[kita + gaze] / 1 [voice] [voice]

*

[kita + gaze] \ / [voice]e

Candidate (c) in tableau (25) has a featural fusion for repairing the OCP violation, but it is not the desired output. Another constraint which penalizes candidate (c) must be introduced. UNIFORMITY[voice], which prohibits fusion of two [voice] features, is the appropriate constraint to specifically penalize the fused structure in candidate (25c). U N I F O R M I TY[voice] outranks REALIZE-MORPHEME, which leads candidate (a) to be the output. (26) /kita + Q + kaze/ 1

1

OCPfvoice]

[voice] [voice]

UNIFORMITY

REALIZE-

IDENT

[voice]

MORPHEME

[voice]

*

a. [ k i t a + k a z e ] 1

[voice] b. [ k i t a + g a z e ] /

*

*!

1

[voice]e [voice] c. [ k i t a + g a z e ] \ / [voice]e

*!

*

Now, let us examine another example in which the first member of the compound contains the [voice] feature under the same constraint ranking.

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Haruka Fukazawa and Mafuyu

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(27) The first member contains [voice] It a b i + ρ + h i t o/ 1

OCP[voice]

1

[voice] [voice]

UNIFORMITY

REALIZE-

IDENT

[voice]

MORPHEME

[voice]

*«" a. [ t a b i + h i t o ] ι I [voice]

b. [ t a b i + b i t o ] Ι 1

I 1

*

*!

*

[voice] [voice] e c. [ t a b i + b i t o ] \ / [voice] e

*!

*

The ranking given in (26) incorrectly lets candidate (a) win in tableau (27). The correct output should be determined as either candidate (b) or candidate (c). Here, we propose that the faithfulness constraint UNIFORMITY[voice] is relativized depending on the domain as we have already mentioned in section 2. Similar to the ranking schema for positional faithfulness, the general UNIFORMITY constraint UNIFORMITY[voice]-G must be ranked lower than the specific UNIFORMITY constraint for within a morpheme, UNIFORMITY[voice]-M. The overall ranking including relativized UNIFORMITY is shown in (28). (28) Ranking with relativized Uniformity UNIF0RMITY[v0ice]-M, OCP[voice]

REALIZE-MORPHEME

UNIFORMITY[vOÌCe]-G, iDENTfvoice]

Let us examine this ranking by reanalyzing tableaux (26) and (27). First, when the second member of the compound contains a [voice] feature, candidate (a) in tableau (29) wins as in tableau (26). Thus, relativizing UNiFORMiTYfvoice] does not complicate the picture.

Domain-Relative Faithfulness and the OCP: Rendaku Revisited

103

(29) reanalyzed version of (26)

ar

/kita + Q + kaze/ 1 1 [voice] [voice] a. [k i t a + k a ζ e]

OCP[voice]

UNIFORMITY

REALIZE-

UNIFORMITY

[voice]-M

MORPHEME

[voice]-G

*

[voice] b. [k i t a + g a ζ e] / I [voice] [voice]

*!

c. [k i t a + g a ζ e] \ / [voice]e

*

*!

On the other hand, when the first member of the compound contains a [voice] feature, candidates in which featural fusion takes place win, which is the desired result. In tableau (30), candidate (c) does not violate UNIFORMITY[voice]-M because the fusion takes place across two morphemes. Hence, not only the OCP[voice] violation but also the violation of R E A L I Z E - M O R P H E M E becomes fatal in the candidate set. (30) reanalyzed version of (27) /tabi + Q + hito/ 1 1 [voice] [voice] a. [t a b i + h i t o] ι I [voice] b. [ t a b i + b i t o ] I 1 1 1 [voice] [voice]e c. [ t a b i + b i t o ] \ / [voice]e

OCP[voice]

UNIFORMITY

REALIZE-

UNIFORMITY

[voice]-M

MORPHEME

[voice]-G

*!

*!

*

As we have seen so far, by introducing the relativized UNIFORMITY constraint, the data for Rendaku and Lyman's Law have been accounted for without specifying the domain for the OCP[voice].

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5. Conclusion As we have pointed out in the previous section, the ranking schema we have seen in our analysis of Rendaku has one thing in common with other analyses in Correspondence Theory, such as the case of TETU, positional faithfulness, and lexical strata: a markedness constraint intervenes between the two faithfulness constraints relativized from a single source. (31) Ranking schema in various analyses Exemplar language

Relativized Faithfulness-A

Markedness

Relativized Faithfulness-B

Dakota

MAx[cor]-IO

OCP[cor]

MAx[cor]-BR

Dutch

lDENTONs[lar]

*LAR

lDENT[lar]

• Lexical strata (PNV as a sample)

Japanese

MAx[voice]-IO-SJ

PNV

MAx[voice]-IOYamato

• Rendaku and Lyman's Law

Japanese

UNIFORMITY

REALIZE-

UNIFORMITY

[voice]-M

MORPHEME

[voice]-G

•TETU • Positional Faithfulness

As summarized in table (31), relativized faithfulness-Α and -B are always propagated from a single faithfulness constraint for different domains, positions, or categories.10 The interaction of the intervening markedness constraint with surrounding relativized faithfulness constraints accounts for asymmetric phenomena which may seem difficult to treat within a single grammar. As the summary above shows, building on the previous research based on Correspondence Theory, we have developed the notion of relativization of faithfulness constraints for distinct phonological domains. We have observed a case of Rendaku and Lyman's Law in Japanese where the violation of UNIFORMITY on [voice] is more serious in a specific phonological domain than in general domains. By introducing the notion of relativized faithfulness depending on phonological domains, we have succeeded in eliminating the domain specification of the OCP. Also, we have introduced a new interpretation of Rendaku and Lyman's Law: Rendaku is blocked when the second member of a compound contains [voice], because it would result in an OCP violation on [voice]. Since UNIFORMITY [voice]-within a domain is ranked higher than REALIZEMORPHEME, featural fusion does not take place in this case. On the other hand, when the first member of the compound contains [voice], Rendaku does occur. We have analyzed that featural fusion takes place in this case

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105

to satisfy OCP[voice] and Realize-morpheme at the expense of the violation of UNiFORMiTYfvoice] for general domains. Thus, we have concluded that whether Rendaku is observed in Japanese compounds depends on whether featural fusion is possible or impossible in the compounds. This asymmetry has been accounted for on the basis of the relativized faithfulness constraints for phonological domains.

Notes * We would like to thank the editors of this volume, Jeroen van de Weijer and Tetsuo Nishihara, for offering us a chance to contribute this paper. We also would like to thank Stuart Davis and Laura W. McGarrity for their helpful comments. 1. Following Smolensky (1993, 1995, 1997), we assume that a local conjunction of constraints A and Β (represented as A&B) also plays as another constraint. In other words, once two (or even more) constraints are conjoined into a local conjunction, it should be treated as an independent constraint. Therefore, no quantitative factor in the evaluation procedure is introduced there. If Local Conjunction is a type of constraint, it must be in Universal Grammar (UG). However, if it is in UG, it must be cross-linguistically valid. A question now arises: Are all possible local conjunctions truly in U G ? If so, U G grows extremely large. Following Fukazawa and Miglio (1998), we consider that the possibility of the conjunction is in UG, in other words, the " & " operator for conjunction is in UG. However, the choice of which two constraints to be conjoined is language specific. Furthermore, there must be specific restrictions on which two (or more) constraints can be conjoined. For the detailed discussion on the restrictions of Local Conjunction, see Fukazawa & Miglio (1998). 2. There are numerous exceptions to Rendaku and much literature is devoted to account for those exceptions. First, though Rendaku has been considered to take place mostly in the Yamato (Native) stratum in Japanese lexicon, some Sino-Japanese or Mimetic vocabularies show Rendaku, while some Yamato compounds do not (Itô and Mester 1999, Vance 1996). These observations are based on etymological analyses of lexical stratification. Our position to these exceptions is that a purely phonological lexical stratification can also be considered as a synchronic grammar in our cognitive system. For a more general discussion on lexical stratification, see Fukazawa, Kitahara, and Ota (1998) and Itô and Mester (1999). Second, compounds with more than two elements have systematic exceptions to Rendaku due to the internal structure of the compound (Otsu 1980). Third, pitch accent assignment and Rendaku are argued to be related in some cases (Kibe 1978). Sato (1989) reviews these and other exceptional cases to Rendaku. Finally, Itô, Mester and Padgett (1995), Rice (1997), Itô and Mester (1998) and Honma (2000, this volume) give a detailed discussion of the relationship between Rendaku and Post Nasal Voicing and voicing specification of sonorants which apparently seems a problem for an OCPbased analysis of Lyman's Law. Although we are aware of those exceptions and theoretical complications around Rendaku, our main focus in this paper is not to explore them in detail but to give a new theoretical direction within a general framework of Correspondence Theory and Local Conjunction. Further research is of course necessary for a more thorough treatment of Rendaku. 3. In tableau (8), another candidate, where the stray voice is from the underlying /z/, can be considered. A similar situation arises when the second member of the compound has a voiced initial obstruent. A possible candidate is that the input [voice] is delinked from the

106

Haruka Fukazawa and Mafuyu

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second member and the [voice]Q is re-linked there. For example, /hana/ 'flower' + /gara/ 'pattern' is realized as [hanagara] with [voice]e as the voicing feature for [g]. These cases can be taken care of by additional faithfulness constraints for association lines such as MAxfassoc] and DEpfassoc]. As shown in tableau (8)', candidate (a) is more faithful to the association line configuration in the input than (c) though they are phonetically equivalent. Both the [voice] e feature from the prefix ρ and the [voice] feature from input [z] are delinked in (8c)', which causes two violations of MAxfassoc]. Moreover, the delinked [voice] e is re-linked to [z], which causes a violation of DEp[assoc]. (8)' /kita + Q + kaze/ 1 1 [voice] [voice] τ a.

[k i t a + k a ζ e] I [voice]p [voice]

c.

[k i t a + k a ζ e]

MAx[assoc] DEp[assoc] *

*

[voice]e [voice]

4.

5.

6. 7. 8.

9.

Though MAx[assoc] incurs violation(s) in other cases with Rendaku, we do not include it in the following tableaux since the point of discussion here is not to layout the entire ranking but to review the gist of Itô and Mester's analysis on Rendaku. Lombardi assumes that all features are privative. Therefore, [b] bears [voice], and [p] does not. The definition of the constraint * L A R is "Do not have the [laryngeal] feature." The feature [voice] is considered to depend on [laryngeal]. Thus, [b] violates * L A R because it has [laryngeal], while [p] does not. It could be pointed out that the vowels in the words "condemn", "condemning", and "condemnation" should be replaced by the vowels [θ] or [a]. We cite the data exactly from what Benua (1997) mentions. For the discussion of the constraint *mn] 0 see Benua (1997). Tableaux (18) and (19) only show some parts of the recursive tableaux which are utilized in Benua (1997). For the whole analyses, see Benua (1997). It has been a controversial issue whether the markedness constraints can be split like faithfulness constraints. Although we adopt Itô and Mester's reasoning in this paper, we recognize that the claim will have to be supported by valid empirical evidence and further investigation. The OCP on features differs from the OCP on segments in various ways. For instance, the repair strategies are different. OCP on segments can be repaired by assimilation, dissimilation, epenthesis, metathesis, and so on, as Yip (1988) points out. On the contrary, some of these phonological processes cannot repair violations of the OCP on features. For example, epenthesis cannot fix a violation of the OCP on features. Consider a case where a segment C is epenthesized between two adjacent segments A and Β which both have an identical feature F. After epenthesis, segments A and Β are not adjacent anymore, but the feature F are still adjacent unless the epenthetic segment C bears the oppositte value of F. Fukazawa (1999) follows the recent proposal in phonology in which all the features are privative. When all features are privative, the segment C never bears the oppositte value of F. Thus, epenthesis of a segment never rescues the OCP on features. This is why Fukazawa (1999) claims that the typology of the OCP on features has to be treated differently from that on segments. For a more detailed discussion, see Fukazawa (1999).

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10. It is a matter of controversy whether multiplied faithfulness for Input-Output, Base-Reduplicant, Base-Truncated etc., are a genuine case of relativization for the case of TETU. Relations such as IO, BR, BT may reside in all the grammars and thus may be universal. But, we still clearly see the similarity between the ranking schemata of the cases in table (31).

References Alderete, John 1997 "Dissimilation as Local Conjunction," Proceedings of North East Linguistics Society 27:17-32. Beckman, Jill 1995 "Shona Height Harmony: Markedness and Positional Identity," In Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey, and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers: Papers in Optimality Theory 18: 53-76, GLSA, Amherst, Mass. Benua, Laura 1995 "Identity Effects in Morphological Truncation," In Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey, and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers: Papers in Optimality Theory 18: 77-136. GLSA, Amherst, Mass. Benua, Laura 1997 Transderivational Identity: Phonological Relations between Words. Doctoral Dissertation. University of Mass. Amherst. Fukazawa, Haruka 1998 "Multiple Input-Output Faithfulness Relations in Japanese." ms., University of Maryland, College Park. [ROA-260-0598] 1999 Theoretical Implications of O C P Effects on Features in Optimality Theory. Doctoral dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park. Fukazawa, Haruka, Mafuyu Kitahara, and Mitsuhiko Ota 1998 "Lexical Stratification and Ranking Invariance in Constraint-Based Grammars," in M. Catherine Gruber, Derrick Higgins, Kenneth S. Olson, and Tamra Wysocki (eds.), CLS 34: The Panels, 47-62. Fukazawa, Haruka, and Miglio Viola 1998 "Restricting Conjunction to Constraint Families," in Proceedings of Western Conference on Linguistics (WECOL 96) vol 9:102-117. Goldsmith, John A. 1976 Autosegmental Phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge. Honma, Takeru 2000 "How should we Represent 'g' in toge in Japanese Underlyingly?" in this volume. Itô, Junko, and Armin Mester 1986 "The phonology of voicing in Japanese: theoretical consequences for morphological accessibility," Linguistic Inquiry 17: 49-73. 1995 "Japanese Phonology," in John Goldsmth (ed.), The Handbook of Phonological Theory: 817-838. Basil Blackwell, Cambridge, Mass. 1996 "Structural Economy and O C P Interactions in Local Domains," Paper presented at Western Conference on Linguistics ( W E C O L ) 1996, University of California, Santa Cruz.

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"Markedness and Word Structure: OCP Effects in Japanese," ms., University of California, Santa Cruz. [ROA-255-0498]. 1999 "The Phonological Lexicon," In Natsuko Tsujimura (ed.), The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. Itô, Junko, Armin Mester, and Jaye Padgett 1995 "Licensing and Underspecification in Optimality Theory," Linguistic Inquiry 26: 571-613. Kibe, Nobuko 1978 "Keetai akusentoronteki ichi koosatsu: fukugoogo akusento to gokooseerendaku o megutte [A morphoaccentual analysis on compound accent, word structure and sequential voicing]," Gobun Kenkyuu (Kyushu University) 46. Kubozono, Haruo 1993 The Organization of Japanese Prosody, Tokyo: Kuroshio. Leben, William 1973 Suprasegmental Phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge. Lombardi, Linda 1995 "Why Place and Voice are different: Constraint Interactions and Featural Faithfulness in Optimality Theory." ms., University of Maryland, College Park. Lubowicz, Anna 1997 "Derived Environment Effects in OT." ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst. [ROA-239-0198] McCarthy, John 1986 "OCP effects: Gemination and Antigemination," Linguistic Inquiry 17: 20763. 1988 "Feature Geometry and Dependency: A Review," Phonetica 43: 84-108. McCarthy, John, and Alan Prince 1994 "The Emergence of the Unmarked." ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and Rutgers University. 1995 "Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity," In Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey, and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers: Papers in Optimality Theory 18: 249-384. GLSA, Amherst, Mass. Otsu, Yukio 1980 "Some Aspects of Rendaku in Japanese and Related Problems," in Y. Otsu and A. Farmer, eds. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 2, Theoretical Issues in Japanese Linguistics: 207-228, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Prince, Alan, and Paul Smolensky 1993 "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar." ms., Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ; University of Colorado, Boulder. Rice, Keren 1997 "Japanese NC Clusters and the Redundancy of Postnasal Voicing," Linguistic Inquiry 28: 541-551. Sato, Hirokazu 1989 "Fukugoogo ni okeru Akusento Kisoku to Rendaku Kisoku [Accent Rules and Sequential Voicing Rules in Compounds]," in Miyoko Sugito ed., Kooza Nihongo to Nihongo Kyooiku [Lectures on Japanese and Japanese Education] vol. 2: 233-265. Smolensky, Paul 1993 "Harmony, Markedness, and Phonological Activity." Paper presented at Rutgers Optimality Workshop-1, Rutgers University, October 23,1993.

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1995

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"On the Internal Structure of the Constraint Component Con of UG." Colloquium presented at U C L A , April 7,1995. 1997 "Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar II: Local Conjunction." Paper presented at the Hopkins Optimality Theory Workshop/University of Maryland Mayfest 1997, May 8-12,1997. Urbanczyk, Suzanne 1995 "Double Reduplications in Parallel," In Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey, and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers: Papers in Optimality Theory 18: 499-531. GLSA, Amherst, Mass. 1996 Patterns of Reduplication in Lushootseed. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Vance, Timothy J. 1996 "Sequential Voicing in Sino-Japanese." Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese 30: 22-43. Yip, Moira 1988 "The Obligatory Contour Principle and Phonological Rules: A Loss of Identity," Linguistic Inquiry 19: 65-100.

Epenthetic Vowels and Accent in Japanese: Facts and Paradoxes Haruo Kubozono Kobe

University

1. Introduction Many languages exhibit a phonological phenomenon known as vowel epenthesis in an attempt to conform to syllable structure constraints such as N O C O D A , which prohibits coda consonants, and *COMPLEX, which prohibits consonant clusters (Prince and Smolensky 1993). This phenomenon is especially prevalent in loanword phonology, where foreign words are adapted to fit the phonological structure of the borrowing language. The loanword phonology of Japanese is no exception in this respect. Since Japanese favors the basic CV structure as its canonical syllable form, it has a number of loanwords—Sino-Japanese (SJ) words (i.e. loanwords from Chinese) and foreign loanwords (i.e. loanwords from a language other than Chinese)—which have undergone vowel epenthesis as part of the borrowing process1. The historical process of vowel epenthesis itself is interesting enough, but it is more interesting when considered in conjunction with other phonological processes from a synchronic perspective. One such process is that of accent assignment, which we will discuss in this paper. A standard idea about the interaction between epenthetic vowels and synchronic accent rules will be that words are subject to accent rules only after epenthetic vowels have been inserted, namely, that epenthetic vowels are fully visible to synchronic accent rules and behave just like underlying, i.e. non-epenthetic, vowels. However, a careful analysis of a wide range of accentual phenomena in modern Japanese suggests that at least some epenthetic vowels are invisible to some accent rules under certain circumstances, i.e. that some epenthetic vowels behave as if they did not exist at all2. Phonological invisibility of epenthetic vowels is documented in other languages and dialects, too 3 , but the case of modern Tokyo Japanese seems much more complicated. Equally interesting is the behaviour of consonants which have been elided, i.e. deleted, in the course of the history. Many native words in Jap-

112

Haruo

Kubozono

anese have undergone consonant elision which has turned CVCV into CVV: e.g. kofi koi 'carp'. In terms of syllable structure, this process has had the effect of producing a heavy (bimoraic) syllable out of a sequence of two light (monomoraic) syllables. Here, again, a conventional theory would predict that elided consonants should be no longer visible to phonological rules in the contemporary grammar of the language, and so phonological rules apply to the output, not to the input of the segmental change. While this orthodox account seems to hold in most cases, some accent rules in Japanese exhibit cases where CVV syllables derived from CVCV sequences pattern with underlying CVCV sequences, i.e. elided consonants sometimes behave as if they were still present in the synchronic grammar. The purpose of this paper is to describe and generalize the peculiar behaviour of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants in modern (Tokyo) Japanese in relation to a variety of accentual phenomena including loanword and compound accentuation. In order to achieve this goal, we will first briefly look at the history of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants in Japanese (section 2). We will then consider how these segments behave in accent rules said to be sensitive to the syllable structure of words (section 3). The final section (section 4) summarizes the basic facts and paradoxes behind the peculiar behaviour of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants, and demonstrates the difficulties they might imply for theoretical analyses in the future. The syllable-sensitive accent rules to be discussed in this paper are listed below together with a summary of the metrical (in)visibility of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants for each rule. All of these rules are more or less productive in the synchronic grammar of Tokyo Japanese; they readily apply to new and nonsense words as well as existing words. (1)

a. the loanword accent rule known as the 'antepenultimate rule' (section 3.1.) - Some epenthetic vowels seem invisible, while others are visible. b. accent rules triggering 'unaccentedness' in loanwords (section 3.2.) - Some epenthetic vowels are invisible, while others are visible. c. the ordinary noun-noun compound accent rule (section 3.3.) - Epenthetic vowels in SJ morphemes are generally invisible, while those in foreign morphemes are visible. Elided consonants in native Japanese morphemes are no longer visible. d. the compound accent rule for personal names involving taroo (section 3.4.) - All epenthetic vowels are visible, but elided consonants are somehow also visible.

Epenthetic Vowels and Accent in Japanese: Facts and Paradoxes

113

e. the compound accent rule for personal names with the SJ morpheme -iti (section 3.5.) - All epenthetic vowels are visible, but elided consonants are somehow also visible. f. the accent rule for verbs and adjectives (section 3.6.) - Elided consonants in native morphemes are no longer visible. g. the so-called 'pre-no deaccenting rule' (section 3.7.) - Epenthetic vowels in SJ morphemes are fully visible.

As can be grasped from the summary above, epenthetic vowels are generally visible and elided consonants are generally no longer visible to most of the syllable-sensitive accent rules. However, there are many exceptions. For example, some epenthetic vowels in foreign loanwords are invisible to the loanword accent rule and the accent rules which yield unaccented loanwords, although other epenthetic vowels in the same type of words are fully visible to the same accent rules. Moreover, epenthetic vowels in SJ morphemes behave as if they were invisible to the ordinary noun-noun compound accent rule, while they are fully visible to the other accent rules. Furthermore, elided consonants in native Japanese morphemes behave as if they were still present in the X-taroo and X-iti compounds, but not in other types of words. These puzzling facts not only undermine the simple and transparent distinction between excrescent (phonology-invisible) and epenthetic (phonology-visible) vowels (Levin 1987), but also seem to challenge theoretical analyses, derivational and non-derivational alike.

2. Vowel epenthesis and consonant elision Japanese is a typical CV language in which codas and consonant clusters are prohibited in principle. Old Japanese permitted only CV structures, i.e. onsets were obligatory and codas were strictly prohibited. Although these constraints operate less rigidly in modern Japanese, they have constrained loanword phonology throughout the history of the language, often triggering vowel epenthesis in SJ and foreign loanwords. SJ morphemes were originally monosyllabic (as are most morphemes in tone languages), and became bisyllabic through vowel insertion in order to conform to the basic CV structure of Japanese syllables. As can be seen from the examples in (2a, b), the epenthetic vowels (placed in < >) in SJ morphemes are either

114

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Kubozono

Iii or lui, the two high vowels which are prone to vowel devoicing in (modern) Japanese (dots indicate syllable boundaries) 4 . (2) a. ek -* e.k 'railway station' sek -»• se.k 'seat' b. rak ra.k 'ease, comfort' zyuk ->· zyu.k 'a cram school' zyut ->• zyu.t 'art, technique' ket ->· ke.t 'decision' Foreign words have undergone a similar epenthesis process as illustrated in (3). The epenthetic vowel in these words is lu/, loi, or liI, as exemplified in (3a-c), respectively, of which the first represents the default vowel, loi and HI are chosen in specific phonological contexts: loi is inserted after the two dental stops [t] and [d], while Iii is epenthesized after the palato-alveolar affricates [tj] and [d3] and also after [k] in some words. It is not clear why loi was inserted after [t] in foreign loanwords, but not in SJ words (cf. (2b)). (3) a. ba.s 'bus' k.ri.s.ma.s 'Christmas' in.k 'ink' s.rii 'three' b. bat.t 'bat' s.t.re.s 'stress' c. bii.tf 'beach' kee.k 'cake' Vowel epenthesis in foreign loanwords can actually be divided into two kinds depending on the specific syllable structure constraint that is responsible for triggering it. In one kind, vowels are inserted to avoid a coda consonant, just as in the SJ morphemes illustrated in (2): e.g. /ba.s/ 'bus'. Vowel epenthesis in this case has the effect of converting the original coda consonant into the onset of a newly-created syllable. In the other kind, vowels are inserted to avoid a consonant cluster, a structure which is strongly disfavored in Japanese: e.g. /s.rii/ 'three'. Both of these two syllable structure constraints, namely, N O C O D A and *COMPLEX, force the creation of CV syllables rather than other syllable structures.

Epenthetic

Vowels and Accent in Japanese: Facts and Paradoxes

115

Vowel epenthesis triggered by the NOCODA constraint illustrated in (2) and (3) has the effect of converting a heavy closed syllable into a sequence of two light syllables. This effect is illustrated in (4). (4)

CVC

CV.C

While loanwords have undergone the process of vowel epenthesis in conformity to the basic CV structure of Japanese, some native words underwent segment deletion processes which very often added CVC and other syllable types to the inventory of syllable structure. The process of onbin, which started as early as the Heian Period (8th12th century), for example, elided either a consonant or a vowel when two morphemes were combined to form a compound or an inflected form of a verb (or adjective). This segmental change had the effect of producing a single heavy syllable by deleting a consonant or vowel. This process is illustrated in (5) below: i-onbin and u-onbin yielded a CVV syllable out of a sequence of two light syllables by deleting a consonant (very often Ik/), whereas hatu-onbin and soku-onbin gave rise to a CVC syllable out of the same type of syllable sequence. (5) a. i-onbin tu.ki + ta.ti -> tui.ta.ti 'moon, beginning; first day of the month' b. u-onbin ha.ya + ku ->• ha.yau (->• hayoo) 'early (continuous form)' c. hatu-onbin yo.mi + te -»• yom.te -> yon.de 'to read (continuous form)' d. soku-onbin mo.ti + te -*• mot.te 'to take (continuous form)' Elision phenomena occurred in later periods, too, including those in (6). Note that these operations as well as those in (5) did not affect the moraic structure of the words involved. Eliding an onset consonant does not generally change the moraic length of a word, as illustrated in (6a). Eliding a vowel, too, exerts no effect on the moraic structure of a word as long as it occurs in a non-initial position. In this latter case, the onset consonant— now without its nuclear vowel—becomes moraic, i.e. takes on monomoraic length by becoming a moraic nasal or a moraic obstruent, as shown in (6b).

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(6) a. ka.fi kai 'shellfish' ta.fi -• tai 'sea bream' ko.fi -> koi 'carp' ha.fi hai 'ash' to.fo.ru -* too.ru 'to pass by' ko.fo.ri koo.ri 'ice' b. wo.mi.na -*• on.aa 'woman' wo.fi.to -> ot.to 'husband' In terms of syllable structure, the segmental changes shown in (5) and (6) had the effect of creating a heavy monosyllable (either CVV or CVC) out of a sequence of two light syllables. This is schematically shown in (7). (7) a. CV.CV ->• CVV b. CV.CV -> CVC

3. Accent rules and epenthetic vowels As is well known, Tokyo Japanese is a typical 'mora language' as opposed to a 'syllable language' (Trubetzkoy 1969, Kubozono 1989). Accent rules are no exception in this regard, and can be formulated by invoking the mora as a basic descriptive unit. The application of many of these rules, however, requires information on syllable structure as well as mora structure. In this section, we will focus on these syllable-sensitive accent rules and examine the ways in which they interact with words involving an epenthetic vowel or an elided consonant. We will especially be concerned with those cases where epenthetic vowels are invisible to accent rules and where elided consonants are, in contrast, visible.

3.1. Loanword accent rule The first accent rule we will consider is the loanword accent rule conventionally known as the 'antepenultimate rule'. This rule places an accent on the third mora from the end of the word in loanwords. If this antepenultimate mora is the second mora of a heavy syllable, then the accent automatically shifts one mora leftwards, i.e. onto the nucleus of the syllable. That is, an accent is placed on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora (McCawley 1968)5.

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As can be seen from the examples in (8), this accent rule applies to structures in which epenthetic vowels have already been inserted. That is, it counts all the moras in the surface structure, irrespective of whether they contain an epenthetic vowel or not. In the examples below, the accent mark (') is placed immediately after the accented mora. (8) a. p'.ra.s 'plus' b. pu'.rin 'pudding' c. s.t'.re.s 'stress' d. k.ri.s'.ma.s 'Christmas' e. wa.si'n.ton 'Washington' While this rule accounts for the accentuation of a majority of loanwords in Japanese, it admits a certain number of exceptions in certain phonological contexts. Let us consider trimoraic words here. Most trimoraic words, including those in (9a, b), are accented on their antepenultimate mora as predicted by the loanword accent rule. However, this rule admits a certain number of exceptions which are accented on their penultimate mora. This second pattern is exemplified in (9c)6. (9) a. pu'.rin 'pudding', u'.ran 'Uranium', se'.dan 'sedan', i'.ran 'Iran', to'.naa 'toner', sa'.tan 'Satan', ki'.raa 'killer', ba'.ree 'volleyball', ri'.ree 'relay', ha'.wai 'Hawaii' b. p'.ra.s 'plus', k'.ra.b 'club', g'.ra.s 'glass', t'.ri.o 'trio', d'.re.s 'dress' c. p.re'e 'play', b.ru'u 'blue', s.ri'i 'three', g c u x r e ' e 'gray', d.ra'i 'dry', t.i'n 'twin' A careful analysis reveals that the words showing the exceptional accent pattern in (9c) almost invariably have the two features in (10) in common (Kubozono 1996,1999b, Kubozono and Ohta 1997)7·8. (10) a. They consist of two syllables, a light (L) syllable followed by a heavy (H) syllable, b. They involve an epenthetic vowel in their initial light syllable. Note that the accent pattern in (9c) arises when the two conditions in (10) are both met: it surfaces neither in words which have the same syllable structure but not the same segmental structure, as illustrated in (9a), nor in words which satisfy the segmental condition but not the condition on

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syllable structure, as illustrated in (9b)9. The accent pattern in (9a) corresponds to the trochaic stress pattern characteristic of Latin words of the same syllable structure, e.g. amo /a'.moo/ Ί love'. On the other hand, words showing the accent pattern in (9c) are equivalent to the police-type bisyllabic words in English, where main stress is placed on the final heavy syllable in avoidance of the preceding light syllable (Prince and Smolensky 1993, Hayes 1995). The analysis described above has been statistically borne out in Tanaka's (1996) examination of the accent patterns of all the loanwords listed in the NHK Accent Dictionary (1985). According to this study, there are 424 trimoraic loanwords showing either a Light-Heavy bisyllabic structure (146 words) or a Light-Light-Light trisyllabic structure (278 words). Of these 424 words, only 35 instances (8%) exhibit the irregular accent pattern in (9c): LH bisyllables show this pattern in 23 instances (16%), whereas LLL trisyllables allow the same irregular pattern in only 12 instances (4%). However, if we confine our analysis to those words satisfying both the syllable and the segmental structure conditions mentioned in (10) above, we see a totally different tendency. There are 22 instances satisfying the two conditions in (10), of which 19 instances (86%) show the exceptional accent pattern in question. In contrast, those words which satisfy only the syllable structure condition in (10a) show the irregular accent pattern in only four out of 124 instances (3%). These statistics are summarized in Table 1: /LLL/ means a sequence of three light syllables (with or without an epenthetic vowel), whereas /1H/ and /LH/ represent, respectively, light-heavy bisyllables with and without an epenthetic vowel in the initial light syllable. Table 1. Percentage of the accent pattern in (9c) shown by each syllable structure LH/1H

LH

IH

LLL

Total

23/146 (16%)

4/124

19/22

12/278

35/424

(3%)

(86%)

(4%)

(8%)

In sum, Tanaka's statistical study confirms the validity of the two conditions in (10). This allows us to conclude that as far as trimoraic loanwords are concerned, word-final heavy syllables are metrically stronger than penultimate light syllables if the light syllables contain an epenthetic vowel; in contrast, they are metrically weaker than non-final light syllables containing a non-epenthetic vowel. This reveals an interesting interaction between syllable structure and segmental structure. Although the precise

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formulation of this interaction is beyond the scope of this paper, the case in question clearly demonstrates that the nature of epenthetic vowels must be taken into consideration when generalizing the two accent patterns shown by the trimoraic loanwords in (9), i.e. (9a, b) vs. (9c). This result is especially interesting if compared with the analysis mentioned at the beginning of this section. As shown in (8), the antepenultimate accent rule for loanwords does not rely on the distinction between epenthetic and non-epenthetic vowels; the accent pattern of p'.ra.s 'plus', for example, indicates that epenthetic vowels are fully visible to the accent rule. Indeed, the very basic idea of 'antepenultimacy' is based on the assumption that epenthetic vowels are fully visible to the rule just like nonepenthetic vowels. However, the data given in (9) and Table 1 clearly show that the same loanword accent rule does distinguish between the two kinds of vowels under certain circumstances: word-initial epenthetic vowels behave as if they did not exist in a particular type of trimoraic words. To be more precise, moras containing an epenthetic vowel are generally counted by the mora-counting accent rule, but they somehow avoid bearing an accent in and only in a certain type of trimoraic words.

3.2. Unaccented loanwords The situation is further complicated and our dilemma is further deepened if we look at the factors responsible for unaccented words. Unaccented or accentless words are those which do not involve an abrupt pitch drop anywhere in the phonetic output. Japanese has many words of this type. According to statistics previously reported, a majority of the vocabulary listed in ordinary Japanese dictionaries belong to this accent type (Sibata 1994). This accent type is especially popular with four-mora words, accounting for 66 % of native Japanese and S J words of this phonological length: e.g. hi.ro.si.ma 'Hiroshima', yo.ko.ha.ma 'Yokohama', too.kyoo 'Tokyo', oo.sa.ka 'Osaka'. Apart from this factor, the distinction between accented and unaccented words is largely lexical, i.e. it cannot be readily predicted by the linguistic structures of indivisual words. While unaccented words are very common in Japanese as a whole, they are not very common in loanwords. Sibata (1994) estimates that they only account for ten percent of loanwords in modern Tokyo Japanese, more than five times less than the general average. This low percentage, however, contrasts with an extremely high percentage with which certain types of loanwords exhibit the accent type in question. This suggests that

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unaccentedness in loanwords is created by certain linguistic structures. We will look here at two such structures, both of which involve an epenthetic vowel in one way or another. 3.2.1. #HLL# and #LLLL# four-mora words The first type that shows a marked tendency for unaccentedness involves four-mora words which satisfy the two conditions in (11) (Kubozono 1996). (11) a. The word ends with a sequence of two light syllables, b. The vowel in the final syllable is NOT an epenthetic lui. The validity of the generalization in (11) has been confirmed by three independent statistical studies: Kubozono (1996) examined the accent patterns of all of the 206 foreign placenames listed in the appendix to the NHK Accent Dictionary (1985); Tanaka (1996) looked at all the loanwords and foreign placenames in the same dictionary, of which 931 words have four moras; and Fukui (1998) examined all the foreign loanwords in the new edition of the NHK Dictionary (1998) in which she found a total of 792 four-mora loanwords. All these studies confirmed that the distinction between accented and unaccented words is heavily dependent on the syllable structure involved. To be specific, unaccentedness is dominant in four-mora words satisfying the condition in (11a), but not in four-mora words with different syllable structures: e.g. a.ri.zo.na 'Arizona', ai.o.wa 'Iowa' vs. a'.ma.zon 'Amazon', ro'n.don 'London'. Table 2 summarizes the statistics reported by these studies: it shows the percentage of unaccented words as opposed to accented words exhibited by each of the syllable structures. Table 2. Correlation between unaccentedness and syllable structure in four-mora loanwords Syllable type

HLL LLLL

LHL

LLH

HH

Total

Study Kubozono (1996)

60%

5%

12%

0%

34% (= 71/206)

Tanaka (1996)

45%

9%

15%

2%

22% (= 201/931)

Fukui (1998)

50%

25%

19%

8%

29% (= 233/792)

The percentage of unaccented words gets even higher if the factor in ( l i b ) is further taken into consideration. According to Kubozono (1996), the percentage of unaccented words goes up to 89%. Tanaka (1996) and Fukui (1998) conclude that 82% and 83 %, respectively, of the words sat-

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isfying the two conditions in (11) are unaccented. These figures are no doubt extremely high in light of the fact that the same accent pattern accounts for only ten percent of loanwords as a whole. Stated conversely, four-mora words ending in an epenthetic vowel /u/ are much less likely to become unaccented even if they fulfill the syllable structure condition in (11a). According to Fukui's data, unaccentedness only accounts for 30 % of #HLL# and #LLLL# four-mora loanwords ending in this particular type of vowel, which is considerably lower than the ratio given in Table 2 for #HLL# and #LLLL# four-mora loanwords in general. Instead of becoming unaccented, these words that involve an epenthetic vowel word-finally tend to be accented according to the traditional antepenultimate rule. Some examples are given in (12). (12)

a'n.de.s 'Andes', we'e.r.z 'Wales', ka'p.p.r 'couple', si'n.ba.r 'cymbals'; p.ro'.se.s 'process', s.t'.re.s 'stress', ba.ri'.u.m 'Barium'

Four-mora loanwords ending in an epenthetic vowel /u/ thus behave as if they ended in a heavy syllable rather than a sequence of light syllables. Namely, the word-final epenthetic vowel /u/ behaves as if it were invisible to the rule that triggers unaccentedness. Note that this peculiar behaviour is shown only by an epenthetic /u/, and not by other types of vowels. For example, four-mora loanwords ending in a non-epenthetic /u/ exhibit the unaccented pattern, and not the accent pattern in (12): e.g. ma.ka.ro.ni 'macaroni', ri.ha.bi.ri 'rehabilitation', ho.no.ru.ru 'Honolulu'. Likewise, the other high vowel HI generally gives rise to the unaccented pattern whether it is underlying (e.g. a.r.ka.ri 'alkali', e.s.p.ri 'esprit') or epenthetic (e.g. bi.h.te.k 'beef steak', bo.r.s.t 'borshch'). These observations preclude the possibility that the accent pattern in (12) is due to the devoicing or low sonority of the word-final vowel. Moreover, words ending in an epenthetic loi pattern with those ending in HI or other vowels, and not with those ending in an epenthetic lui: e.g. faa.s.t 'first', o.ka.r.t 'occult'. Fukui's data actually reveal that the unaccented pattern accounts for 50 % of #HLL# and #LLLL# four-mora loanwords ending in an epenthetic loi, which is just the average of #HLL# and #LLLL# four-mora loanwords in general (see Table 2). These statistical data corroborate the two conditions given in (11) for unaccented loanwords and, hence, the idea that the word-final epenthetic lui

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among many kinds of vowels is largely invisible to the accent rule responsible for the unaccented pattern. This fact is puzzling in two ways. First, it is strange to find that epenthetic /u/ is invisible to the accent rule for unaccented words, whereas epenthetic HI and loi are visible to the same accent rule. A second paradox is that while epenthetic /u/ is invisible to this rule, the same vowel seems visible to the ordinary antepenultimate accent rule. Indeed, the accent pattern in (12) can only be accounted for by counting all the moras in the surface structure, irrespective of whether they contain an epenthetic vowel or not: e.g. s.t'.re.s 'stress', ba.ri'.u.m 'Barium'. One solution to this second paradox may be to assume that the consonant immediately preceding the word-final epenthetic /u/ bears a mora on its own while the vowel itself is phonologically invisible. Even this solution, however, fails to explain why this peculiar behaviour is shown by epenthetic lui, and not by the other types of epenthetic vowels. 3.2.2. #LHL# four-mora

words

A second source of words showing a marked tendency for unaccentedness are four-mora words which satisfy the two conditions in (13) (Kubozono 1996). (13) a. The word involves a heavy syllable flanked by light syllables, i.e. LHL. b. The final syllable contains an epenthetic vowel loi. The condition in (13a) alone does not trigger the accent type in question. According to Fukui (1998), only one-fourth of all LHL trisyllables are unaccented, which is about the average of all four-mora loanwords (see Table 2). If the second condition in (13) is added to this syllable structure condition, however, the ratio of unaccentedness more than doubles. In Fukui's data, 41 out of 68 words (i.e. 60%) satisfying the two conditions in (13) are unaccented. Typical examples are given in (14a), which contrast with the exceptions given in (14b) 10 . (14) a. b.ran.d 'brand', f.rai.t 'flight', p.ree.t 'plate', g.ree.d 'grade', s.pee.d 'spade' b. pa.re'e.d 'parade', po.ke't.t 'pocket', e.ri'i.t 'elite' c. s.to'o.b 'stove', g.ro'o.b 'glove' d. da.me'e.z 'damage', i.me'e.z 'image', a.re'n.z 'arrange', s.te'e.k 'steak'

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e. b.ra'n.ko 'balanco, a swing', h.ra'n.ko 'Franco' f. sa.ba'n.na 'savanna', s.ri'p.pa 'slipper' Interestingly, epenthetic word-final vowels other than loi do not trigger this tendency even if the word fulfills the syllable structure condition in (13a): Fukui reports 114 instances of lui insertion and eleven instances of HI insertion word-finally, of which only eleven instances (10%) and two instances (12%), respectively, are unaccented. These two types of vowel epenthesis are exemplified in (14c, d). Moreover, non-epenthetic wordfinal vowels do not generally trigger unaccentedness, as illustrated in (14e, f): there are 28 instances in Fukui's data which involve a non-epenthetic vowel word-finally, but only two instances (7%) turned out to be unaccented. Words failing to fulfill the two conditions in (13) are generally accented on their antepenultimate mora according to the antepenultimate rule for loanwords. In sum, there are two types of four-mora words which display a marked tendency towards unaccentedness. These two types can both be defined on the basis of their syllable structure and the nature of the word-final vowel. As for the second factor, word-final epenthetic lui prevents the word from becoming unaccented, as illustrated in (12), whereas the epenthetic lo/ in the same position prompts the word to be unaccented, as illustrated in (14a). It is intriguing to note that the two epenthetic vowels thus show entirely opposite tendencies with respect to unaccentedness. A more revealing point about the cases we have hitherto seen is that the distinction between epenthetic and non-epenthetic vowels plays a pivotal role in the distribution of unaccented versus accented words. This is particularly interesting and, at the same time, puzzling if compared with the fact we saw in (8), namely, that in general epenthetic vowels behave just like non-epenthetic vowels under the antepenultimate accent rule.

3.3. Compound accent The next accent rule to consider is the compound accent rule which is sensitive to syllable structure as well as mora structure (Kubozono 1995, 1997). We will confine ourselves here to noun-noun compounds with a 'short' second member (N2), i.e. those compounds whose first member (Nl) is more than two moras long and their N2 is only one or two moras long. Generally speaking, the accentuation of compound nouns in Japanese is determined by the phonological length and accent of N2, irrespec-

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tive of the accent of NI (which is merely deleted in compounds). The type of compound nouns in question shows the accentual regularities stated in (15): see Kubozono (1995,1997) for a foot-based analysis. (15) a.

NONFINALITY: N 2 retains its accent as the compound accent unless it is accented on the very final syllable, b. Emergence of the Unmarked: If N2 is accented on the final syllable or unaccented, then a new compound accent emerges on the final syllable of N l .

This rule is exemplified in (16). (16) a. pe'.ru.sha + ne'.ko ->· pe.ru.sya.ne'.ko 'Persia, cat; Persian Cat' ga.ra.su + ma'.do ->• ga.ra.su.ma'.do 'glass, window; glazed window' b. ni'.wa.ka + yu.ki' -> ni.wa.ka'.yu.ki 'sudden, rain; sudden rain' ka.na'.ga.wa + ke'n ->• ka.na.ga.wa'.ken 'Kanagawa, prefecture; Kanagawa Prefecture' ne'.ku.tai + pi'n -»· ne.ku.ta'i.pin 'necktie, pin; necktie pin' kyo'o.to + si' -»• kyoo.to'.si 'Kyoto, city; Kyoto City' ka'.bu.to + mu.si ->· ka.bu.to'.mu.si 'helmet, bug; a beetle' What concerns us here is the subrule in (15a), which embodies an interesting interaction between two constraints: NONFINALITY (head syllable), which prohibits a head (i.e. accented) syllable from appearing in word-final position, and MAx-accent, which requires that the accent of the N2 in the input be retained in the output. The regularity in (15a) is obtained by outranking NONFINALITY (head syllable) over M A x-accent. On the other hand, the default accent pattern described in (16b) is obtained by ranking NONFINALITY (head foot), a constraint prohibiting the accented (bimoraic) foot from appearing word-finally, below M A x-accent but above E D G E MOSTNESS. The overall constraint ranking is as follows (Kubozono 1995, 1997). (17)

Nonfin (head syllable) > Max-accent o Nonfin (head foot) > Edgemostness

The subrule in (15a) is subject to two groups of lexical exceptions; one is idiosyncratic and the other relates to the lexical strata. Idiosyncratic exceptions consist of a subset of native Japanese morphemes like hi'me 'princess', which invariably fail to keep their non-final accent in the compound: sirayuki'hime 'white snow, princess; Snow White', kaguya'hime

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'Princess Kaguya'. It is difficult to explain why these morphemes show such exceptional behaviour, while most other native Japanese morphemes, including those in (16a), readily follow the rule in (15a). The second group of exceptions consists of Sino-Japanese morphemes. Unlike words belonging to other lexical strata, SJ morphemes almost invariably fail to keep their non-final accent in compound nouns. As exemplified in (18), these morphemes consequently take the default compound accent illustrated in (16b). (18)

yo.ya.k + se'.k ->• yo.ya.k'.se.k 'reservation, seat; reserved seat' sai.min + zyu'.t >- sai.mi'n.zyu.t 'hypnosis, art; hypnotism'

This peculiar behaviour of SJ morphemes contrasts with the behaviour of foreign morphemes illustrated in (19) below as well as that of native Japanese morphemes illustrated in (16a) above. (19)

mai.k.ro + ba'.s -> mai.k.ro.ba'.s 'micro, bus; minibus' faa.s.to + ki'.s -> faa.s.t.ki's 'first, kiss; first kiss' mi'n.to + ga'.m ->· min.to.ga'.m 'mint, chewing gum; mint chewing gum'

It is interesting that words of foreign and SJ origins display contrastive patterns although they involve very similar segmental structures. That is, foreign bisyllables such as bu'.s in (19) generally exhibit the regular pattern described in (16a) despite the epenthetic vowel in their second syllable. These foreign loanwords consequently pattern with bisyllabic loanwords without an epenthetic vowel, e.g. pi'.za 'pizza', mik.k.s.pi'.za 'mixed pizza'. This pattern is crucially different from the pattern shown by monosyllabic loanwords such as pi'n 'pin' in (16b), which do not generally retain their accent in the compound. In contrast, SJ bisyllables behave as if they were monosyllabic although they contain an epenthetic vowel in the same final position. Thus, se'k and zyu't in (18) pattern with ke'n 'prefecture' and si' 'city' in (16b). The accentual contrast between foreign and SJ bisyllables is puzzling in two ways. First, epenthetic vowels in foreign loanwords are readily visible to the compound accent rule, whereas those of SJ words appear to be invisible to the same rule. Second, epenthetic vowels in SJ words have a

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much longer history in Japanese than those of foreign loanwords. Namely, SJ morphemes underwent vowel epenthesis as described in (2) a millenium ago, while foreign loanwords underwent the same phonological process only a century or so ago. It is extremely peculiar to find that SJ morphemes such as se'k and zyu't in (18) behave as if they were monosyllabic despite the fact that they became bisyllabic via vowel epenthesis much earlier than foreign morphemes 11 . The paradox can be solved, at least in part, in an optimality-theoretic analysis. Invoking the notion of '(minimal) constraint reranking', it can be assumed that SJ morphemes (or compound nouns containing SJ morphemes as an N2 component) are subject to the constraint ranking in (20), where NONFINALITY (head foot) as well as NONFINALITY (head syllable) outranks MAx-accent. (20)

Nonfinality (head syllable, head foot) > MAX-accent > Edgemostness

According to this new hierarchy, N2 cannot retain its non-final accent in the final bimoraic foot, which means that bisyllabic SJ morphemes such as se'.k and zyu'.t in (18) cannot preserve their accent even if the epenthetic vowels are phonologically visible. By positing two constraint rankings in Japanese phonology, i.e. (17) and (20), it is now possible to assume that epenthetic vowels are fully visible in both SJ and foreign morphemes and, hence, to discard the apparent difference between the two types of morphemes with respect to the (in)visibility of epenthetic vowels. This is actually the analysis suggested by Kubozono (1997: 284) and pursued further by Tanaka and Yamane (1999). While the idea of (minimal) constraint reranking thus enables us to account for the apparent phonological invisibility of epenthetic vowels in SJ morphemes, we can go one step further to ask why then SJ and foreign morphemes are governed by different rankings (grammars) and, moreover, why SJ morphemes obey the specific ranking in (20), and not the one in (17). These important questions remain to be solved. Before concluding our discussion of compound accent, let us briefly consider the accent pattern shown by native Japanese morphemes that became monosyllabic via the consonant elision described in (6a). These monosyllabic words behave just like other monosyllabic words, i.e. they abandon their lexical accent in conformity to the nonfinality constraint mentioned in (15a). Some examples are given in (21). This suggests that elided consonants in native morphemes are no longer visible to the compound accent rule.

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(21) a. sa.ku.ra + ka'i -*• sa.ku.ra'.gai 'cherry, shellfish; cherry shell' b. ku.ro'on + ta'i ->· ku.ro.o'n.tai 'clone, sea beam; clone sea bream' c. ni'.si.ki + ko'i --> ni.si.ki'.goi 'brocade, carp; coloured carp'

3.4. X-taroo compounds Let us next consider a special compound accent rule applying to personal (boys') names whose N2 is ta'roo, e.g. Kintaroo and Momo'taroo. As demonstrated in Kubozono (1999a, b), this compound accent rule, too, is sensitive to both syllable and mora structures. Compound nouns containing taroo, or X-taroo compounds as I will call them for short, actually exhibit three accent patterns depending on the phonological length of N1 (the accent of N1 being irrelevant). First, monosyllabic Nl, whether monomoraic or bimoraic, yields an unaccented compound, as illustrated in (22a). Second, a compound accent emerges on the final syllable of Nl if this element is bisyllabic AND bimoraic 12 · 13 . This type is exemplified in (22b). Finally, if Nl is three moras long or longer, the accent of N2 survives as the compound accent, as illustrated in (22c). Note that this third accent pattern represents the general rule for ordinary noun-noun compounds with an initially-accented trimoraic N2: e.g. bi'iti + ba'ree bii.ti.ba'.ree 'beach volleyball'. The fact that ordinary noun-noun compounds do not exhibit the accent patterns in (22a) and (22b) suggests that these two accent patterns are characteristic of compound names involving ta'roo. (22) a. ki + ta'.roo ->• ki.ta.roo 'ogre, taroo; Kitaroo' ko + ta'roo -»• ko.ta.roo 'little, taroo; Kotaro' ki'n + ta'.roo -»• kin.ta.roo 'gold, taroo; Kintaroo' ra'n + ta'.roo ->· ran.ta.roo 'riot, taroo; Rantaroo' kyu'u + ta'roo kyuu.ta.roo 'Q, taroo; Kyuutaroo' b. mo.mo + ta'.roo ->· mo.mo'.ta.roo 'peach, taroo; Momotaroo' a.ka' + ta'.roo a.ka'.ta.roo 'dirt, taroo; Akataroo' o.ni' + ta'.roo o.ni'.ta.roo 'ogre, taroo; Onitaroo' c. tikara 1 + ta'roo ->· ti.ka.ra.ta'.roo 'power, taroo; Tikarataroo' ba'.ree + ta'roo ->• ba.ree.ta'roo 'volleyball, taroo; Bareetaroo' What is relevant to our discussion here is the syllable-based distinction between (22a) and (22b): Bimoraic monosyllables such as ran and kyu'u pattern with monomoraic elements like ki and ko, and not with bimoraic bisyllables such as mo.mo and a.ka'. So this compound accent rule pro-

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vides us with some reliable grounds on which to examine the syllable structure of the bimoraic words in (2), (3) and (6a), and hence the visibility of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants. First of all, bisyllabic SJ morphemes as given in (2) exhibit the accent pattern in (22b). The compound accent is indeed placed on the epenthetic vowel, as shown in (23)14. This means that the S J morphemes behave as bisyllabic words and, hence, that their epenthetic vowels are readily visible to the accent rule in question. (23)

ra.k' + ta'.roo -»• ra.k'.ta.roo 'comfort, taroo; Rakutaroo' e'.k + ta'.roo -• e.k'.ta.roo 'station, taroo; Ekitaroo' zyu.t' + ta'.roo ->· zyu.t'.ta.roo 'art, taroo; Zyututaroo'

The same result is obtained for words of foreign origin. Thus, bisyllabic, bimoraic words like ba'.s 'bus' and pi'.r 'pill' pattern with mo.mo and a.ka' in (22b), with a compound accent on the epenthetic vowel. This is illustrated in (24). (24)

ba'.s + ta'.roo ba.s'.ta.roo 'bus, taroo; Basutaroo' pi'.r + ta'.roo ->• pi.r'.ta.roo 'pill, taroo; Pirutaroo' ta'.b + ta'.roo ta.b'.ta.roo 'tub, taroo; Tabutaroo'

While epenthetic vowels seem fully visible to the X-taroo accent rule, elided consonants display somewhat peculiar behaviour. Bimoraic words such as those in (6a) exhibit the compound accent pattern in (22b) and not the pattern in (22a). This is illustrated in (25)15. In other words, these words behave as if they were bisyllabic although they have been turned into monosyllables by the historical process of consonant elision. (25)

ko'i + ta'.roo koi'.ta.roo 'carp, taroo; Koitaroo' ta'i + ta'.roo tai'.ta.roo 'sea bream, taroo; Taitaroo' ka'i + ta'.roo ->• kai'.ta.roo 'shellfish, taroo; Kaitaroo'

For many speakers of Tokyo Japanese, this accent pattern contrasts with the unaccented pattern shown by SJ morphemes which are originally monosyllabic and bimoraic. This latter pattern is shown in (26). (26)

ka'i + ta'.roo kai.ta.roo 'sea, taroo; Kaitaroo' ta'i + ta'.roo ->· tai.ta.roo 'team, taroo; Taitaroo'

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Recall that the native Japanese bimoraic words in (25), i.e. koi, tai and kai, behave as monosyllabic words in the general compound accent rule described in (21), where they form the second member of noun-noun compounds. It is somewhat paradoxical, therefore, that the same morphemes exhibit the accentual behaviour characteristic of bisyllabic words in the compound name, X-taroo. Finally, the compound accent patterns sketched in (22) provide an interesting insight into the nature of the epenthetic vowels in the threemora loanwords in (9c). As discussed in section 3.1., trimoraic loanwords are exceptionally accented on the penultimate mora if this mora is in a heavy syllable and is preceded by an epenthetic vowel. This exceptional accent pattern suggests that the epenthetic vowel is not fully visible to the accent rule or, at least, that the epenthetic vowel is metrically lighter than non-epenthetic short vowels. This account does not hold, however, when the same trimoraic words form the initial member of X-taroo compounds. As shown in (27), these words exhibit the accent pattern in (22c) when combined with ta'roo to form a X-taroo compound. Thus, as far as the accentuation of X-taroo compounds is concerned, trimoraic loanwords such b.ru'u 'blue' and d.ra'i 'dry' pattern with ba'.ree 'volleyball', which does not contain an epenthetic vowel. (27)

b.ru'u + ta'roo b.ruu.ta'roo 'blue, taroo; Buruutaroo' d.ra'i + ta'roo ->• dcoxrai.ta'roo 'dry, taroo; Doraitaroo' t.i'n + ta'roo ->• t.in.ta'roo 'twin, taroo; Tuintaroo'

This puts us into another dilemma, a dilemma whereby epenthetic vowels in the same trimoraic loanwords are fully visible to the X-taroo compound rule, but not to the ordinary loanword accent rule discussed in section 3.1.

3.5. X-iti compound Another interesting source of data is the accentuation of boys' names which end in the SJ morpheme iti' (pronounced as ichi), meaning 'one'. Names with this morpheme display the two accent patterns illustrated in (28), depending on the phonological length of the element preceding iti' (Tanaka and Kubozono 1999). If the element is monosyllabic and bimoraic, the whole expression is pronounced with an unaccented pattern as shown in (28a). Otherwise, a compound accent of some sort emerges on

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the final syllable of the initial element. This second accent pattern is illustrated in (28b). (28) a. koo + i.ti' ->· koo.i.ti 'happiness, iti; Koiti' si'n + i.ti' -> sin.i.ti 'truth, iti; Shiniti' ka'i + i.ti' -»· kai.i.ti 'sea, iti; Kaiiti' b. ta + i.ti' -• ta'.i.ti 'fat, iti; Taiti' hi'.ko + i.ti' -• hi.ko'.i.ti 'hiko, iti; Hikoiti' An interesting aspect of this accentuation is that bisyllabic, bimoraic words such as hi. ko pattern with monosyllabic monomoraic words such as ta. Putting this aspect aside, the same accent rule offers an interesting analysis of bisyllabic words with an epenthetic vowel and monosyllabic words derived from bisyllables. First, the originally monosyllabic SJ morphemes in (2) and foreign loanwords in (3) both display the accent pattern in (28b) rather than the pattern in (28a). Indeed, they are accented on the epenthetic vowel in X-iti names, as exemplified in (29). (29) a. SJ morphemes ra.k' + i.ti' -> ra.k'.i.ti 'comfort, iti; Rakuiti' e'.k + i.ti' ->• e.k'.i.ti 'station, iti; Ekiiti' b. Foreign loanwords ba'.s + i.ti' ->· ba.s'.i.ti 'bus, iti; Basuiti' pi'.r + i.ti' ->• pi.r'.i.ti 'pill, iti; Piruiti' The accent pattern illustrated in (29) suggests that the bimoraic words in question behave like a bisyllabic word (e.g. hi.ko in (28b)), rather than a monosyllabic word (e.g. koo in (28a)). This, in turn, suggests that the epenthetic vowels in question are visible to the accent rule. While the accent rule under consideration applies to the output of the vowel epenthesis rule, the same rule seems to apply to the input of the consonant elision rule to which native Japanese morphemes were subject. Monosyllabic, bimoraic morphemes of native origin typically exhibit the accent pattern in (28b), as illustrated in (30). (30)

ko'i + i.ti' ta'i + i.ti' ka'i + i.ti'

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For some speakers of Tokyo Japanese, the unaccented pattern is as acceptable for these names as the accent pattern in (30): e.g. koi.i.ti, tai.i.ti, kai.i.ti. However, the accented pattern in (30) is not acceptable for bimoraic words which are underlyingly monosyllabic, e.g. kai.i.ti in (28a). The gap between these underlyingly monosyllabic words and the monosyllabic words derived from bisyllables seems to suggest that the consonants historically elided some hundred years ago in native Japanese morphemes are somehow visible to the contemporary synchronic accent rule ofX-iti.

3.6. Accent of verbs and adjectives The next accent rule we will look at is that of verbs and adjectives. As far as end forms ('syuusikei') are concerned, verbs and adjectives in Tokyo Japanese fall into two accentual groups: those accented on their penultimate mora and those which are unaccented. These are exemplified in (31a) and (31b), respectively. The accentedness of verbs and adjectives is largely unpredictable and, hence, must be specified in the lexicon. Note also that accented verbs and adjectives are accented one mora closer to the end of the word than nouns, which we saw in section 3.1. above. (31) a. mi'.ru 'to look', ha.na'.su 'to speak', kan.ga.e.'ru 'to think' u.ma'i 'tasty', a.tu'i 'hot', mi.zi.ka'i 'short' b. to.bu 'to fly, to jump', wa.ta.ru 'to cross', ku.ra.be.ru 'to compare' a.mai 'sweet', a.tui 'thick', tu.me.tai 'cold' While most verbs and adjectives follow either of the two accent patterns in (31), some words are accented on their antepenultimate mora as exemplified in (32). (32)

to'o.ru 'to pass' o'o.i 'many'

This exceptional accent pattern can be explained in a straightforward manner if we allow for the fact that all these words underwent onset elision in their penultimate mora: namely, too.ru and oo.i are historically derived from to.fo.ru and o.fo.i, respectively. Accent assigned to the penultimate mora simply moved to the nucleus of the syllable containing this mora: i.e. to.fo'.ru ->• too'.ru to'o.ru. Seen in this light, the accent pattern

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in (32) is anything but an exception to (31a), but rather a direct consequence of the historical process of consonant elision. This indicates that the accentuation of verbs and adjectives applies to the output of consonant elision, and cannot see the onset consonant that was elided in the course of the history. This may not be very surprising by itself, but it contrasts very sharply with the observation in the preceding two subsections, namely, the observation that the elided consonants in other native morphemes are somehow visible to the accent rules of X-taroo and X-iti.

3.7. Pre-no deaccenting rule Finally, let us consider the rule called 'pre-no deaccenting rule' (Akinaga 1985, Poser 1984, Kubozono 1999b). This accent rule has the effect of deleting an accent from the very final syllable of nouns. A s exemplified in (33), it applies only if the noun is followed by the genitive particle no (hence the term 'pre-no deaccenting rule'). (ga is the nominative particle). (33) a. ha.na' + no -> ha.na.no 'of the flower' ha.na' + ga -»• ha.na'.ga 'the flower ( N o m ) ' b. ki.no'o + ki.no'o + c. i.moo.to' i.moo.to'

no -* ki.noo.no 'of yesterday' ga ->· ki.no'o.ga 'yesteray ( N o m ) ' + no ->• i.moo.to.no 'of my sister' + ga ->• i.moo.to'.ga 'my sister ( N o m ) '

This deaccenting rule offers a very good test for our discussion in this paper since it fails to apply to monosyllabic nouns. This is illustrated in (34). (34) a. te' + no -> te'.no 'of the hand' b. ho'n + no -> ho'n.no 'of the book' kyo'o + no - » kyo'o.no 'of today' Additionally, this rule admits a certain number of lexical exceptions. Namely, quite a few nouns somehow retain their word-final accent even before the genitive no. (35)

koo.hi'i + no -> koo.hi'i.no 'of coffee' hoo.ge'n + no ->• hoo.ge'n.no 'of dialects'

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Despite the lexical exceptions exemplified in (35), the deaccenting rule in question remains a good tool to test the monosyllabic vs. bisyllabic structure of some of the words we have been discussing in this paper, specifically of SJ morphemes 16 . Bisyllabic SJ morphemes fall into three categories depending on their modern pronunciation in isolation. According to Yoshida's statistics (Yoshida 1999), the initial-accent pattern in (36a) is by far the most common, accounting for 145 instances of the total of 241, i.e. 60 %. This is followed by the unaccented pattern in (36c), which accounts for 64 instances, or 27 %. The final-accent pattern in (36b) is the least popular, only accounting for 32 instances (13 %). (36) a. Initially accented zyu'.k 'a cram school', e'.k 'station', se'.k 'seat' b. Finally accented zyu.t' 'art, technique', do.k' 'poison', ni.k' 'meat', ra.k' 'comfort', yo.' 'desire', hu.k' 'clothes' c. Unaccented to.k 'profit', to.k 'virtue', te.k 'enemy', te.t 'iron' Recall that all these bisyllabic forms originated from monosyllables historically, with a vowel inserted in the morpheme-final position. Therefore, the morphemes in (36b) are historically equivalent to the SJ morpheme ho'η 'book' in (34b), which remains monosyllabic in modern Japanese, but they synchronically involve the same syllable and accent structure as ha.na' 'a flower', which is a finally-accented bisyllabic word of native origin given in (33a). An analysis of the accentual behaviour of the bisyllabic morphemes in (36b) reveals that these morphemes exhibit the accent pattern in (33), and not the one in (34), when preceding the genitive particle no. In other words, most speakers of Tokyo Japanese readily apply the pre-no deaccenting rule to bisyllabic SJ morphemes, as shown in (37). (37) a. do.k' + no do.ku.no, *do.ku'.no 'of poison' do.k' + ga ->· do.ku'.ga 'poison (Nom)' b. ni.k' + no -• ni.ku.no, *ni.ku'.no 'of meat' ni.k' + ga -» ni.ku'.ga 'meat (Nom)' c. hu.k' + no ->· hu.ku.no, *hu.ku'.no 'of the clothes' hu.k' + ga ->• hu.ku'.ga 'the clothes (Nom)'

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The fact that the SJ morphemes in question pattern with the bisyllabic haría' and not with the monosyllabic ho'η suggests that the epenthetic vowels contained in these morphemes are readily visible to the pre-no deaccenting rule. This consequence is in full accordance with the findings reported in (23) and (29a). However, it appears contradictory to the fact reported in section 3.3, namely, the fact that bisyllabic SJ morphemes with an initial accent pattern with accented monosyllabic morphemes when they form the second member of noun-noun compounds. It is interesting and, at the same time, quite puzzling to find that one and the same epenthetic vowel is visible to some accent rules but not to others.

4. Conclusion In this paper we have seen how epenthetic vowels and elided consonants interact with various accent rules that are more or less productive in modern Tokyo Japanese. The traditional idea about the interaction between synchronic accent rules and diachronic segmental changes is that epenthetic vowels are fully visible, and elided consonants are no longer visible to the synchronic accent rules. Namely, accent rules apply in the synchronic grammar to the output, and not to the input, of historical segmental changes. However, a careful analysis of accentual behaviour of words with an epenthetic vowel or an elided consonant has shown that at least some epenthetic vowels are invisible and some elided consonants are visible to some accent rules; i.e. some epenthetic vowels behave as if they did not exist and some elided consonants behave as if they were still present. The main facts are summarized below. (38) a. Epenthetic vowels in SJ morphemes Visible: X-taroo accent rule (section 3.4.), X-iti accent rule (section 3.5.), pre-no deaccenting rule (section 3.7.) Invisible: ordinary compound accent rule (section 3.3.) b. Epenthetic vowels in foreign morphemes Visible: antepenultimate rule (section 3.1.), loanword accent rules triggering unaccentedness (section 3.2.), ordinary compound accent rule (section 3.3.), X-taroo accent rule (section 3.4.), X-iti accent rule (section 3.5.)

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Invisible: antepenultimate rule (section 3.1.), loanword accent rules triggering unaccentedness (section 3.2.) c. Elided consonants in native morphemes Visible: X-taroo accent rule (section 3.4.), X-iti accent rule (section 3.5.) Invisible: ordinary compound accent rule (section 3.3.), verb/adjective accent rule (section 3.6.) The strange behaviour of epenthetic vowels and elided consonants is partly related to the type of word in which they appear. For example, epenthetic vowels in SJ words seem totally invisible to the compound accent rule as discussed in section 3.3., while those of foreign morphemes are visible to the same rule. This situation is further complicated by the puzzling fact we saw in section 3.1., namely, that some epenthetic vowels in the initial syllable of foreign morphemes, e.g. b.ru'u 'blue\p.re'e 'play', are invisible to the antepenultimate accent rule although most other epenthetic vowels in foreign morphemes, e.g. p su.si'.ta.roo, su.si.ta'.roo 'susi, taroo; Susitaroo'. This accentual variation, however, does not affect the discussion to be developed below. 14. Some speakers of Tokyo Japanese seem to prefer the accent pattern illustrated in (22c) for these compounds and the compounds in (24) below, e.g. ra.k.ta'.roo, ba.s.ta'.roo. This variant accent pattern can probably be attributed to the phonetic devoicing of the epenthetic vowel. 15. Note that some speakers of Tokyo Japanese, especially young people, seem to permit an unaccented pattern alongside this accent pattern: e.g. tai.ta.roo and tai'.ta.roo. Most of these speakers, however, do not admit the accented pattern in (25) for the compound expressions in (26). 16. The syllable structure of foreign morphemes cannot be tested by this deaccenting rule since bisyllabic foreign morphemes, whether containing an epenthetic vowel or not, are generally accented on their initial syllable: e.g. ba'.s 'bus', pi'.za 'pizza'.

References Alderete, J. 1995 Faithfulness to prosodie heads, ms. University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Akinaga, K. 1985 Kyootuugo no akusento (Accent of Standard Japanese). In NHK Pronunciation and Accent Dictionary. Beckman, M. and A. Shoji 1984 Spectral and perceptual evidence for CV coarticulation in devoiced /si/ and /syu/ in Japanese. Phonetica 41, 61-71. Fukui, M. 1998 A remark on unaccented loanwords in Kansai Japanese, ms. Kobe University. Hayes, B. 1995

Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Itô, J. and A. Mester 1996 Stem and word in Sino-Japanese. In T. Otake and A. Cutler (eds.), Phonological Structure and Language Processing: Cross-Linguistic Studies. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Kubozono, H. 1989 The mora and syllable structure in Japanese: Evidence from speech errors. Language and Speech 32-3, 249-78. 1995 Constraint interaction in Japanese phonology: Evidence from compound accent. Phonology at Santa Cruz, 4,21-38. 1996 Syllable and accent in Japanese: Evidence from loanword accentuation. The Bulletin, (Phonetic Society of Japan) 211, 71-82. 1997 Lexical markedness and variation: A nonderivational account of Japanese compound accent. WCCFL, 15, 273-87. 1999a Nihongo no Onset (The Sound System of Japanese). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. 1999b Mora and syllable. In N. Tsujimura (ed.), The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. 31-61. 1999c Mora and syllable in Japanese songs, (in Japanese) In Spoken Language Working Group (ed.), Speech and Grammar 2. Tokyo: Kurosio. 243-62. Kubozono, H. and S. Ohta 1997 On 'in Koozoo to Akusento (Phonological Structure and Accent). Tokyo: Kenkyusha. Levin, J. 1987 Between epenthetic and excrescent vowels. WCCFL 6,187-202. McCawley, J.D. 1968 The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. Michelson, K. 1981 Stress, epenthesis and syllable structure in Mohawk. In G.N. Clements (ed.), Harvard Studies in Phonology. Vol 2, Indiana University Linguistics Club. 311-53. 1988 A Comparative Study of Lake-Iroquoian Accent. Dordrecht: Kluwer. NHK 1985/98 Nihongo Hatuon Akusento Ziten (Dictionary of Japanese Pronunciation and Accent). Tokyo: NHK (Nippon Hoosoo Kyookai) Syuppan. Poser, W. 1984 The Phonetics and Phonology of Tone and Intonation in Japanese, PhD Dissertation. MIT. Potter, B. 1994 Serial optimality in Mohawk prosody. CLS 30,347-61. Prince, A. & P. Smolensky 1993 Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Technical Report #2, Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University. Quackenbush, H. & M. Ohso 1990 Gairaigo no Keisei to Sono Kyooiku (Loanword Formation and Its Education). Kokuritu-Kokugo Kenkyuusyo. Selkirk, E. 1999 Some basics of Optimality Theory. A talk given at a linguistics colloquium at Sophia University, Tokyo, November 5,1999.

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Gairaigo ni okeru akusentokaku no iti (On the location of accent in loanwords). In K. Sato (ed.), Gendaigo Hougen no Kenkyuu (Studies in Modern Japanese and Dialects). Tokyo: Meiji Shoin. 338-418. Tanaka, Shin'ichi 1996 Nihongo no onsetu koozoo to on'in gensyoo (Syllable structure and phonological phenomena in Japanese). M A thesis, Osaka University of Foreign Studies. 1999 Kayoo ni okeru gairaigo rizumu no hensen. (The development of loanword rhythm in songs). A paper presented at the regular meeting of the Phonetic Society of Japan, held at Keio University on June 12. Tanaka, Shin'ichi and H. Kubozono 1999 Introduction to Japanese Pronunciation: Theory and Practice. Tokyo: Kurosio. Tanaka, Shin-ichi and N. Yamane 1999 Paradox resolution and unaccentedness in foreign and Sino-Japanese compounds. Paper read at the 24th meeting of Kansai Linguistic Society (KLS), Kwansei Gakuin University, October 23,1999. Tanomura, T. 1999 Gairaigo akusento ni okeru gengo no hatuon no kanyo ni tuite. (On the influence of the pronunciation of the source language on loanword accentuation). Nihongo Kagaku 5, 67-88. Tateishi, K. 1989 Phonology of Sino-Japanese morphemes. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 13, 209-35. Trubetzkoy, N.S. 1969 Principles of Phonology (trans. C.A.M. Baltaxe). Los Angeles: University of California Press. (Original work published 1958). Uwano, Z. 1992 Kagosima Hukiage-tyoo hoogen no hukugoomeisi no akusento (Accentuation of compound nouns in Kagoshima Fukiage dialect). In T. Kunihiro (ed.), Nihongo Intoneesyon no Zittai to Bunseki (Facts and Analyses of Japanese Intonation) (Grant report). 91-208. Yoshida, Y. 1999 Kanzi on to akusento (Sino-Japanese sounds and accent). Paper presented at the March meeting of the Phonological Association in Kansai (PAIK).

Prosodie Structure and Sandhi Phenomena in the Saru Dialect of Ainu1 Hidetoshi Shiraishi Sakhalin Museum of Regional

Studies

1. Introduction A well-known fact about phonological processes applying between words is that they can be divided into two types with respect to sensitivity to syntax. The sensitive ones, dubbed P-structure rules in the literature (Selkirk 1986), apply only when the relevant segments fall under certain syntactic environments. A classic example of such a process is French Liaison, as is illustrated in the following examples. 2 (1)

a. Il y a encore deux _ après-midis

'There are still two afternoons'

b. Il y en a encore deux // après lui

'There are still two of them after him'

(Nespor and Vogel, henceforth N&V 1986: 4)

In both (la) and (lb), the structural description of the rule is met. Nevertheless, Liaison applies only to the former. This contrast is rooted in the difference of the syntactic structure between (la) and (lb): in (la), the Liaison context is located within a single syntactic phrase (modifier-head) whereas in (lb), it spans two phrases, an inappropriate domain for Liaison. On the other hand, a number of phonological processes are blind to such syntactic structure. Flapping rule of American English belongs to this type. It is applicable even across the largest syntactic unit, the sentence. (2)

Have a seat. I'll be right back. > ... sea[r] I'll... (N&V 1986: 236)

Phonological rules of this type, called Pure phonological rules (Selkirk 1986) are insensitive to any syntactic information. A similar distinction has been proved to be valid for a number of postlexical phonological processes cross-linguistically (cf. several contributors to Phonology Yearbook 4 and Inkelas and Zee 1990, among others), where Ainu is no exception, as will be discussed in the present work.

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This paper examines the consonantal sandhi phenomena of Ainu and points out that a similar distinction can be observed in at least two sandhi processes centering on η and r, which we will term n-alternation and r-alternation, respectively. The two processes occur in virtually every dialect of the language and have been reported from the earliest stages of linguistic research (e.g. Pilsudski 1912, Kindaichi 1931). Despite this fact, little attention has been paid to their exact domain of application. A closer look at the distribution of the phenomena informs us, however, that they exhibit a significant contrast with respect to their domain. An examination of a corpus of the Saru dialect reveals that the n-alternation is sensitive to a certain syntactic boundary (and hence a P-structure rule), but the r-alternation is not (and hence is a Pure phonological rule). Our next question, then is to what extent syntactic information is needed to set up the appropriate domain of n-alternation. Here the Ainu data follows the cross-linguistic tendency of prosodie phrasing, where only impoverished syntactic information is used by phonology (Selkirk 1984, 1986, N&V 1986, Hayes 1989, etc.); prosodie phrasing is sensitive to the phrasal rank but information such as category label (e.g. NP or VP) is irrelevant. In section 3.1., however, we point out that syntax alone is insufficient to predict the actual application of n-alternation. In the data, we often observe unexpected blocking of n-alternation in terms of syntactic structure, but instead ought to be explained by reasons as frequency. Section 3.2 is devoted to the comparison of prosodie units observed for the n-alternation and those referred to in the versification of oral literature. We will point out that the prosodie units for n-alternation and versification show a certain degree of similarity. This further supports the claim that one and the same prosodie phrasing is responsible for phonological operations in general in a given language, a claim that we repeatedly find in the literature in the area of the syntax-phonology interface.

1.1. Overview of the two processes In this section, we present the data on n-alternation and r-alternation. Note that both are applicable between words, as well as between constituents inside a word (see 3a and 4a). 3

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(3) n-alternation a. ror -un-so > roru[y] so place of honor-at- seat 'the seat at a place of honor in a house' b. pon yuk > po[y] yuk little deer 'little deer' c. yayan wakka > yaya[w] wakka normal water 'normal water (in contrast with water from a hot spring)' d. . . . a n w a . . . > a[m m]a to be CON 4 '... exists and ...' e. ... an yakka ... > a[y] yakka ~ an akka to be CON '...even though...' (4) r-alternation a. ar- rametok real-bravery 'a real bravery' b. yar nima bark tray 'a tray made from bark' c. asir cise new house 'a new house' d. kusur ta kusur LOC 'at Kusur (place name)'

>

a[n]rametok

>

ya[n] nima

>

asi[t] cise

>

kusu[t] ta

There is no agreement in the literature on how to interpret these sandhi rules. Since no attempt has been made to give a unified account to these phenomena, it has been the norm to describe and interpret them as they are. Under such an approach, we find, for instance, both dissimilation (4a) and assimilation (4b-d) for r-alternation. A closer look at their phonological nature reveals, however, that the rules centering on η and r can be given a unified account, respectively. The rules centering on η are assimilatory in nature; the η assimilates to the following consonant no matter of its place of articulation. Its gliding to y or w is a special case which occurs

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when either y, w, or s (the [+continuant] consonants of the language) follows. So in principle, it does not differ from cases as pon-pe > po[m] pe 'something small' in which case the η assimilates to the following stop. In sum, the whole process (3a-e) can be understood as a regressive assimilation which targets both place and continuancy.5 The 'mutual assimilation' in (3d) is a special case, allowed only when the trigger w is part of the conjunctive particle wa. In other function words (3e), the trigger either causes gliding (a[y] yakka) or is deleted (an akka). On the other hand, the rules centering on r assign a stricter condition on the trigger; they are strictly restricted to the coronals, namely n, r, t and c. As mentioned above, here the r either assimilates (4bcd) or dissimilates (4a). On the other hand, nothing happens when the r is followed by any other consonant, e.g. korka 'but', sermak 'behind', arpa 'go'. The various outputs can be given a unified account if we regard this alternation as a result of a syntagmatic constraint prohibiting r + coronal sequences. Several sandhi patterns in other dialects exhibit that this constraint has a general character prevailing over the phonology of the language, e.g. rs > ss (Nothern dialects): ar-suy ->• a[s]suy 'once' karkar-se - > karka[s]se 'to roll', and further observed in the Saru dialect are, ry > r. kor-yar -» korar 'to give' (deletion of y), a-kor yarpe a=ko[y]yarpe 'my baby' (gliding of r). These forms indicate that any r + coronal sequence is disfavored in the phonology of this language. From these discussions, we conclude that the various rules above can be grouped into two groups (namely, n-alternation and r-alternation) and that such a classification is not an arbitrary one. Despite their difference in their phonological nature, the two processes share characteristics typical of "postlexical rules", e.g. they have no lexical exceptions, and are easily blocked by pause insertion. In addition, nalternation may create a highly marked sequence uw (in rime): a=esikaru[w] wenkasuno 'to long very much for - ' (Tamura 1986:12). This is possibly a violation of Structure Preservation since uw is an inadmissible sequence in the underlying form of the language. Furthermore, it is a wellknown fact that both rules may extend to the speaker's pronunciation of Japanese, e.g. se[y]se instead of Japanese sense(i) 'teacher' (Kindaichi 1931: 25). This is frequently observed in a code-mixing sentence, e.g. uepeke[n] ni yoku yuu '[something] appears frequently in uepeker' (own field notes, 14 Sep. 1998), where the alternation of the last r of uepeker has a Japanese word ni as a trigger. Apart from these properties, the two processes show significant differences in their distribution, as will be shown in what follows.

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1.2. Method and source of examination Our primary source of evidence is restricted to recordings of the Saru dialect, in particular Kayano (1974,1998a-c) and Tamura (1984,1985,1986, 1988a, 1989,1997). The distribution of the two sandhi processes in these recordings was checked by the author by means of impressionistic observation. As a linguistic corpus, the content of these sources is not well balanced, in spite of the fact that in all 18 speakers are involved. A large part of the material consists of recitations of oral literature performed predominantly by women. Although we limited our source to those performed without a significant musical melody, it remains an assumption that the selected genre more or less reflects the natural speech of the language.

2. The discrepancy between r-alternation and n-alternation in the prosodie domain An interesting discrepancy appears when we look at the distribution of nalternation and r-alternation in larger syntactic units. Compare the following examples, where the target and the trigger of the alternation rules span two sentences. (5)

n-alternation a. inani un hoski arpa=an kor which to first go

pirka kus

hawas sekor

yaynu=an //

4 CON good PURP sounds COMP think

4

sino wen iruska poka nesi a=ki (KT6 Kayano 1998a: 110)

real bad anger even very 4 do

Ί could not decide where to go first. I was completely frustrated.' b. e=motoho a=nukar wa 2 origin

4 look

yaun mosir

an= an //

CON to be 4

un iwor kor kamuy a=ne wa ...

land country to field have spirit

4 be CON

(KT Kayano 1998c: 58)

Ί am looking at your origin. I am the spirit governing this field in this country c. kanna ruyno ye yan // ye yan sekor once

again say FP: IMP

'Say it again. Say it again'

COMP

(KKo Kayano 1998a: 74)

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r-alternation 7 a. ne sinrici ka e=kopuspakar _ nokan uypehe ka opitta usa muni that root also 2 dig fine chips also all various garbage turano e=uhuyka. together 2 burn (KKo Kayano 1974:145) 'You dig that root. Together with the fine chips you burn all of them' b. kotankonnispa sine matnepo kor _ nea matnepo the village head one daughter have that daughter ramutu uk tek hine ... life pull out briefly CON (HF Tamura 1985: 60) 'the village head had one daughter. [My brother] pulled out the life of that daughter ...' c. nea niatus heyasi a=ninpa kor _ rapokke sinki= an hine ... that pail towards a bank 4 drag CON then to be tired 4 CON (KT Kayano 1974: 99) Ί dragged that pail to the bank and then became tired ...' d. isepo kuari cironnup kuari a=eykoysanpa kor _ cironnup rabbit trap fox trap 4 imitate CON fox ka isepo ka a=rayke too rabbit too 4 kill (KKo Tamura 1988a: 12) Ί imitated [my father's] rabbit traps and fox traps and caught rabbits and foxes.' e. eci= kor mosir sekor eci= haweoka ka eaykap kunihi eci= 2PL have country COMP 2PL say also impossible NOM 2PL ramu kor _ tane anakne somo uhekote itak=an kusu ne na think CON now TOP NEG each other talk 4 will COP FP (HS Tamura 1986: 46) 'Keep in mind that you cannot insist that it is your country [if lots of people are gathering] and don't talk about this any longer.'

In both (5) and (6), the structural description of the rules is met, and yet only r-alternation occurs. T h e apparent difference with the e x a m p l e s in (3) and (4), w h e r e n o such discrepancy was observed, is their syntactic construction. In (5) and (6), the relevant segments b e l o n g to separate sentences, i.e. the target and trigger are separated by a s e n t e n c e boundary. It should also b e n o t e d that the t w o words in question are not separated by a pause.

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It is worth noting that the length of the sentence does not matter for the application of n-alternation. Consider the following. (7)

oraun tumun soyo yan // soyo yan sekor ... then dust bring outside FP:IMP COMP 'then (she said) "bring the dust outside'" (KKo Kayano 1974: 7)

Here the verb + final particle sequence is repeated, creating an n-alternation context which spans relatively short sentences. Nevertheless, n-alternation does not apply. This example suggests that n-alternation is blocked whenever there is a sentence boundary, regardless of the length of the sentence. All these examples inform us that the n-alternation is sensitive to sentence boundaries. On the other hand, no such restriction is observed for the r-alternation, which applies whenever the relevant segments are temporarily adjacent, no matter what syntactic boundary intervenes. Unlike the n-alternation, the r-alternation is totally blind to such syntactic information. From this observation, we conclude that the n-alternation should be classified as a P-structure rule and r-alternation as a Pure phonological rule, following the terminology of Selkirk (1986). Although both are postlexical in nature, they behave differently with respect to sensitivity to syntactic information and hence deserve different labeling.

3. The domain of n-alternation Of particular interest is the distribution of the n-alternation, which shows sensitivity to syntactic information such as sentence boundaries. In what follows, we will examine the syntactic context of n-alternation in more detail and show that the other blocking contexts for n-alternation more or less involve large syntactic boundaries comparable to sentence boundaries. We will start with contexts in which n-alternation is constantly observed. These include word internal contexts and idiomatic expressions. (8) a. pon _ ya-un-pe young-land-live-man (name of a hero)

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b. sasun _ sir to have descendants-NOM (part of an idiom) The next context in which n-alternation is observed frequently is between a prehead modifier (demonstratives, numerals, adjectival verbs 8 ) and its head noun, though n-alternation in this context is subject to a certain degree of optionality (see section 3.1.). (9) a. tan _ ya ta this land LOC 'at this land' b. iwan _ suy six times 'six times (a sacred number of the language denoting 'many')' c. pon _ suma little stone 'little stone' The n-alternation may also apply between words belonging to different syntactic phrases, as is illustrated in the following examples. (10) adjunct + verb [ppi= etoko un] _ [VPsupa kor] ... 4 0 B J before at cook- ing (KT Kayano 1974: 33) '[she] has been cooking before my (return)' (11) indirect object + verb [NPnea pon menoko], [ PP a=hokuhu eun] _ [VPye] that young lady 4 husband to say (HF Tamura 1985: 20) 'that young lady said to my husband' (12) direct object + verb [NPtumun] _ [vpsoyo yan] garbage putoutside FP: IMP 'put the garbage outside!' (13) subject + verb [NP[Nkeman] _ [VPyupke] p] [VPan wa] starvation hard NOM to be CON 'There was a hard starvation'

(KKo Kayano 1974: 7)

(HF Tamura 1984: 48)

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(14) adjunct + adverb [pplskar etoko un] _ [ A D v s u y ] [ v p a r P a w a ] upper stream to again go CON (HS Kayano 1974:214) '[he] went again to the upper stream of Iskar river' The overall rate of alternation in this context (10)-(14), however, is not as high as the former two contexts (8)-(9), even within the same speaker. The number of applications of n-alternation inside and outside a phrase boundary is compared below for three speakers. 9 It should also be noted that these three speakers show the most frequent application of n-alternation across phrase boundaries within our primary source. 10 speaker

inside X P n-alternation contexts

outside X P

number of applications

n-alternation contexts

number of applications

KT

5

4

9

3

HS

15

13

5

1

HF

13

10

8

4

For some speakers, n-alternation never applies across a phrasal boundary. (15) adjunct + verb [ PP a=uni un] // [VPsan = an] 4 house to go down 4 Ί went downwards to my house'

(KM Kayano 1998a: 38)

(16) subject + verb [PProrunpuyar pok un][ NP tun]// [NPsike] [ V[ osura] window beneath to two person baggage throw (NK Tamura 1989: 38) 'The two (men) threw their baggage beneath the window' So it seems fair to say that n-alternation across a phrase boundary (as in (10)-(14)) is not preferred. It is thus a "marked" context, observed sporadically in the speech of some speakers, whereas the inside-phrase context is "unmarked", observed for all speakers. Interestingly, n-alternation was absent from the following contexts as well.

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(17) quotation + complimentizer ( s e k o r ) [s[NPi= otke humi] [VPitasasa=an] // sekor] [VPhawean kor] 4 0 B J stab feeling hurt 4 COMP say -ing (HS Tamura 1984: 20) 'Saying „It hurts where you have stabbed me'" (18) VP + evidential nominalizer (siri)11 [Np[ADvOpitta][vPray=an] // siri] [ne] all die 4 NOM:EVID COP (KT Kayano 1974: 36) 'We were (almost) all dead' (19) relative clause + head noun 12 [NP[Pani ][VPkampinuye=an] // [Nsumi]] with write 4 ink (Tamura 1984:74) "The ink with which we write' The non-application of n-alternation in these contexts is comparable to that with the sentences in (5) in their stability. Throughout our primary source, not a single case of n-alternation has been observed in these contexts.13 Here the n-alternation does not occur even though the relevant segments are temporarily adjacent. It seems therefore fair to say that these boundaries fall within the sentence boundary type, which constitutes absolute blocking contexts for n-alternation. Within the domain delimited by these boundaries, n-alternation is allowed to occur for some speakers, though with certain degree of optionality that is further sensitive to phrasal boundaries.

3.1. Frequency In this section, we will consider „optionality" which was used somewhat informally in our discussion above. In fact, optionality should not be underestimated since n-alternation shows a certain degree of variability in its application in many contexts,14 with the exception of the inside-word context (8). This is even true for speakers with the widest range of n-alternation (i.e. speakers which exhibit n-alternation across phrasal boundaries). The following examples show failure of n-alternation in a modifierhead context in the speech of such speakers (again, no pause intervenes).

Prosodie

Structure and Sandhi Phenomena

(20) a. tan // Yupet un this at 'at this Yupet' b. tapan // sisam mosir this Japanese land 'this land of the Japanese'

in the Saru Dialect of Ainu

151

(NT Kayano 1998b: 56)

(HF Tamura 1984: 32)

Optionality, however, does not seem to be a simple matter of chance. Tamura (1988b: 63) points out that n-alternation is blocked when the word string is pronounced with „analytic consciousness". From our own observation, it seems that words (or strings of words) of frequent usage tend to be more subject to alternation than those of low frequency. For instance, one speaker (KT) showed variation in her pronunciation of pon sinrici 'little root' (pon _ sinrici ~ pon // sinrici), whereas there was no variation in pon seta 'little dog' and pon su 'little pot' (both constantly with po[y]). Although we have not yet succeeded in uncovering all factors that play a role in this variation, it is quite possible that several factors are at work within the possible prosodie domain of nalternation.

3.2. Comparison with the prosodie phrasing in oral literature The unmarked domain of n-alternation discussed so far exhibit an interesting isomorphism between constituents observed in the versification of oral literature, in particular, with that of a genre called Yukar. This is a desirable result if the principles of prosodie phrasing provides prosodie constituents not only for segmental phonology (as sandhi phenomena) but for phonological operations of the language in general, including versification. In this section, we will compare the prosodie units discussed so far with those of Yukar. The analysis on the versification of Yukar adopted here heavily depends on the study of Okuda (1988), who investigated the phrasing pattern observed in Yukar of a single speaker in the Shizunai district.15 According to Okuda (1988), the versification of Yukar reveals a certain patterning with respect to the assignment of syntactic units (the verse) to the rhythm pattern in its recitation. The former, called rhythmic unit by Okuda, consists of a free morpheme followed by a bound morpheme (note that Ainu is a postposition language). The rhythm of Yukar is created by a hit of a stick (repni) to the edge of a fireplace, which itself con-

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sists of two beats. With respect to the sequence of this metrical unit consisting of two beats, the following regularity is observed. (21) a) The left edge of a rhythmic unit should be aligned with the left edge of a metrical unit, i.e. the first beat. 16 b)The right edge of a rhythmic unit should be placed somewhere between the second beat and the first beat of the next metrical unit. (Okuda 1988: 40, slightly modified by the author) Accordingly, (22a) exhibits an appropriate alignment, since the left edge of a free morpheme (adverb) is assigned the first beat. On the other hand, (22b) is an example of improper alignment, since the right edge of the rhythmic unit is put on the first beat, thus violating generalization b). (22) a

II I (poron no}

b * II

I

'many'

II

{po ron no} (where || denotes the first and the second beat. The rhythmic unit is contained in curled brackets) (Okuda 1988: 42-43) The next question, then, is which syntactic unit may initiate this rhythmic unit (and which may not). As mentioned above, Okuda attributes to free morphemes: noun, verb, conjunction, interjection, adverb, etc. On the other hand, bound morphemes (postpositions, particles) can enter the rhythmic unit only by cliticizing to free morphemes (1988: 37-39). Of interest to us is the structural similarity of this rhythmic unit with the unmarked domain of n-alternation. Similar to the latter, Okuda's rhythmic unit does not require fully-fledged syntactic information (such as category labels), as the division of free versus bound morpheme indicates. This is exactly what we expect if the prosodie phrasing makes use only of impoverished syntactic information. In addition, modifiers seem to form a single rhythmic unit with its head, even though in that case the left edge of the latter does not align with the first beat, in violation of generalization a). (23)

II I II I {poro sin to ko} big chest

'a big chest' (Okuda 1988: 54)

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Here the left edge of sintoko 'chest' is not aligned with the first beat even though this can initiate a new rhythmic unit since sintoko itself is a free morpheme (noun). This extraordinary alignment can be accounted for if we regard the whole modifier-head phrase as forming a single rhythmic unit. Now, recall that such a modifier-head phrase was a common n-alternation domain. This 'coincidence' further supports our claim that the same prosodie unit is provided for versification of Yukar as well as for segmental rules such as n-alternation. On the other hand, it is also true that Okuda's rhythmic unit and the domain of n-alternation do not show a perfect match. A major discrepancy between them is the phrasing of the evidential nominalizer siri (see 18). According to Okuda, siri is usually phrased with the preceding free morpheme (predicate verb), while this was never an n-alternation context in our data. However, it seems also to be true that siri does provide an n-alternation context for this speaker (Okuda p.c.), in which case this particular phrasing does not contradict our hypothesis. Another disparity can be seen in the phrasing concerning relative clauses. The investigation of relative clause constructions in versification reveals that the verb in the relative clause (which is necessarily the final constituent within the relative clause) is phrased with the following head noun.

{a=kor totto} 4 have mother

{kor casi or ta} have castle at

'at my mother's castle'

Since a free morpheme casi is left-aligned with the second beat, the rhythmic unit should be interpreted as initiated by the preceding kor (otherwise there is a violation of generalization a)). Recall, however, that the relative clause-head noun sequence context never provides an n-alternation context (see 19). However, it should also be noted that the total number of relative clause constructions is small in our primary source of research. Although the details of the domain for n-alternation and Okuda's rhythmic unit are not isomorphic to each other, it remains a fact that they exhibit a certain degree of similarity, which we consider a worthwhile topic for future research.

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4. Conclusion Since the domain of application for n-alternation and r-alternation are relatively large, their different behavior with respect to syntactic information as sentence boundary has been overlooked in the literature. In fact, the two sandhi rules differ significantly when we consider their sensitivity to certain syntactic boundaries. The present work has brought this difference to light and provided grounds to the current classification of sandhi rules into two groups centering on η and r. The fact that not a single case of n-alternation has been found across a sentence boundary suggests that this constitutes an edge of a certain prosodie domain, active in the grammar of the speakers. Whether there are other phonological operations which share the same prosodie unit needs to be worked out. It is not, however, sufficient to say that syntax alone decides the phrasing process since the actual application of sandhi processes varies a great deal, even within the same syntactic context. In fact, the phrasing seems to be highly dependent on (non-) linguistic information other than that provided by the syntax of the language. It still needs to be investigated what factors play a role in the actual phrasing processes, and in what priority.

Acknowledgments A great deal of this paper constitutes a part of the author's M. A. thesis submitted to the Chiba University Graduate School in September 1998.1 am grateful to the member of the thesis committee, Professors Tohru Kaneko, Hiroshi Nakagawa and Kenji Kanno. Part of this paper was presented at the Hoppogengobunka Kenkyukai (October 1997). Thanks to the participants for their comments, especially Professor Suzuko Tamura and Hideo Kirikae. Many thanks to Professor Osami Okuda for helpful comments. Thanks are also to my colleague at the University of Groningen, Tjeerd de Graaf, Dirk-Bart den Ouden and especially Wouter Jansen for hours of stimulating discussion. All the errors are my own. The research was partially supported by the Netherlands Government scholarship (NUFFIC).

Notes 1. Ainu : an endangered language of Japan whose genetic affiliation with the neighboring languages is unknown. The Saru dialect refers to the dialect once spoken in the villages alongside the river of Saru, southwest Hokkaido. 2. _ = application, // = blocking of Liaison and of any other phonological process in this paper.

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3. We will use the conventional writing system of Ainu throughout this paper. The following correspondences should be noted: y = IPA [j], r = IPA [r]. Hyphens indicate morphological boundaries. Segments that have undergone alternation are bracketed. 4. Abbreviations: 2 = second person personal prefix, 4 = fourth person personal affix, indicating the first person in the oral literature, hence in the examples below. These personal affixes are separated with a double hyphen (=) in the text. C O M P = complementizer, C O N = conjunctive particle, C O P = copula, E V I D = evidential, F P = final particle, IMP = imperative, L O C = locative, N E G = negative, N O M = nominalizer, OBJ = object, PL = plural, P U R P = purpose, T O P = topic. ~ indicates variation. 5. A feature-geometric approach following the model of Padgett (1991) is proposed by Shiraishi (1998). 6. Hereafter we will provide the initials of the speakers. 7. The astute reader would notice that the examples (c-e) of r-alternation all involve the conjunctive particle kor 'and, while'. This is due to the unbalanced number of r-alternation contexts, i.e., the r-n context outranks the other three (r-c, r-t, r-r), and it is difficult to find an example without kor for the latter. 8. 'Adjectival verbs' refer to prehead intransitive verbs modifying the following head noun. Ainu has no adjectives (morphologically speaking). 9. Of the 18 speakers, 7 show n-alternation across a phrase boundary and 5 do not. The rest lack data of the context under discussion. 10. Note: identical expressions within a single speaker are counted as a single context. If there is variation, it is counted as a case of application. 11. The evidential nominalizer can be regarded as a subcase of relative clause construction as siri derives from the noun meaning 'appearance, state'. 12. Postpositional stranding as seen in this example is a common strategy for relative clause construction in Ainu. 13. Examples of relative clause constructions containing relevant segments for n-alternation are, however, quite rare in our primary source. 14. This applies to the conjunctive particles yakne, yakka and yakun as well. We still have no answer why these function words show unstable application of n-alternation for some speakers, being inconsistent with the prediction of most literature on phrasal phonology (e.g. Selkirk 1995). 15. The Shizunai district lies about 30km to the southeast of the Saru district and its dialect differs slightly from that of Saru. A comprehensive description of the Shizunai dialect has been published in 1986 by Kirsten Refsing. 16. Okuda's original principle contains an alternative: the left edge of the rhythmic unit can also be placed somewhere within the latter half of the second beat. Since this is irrelevant for our discussion, it is ignored here.

References Hayes, B. 1989

The Prosodie Hierarchy in Meter. In P. Kiparsky and Y. Gilbert (eds.), Phonetics and Phonology 1 Rhythm and Meter, 201-260. San Diego: Academic Press. Inkelas, S. and D. Zee (eds.) 1990 The Phonology-Syntax Connection. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

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Inkelas, S. and D. Zee 1995 Syntax phonology Interface. In J. Goldsmith (ed.), The Handbook of Phonological Theory, 533-549, Cambridge: Blackwell. Kayano, S. Uepekere Shutaisei [Collection of Uepekere] Tokyo: Arudoo. 1974 Kayano Shigeru no Ainu Shinwashusei [Shigeru Kayano's Collection of Ainu 1998a Myths] Uepekere hen 1. Tokyo: Heibonsha. 1998b Kayano Shigeru no Ainu Shinwashusei [Shigeru Kayano's Collection of Ainu Myths] Uepekere hen 2. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Kayano Shigeru no Ainu Shinwashusei [Shigeru Kayano's Collection of Ainu 1998c Myths] Uepekere hen 3. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Kindaichi, K, 1931 Ainu Jojishi Yukar no Kenkyu [Research on Ainu Yukar Epics]. Tokyo: Toyobunko. Nespor, M. and I. Vogel 1986 Prosodie Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris. Okuda, O. Shizunai chiho no yukar ni okeru rhythm to shiku no kankei ni tsuite [On the 1988 relationship between the rhythm and verse of yukar in the Shizunai district], M.A. thesis, Chiba University. Abridged version published in Journal of Waseda Institute of Language Teaching 40 (1990), 59-63. Padgett, J. 1991 Stricture in Feature Geometry. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Pilsudski, B. Materials for the study of the Ainu language and folklore. Reprinted in A. 1912 Majewicz ed. (1998). The Collected Works of Bronislaw Pilsudski vol. 2. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Refsing, K. 1986 The Ainu Language: The Morphology and Syntax of the Shizunai Dialect. Aarhus: Aarhus university press. Selkirk, E.O. 1984 Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. 1986 On derived domains in sentence phonology. Phonology Yearbook 3\ 371-405. The Prosodie Structure of Function Words. In J. Beckman et al. (eds.), Univer1995 sity of Massachusetts Occasional Papers 18: Papers in Optimality Theory, 439469. Shiraishi, H. 1998 Ainugo no on'in kotai [The consonantal sandhi of Ainu]. M.A. thesis, Chiba University. Tamura, S. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 1. Tokyo: Waseda Insti1984 tute of Language Teaching. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 2. Tokyo: Waseda Insti1985 tute of Language Teaching. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 3. Tokyo: Waseda Insti1986 tute of Language Teaching. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 5. Tokyo: Waseda Insti1988a tute of Language Teaching.

Prosodie Structure and Sandhi Phenomena

1988b 1989 1996 1997

in the Saru Dialect of Ainu

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Ainugo [The Language of Ainu] In. T. Kamei et al. (eds.), The Sanseido Encyclopaedia of Linguistics, vol. 1, 6-94. Tokyo: Sanseido. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 6. Tokyo: Waseda Institute of Language Teaching. Ainugo jiten [The Ainu-Japanese Dictionary Saru dialect] Tokyo: Sofukan. Ainugo onsei shiryo [Phonetic materials of the Ainu] 10. Tokyo: Waseda Institute of Language Teaching.

The Emergence of the 'Unaccented': Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound Accentuation Shin-ichi Tanaka Nagoya University

1. Introduction This paper is an in-depth examination of how Optimality Theory (hereafter, OT) can apply to the phonological system of Japanese and, conversely, what theoretical consequences the intricate phonological phenomena of Japanese imply for OT. These two issues will be examined by extensively considering the possible patterns, variations, and progressive changes of accent in Japanese. In doing this, I will basically adopt but then extend the set of general constraints proposed by Kubozono (1995, 1997) and give a principled account of what patterns and variations are possible in the accentual system of Japanese compounds and why some types of compounds can be de-accented at all in this language. The central claim is that the three possible accentuation modes of compounds (full preservation of input accent, default accentuation, and deaccentuation) fall out from a fixed hierarchy of the members of M A R K E D NESS constraints (i.e. the N O N - F I N A L I T Y family), in which a FAITHFULNESS constraint (i.e. MAX) is ranked in minimally different positions. Although the mechanism of unaccented patterns has long been a mystery for Japanese phonologists, this uniform analysis makes it possible to understand the phenomenon as a non-finality effect, in which a certain N O N - F I N A L I T Y constraint bans accent from the final (and, crucially, single) PrWd in a compound. I will further suggest that diachronically, MAX has been, and will be, undergoing demotion step by step in the accentual system of Japanese, which is carried out under the 'gravitation' of the members in the FAITHFULNESS family. The organization of this paper is as follows: we will first look at three basic characteristics of compound accent and sketch Kubozono's (1995, 1997) treatment of them in OT (section 2); we will then consider several problems with his analysis and elaborate a new constraint-ranking system on the basis of various sets of data (section 3); next, I will demonstrate

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that my proposed system can capture the progressive change of de-accentuation as well as other variations (section 4); and finally, we will reexamine the new ranking system in the context of synchronic and diachronic grammar (section 5).

2. Background and fundamental factors 2.1. Basic characteristics First, let us review three basic properties of Japanese compounds. In general, compound accent exhibits a clearer regularity and hence seems easier to formalize than lexical accent. Therefore, I will be concerned with the former in the present discussion. First, as shown in ( l a ) , the word accent of a head nominal (N2) usually survives as compound accent, rather than the accent of a lefthand non-head nominal (Nl). Moreover, as shown in ( l b ) , compound accent appears in N2 if it is originally an unaccented word: (1) N2 > NI (cf. McCawley 1977) a. miso + síru • misosíru 'miso soup' siifúudo + píza -> siifuudopíza 'seafood pizza' áka + murásaki -* akamurásaki 'red purple' yámato + támasii yamatodámasii 'Japanese soul' b. kita + amerika -»· kitaámerika 'North America' nisi +afurika • nisiáfurika 'West Africa' nikú + dango ->• nikudángo 'meat ball' yó + sakura ->• yozákura 'cherry tree at night' Another property of compounds is that a non-final lexical accent of N2 is usually preserved in that position (e.g. (2b)), while an accent on the final mora or syllable is avoided and shifts leftward (e.g. (2a)): (2) Avoidance of final position (cf. McCawley 1977, Kubozono 1995,1997) a. nágoya + sí -• nagoyási 'Nagoya City' róndon + hasí ->· rondónbasi 'London Bridge' isí + atamá ->· isiátama 'hard head' áisu + koohíi • aisukóohii 'ice coffee' sinzyu + kái ->· sinzyúgai 'pearl shell' súupaa + mán -> suupáaman 'superman'

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

161

b. natu + míkan natumíkan 'summer orange' satuzin + ziken ->• satuzinziken 'murder case' furáido + póteto ->· furaidopóteto 'fried potato' áka + murásaki akamurásaki 'red purple' The final property is that if N2 is a short head with 1 or 2 moras, compound accent falls on the syllable immediately preceding the N1-N2 boundary (e.g. (3a)); if N2 is a long head with 3 or 4 moras, however, it falls on the syllable immediately following the boundary (e.g. (3b)): (3) Before and after the boundary (cf. Kubozono 1995) a. nágoya + sí -»· nagoyási 'Nagoya City' róndon + hasí ->• rondónbasi 'London Bridge' amerika + zin amerikázin 'Americans' arizona + syúu - > arizonásyuu 'Arizona State' yoyaku + séki -»• yoyakúseki 'reserved seat' tyóu + bátu tyóubatu 'punishment infliction' b. isí + atamá ->• isiátama 'hard head' yámato + támasii yamatodámasii 'Japanese soul' onná + kokóro ->• onnagókoro 'women's heart' kita + amerika ->• kitaámerika 'North America' From this brief review, it is evident that any formal analysis must reflect these three properties in some way or other. However, it is also the case that they do not always hold well as exception-free generalizations, since they often conflict with one another. For instance, nagoyási 'Nagoya City' and rondónbasi 'London Bridge' do not bear accent on N2, favoring the factors in (2) and (3) over the one in (1). Conversely, such examples as bitámin + sii bitaminsíi 'vitamin C' and biggu + bén biggubén 'Big Ben' carry over the lexical accent of their head nomináis, preferring (1) to (2) and (3). In this sense, these three generalizations seem to hold true in some cases but to have exceptions in others, and it matters in what case one factor is dominant over the others. Thus, our task is to explicitly show how these characteristics can be captured by violable, hopefully general and well-motivated constraints and how such constraints are ranked with respect to one another. Needless to say, OT will be a promising framework for giving a principled account of Japanese accent, which has long been considered too complicated to capture in a rule-based framework where any exceptions or violations to specific generalizations are not allowed, or constraints are inviolable.

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2.2. The status of parsability among other factors There are, of course, other factors in computing compound accent, but the above three are particularly important and crucial, as is clear from Kubozono's (1995, 1997) analysis. He proposes the constraints and associated ranking relations in (4) and (5) to account for the accent distribution of compounds with either long or short heads.1 The generalizations in (1), (2), and (3) correspond roughly to (4a), (4b), and (4d), respectively: (4) The definition of constraints in Kubozono (1995,1997) a. PARSE (accent): Parse the lexical accent of N2 in compound nouns. 2 b . NON-FINALITY (Μ', Σ ' ) :

The accented mora and syllable must not be final in PrWd. 3 c . NON-FINALITY ( F ' ) :

The accented foot must not be final in PrWd. d. ALIGN-CA:

Align the accent with the boundary between N1 and N2. e . RIGHTMOSTNESS:

A peak of prominence (i.e. accent) lies at the right edge of PrWd. (5) Constraint ranking N O N - F I N A L I T Y (μ' σ ' ) > P A R S E ( a c c e n t ) > N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F ' ) , A L I G N - C A > R I G H T M O S T N E S S

Obviously, Kubozono considers the avoidance of final accent at the morale and syllabic level (i.e. (4b)) as the most dominant, the parsing of the N2 accent (i.e. (4a)) as less dominant, and the 'around-the-boundary' accent (i.e. (4d)) as the least dominant of the three. The tableau in (6) shows that this constraint-based system works well for the basic data presented above: (6) Examples NON-FINALITY

a. /miso + síru/ miso) + (sirú) "" miso) + (síru) misó) + (siru) miso) + (siru)

**!

PARSE

NON-FINALITY

(accent)

(F)

*

*

ALIGN-CA

*

*

*! *!

RIGHTMOST

* **

*

****

Possible

Patterns and Variations

b. /isí + atamá/ isi) + (a)(tamá) isi) + (a)(táma) isi) + (á)(tama) isi) + (a)(tama) isi) + (a)(tama) c. /sinzyu + kái/ sinzyu) + (gài) sinzyú) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai) d. /minami + amerika/ minami) + (ame)(riká) minami) + (ame)(ríka) minami) + (amé)(rika) minami) + (áme)(rika) minami) + (ame)(rika) minami) + (ame)(rika)

in Japanese

Compound

Accentuation

NON-FINALITY

PARSE

NON-FINALITY

(Μ\Σ·)

(accent)

(F) *

*

*

*!

*!

**!

ALIGN-CA

*

RIGHTMOST

* **

*

***!

*

*!

*****

*! *!

**

*

*! *

*

* *

**1

163

***

*

*

*!

*!

*

*!

** *** ****!

*!

*******

As shown in (6a), compound accent basically carries over the lexical accent of N2 unless it is final at the moraic or syllabic level. If N2 is finalaccented at that level as in (6b, c) or unaccented as in (6d), compound accent falls on the 'around-the-boundary' syllable within the non-final rightmost foot. Here and below, I am assuming that foot construction proceeds from right to left (Poser 1990 and Kubozono 1995, 1997) within a single morpheme and not across a morpheme boundary indicated here as + (Tateishi 1985 and Tanaka 1992). The morphology-sensitive foot parsing is motivated by such examples as nagoyá)+(si), but not *nagó)(ya+si) 'Nagoya City'. Note in the above tableau that *sinzyugái is final-accented at the syllabic level and thus has a single violation of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (μ\ Σ ' ) while *misosirú is final-accented at both the moraic and syllabic levels, causing two violations of the constraint. N O N - F I N A L I T Y (F') is motivated by the retraction of accent to the penultimate foot in (6b, c), which clearly shows evidence for metrical feet from the viewpoint of accentual phonology, as compared to oft-cited evidence from prosodie morphology (Tateishi 1989, Poser 1990, and Itô, Kitagawa, & Mester 1996, among others). RIGHTMOSTNESS (4e) requires that, other things being equal, accent be located as far to the right as possible, so that unaccented words have as many violations to (4e) as their number of syllables.4 Finally, it does not matter here whether Japanese has iambic or trochaic feet, as will be dem-

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onstrated in section 3.2., because FOOT TYPE is much less dominant (hence, is not given here) in its ranking system. In fact, what we have called 'accent' so far is not the head of a foot but the head of a prosodie word. In more general terms, this analysis regards accentual faithfulness as quite crucial and amounts to saying something like (7): (7) Kubozono's generalization on compound accent Compound accent parses (i.e. carries over) the lexical accent of N2 unless it is final at some level of analysis (i.e. mora or syllable). The advantages of this system are as follows. First, it is no longer necessary for the computation of accent to distinguish between the short and long head classes of compounds (cf. (3)) by a judicious use of ALIGN-CA. 5 Second, this is the first convincing attempt, as far as I know, to provide insight into the accentual system of Japanese compounds in OT.6

3 . NON-FINALITY

of accented feet

3.1. Other data Indeed, there is no doubt that Kubozono's analysis is insightful and pioneering. However, an extensive and careful survey, which I will show later, seems to suggest another generalization. For expository purposes, let me begin this section with my findings of the survey before showing evidence for them. The generalization in (8) is one of such findings:7 (8) Revised generalization Compound accent falls on the penultimate foot, except for the full preservation of accent in foreign heads (or in some archaic native and Sino-Japanese heads). (8) implies that default accentuation (i.e. penultimate-foot accent) generally overcomes full preservation of input accent in the grammar of Japanese. For example, it is obvious that the words in (6b-d) bear accent on the penultimate foot. In technical terms, I am claiming that the constraint ranking for general lexical classes should be something like (9a), except for the cases of accent preservation in (9b) (The symbol '=' in (9a) indicates 'free ranking,' which will be discussed in section 3.2):

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

165

(9) The constraint-ranking system for compound accent (preliminary) a. G e n e r a l c a s e s NON-FINALITY

(μ\ σ\ F') >

MAX

(accent) =

ALIGN-L

(σ\ root) >

ALIGN-R

(PrWd, σ')

b. F o r e i g n h e a d s ( o r s o m e archaic n a t i v e a n d s i n o - J a p a n e s e h e a d s ) MAX

(accent) >

NON-FINALITY

(μ\ σ',

F') >

ALIGN-L

(σ\ root) »

ALIGN-R

(PrWd, σ')

c. D e f i n i t i o n s of n e w c o n s t r a i n t s MAX (accent): The accent of a head root has a correspondent in the compound. ALIGN-L

( σ \ root):

The left edge of any accented syllable is aligned with the left edge of a head root. ALIGN-R

(PrWd, a'):

The right edge of any PrWd is aligned with the right edge of an accented syllable.

Note in (9) that NON-FINALITY forms a unit as a constraint family, which can be overranked by MAX (accent) for the cases of accent preservation. I will show in section 5 that although Japanese once had the grammar of (9b), MAX (accent) has subsequently undergone demotion to its ranking in the present grammar of accentuation. Another crucial point is that the rankings of (9a) and (9b) are based on the type of lexical class (i.e. general vs. foreign). Here, I introduce M A X (accent), A L I G N - L ( σ \ root), and A L I G N - R (PrWd, σ'), which have different definitions and consequences from Kubozono's PARSE (accent), A L I G N - C A , and RIGHTMOSTNESS, respectively. First, following Tanaka ( 2 0 0 1 , to appear), I adopt M A X (accent), instead of PARSE (accent), because the former constraint has a distinct effect in accent preservation between Sino-Japanese and foreign words, which I will not be concerned with in this paper. Another reason is that the lexical accent of Nl, not that of N2, is preserved in mimetic words (góro / górogoro / *gorogóro 'the manner of rolling'), whose head root I assume is Nl. 8 Second, A L I G N - C A is replaced by A L I G N - L ( Σ 1 , root) for the exact reason of the latter's usual single-edge definition. But the crucial difference between the two lies in the fact that the latter constraint is not violated by unaccented compounds (see section 4 . 1 . ) , since an accented syllable is aligned in that way if there is any. The order of the two arguments (i.e. categories) in the statement of A L I G N is crucial here (McCarthy and Prince 1 9 9 3 ) , and it should be contrasted with A L I G N - R (PrWd, Σ ' ) , which is always violated by unaccented patterns. Third, the reason for adopting the final constraint, A L I G N - R (PrWd, Σ ' ) , instead of RIGHTMOSTNESS, is related to its edge-oriented alignment of two prosodie categories, gradient

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nature of violations, and general applicability to many other languages (Walker 1995,1996). Now let us turn to several sets of arguments in favor of the ranking system in (9a, b). First, even the penultimate accent, which would be parsed in accordance with (5) as was the case with misosiru in (6a), often shifts leftward to the penultimate foot in the case of native N2 words, as Kubozono (1995: 35-36,1997: 280-82) himself admits:

(10)

Native: N O N - F I N A L I T Y (μ\ o\ F ' ) > M A X (accent) (Sometimes rerankable) ningyo + hime -• ningyóhime 'mermaid princess' nisiki + hébi -* nisikíhebi 'reticulated python' kansou + háda kansóuhada 'dry skin' kansou + négi kansóunegi 'dry leek' densyo + háto ->• densyóbato 'carrier pigeon' kóumori + kása -> koumorígasa 'Western umbrella' nyúudou + kúmo nyuudóugumo 'thunderhead' níwaka + áme ->· niwakáame 'sudden rainfall' kasure + kóe ->• kasurégoe 'husky voice' yakata + húne yakatábune 'houseboat' garasu + ita -> garasúita 'glass board' onná + kokóro ->· onnagókoro 'heart of girls' yudé + tamágo ->• yudetámago 'boiled egg' hidari + utíwa ->· hidariútiwa 'comfortable life' kamí + omútu kamiómutu 'paper diaper' mata + itóko -»· mataítoko 'second cousin'

Parsed accent is also acceptable in some compounds like densyobáto, koumorigása, and hidariútiwa but not in others like *ningyohime, *kansouháda, and *onnagokóro. But it is an important fact here that historically, all variations have developed from the parsed penultimate accent to the antepenultimate one in the non-final rightmost foot. In that sense, the parsed accent as described by McCawley (1968: 168) sounds somewhat archaic to younger Japanese speakers of the present generation. The second argument is that in the case of Sino-Japanese compounds in (11a), again, even the non-final penultimate accent is not parsed but shifts leftward, although there are some rare cases, as in (lib), where the final accent at the syllabic level is parsed: 9

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound Accentuation

167

(11) Sino-Japanese: NON-FINALITY (μ\ σ\ F ' ) » MAX (accent) (Sometimes rerankable) a. Non-final but shifted mán + gétu mángetu 'full moon' tyóu + bátu -• tyóubatu 'punishment infliction' gài + kótu -»• gáikotu 'skeletal bone' suidou + kyóku -> suidóukyoku 'waterworks bureau' yoyaku + séki -• yoyakúseki 'reserved seat' syuutyaku + éki -> syuutyakúeki 'terminal station' syouka + éki ->· syoukáeki 'digestive fluid' ningyou + géki ->• ningyóugeki 'puppet play' kenkyuu + situ kenkyúusitu 'study room' kekkon + síki -> kekkónsiki 'wedding ceremony' ténsyu + káku tensyúkaku 'castle tower' kougeki + ryóku --> kougekiryoku 'offensive power' b. Final but parsed mèi + syó -> meisyó 'place of scenic beauty' kyúu + syó -»· kyuusyó 'vital spot' sínzitu + mí • sinzitumí 'truth' keisatu + syó ->• keisatusyó 'police office' nihón + zín -> nihonzín 'Japanese people' ísi + kái -»• isikái 'society of doctors' kasi + kin ->• kasikín 'loan' syóu + gén -> syougén 'verbal evidence' bán + góu bangóu 'serial number' kán + súu kansúu 'function' syóu + tyúu syoutyúu 'distilled spirits' zyóu + dán -> zyoudán 'joking matter' sén + sèi ->• senséi 'teacher' níti + hón ->• nippón 'Japan' Note that in ( l i b ) , nihónzin, isíkai, and kasíkin are also acceptable variants and that other words also bear accent on the non-final rightmost foot when they undergo further compound formation as in mokugekisyóugen 'eyewitness's evidence,' denwabángou 'phone number,' sankakukánsuu 'trigonometrical function,' and so on. Thus, it can be said that (8) holds true generally for compounds with Sino-Japanese heads. Third, in the case of foreign compounds, however, we must admit that they carry over their N2 lexical accent even if it is final:10

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Foreign: M A X (accent) > NON-FINALITY (μ\ σ\ F') (almost fixed) a. Final but parsed káfe + báa kafebáa 'cafe bar' eiga + fán ->• eigafán 'movie fan' bitámin + sii ->• bitaminsíi 'vitamin C' sáakuru + kée • saakurukée 'circle Κ' táfu + gài ->• tafugái 'tough guy' bésuto + tén ->• besutotén 'best 10' hánii + bíi ->· haniibíi 'honey bee' wáido + byúu waidobyúu 'wide view' bíggu + bén ->• biggubén 'Big Ben' suizyou + sukíi -»• suizyousukíi 'water skiing' héyaa + buróo ->• heyaaburóo 'hair blow' kurisúmasu + turíi kurisumasuturíi 'Christmas tree' táimu + masin -»• taimumasin 'time machine' márizzi + burúu -• marizziburúu 'marriage blues' súupaa + dorái -> suupaadorái 'super dry' tákkusu + furíi ->• takkusufuríi 'tax-free' hairáito + síin -> hairaitosíin 'highlight scene' rozétta + sutóon ->· rozettasutóon 'Rosetta stone' b. Non-final and parsed róosu + hámu roosuhámu 'roast ham' siifúudo + píza -»• siifuudopíza 'seafood pizza' Kúrobe + dámu -+ Kurobedámu 'Kurobe dam' tennen + gásu ->· tennengásu 'natural gas' báioretto + fízu -> baiorettofízu 'violet fizz' máikuro + básu -> maikurobásu 'microbus' dorággu + suóa doraggusutóa 'drug store' furáido + póteto -> furaidopóteto 'fried potato' c. Final and shifted súupaa + mán -»• suupáaman 'superman' sáin + pén -* saínpen 'pen for signature' furansu + pán -» furansúpan 'French bread' rémon + tíi -> remóntii 'lemon tea' wáido + syóu -> waidósyou 'wide show' áisu + koohíi -> aisukóohii 'ice coffee'

The compounds given in (12a) conform to what Kubozono (1997: 280) calls the 'snack-bar' pattern, where the original final accent is preserved. Some cases in (12a) allow such variations as suizyousúkii, heyaabúroo,

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

169

and kurisumasutúrii, but (12a) and (12b) generally do not undergo accent shift even when they are compounded with another word (unlike the Sino-Japanese cases in (lib)), as in koukyuukafebáa 'high-class cafe bar,' koukyuuroosuhámu 'high-quality roast ham,' and the like. The examples in (12c) are nativized loans whose accent falls on the penultimate foot, but such types are observed less frequently. It thus follows that the unmarked pattern for foreign compounds parses lexical accent regardless of its finality. Next, the following three pieces of evidence for the ranking in (9a) concern quadrimoraic heads whose lexical accent is originally non-final but moves leftward when compound formation applies to them. For example, the penultimate accent in (13a) shifts leftward obligatorily without variation (cf. (10), (lia), and (12b)). The antepenultimate accent of quadrimoraic heads in (13b) usually exhibits variation when they form compounds, but in either case compound accent appears within the penultimate foot. 11 Moreover, compounds with unaccented quadrimoraic heads as in (13c) always receive the same accent as (13a): (13) Quadrimoraic heads: (fixed) a. Penultimate

NON-FINALITY

(μ', a',

F ' ) » MAX

(accent)

óo + namekúzi • oonámekuzi 'big slug' dénki + nokogiri ->· denkinókogiri 'power saw' dénki + kamisóri

denkikámisori 'electric shaver'

tukaisute + tiritóri

tukaisutetíritori 'throwaway dustpan'

siharai + matigáe ->· siharaimátigae 'payment mistake' sóosu + yakisóba -»· soosuyákisoba 'chow mein with sauce' siróuto + kangá

siroutokángae 'naive idea'

yunyuu + houbéni

yunyuuhóubeni 'imported cheek rouge'

sokuseki + misosíu

sokusekimíosiru 'quickly-cooked miso soup'

b. Antepenultimate neri + hamígaki

nerihámigaki / nerihamígaki 'toothpaste'

áka + murásaki -»· akamúrasaki / akamurásaki 'red purple' dendou + habúrasi ->· dendouháburasi / dendouhabúrasi 'electric toothbrush' yunyuu + kudámono -> yunyuukúdamono / yunyuukudámono 'imported fruits' irò + origami • iroórigami / iroorígami 'colored folded paper' kínu + oirímono ríron + tetúgaku síro + hatímaki

kinuórimono / kinuorímono 'silk fabrics' rirontétugaku / rirontetúgaku 'theoretical philosophy' sirohátimaki / sirohatímaki 'white headband'

koukuu + rikígaku -»• koukuuríkigaku / koukuurikígaku 'aerodynamics'

170

Shin-ichi Tanaka kanyou + syokúbutu -> kanyousyókubutu / kanyousyokúbutu 'foliage plant' teami + kutúsita

teamikútusita / teamikutúsita 'hand-made knitted socks'

síro + hukúroo - • sirohúkuroo / sirohukúroo 'snowy owl'

c. Unaccented kita + amerika ->· kitaámerika 'North America' sin + yokohama -»· sinyókohama 'New Yokohama' óo + hurosiki

oobúrosiki 'big cloth wrapper'

nisi + afurika ->• nisiáfurika 'West Africa óo + kuwagata

ookúwagata 'big stag beetle'

kuti + yakusoku ->· kutiyákusoku 'verbal promise' youhuu + izakaya -»· youhuuizakaya 'Western pub' zikasei + tukemono -> zikaseitúkemono 'hand-made pickles' tukimi + kisimen • tukimikisimen 'flat noodles with egg' giri + omiai

giriómiai 'arranged marriage from a sense of duty'

binbou + gakusei ->• binbougákusei 'poor student' yokoku + satuzin ->• yokokusátuzin 'announced murder' sángyou + kakumei • sangyoukákumei 'Industrial Revolution' roudou + kumiai ->• roudoukúmiai 'labor union' kázan + katudou ->· kazankátudou 'volcanic activity' gódan + katuyou ->· godankátuyou 'five-grade conjugation' rentai + sekinin

rentaisékinin 'collective responsibility'

kokuyuu + tetudou ->• kokuyuutétudou 'national railway' kinen + satuei

kinensátuei 'commemorative photographing'

In general, unaccented words seem to tell us more clearly how compounds undergo unmarked (i.e. default) accentuation, since they are neutral or transparent in the sense that they are not sensitive to previous accentuation (i.e. irrelevant to parsability). This is also true for other unaccented heads with fewer than four moras: (14) Parallelism of output forms Penultimate-Accented

Unaccented

yakatá) + (bune) 'houseboat'

vs.

abaré) + (usi) 'spirited cow'

onna) + (gó)(koro) 'women's heart'

vs.

yama) + (zá)(kura) 'mountain cherry tree'

denki) + (nóko)(giri) 'power saw'

vs.

sin) + (yóko)(hama) 'New Yokohama'

In (14), the words in the left column are originally penultimate-accented (i.e. húne 'boat,' kokóro 'heart,' and nokogiri 'saw,' while the ones in the right are unaccented heads. Yet both types of compounds have their ac-

Possible

Patterns

and Variations

in Japanese

Compound

Accentuation

171

cent on the same non-final rightmost foot. Thus, unaccented heads seem to reflect the unmarked pattern of compound accent. Finally, let us reexamine Kubozono's (1995,1997) proposed ranking in (5), repeated here as (15a), in terms of its reranking possibilities which would be necessary to account for the data so far: (15) Kubozono's reranking of constraints a.

N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( μ \ o')

»

PAUSE ( a c c e n t ) »

b. PARSE promotion: PARSE (accent) »

NON-FINALITY ( F ' ) , A L I G N - C A > . . . f o r ( 6 )

NON-FINALITY

C . PARSE d e m o t i o n : NON-FINALITY (μ\σ\

(μ\a',

F1), ALIGN-CA

... for (lib) and (12a)

F ' ) > PARSE (accent), ALIGN-CA ... for (10), (11a), and (13a)

D . PARSE d e m o t i o n : N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( « ' , σ ' ) > N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F ' ) , A L I G N - C A > PARSE ( a c c e n t ) . . . f o r ( 1 3 b )

(15a, b) and (15c) would be needed for preserved accent and penultimatefoot accent, respectively. In such parsed-accent compounds as meisyó 'place of scenic beauty,' kyuusyó 'vital spot,' and sinzitumi 'truth' in ( l i b ) , the reranking of N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( M ' ) » P A R S E (accent) » N O N - F I N A L I T Y (σ1, F') (instead of (15b)) would be useless, because their accent is final at the moraic level (note 9). In general terms, the reranking system in (15) seems to be more complicated than the one proposed in (9a, b) in that (15a) would have to be reranked in the three ways of (15b-d). Furthermore, the reranking in (15d) would involve some 'non-local' process, as shown in (16a, b), although the optimal accent in (16b) is actually a very productive pattern. The local reranking of N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F ' ) » P A R S E (accent), A L I G N - C A in (16c), however, would have only the same result as (16a): (16) Reranking for (13b) a. /neri + hamígaki/ neri) neri) neri) neri) neri)

+ + + + +

(hami)(gakí) (hami)(gáki) (hamí)(gaki) (hámi)(gaki) (hami)(gaki)

b. /neri + hamígaki/ neri) neri) neri) neri) neri)

+ + + + +

(hami)(gaki) (hami)(gáki) (hami)(gaki) (hámi)(gaki) (hami)(gaki)

NON-FINALITY

**!

PARSE

NON-FINALITY

(accent)

(F1)

*

* *

ALIGN-CA * * *

*!

RIGHTMOST

* ** ***

*! *! NON-FINALITY

(μ\σ·) **ι

****

NON-FINALITY

(F) * *!

PARSE ALIGN-CA

(accent)

*

*

*! *!

* * *

RIGHTMOST

* ** ***

172

Shin-ichi Tanaka

NON-FINALITY

c. /nerí + hamígaki/

(μ\ο') **T

neri) + (hami)(gakí) neri) + (hami)(gáki) neri) + (hamí)(gaki) neri) + (hámi)(gaki) nerí) + (hami)(gaki)

NON-FINALITY

PARSE

(F)

(accent)

ALIGN-CA

*

*

*

*!

*

*

*

*

**

RICHTMOST

* *

In contrast to (15), I will explicitly show in the next section that the new ranking system proposed in (9), which involves only one minimal reranking, is both necessary and sufficient to account for the data in (6) and (10)( 1 3 ) . Furthermore, I will present some evidence for ALIGN-L ( o \ root), which plays a vital role particularly in accounting for the accentual behavior of such quadrimoraic words as those given in (13).

3.2. Analysis and Iambic/Trochaic alternation Now let us summarize the patterns of compound accent in terms of the number of syllables and the accent position of head nomináis:12 (17) Possible patterns and variations (accented) syllable 1

input accent —

si

—

b á a (foreign)

unaccented 2

3

heads

ko

final initial

así áme

unaccented

básu usi

final medial

initial unaccented

(foreign)

atamá utíwa sutóa ( f o r e i g n ) árasi póteto (foreign) sakura

compounds

output accent

nagoyási 'Nagoya City' kafebáa 'cafe bar' tinomígo 'nursing baby'

penultimate foot parsed penultimate foot

sinobíasi 'stealthy steps' niwakáame / niwakaáme 'sudden rainfall' maikurobásu 'microbus' abaréusi 'spirited cow'

penultimate foot varied

isiátama 'hard head' hidariútiwa / hidariutíwa 'comfortable life' doraggusutóa 'drug store' yamaárasi 'mountain storm' furaidopóteto 'fried potato' yamazákura 'mountain cherry tree'

penultimate foot varied

parsed penultimate foot

parsed penultimate foot parsed penultimate foot

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

syllable

input accent

4

final penultimate

heads yorokobi nokogiri i g u z á m u (foreign)

antepenultimate

hamigaki toráburu (foreign)

initial unaccented

kámakiri bízinesu (foreign) yokohama

Accentuation

173

compounds

output accent

nukayórokobi 'premature joy' denkinókogiri 'power saw' taamuiguzámu 'term exam' nerihámigaki / nerihamígaki 'toothpaste' zyuumintoráburu 'trouble with neighbors' ookámakiri 'big mantis' biggubizinesu 'big business' sinyókohama 'New Yokohama'

penultimate foot penultimate foot parsed penultimate foot parsed penultimate foot parsed penultimate foot

In (17), all the parsed-accent cases are compounds with foreign heads and can thus be captured by (9b), whereas varied cases with native heads are accounted for by the free ranking of either (9a) or (9b). The varied cases with Sino-Japanese heads whose accent can exceptionally be parsed as in nihón + ζ in ->• nihonzín 'Japanese people' and kityou + mén -> kityoumén 'methodical nature' (i.e. ( l i b ) ) are also captured by (9b). In addition, some nativized foreign compounds in (12c), such as súupaa + mán -* suupáaman 'superman' and sáin + pén > saínpen 'pen for signature,' suggest that they are assimilated to the usual ranking of (9a). Thus, given (9), the analysis involves only one minimal reranking to explain the data above, as in (18)-(20). Note that the symbol '=' in (19) indicates that the former two constraints concerned can be ranked freely, either as in (9a) or (9b):

(18) Foreign (parsed) MAX (accent) a. /káfe + báa/ kafe) + (báa) kafé) + (baa)

*!

b. /máikuro + básu/ maikuro) + (básu) maikuró) + (basu)

*!

c. /dorággu + sutóa/ doraggu) + (su)(tóa) doraggu) + (sú)(toa)

*!

NON-FINALITY (μ', o \ F ' )

ALIGN-R

(PrWd,

** *

*

* **

*

* **

Σ')

174

Shin-ichi Tanaka

(19) Some archaic native and Sino-Japanese (varied)

NON-FINALITY

a. /níwaka + áme/ niwaka) + (áme) niwaká) + (ame)

*

b. /hidari + utiwa/ hidari) + (u)(tiwa) hidari) + (Ú)(tiwa)

*

c. /nihón + zín/ nihon) + (zín) nihón) + (zin)

(μ\ a', F ' )

= MAX

(accent)

ALIGN-R

(PrWd,

a')

* *

**

*

**

*

*

*

**

(20) General and nativized foreign (penultimate foot)

N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( μ \ o',

a. /nágoya + sí/ nagoya) + (sí) nagoyá) + (si) b. /abare + usi/ abare) + (úsi) abaré) + (usi) c. /yamá + árasi/ yama) + (á)(rasi) yamá) + (a)(rasi) d. /súupaa + mán/ suupaa) + (mán) suupáa) + (man)

F')

MAX (accent)

*

ALIGN-R

(PrWd, σ')

*

*

*!

**

** ***

*!

*

*

It is worth pointing out that the general dominance of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (a', O\ F') over MAX (accent) correctly excludes such impossible alternations as in honé / *abarabóne / abarábone 'rib bones,' utá / *warabeúta / warabéuta 'children's song,' atamá / *isiatáma / isiátama 'hard head,' and otokól *yamaotóko / yamaótoko 'woodsman,' where the final accent in the input never retracts to the penultimate mora and syllable in the output. This is because penultimate accent violates N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F ' ) . In (18)-(20), I have not shown how each of the examples satisfies or violates A L I G N - L (σ1, root) because it is not crucial for these cases. However, its importance is seen for the cases with quadrimoraic heads given in

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

175

(17) (see also (13)). It is true that their accent uniformly falls on the penultimate foot, but it still remains unclear why it doesn't falls on the antepenultimate but the pre-antepenultimate mora as in *nuka) + (yoró)(kobi) and *denki) + (nokó)(giri), as compared to (a) (bará) + (bone) / *a)(bára) + (bone) 'rib bones' and oya)(yubí) + (hime) / *oya)(yúbi) + (hime) 'thumb princess.' In other words, the following two questions remain to be explained; that is, 1) why only quadrimoraic heads exhibit trochaic pattern, while all others are iambic due to A L I G N - R (PrWd, o{) and, moreover, 2) why only words with the original antepenultimate accent (i.e. (13b)) exhibit an iambic/trochaic variation as in neri) + (hámi)(gaki) / (neri) + (hamí)(gaki). (21) clearly demonstrates that both of these are given a convincing account by the interactive effect of MAX (accent) and A L I G N - L ( o \ root): (21) Quadrimoraic heads (penultimate foot) NON-FINALITY

(μ\σ\Γ) a. /nuka + yorokobi/ nuka) + (yoró)(kobi) nuka) + (yóro)(kobi) b. /dénki + nokogíri/ denki) + (nokó)(giri) denki) + (nóko)(giri)

MAX

(accent) =

ALIGN-R

(PrWd, a-)

** *** *

*

*1

**

*!

**

*

** ***

*

c. /sin + yokohama/ sin) + (yokó)(hama) sin) + (yóko)(hama) d. /neri + hamígaki/ "" neri) + (hamí)(gaki) "" neri) + (hámi)(gaki)

(σ\ root)

ALIGN-L

*

Note here that M A X (accent) and A L I G N - L ( o \ root) are ranked freely, as was explicitly shown in (9a), which means that only words with the original penultimate accent as in (21d) allow variation of either the parsed option or the left-edge option. The free ranking, of course, does not affect the optimality of the latter (or second) candidate in each pair of (21a-c).13 This characteristic of attracting compound accent to the left edge of a head root is also clear from the following contrast of Sino-Japanese examples:

176

Shin-ichi

Tanaka

(22) Minimal pairs tetú) + (gaku) 'philosophy'

vs. riron) + (tétu)(gaku) 'theoretical philosophy'

riki) + (gaku) 'dynamics'

vs. koukuu) + (riki)(gaku) 'aerodynamics'

syokú) + (butu) 'plant'

vs. kanyou) + (syóku)(butu) 'foliage plant'

gakú) + (mon) 'learning'

vs. mimi) + (gáku)(mon) 'ear learning'

sakú) + (motu) 'crops'

vs. nou) + (sáku)(motu) 'farm products'

The compounds in the left column originally bear accent before the boundary due to NON-FINALITY (F'), but it shifts to the left within the penultimate foot, attracted to the new boundary, when they undergo further compound formation as is shown in the right column (although the parsed option is also possible as in (21d)). As a result, compound accent might appear to be assigned either before or after the boundary as Kubozono's A L I G N - C A defines, but this proves to come from the effect of NON-FINAL1 ITY (F ) and the usual single-edge alignment A L I G N - L (Σ 1 , root). On the other hand, the surface ambiguity of either iambic or trochaic rhythm in (21d) is an epiphenomenon of the synergistic effect and reranking of MAX (accent) and A L I G N - L (a', root).

4. The de-accentuation phenomena 4 . 1 . NON-FINALITY

of accented prosodie word

So far I have argued for the ranking system of NON-FINALITY (μ1, σ\ F') » M A X (accent), in place of Kubozono's NON-FINALITY ( μ ' , o') » PARSE (accent) » NON-FINALITY (F'), on the basis of the varieties of possible patterns and variations of accented compounds, and indeed, the data I have presented thus far seem to favor the proposed ranking with respect to the present state of Japanese grammar. However, I demonstrate in this section that the most compelling and convincing evidence in support of this ranking can be found when we attempt to account for such unaccented compounds as those given in (23):14 (23) Unaccented compounds a. Final-accented inputs nihón + gó ->• nihongo 'the Japanese language'

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

177

riron + ká ->• rironka 'theorist' éfferu + tóu ->• efferutou 'the Eiffel Tower' hébii + kyúu hebiikyuu 'heavy weight' kesyóu + sui kesyousui 'toilet lotion' syokuzi + tyúu ->• syokuzityuu 'at table' unebi + yamá -»· unebiyama 'Mt. Unebi' gárasu + tamá garasudama 'glass ball' b. Quadrimoraic outputs kínu +ito kinuito 'silk thread' dasí + siru ->• dasiziru 'soup stock' nía + mísu -»· niamisu 'near miss' dokú + gásu -»• dokugasu 'poisonous gas' on + in ->· onin 'sound and rhythm, phonology' mizu + hana -> mizubana 'running nose' usu + azi -> usuazi 'light taste' náka + niwa nakaniwa 'courtyard' dán + zétu ->• danzetu 'extinction' sóku + báku -»· sokubaku 'restraint' sétu + zóku -»• setuzoku 'connection' kótu + sétu ->· kossetu 'bone fracture' c. Both conditions met (Sino-Japanese) kóu + sài kousai 'social intercourse' róu + dóu -> roudou 'manual labor' kán + kóu -• kankou 'sightseeing' kyóu + sèi kyousei 'compulsion' hán + zái ->• hanzai 'criminal guilt' kái+ makú ->· kaimaku 'opening screen' sán + myakú ->• sanmyaku 'mountain range' zéi + nikú ->· zeiniku 'superfluous flesh' hukú + dokú hukudoku 'taking poison' ume + gumi -»• umegumi 'Urne group' As in (23a), final-accented heads often trigger de-accentuation in compounds (cf. Kubozono 1995: 26-27,1997: 276). In addition, quadrimoraic compounds also tend to undergo de-accentuation, as in (23b), even if their N2 is not final-accented. (23c) shows the cases of Sino-Japanese compounds, where both requirements are satisfied. There is a great variety of unaccented compounds in Sino-Japanese, as well as those accented

178

Shin-ichi

Tanaka

on the penultimate foot, because its typical word form (more strictly, its minimal word) is quadrimoraic with two roots as in (23c). Note that none of the compounds in (23a-c) have a pitch fall anywhere in their domain, which means that they seriously violate A L I G N - R (PrWd, Σ ' ) . Thus, my task is to explain how such an unaccented pattern is possible at all in the grammar of Japanese accentuation by taking advantage of the constraintranking system for all the patterns seen in the preceding sections. I propose that the key to answering this question lies in the constraint of NON-FINALITY. Specifically, it is quite natural that Japanese grammar has not only N O N - F I N A L I T Y (JU\ A\ F ' ) but also N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd') as a member of the N O N - F I N A L I T Y family, since the inventory of prosodie categories contains not only mora, syllable, and foot, but also prosodie word. If we add this constraint to the ranking I have argued for, it should be located below M A X (accent), as shown in ( 2 4 ) : 1 5 (24) The constraint-ranking system for compound accent (revised)

ALIGN-L

(σ\ root)

ALIGN-R

NON-FINALITY

(PrWd')

(PrWd, σ')

Here, the dotted lines indicate the rerankable relations of MAX (accent) to the other three constraints: the reranking of (24a) is for foreign heads and some archaic native and Sino-Japanese heads as seen in (18) and (19); (24b) is for quadrimoraic heads with the antepenultimate accent as (21); and I am claiming that (24c) is exactly what is needed for the unaccented compounds shown in (23). Following the definition of (4b, c), we define the requirement of NONFINALITY (PrWd') in (25a). Note, however, that this definition logically implies that accent must not be present in PrWd, precisely because any compound in Japanese forms a single PrWd of its own and hence it is al-

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

179

ways final in its domain, which is contrastive with English compounds with two PrWd's as in (25c). A comparison with other members of the N O N - F I N A L I T Y family, schematized in (25b), will make it easier to understand what I mean: (25) The mechanism of de-accentuation a. Definition of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd') The accented prosodie word must not be final in PrWd (Accent must not be present in PrWd). b. The family of N O N - F I N A L I T Y constraints Mora: *[...μμμ'] [...μ μ'μ] Syllable: *[...σσσ'] ->• [...σσ'α\ Foot: *[... F F F'] [...FF'F] Prosodie Word: *[PrWd'] [PrWd] c. Morphological structure of compounds PrWd'

PrWd

PrWd

PrWd

/

\

/

\

/

\

/

\

Root

Root

Root

Root

PrWd

PrWd'

PrWd'

PrWd

*[[ousaká] [ben]]

->

[[ousaka] [ben]]

*[[black] [board]]

[[bláck] [board]]

O s a k a dialect'

(and also A L I G N - R (PrWd, Σ ' ) ) prohibits the final accent and requires it to fall on the penultimate constituent (in the case of mora, syllable, and foot, two or more constituents are always available in the domain of a compound), whereas a violation of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd') causes accent loss since there is no candidate constituent available in the domain. In section 2.2., I mentioned the way of foot construction which does not cross a morpheme boundary of a compound. This assumption does not pose a problem with a 'single-PrWd hypothesis' here, because the morpheme boundary in question is the one between the two roots in (25c).16 On the other hand, any English compound involves more than one PrWd, and compound accent falls on the initial PrWd. This difference implies that the members of a compound are more mutually independent in English than in Japanese, which is motivated by the fact that even the final PrWd in English is assigned secondary accent, as in bláck N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( μ ' , σ', F ' )

board.

In this way, the unaccented compounds in (23) are accounted for as typical cases of (24c) by minimally demoting M A X (accent) below N O N - F I NALITY (PrWd'):

180

Shin-ichi

Tanaka

(26) Unaccented compounds NON-FINALITY

(μ\ σ\ F', PrWd') a. /nihón + gó/ [nihon) + (gó)] PrWd [nihón) + (go)] 1 ™" [nihon) + (go)]*™ ^ [nihon) + (go)] PrWd b. /on +in/ [on) + (in)] PrWd [ón) + (in)] PrWd [on) + (in)] PrWd

MAX

(accent) =

*!

*

*!

HE *

ALIGN-L

* **

*

*!

c. /yáku + sóku/ [yaku) + ( s ó k u ) ] ^ [yakú) + (soku)] PrWd [yáku) + (soku)] PrWd [yaku) + (soku)] PrWd

( σ \ root)

ALIGN-R

(PrWd, σ')

* **

* **

* **

*! *!

*

*

*

**

*

Thus, the de-accentuation phenomenon is a natural consequence of the dominant ranking of the whole NON-FINALITY family over M A X (accent), in which NON-FINALITY (PrWd') plays a crucial role among others, of course. And this is the very reason why unaccented patterns are possible in the general accentual system of Japanese.17 The accent loss in PrWd is carried out at the cost of violations to the general constraint of 'culminativity,' which requires that any word has one and only one accent somewhere in its domain (Hayes 1 9 9 5 ) . In this system, the effect of culminativity works out as A L I G N R (PrWd, &), which is outranked by the other constraints. We now see that even if we adopted NON-FINALITY (PrWd 1 ) into Kubozono's ( 1 9 9 5 , 1 9 9 7 ) ranking in ( 5 ) , in a way like NON-FINALITY ( μ \ Σ ' ) » 1 PARSE (accent) » NON-FINALITY ( F 1 ) , A L I G N - C A » NON-FINALITY (PrWd ), it would be very difficult to give a principled account for the de-accentuation phenomena, because PARSE (accent) would take a rather long step below NON-FINALITY (PrWd 1 ), even though more and more compounds tend to undergo de-accentuation, as will be discussed in the next section. The reason that A L I G N - C A would have to outrank N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd') is clear from the following example: (27) ALIGN-CA »

NON-FINALITY

a. /sinzyu + kái/ sinzyú) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai)

(PrWd'):

ALIGN-CA

sinzyúgai

NON-FINALITY *

*! *!

*

'pearl'

(PrWd')

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

b. /sinzyu + kái/ sinzyú) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai) sinzyu) + (gai)

NON-FINALITY (PrWd')

ALIGN-CA

*! *!

* *

Accentuation

181

This is because A L I G N - C A rules out an de-accented output candidate, and this point is crucially different from our A L I G N - L ( σ \ root). 18 In contrast, our approach is fairly easy to capture de-accentuation of compounds by the minimal reranking of (24c).

4.2. Possible variations and change in progress If NON-FINALITY (PrWd') and M A X (accent) are actually present at the position of (24c) in the constraint ranking, then the reranking possibilities of MAX (accent) can be summarized in the following way:19 (28) Reranking possibilities MAX (accent)

NON-FINALITY

(PrWd')

(c)

When MAX (accent) is located at the (28a) position, the ranking produces the parsed-accent patterns of foreign heads like (18) and some archaic native and Sino-Japanese heads like (19); when it is at the (28b) position, the ranking captures the most productive patterns in (20) and (21), in which accent falls on the penultimate foot; and when it is at the (28c) position, the ranking accounts for the unaccented compounds in (26). Since I assume that NON-FINALITY ( μ \ σ\ F ' ) is just a single constraint, M A X (accent) cannot be ranked in between the two of NON-FINALITY (μ', σ\ F ' ) · The three possibilities in (28), then, also mean that logically, there should be four types of accent variation as shown below: (29) Possible variations a. (28a) or (28b): Parsed or penultimate poot b. (28b) or (28c): Penultimate foot or unaccented c. (28a), (28b), or (28c): Parsed, penultimate foot, or unaccented d. (28a) or (28c): Parsed or unaccented

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Interestingly, these four types of variation are verified by the following sets of examples: (30) Examples of possible variations a. Parsed / penultimate foot densyo+ háto densyobáto / densyóbato 'carrier pigeon' kóumori + kása • koumorigása / koumorígasa 'Western umbrella' níwaka +áme niwakaáme / niwakáame 'sudden rainfall' hidari + utíwa • hidariutíwa / hidariútiwa 'comfortable life' kamí + omútu ->• kamiomútu / kamiómutu 'paper diaper' nihón + zín ->· nihonzín / nihónzin 'Japanese people' bésuto + tén ->• besutotén / besutóten 'best 10' suizyou + sukíi suizyousukíi / suizyousúkii 'water skiing' héyaa + buróo * heyaaburóo / heyaabúroo 'hair blow' kurisúmasu + turíi ->· kurisumasuturíi / kurisumasutúrii 'Christmas tree'

b. Penultimate foot / unaccented námida + mé -> namidáme / namidame 'tearful eye' táion + kéi tainókei / taionkei 'thermometer' kánsya + zyóu -> kansyázyou / kansyazyou 'letter of thanks' suihei + sén suihéisen / suiheisen 'horizontal line' ákita + inú akitáinu / akitainu 'Akita dog' sóra + mimi -»· sorámimi / soramimi 'mishearing' mawari + miti -> mawarímiti / mawarimiti 'roundabout way' ki + kokóro -*• kigókoro / kigokoro 'disposition' ni + sakana ->• nizákana / nizakana 'fish boiled with soy'

c. Parsed / penultimate foot / unaccented sínzitu + mí • sinzitumí / sinzitúmi / sinzitumi 'truth' kityou + mén -»• kityoumén / kityóumen / kityoumen 'methodical nature' kasi + kin > kasikín / kasíkin / kasikin 'loan' sekí + hán sekihán / sekíhan / sekihan 'rice boiled with red beans' kubi + nekkó • kubinekkó / kubinékko / kubinekko 'scruff of the neck' katí + tokí -»· katidokí / katídoki / katidoki 'shout of victory' orí + túru orizúru / orízuru / orizuru 'folded-paper crane' háto + múgi hatomúgi / hatómugi / hatomugi 'adlay, oats'

d. Parsed / unaccented sankou + syó -> sankousyó / sankousyo 'reference book' keisatu + syó -»· keisatusyó / keisatusyo 'police station' sáiban + syó ->· saibansyó / saibansyo 'court of justice' sió + tokí -»· siodokí / siodoki 'favorable tide, good chance' wáru + tié ->• waruzié / waruzie 'serpentine wisdom' wanpaku + monó ->· wanpakumonó / wanpakumono 'naughty boy' warai + kóe waraigóe / waraigoe 'laughing voice' wari + hási -> waribási / waribasi 'half-split chopsticks'

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound Accentuation

183

The 'local' variations in (30a-c) are captured as the minimal reranking (promotion and/or demotion) of MAX (accent) and taken to be strong evidence for its position between NON-FINALITY (μ1, Σ 1 , F11 ) and NON-FINALITY (PrWd ' ) in the present grammar (cf. (5)). The mimetics in (31) and the acronyms in (32) also exhibit the same variation as (30b) and can be seen as arguments for the position of MAX (accent) adjacent to NON-FINALITY (PrWd'): 20 (31) Mimetics (reduplication) with 'manner' and 'state' readings a. Penultimate foot run ->· rúnrun (to) 'cheerfully' gyúu gyúugyuu (to) 'squeezingly' bèta ->• bétabeta (to) 'stickily' kira kirakira (to) 'brilliantly' húra ->• húrahura (to) 'unsteadily' gótya gótyagotya (to) 'promiscuously' b. Unaccented run -»• runrun (ni) 'cheerful state' gyú gyuugyuu (ni) 'squeezing state' bèta ->• betabeta (ni) 'sticky state' kira kirakira (ni) 'brilliant state' húra -»• hurahura (ni) 'unsteady state' gótya gotyagotya (ni) 'promiscuous state' (32) Acronyms a. Penultimate foot patoróoru + káa

patókaa 'patrol car'

zéneraru + sutoráiki ->· zenésuto 'general strike' haráguti + syóusuke

harásyou 'Shosuke Haraguchi (person name)'

hasimoto + ryuutarou

hasíryuu 'Hashimoto Ryutaro (person name)'

b. Unaccented páasonaru + konpyúutaa ->• pasokon 'personal computer' sékusyaru + harásumento • sekuhara 'sexual harassment' kimura + tákuya

kimutaku 'Takuya Kimura (person name)'

toyókawa + étuzi

toyoetu 'Etsuji Toyokawa (person name)'

On the other hand, the 'non-local' variations in (30d) might at first sight appear to be a case of non-minimal reranking, but I claim that their reranking is nothing but minimal, because NON-FINALITY (μ', σ\ F ' ) and NON-FINALITY (PrWd') tend to behave uniformly as members of the NONFINALITY family; namely, the data in (30d) show that the family members

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Tanaka

are rerankable as a whole with MAX (accent), although it is true that the variations in (30d) are relatively rare cases. Since compounds with parsed accent within the final foot are limited in number (except for foreign heads, as stated in section 3.1.), we can safely say that the patterns with accent on the penultimate foot and/or without any accent are more dominant than their parsed-accent counterparts in (30a, c, d). Hattori (1991, 1998, 1999) also concludes from her historical survey of 821 nouns that the general accentual change has converged by 90% at the two patterns concerned, which are much more prominent than other patterns in the present state of Japanese grammar. She found that words with the penultimate-foot accent account for 31 % while unaccented words amount to 58 %, although her survey contains not only compounds but also simplex nouns.21 In fact, there are many compounds where unaccented patterns are more dominant than their penultimatefoot or parsed counterparts. (33) exemplifies the dominance relation among the three variable patterns based on the examples in (30b-d), where the one indicated by '>' or ' akitainu 'Akita dog' sorámimi < soramimi 'mishearing' mawarimiti < mawarimiti 'roundabout way' kigókoro > kigokoro 'disposition' nizákana > nizakana 'fish boiled with soy' b. Parsed / penultimate foot / unaccented sinzitumí < sinzitúmi < sinzitumi 'truth' kityoumén > kityóumen < kityoumen 'methodical nature' kasikín > kasikin < kasikin 'loan' sekihán > sekíhan < sekihan 'rice boiled with red beans' kubinekkó < kubinékko > kubinekko 'scruff of the neck' katidokí > katidoki < katidoki 'shout of victory' orizúru < orízuru > orizuru 'folded-paper crane' hatomúgi > hatómugi < hatomugi 'adlay, oats'

Possible

Patterns and Variations

in Japanese

Compound

Accentuation

185

c. Parsed / unaccented sankousyó < sankousyo 'reference book' keisatusyó > keisatusyo 'police station' saibansyó < saibansyo 'court of justice' siodoki < siodoki 'favorable tide, good chance' waruzié < waruzie 'serpentine wisdom' wanpakumonó < wanpakumono 'naughty boy' waraigóe > waraigoe 'laughing voice' waribási < waribasi 'half-split chopsticks' These data show that in the near future, more and more compounds are likely to become de-accented, which means that MAX (accent) is going to demote below N O N - F I N A L I T Y (μ', o\ F ' , PrWd') as a direction of accent change in progress. In addition to de-accentuation of compounds I have been concerned with so far, see also Tanaka (2001, to appear) and Tanaka & Yamane (2000) for de-accentuation of lexical classes and their different applicability and variation from compounds.

5. Ranking summary and theoretical implications In this paper, I have argued that Japanese grammar at present has a system of assigning compound accent to the penultimate foot, and that is why there are some compounds or their variants which may either parse their lexical accent or undergo de-accentuation, as was illustrated in (28). In other words, M A X (accent) must now be located between N O N - F I N A L I 1 TY (μ , σ', F 1 ) and N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd'), which, however, tend to demote below N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd 1 ) as a recent change in progress. Thus, my proposed system allows us to give a principled account for what patterns and variations are possible in the accentual system of Japanese compounds as well as why they can tend toward accent loss. Needless to say, the existence of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd 1 ) is crucial in the system. Note also that the movement of MAX (accent) through the constraint hierarchy plays two important roles in characterizing the grammar of Japanese: it characterizes not only the synchronic accentual systems based mainly on word classes but also their diachronic change of the core system from the past, as summarized in (34) (DEP (accent) is also ranked here for the reason stated below):

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(34) Grammar of Japanese accentuation Synchronic Ranking

Diachronic

Head kitaoosutória ' N o r t h e r n Austria' síritu + syougákkou siritusyougákkou 'private elementary school' b. ninami + kariforunia -»• ninamikariforunia 'Southern California' nankyoku + tankentai -> nankyokutankentai 'Antarctic expedition' c. tihóu + saibansyó • tihousaibansyó 'district court' gakusyuu + sankousyó ->• gakusyuusankousyó 'study b o o k ' Kubozono (1995: 23) In these cases, it is surprising and extraordinary that even the unaccentedness and the final accent of the original words in (ib) and (ic) are carried over in the whole compound, just as the usual non-final accent remains intact in the case of (ia). The accentuation of such superlong head c o m p o u n d s may involve the dominant ranking of IDENT (accent) (cf. MAX (accent) in section 3.1.), but I will leave this issue to f u r t h e r research. 2. The reason that the accent of N2 is preserved rather than that of N1 may be attributed to the fact that N2 is the morphological head of a compound.

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound

Accentuation

189

3. Kubozono, Itô & Mester (1997) argue that in Japanese, N O N - F I N A L I T Y at the syllabic level works for loanword truncation as well as compound accent. 4. The violations are computed at the syllabic level and not at the moraic level because accent-bearing units are syllables in Japanese. In this respect, it may be restated as A L I G N R (PrWd, σ 1 ), which I will adopt in section 3.1. (see also Tanaka 2001, to appear). As for A L I G N - C A , unaccented compounds will always violate it, since they do not bear accent at all on the 'around-the-boundary' syllable. This constraint appears to require a rather curious alignment in that it has a double-edge disjunction in it (either at the left edge of N2 or the right edge of N l ) . In section 3.1., I will adopt a more straightforward version of a single-edge alignment constraint that has different effects from A L I G N - C A . 5. The traditional view of distinguishing in mora length between short and long head compounds is supported in Sato (1989), Uwano (1997), and so on. See Yoshida (1995) for a treatment of compound accent in the framework of Government Phonology, which also makes it possible to dispense with the length of N2 for its computation. 6. Recently, Alderete (1999) has proposed a ranking system of Japanese compound accent in OT, which is somewhat different from (4). For a non-derivational analysis of foreign accent (simplex words), which exhibits similar pattern to compound accent, see Katayama (1995,1997). 7. In Kubozono (1997: 274, this volume), the accent on the non-final rightmost foot is dubbed 'default compound accent' or 'emergence of the unmarked' and provided with some generality in the accentual system of Japanese, but with a less dominant status than the preserved accent stated in (7). I am claiming here that default accentuation should be more dominant in general than full preservation of input accent, as will be clear from N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F ' ) » M A X (accent) in (9a). 8. See also note 20 for related discussion. 9. As Kubozono (1995: 36,1997: 286, this volume) suggests, there may be a possibility of considering the original N2 words in (11a) as final-accented and hence shifted, because their final vowels i and u are all epenthetic or underlyingly absent. For criticism of such an analysis, see Tanaka & Yamane (2000). As for the data in ( l i b ) , neither N O N - F I N A L I T Y (μ') » M A X (accent) » N O N - F I N A L I T Y (σ', F ' ) nor N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( μ ' , σ') » M A X (accent) » N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( F 1 ) does not account for the accent preservation of such cases as in meisyó, sinzitumí, and so on, because their accent is final at the moraic level. Thus, there is no doubt that the necessary reranking must be M A X (accent) > N O N - F I N A L I T Y ( « ' , Σ ' , F ' ) , as indicated in (9b). 10. The compound accent in (12a) is final at the syllabic level. As is well-known, there are no final-accented loanwords at the moraic level in Japanese. 11. In section 3.2., I will present an analysis which allows the variation of either the pre-antepenultimate or antepenultimate accent within the foot concerned. 12. I am not concerned here with unaccented compounds such as urá + yamá ' urayama 'hill at the back' and gárasu + tamá -> garasudama 'glass ball,' which will be discussed in section 4.1.1 also ignore some Sino-Japanese compounds whose input accent on the final mora is parsed as in ( l i b ) (meisyó 'place of scenic beauty,' kyuusyó 'vital spot,' and sinzitumí 'truth'), since they are possible but rare cases, and typically have another accentual pattern as their variation. See section 4.2. for details of their variation. Note also in (17) that there are some cases which involve hiatus between N l and N2, as in sinobíasi, niwakáame, and the like. The vowel sequences emerged after compound formation never form a diphthong or a long vowel in Japanese, because the word boundary prevents a syllable as well as a foot from crossing it. 1 3 . An anonymous reviewer points out that since we already had a free ranking of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (JU\ Σ\ F ' ) and M A X (accent) in ( 1 9 ) , we now have six possible subrankings (i.e.

190

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

Shin-ichi

Tanaka

3 x 2 x 1 possibilities) and wonders whether all the subrankings are motivated. This does not matter empirically, however, because the optimal candidate does not change if we take A L I G N - L (σ1, root) into consideration in (19). A n exception to (23) is úbu + ke ubuge 'downy hair,' a trimoraic word where ke is not final-accented but unaccented: it always forms unaccented compounds such as wakige 'armpit hair,' munage 'chest hair,' and the like, even though they do not become quadrimoraic. But it is generally the case that unaccented compounds emerge only from the environments in (23a-c), where N2 is monomoraic or bimoraic (although ki + kokóro -* kigokoro 'reliability' is a quadrimoraic compound exceptionally with a trimoraic head). In other words, de-accentuation of compounds can apply only if their input head is short or their output form is quadrimoraic. I will leave the question of how it is accounted for to further research. I am grateful to Armin Mester for pointing out the idea of N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd'). Otherwise, since a compound consists of two (or more) words, it might be possible that it contains two PrWd's, not two roots, and that the prosodie wordhood of N1 and N2 always percolates upward to the whole compound. That is, the prosodie wordhood that matters here might be determined by the so-called 'A-over-A principle.' I do not adopt such an assumption, because it does not hold for the Sino-Japanese cases in (23c) or the mimetics in (30b) below, which are made up of two bound morphemes and not of two PrWd's. Moreover, this principle does not apply to the case of English compounds. By using bidirectional extrametricality, Tateishi (1992) offers a derivational account of why trimoraic and quadrimoraic simplex words are prone to be unaccented; however, it does not explain the cases in (23a) since the unaccented compounds are more than four moras long, which he is not concerned with. Thus, it may be the case that unaccentedness of simplex words is triggered by different factors from that of compounds, even though they have in common the fact that they have some length-effect on unaccentuation (see note 1 4 ) and that their accent loss is due to N O N - F I N A L I T Y (PrWd 1 ). See section section 3 . 1 and note 4 for the difference between A L I G N - C A and A L I G N - L (σ1, root). I assume here that only the members of the FAITHFULNESS family (i.e. M A X , D E P , and IDENT) can promote or demote through the fixed constraint ranking. For detailed discussion on this topic, see section 5. Given this assumption, we focus on the rerankings in (24a) and (24c) and ignore the one in (24b) that is mainly for quadrimoraic heads with the antepenultimate accent as in (21). See also Tanaka (2001, to appear) and Tanaka & Yamane (2000) for a lexical-class-based account of how individual compounds select the specific reranking possibilities. Note that in the case of mimetics in (31a), trochaic patterns such as bèta) + (beta) and kira) + (kira) are produced. This fact might appear to pose a certain problem with the proposed system, which would generate *betá) + (beta) and *kirá) + (kira) as it stands. However, we must recall the definition of MAX (accent), which requires that the accent of a head root has a correspondent in the compound. In usual compounds, the N2 accent is respected because N2 is their morphological head, but this is not the case with mimetics: I assume that the head of mimetic words is N l , and that is why MAX (accent) favors bèta) + (beta) and kira) + (kira), excluding *betá) + (beta) and *kirá) + (kira). A L I G N - L (ισ', root) also favors the trochaic patterns, because the head root is N l . Strictly, Hattori refers to the former type not as "penultimate-foot accent" but "accent on the syllable containing the third mora from the end." Since the dominance of the latter implies that of the former, I consider them virtually equivalent here. As is well-known, native and mimetic words also undergo vowel epenthesis and consonant gemination, respectively, as in kak + hazimer-u kakihajimeru 'begin to write,' yar

Possible Patterns and Variations in Japanese Compound Accentuation + oer-u yarioeru 'finish doing,' beta-ri surprisingly,' and so on.

bettari 'very stickily,' biku-ri

191

bikkuri 'very

References Alderete, John 1999 Morphologically Governed Accent in Optimality Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Hattori, Noriko 1991 Mechanisms of Word Accent Change: Innovations in Standard Japanese. Tokyo: Shinozaki Shorin. 1998 "Base Transparency in Suprasegmental Changes: Ongoing Changes in Japanese and English," Language, Variation, and Change 10: 2, 85-96. 1999 "On the Convergence of Accentual Patterns: 'Drift' Observed in Variation," Phonological Studies 2, ed. by the Phonological Society of Japan, 37-44. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. Hayes, Bruce 1995 Metrical Stress Theory. Principles and Case Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Itô, Junko and Armin Mester 1995 "The Core-Periphery Structure of the Lexicon and Constraints on Reranking," University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18 (Papers in Optimality Theory), 181-209. Itô, Junko, Yoshihisa Kitagawa, and Armin Mester 1996 "Prosodie Faithfulness and Correspondence: Evidence from a Japanese Argot," Journal of East Asian Linguistics 5, 217-94. Katayama, Motoko 1995 "Loanword Accent and Minimal Reranking in Japanese," Phonology at Santa Cruz 4,1-12. 1997 Optimality Theory and Japanese Loanword Phonology. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Santa Cruz. Kubozono, Haruo 1995 "Constraint Interaction in Japanese Phonology: Evidence from Compound Accent," Phonology at Santa Cruz 4, 21-38. 1997 "Lexical Markedness and Variation: A Nonderivational Account of Japanese Compound Accent," Proceedings of the 15th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 273-87. (this volume) "Epenthetic Vowels and Accent in Japanese: Facts and Paradoxes" Kubozono, Haruo, Junko Itô, and Armin Mester 1997 "Nonfinality in Japanese Phonology," Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of Linguistics (CD-ROM), ed. by B. Caron. Amsterdam: Elsevier. - McCarthy, John and Alan Prince "Generalized Alignment," Yearbook of Morphology 1993, ed. by Geert Booij and Jaap van Marie, 79-153. Dordrecht: Kluwer. McCawley, James D. 1968 The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. 1977 "Accent in Japanese," University of Southern California Occasional Papers in Linguistics 4 (Studies in Stress and Accent), 261-302.

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N H K (ed.) 1998

Tanaka

A Dictionary of Japanese Pronunciation and Accentuation. Tokyo: N H K Shuppan. Poser, William 1990 "Evidence for Foot Structure in Japanese," Language 66, 78-105. Sato, Hirokazu 1989 "The Accent Rule and Sequential Voicing in Compounds," The Japanese Language and Japanese Education 2, ed. by Miyoko Sugito, 233-65. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin. Tanaka, Shin-ichi 1992 "Accentuation and Prosodie Constituenthood in Japanese," Proceedings of the 5th Annual Meeting of the Tokyo Linguistic Forum, 195-216. 2001 "Japanese Accent in Optimality Theory: The Mechanism of De-accentuation and its Different Applicability among Lexical Classes," The Interface between Meaning and Form: A Festschrift for Dr. Minoru Nakau on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday, ed. by Shuichi Takeda, Atsuro Tsubomoto, Yukio Hirose, Koichi Takezawa, and Nobuhiro Kaga. Tokyo: Kuroshio Shuppan. (to appear) Accent and Rhythm: From the Basics of Phonology to Optimality Theory. Tokyo: Kenkyusha. Tanaka, Shin-ichi and Noriko Yamane 2000 "Paradox or Reranking?: Accent and Epenthetic vowels in Sino-Japanese," Proceedings of the 24th Annual Meeting of the Kansai Linguistic Society (KLS 20). Tateishi, Koichi 1985 Accent of Compound Nouns in the Standard Japanese: A Nonlinear Analysis. MA thesis, International Christian University, Tokyo. 1989 "Theoretical Implications of the Japanese Musicians' Language," Proceedings of the 8th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 384-98. 1992 "Maximal Non-Exhaustive Invisibility," Proceedings of the 16th Annual Meeting of the Kansai Linguistic Society (KLS 12), 134-44. Uwano, Zendo 1997 "The Accent of Some Dialects in Japanese with Special Reference to Compound Nouns," Accent, intonation, Rhythm, and Pause, ed. by Tetsuya Kunihiro, Hajime Hirose, and Morio Kouno, 231-70. Tokyo: Sanseidou. Walker, Rachel 1995 "Mongolian Stress: Typological Implications for Non-Finality in Unbounded Systems," Phonology at Santa Cruz 4, 85-102. 1996 "Prominence-Driven Stress," Ms., University of California at Santa Cruz. [Available at ROA-172-0197 from the Rutgers Optimality Archive.] Yoshida, Yuko 1995 On Pitch Accent Phenomena in Japanese. Ph.D. dissertation, SOAS, University of London. [Published by Holland Academic Graphics, The Hague, in 1999.]

An Element-Based Analysis of Affrication in Japanese* Shohei Yoshida Yokohama

National

University

1. Intoduction In this paper I discuss the process of affrication in Japanese in the framework of element theory (Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud 1985, 1990; Harris 1990, 1994; Harris and Lindsey 1995). In element theory, affrication is viewed as a process whereby a plosive's Root Node is decomposed into two to which a plosive element and a fricative element are linked, respectively (Harris 1994:130-131). In standard Japanese, there are two different types of affrication processes both involving coronal stops. The first type of affrication occurs when the articulatory place of dental-alveolar stops before /i/ and /]/ changes to palato-alveolar as a result of palatalization (e.g. /toti/ [totji] 'land', /tja/ [tja] 'tea'). The second type of affrication occurs when dental-alveolar stops are followed by a high-back vowel (e.g. /tetu/ [tetsui] 'iron'). Deemed to be a universal tendency, the type of affrication with concomitant palatalization is crucial for phonological studies in the sense that it provides phonologists with some insights into representations of coronals, palatalization and affrication. In the following sections, I attempt to explore a non-arbitrary relationship that is expected to exist between the process of affrication and the context in which it takes place. In particular, I show that an element-based analysis makes it possible to account for the tongue-raising of dental-alveolars and the tongue-fronting of velars as manifestations of a unitary spreading process, i.e. the spreading of the I element.

2. Data There are four types of affricates in standard Japanese: the voiceless and voiced dental-alveolar affricates [ts, dz] and the voiceless and voiced palato-alveolar affricates [tj, d3]. The voiceless affricates [ts, t j ] are allophonic variants of It/, /t/ becomes [ts] before a high-back vowel, while it

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becomes [tj] before a high-front vowel and a palatal glide. Likewise, /d/ becomes [dz] and [d3] before a high-back vowel and a high-front vocoid, respectively. It should be noted at this point that the phoneme /z/ is usually pronounced as the affricate [d3] before a high-front vocoid and as [dz] otherwise. It follows that the contrast between Idi and /z/ is neutralized before a high-front vocoid and a high-back vowel in modern standard Japanese. Before /j/, however, there is one context where the phonemic status of [d3] is obvious. When the /w/ in the sequence /de+wa/ 'in that case' (CONNECTIVE + TOPIC) is deleted, the resulting /dea/ becomes /djaa/ [d3a] or [d3aa] as a result of glide formation and optional compensatory lengthening (Poser 1985). In this case, the source of [d3] is clearly /d/. In addition, all the voiced affricates, regardless of their phonemic status, are prone to be lenited to the fricatives [z, 3] intervocalically in rapid speech. (1) shows the distributions of the allophonic variants of Iti, Id/ and /z/ followed by a palatal glide and the five vowels of Japanese.1

(1)

Iii Iti Idi

/ζ/

Iii

Id

ítjvi

m

[d3V~3V]

[d3i~3i]

[te] [de] [dze~ze]

Examples: /tjoo/ [tjoo] 'butterfly' /mate/ [mate] 'Wait!' /ato/ [ato] 'later'

/a/ [ta] [da] [dza~za]

loi

lui

[to] [do] [dzo~zo]

ftsui] [dzui-zui]

/kati/ [katji] 'value' /kata/ [kata] 'shoulder' /natu/ [natsui] 'summer'

/haiDjo/ [haid3o]~[hai3o] 'exclusion' /kaDi/ [kad3Í]~[ka3Í] 'fire' /made/ [made] 'up to' /hada/ [hada] 'skin' /nado/ [nado] 'et cetera' /kaDu/ [kadzui]~[kazui] 'fire' (where 'D' denotes a segment whose phonemic status is controversial) The context-sensitive affrication in the underlined syllables in (1) is of interest here. It is worth differentiating between the type of affrication that accompanies palatalization, and the type of affrication that occurs without concomitant palatalization. Affrication triggered by palatalization is far more common than that without palatalization and its instances abound in languages. To cite but a few, in informal spoken English alveolar stops optionally become pala-

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to-alveolar affricates when followed by the palatal glide /j/ across a word boundary, e.g. last year [laistjia], did you [did3u:]; in Korean stem-final dental stops become palato-alveolar affricates when followed by ¿-beginning suffixes, e.g. kath+i [katji] 'together', path+i [patJi] 'plowed field+suBJECT'; in Brazilian Portuguese the dental stops /t, d/ become palato-alveolar affricates [tj, d3] before /i/, e.g. noite [noitJi] 'night', tarde [tahd3i] 'afternoon'; and female Cairene Arabic speakers palatalize and affricate dental-alveolar stops when the following vowel is III, e.g. dilwaiti [d3ilwa?tj"i] 'now', balad+i [balad3i] 'my country'. In addition to dental-alveolar stops, the velar stops /k, gl are often coronalized and affricated to [tj", d3] before front vowels, if not pronounced with a secondary palatal articulation as in [kJ, gi], in many languages. Affrication that accompanies the coronalization of velar stops is found in Acadian French (Flikeid 1988), Russian (Kiparsky 1982:124), Slavic (Chomsky and Halle 1968: 421-422), and Eastern Arabic dialects (Johnstone 1967). In Japanese, velar stops are dialectally fronted before HI and 1)1 (Fujiwara 1997:55-59). For example, in the Tohoku provinces, Ikl before HI is pronounced either as the palato-alveolar affricate [tjï] or the velarpalatal affricate [kçï], e.g. /kirei/ [tjïree]~[kçïree] 'beautiful'. These cases, together with the rarity of the palatal stops [c] and [j.] in languages (Catford 1988: 94), indicate that in the palato-alveolar-palatal region the affricates [t J, d3] are preferred over dental-alveolar stops followed by a glide [ti, di], and the palatal stops [c, j], pointing to the unstable status of palatal closure, and a correlation between palato-alveolar-palatal articulation and affrication. On the other hand, it appears to be the case that affrication that does not involve palatalization is much rarer. Such a case is found in Quebec French. In Quebec French, coronal stops are affricated before the highfront vowels HI and lyl without concomitant palatalization (Kaye 1989: 29), e.g. type [tsip] 'type', dur [dzyif] 'hard'. Strictly speaking, however, this case should be distinguished from the true case of affrication without palatalization as in Japanese in that the environment in the Japanese case involves a high-back vowel whereas that in the Quebec French case involves a high-front vowel though palatalization does not manifest itself. This does not mean, however, the affrication without palatalization is non-existent in other languages. An instance of affrication genuinely paralleling the Japanese case comes from Korean, in which the impermissible sequence of a stem-final dental stop and a suffix-initial liquid or a nasal is broken up by the epenthetic vowel [i], and the dental stop becomes a dental-alveolar affricate, e.g. path+ro [patsiro] 'toward the plowed field',

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path+n [patsin] 'plowed field+topic', k\th+ro [kitsiro] 'to the end', muth+ro [mutsiro] 'to the land'. Bhat (1978: 60-61) provides similar cases in other languages, which remain to be attested. As such, it is possible to draw the conclusion that affrication induced by palatalization is a recurring process and is therefore deemed a universal tendency, whereas the affrication without palatalization is a languagespecific phenomenon. The orthodox rule-based generalization that in Japanese coronal stops become affricates before high vocoids is superficial for three reasons. First, despite its simplicity, such a generalization is purely descriptive and does not take into account the aforementioned asymmetry between the two types of affrication regarding their typological frequencies. Second, no consideration is given to the fact that the triggering feature of affrication in the context of the high-front vocoids is internal to the target, i.e. a triggering feature spreads and becomes part of the target, whereas the triggering feature of affrication before a high-back vowel is external to the target, i.e. it affects the target while being confined to an adjacent segment. Finally, as a general point, in rewrite rules the relationship between the process and the environment in which it takes place is essentially arbitrary.

3. Element theory and representations of vowels In element theory, the phonological primes are called elements. Since element theory originated as a sub-theory of government phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud 1985, 1990), the possibility of representing both vowels and consonants in terms of univalent elements, rather than binary-valued features, has been pursued by researchers such as Rennison (1990), Harris (1990,1994), Cyran (1997), Harris and Lindsey (1995), Williams (1998) and authors in Cyran (1998). Elements are monovalent, being specified for their presence only. Vowels are constructed from the elements I, U and A. Elements have the property of interpretational autonomy (Harris and Lindsey 1995: 40), and are interpretable and pronounceable in isolation, unlike binary-valued features, which, with value specifications, contribute to the realization of a segment only in combination with several other features. A phonological expression (henceforth 'PE') is either simplex, composed of a single element, or complex, composed of two elements or more, and has one head. When linearly represented, the head of a PE is indicated by locating

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it at the right edge of the PE by convention. Thus, in the PE (X.Y), Y is head, X being operator. PEs either have active elements as their heads or may be empty headed, the distinction between them being roughly mappable to the ATR/non-ATR contrast. The head of empty-headed PEs is metaphorically called the neutral element (Harris and Lindsey 1995; Harris 1994). In a metaphoric statement of Harris and Lindsey (1995: 60) the neutral element is described as "a blank canvas to which the colors represented by A, I, U can be applied", and has no marked articulatory or acoustic property. The neutral element is omnipresent in PEs and manifests itself only when it is head; when it is operator it is overridden by other element(s). For example, in many vowel systems the PEs (I), (U) and (A) are realized as [i], [u] and [a], whereas their empty-headed counterparts (I._), (U._) and (A._) are realized as [ι], [υ] and [a]. Complex vocalic PEs potentially yield, in addition to the elementheaded/empty-headed contrast, an η-way contrast (η = the number of elements that constitute a PE) because each of the elements may be head. For example, the two elements I and A give rise to the empty-headed (I.A._) [ε], the I-headed (A.I) [e] and the A-headed (I.A) [as], where operators are randomly ordered. By the same token, U and A may generate (U.A._) [O], (A.U) [o] and (U.A) [D]. However, the fact remains that the vowel inventories of languages contain only subsets of segments which can logically be generated. In order to define individual systems, licensing constraints (Charette and Göksel 1994, 1998; Cyran 1997; Cobb 1995, etc.) have been proposed. Licensing constraints are stipulatory statements that generate all and only segments present in languages by restricting the combinatorial possibilities of elements and have so far been tested mostly against representations of vowels. When the resonance elements I, U and A were proposed by Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud, they were no more than theoretical constructs motivated by phonological reasoning. Elements now enjoy some empirical weight as researchers such as Harris (1994), Harris and Lindsey (1995), Ingleby, Chalfont and Brockhaus (1994), Williams and Brockhaus (1992) and Williams (1998) have established the correlation between some elements and their acoustic signatures that are sufficiently invariant across languages and speakers. According to these authors, elements are strictly cognitive categories mappable in the first instance onto acoustic patterns, not onto articulations. Harris and Lindsey (1995: 55) claim that "when a given element is input to speech production mechanisms, the speaker will marshal whatever articulatory resources are necessary or available for the spectral realization of the target element pattern". The

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reader is referred to Harris (1994), Harris and Lindsey (1995) and Williams (1998) for acoustic signatures of independent elements in simplex and complex PEs. For the present purposes, the articulatory implementation of I, U, A taken from Harris and Lindsey (1995: 55-56) are given below. The parenthesized comments are supplied by the present author. (2) Element I U A

Articulatory implementation maximal expansion of the pharyngeal cavity and maximal constriction of the oral cavity (palatality) a trade-off between maximal expansion of both the oral and pharyngeal tubes (labiality, velarity) maximal expansion of the oral tube and constriction of the pharyngeal tube (low as head, non-high as operator)

The internal structures of the five vowels of Japanese are as follows: (3) i e

(I) (A.I)

ui o a

(U) (A.U)

(A)

A word must be said about the unroundness of the high-back vowel. In binary feature theory such a vowel must be assigned the property [-round] and represented differently from a high-back rounded vowel. In element theory both [u] and [ui] can be represented by the U element since a labial activity is but one way of expanding the oral cavity. Specifically, I propose that the unrounded high-back vowel of Japanese is represented as an empty-headed PE containing the U element.

4. Consonants When the resonance elements I, U and A occur in non-nuclear positions either on their own or in combination with other elements, they define palatality, labiality (and velarity in this paper), and pharyngeality, respectively. Thus the phonological objects I and U, which in isolation are realized as i and u in nuclear positions, characterize palatal and labial (and velar in this paper) articulations in non-nuclear positions. For example, the vowels i and u and their non-syllabic counterparts j and w differ only in their syllabic affiliation.

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Also found in representations of consonants are the laryngeal or source elements L and H, which in nuclear positions specify low tone and high tone, respectively. In consonants, L defines voicing of fully voiced obstruents whereas H defines voicelessness. Vowels, glides and liquids are not assumed to contain the L element, hence they are devoid of phonologically significant voicing. Different languages employ L and H in different ways to make the so-called voiced-voiceless contrast. For example, the voicedvoiceless contrast of English obstruents is due to the absence of a source element in the so-called voiced series and the presence of H in the voiceless series. In French and Spanish, on the other hand, the voiced obstruents contain L and the so-called voiceless obstruents contain no source element. Three manner elements ?, h and Ν have been proposed. The ? element is associated with a closure in the vocal tract and present in oral and nasal stops, affricates, and laterals. The h element characterizes noise or a narrowed stricture that produces a turbulent airflow, and is present in released oral stops as well as in fricatives and affricates. When a PE consists either of ? or h alone, devoid of a resonance element, it is realized as a glottal lacking a supralaryngeal gesture. The Ν element is responsible for nasality of nasal consonants and nasalized vowels.2 The linear representations of the main allophonic variants of Japanese consonants I propose are as follows: (4) Labial w (U) ρ (h.?.U) Φ (h.U) m (L.N.7.U) Dental-alveolar r U t (h.?._) s (h. J ts (?._); (h._) η (L.N.?. J Palato-alveolar S (h.I.J t j (?._); (h.I._) ni (L.N.?._); (I) Palatal j

(I)

ç

(h.I)

b

(L.h.?.U)

d

(L.h.?._)

dz (L.?._); (L.h.J

d 3 (L.?._); (L.h.I.J

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Velar k (h.?.U._) g (L.h.?.U._) Glottal h (h) Moraic nasal3

ki (h.?.U._); ( I ) i] ( L . N . 7 . U J

iîi (Ν)

(where the semi-colon denotes that the segments containing it consist of two Root Nodes.) The representations in (4) differ from Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud (1990), Harris (1990), Harris (1994), Harris and Lindsey (1995) and Williams (1998) in two crucial aspects. The first difference is the representation of coronality. It should be pointed out here that in element theory coronality is defined as a property shared by dental, alveolar, palato-alveolar articulations to the exclusion of palatal articulation. Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud (1990), Harris (1994), and Harris and Lindsey (1995) assume an independent coronal element, 'R'. In an attempt to reduce the total number of elements, Williams (1998), Broadbent (1991), Cyran (1997), Bloch-Rozmej (1998) and Lee (1998) have analyzed coronality as a manifestation of the A element occurring in non-nuclear positions. However, I adopt a proposal associating coronality with the lack of specification for place feature as argued by Avery and Rice (1988) and Cho (1991), couched in underspecification theory, and Backley (1993), couched in an earlier version of element theory. Translated into element terms, coronals are represented as empty-headed PEs occupying non-nuclear positions, as shown in the representations of dental-alveolars and palato-alveolars in (4). Representing coronals as segments devoid of a place-defining element has the advantage of accounting for well-known special properties of coronals cited in Paradis and Prunet (1991), e.g. their transparency effects in vowel spreading, their readiness for assimilation, and their inventory, typological and occurrence frequencies. The second difference is the representation of velarity. In the previous studies of element theory, empty-headed PEs occurring in non-nuclear positions, which in my analysis are coronals, are claimed to be velars. However, I propose that velarity and labiality are two different manifestations of the same U element. Assigning the dual function to U enables us to capture close relations holding between labial and velar articulations such as the existence of labio-velar stops in West African languages, and the implicational universale noted by Maddieson (1987: 40) that if a

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language has Ipl then it will also have Ik/, and if a language has Ik/ then it will also have It/. Specifically, I propose that when occupying non-nuclear positions, the U element as head is manifested as bilabial articulation whereas it is realized as velar articulation as operator. The first implicational universal can be accounted for if we assume that the presence of the U element in stops as head ((...?.U) = a bilabial stop) entails its presence as operator ((...?.U._) = a velar stop) but not vice versa. The second implicational universal also stems from the present elemental representations of dental-alveolars and velars. That is, the presence of empty-headed stops containing U (,..?.U_), which are velars, implies the presence of empty-headed PEs without U (...?._), which are dental-alveolars.

5. Contour structures Following Harris (1994), I assume that affricates are represented as contour structures. The representations of [ts] and [tj] are given in (5), where heads are underlined. The representation of [t] is also given for comparison. (5)

t

ROOT

X I «C l \ ·

RESONANCE

ts

tj

X / \ T T ?

?

/ I

l \ · h

·

\ /

X / \ T T / I I ? · ·

\ /

\

\

h I

[t] is represented as an empty-headed PE containing the occlusion element ? and the noise element h that are linked to Root Node. Its affricated counterpart [ts] is represented as a contour structure where a stop and a fricative share a single place-defining property (i.e. an empty head). In light of this representation, the affrication of [t] is construed as the decomposition of the plosive's single Root Node into two (Harris 1994: 130). The sequentially ordered two Root Nodes are associated with the occlusion element ? and the noise element h respectively, and the two Resonance Nodes are linked to a single place-defining property, i.e. an empty head. This contour structure ensures a friction phase after the release of the closure and the homorganicity of the plosive and fricative phases. The difference between [ts] and [t|] lies in that the latter has an

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additional I element as operator attached to the second Resonance Node. One would wonder why the two Resonance Nodes of affricates, in particular of [ts], should not be a single node as a static effect of the OCR The motivation for assuming two Resonance Nodes will be given in the following analysis. In element theory the voicing of obstruents in intervocalic position, the devoicing of obstruents in coda positions, and other processes all denoted by the cover term lenition or weakening are formally defined as instances of decomposition whereby the number of element(s) constituting a segment is reduced (Harris 1990, Brockhaus 1995). The decomposition of a plosive into an affricate is understood to involve a reduction of the number of elements per Root Node without element loss. The change of affricates to fricatives in intervocalic position as in the Japanese examples in (1) involves the delinking of the first Root Node, hence a decrease in the total number of elements.

6. Palatalization and affrication: a universal perspective We now have to understand why the decomposition of dental-alveolar stops takes place before the high vowels at all. In addition to the rarity of palatal stops, Catford (1988: 94-95) also notes that sounds traditionally labeled as the palatal nasal [ji] and the palatal lateral [Á] are not always pronounced as genuine palatals, but rather as the dental-alveolars with a secondary palatal articulation [ni], [li]. It should also be recalled that as the result of tongue fronting, velar stops usually become palato-alveolar affricates rather than palatal stops or affricates. All these are indicative of the general incompatibility of the I element and the occlusion element ?, which can be stated in terms of the following constraint: (6) /-?

Constraint

? cannot c-command I. The I-? Constraint prevents the I element from being dominated by the first branching node (Root Node) dominating the occlusion element ?, forbidding the co-occurrence of the two elements under the same Root Node. This constraint may apply to oral stops, nasal stops and laterals, as they all contain the ? element. 4 When the spreading of the I element from a nuclear position to a preceding onset position is obligatory, i.e. when I

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is required to coexist with the ? element under a single Root Node, in languages where this constraint is operative, the Root Node and the Resonance Node it dominates are fissioned into two, and I is linked to the second Resonance Node to avoid being c-commanded by ?. It can be argued that the fission of stops in the palato-alveolar-palatal region is attributable to the fact that palatal articulation usually involves a considerably large constriction area. The change from [t] to [tj~] is given in (7). (7)

t

i

ROOT

χ I RC I \ ·-

χ —^ I ? I ·

RESONANCE

?

tr

r ?

/ I

·

X / \

? l \ « h

X I ? I ·

The I-? Constraint in (6) forbids the spreading I to be interpreted within a PE containing the occlusion element ?. As a result, the plosive's Root and Resonance Nodes are fissioned into two, and the spreading I and the noise element h are interpreted in a PE under the second Root Node. In the resulting structure, the ? element c-commands the empty head but not I. One may wonder why the following structure should not be selected. (8)

ROOT RESONANCE

tj χ

\

In this structure, the ? element does c-command the I element since the first branching node dominating ? (Root Node) also dominates I. In effect, two Root Nodes share a single Resonance Node. However, I reject this structure because the initial Root Node as well as the second Root Node contains the I element and therefore this structure does not capture our basic insight concerning the general incompatibility of palatality and occlusion.

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In the representation of [t J] in (7), the spreading I does not replace the empty head of [t] but becomes operator, adding palatality to the existing coronality defined by the empty head, yielding a palato-alveolar articulation under the second Root Node. It should be clear that in the present analysis palatals and palato-alveolars are viewed as being phonologically distinct, i.e. palatals are I-headed PEs whereas palato-alveolars are empty-headed PEs containing the I element as operator. There is a different view in the literature (e.g. Lahiri and Blumstein 1984) which does not recognize a phonological distinction between palatals and palato-alveolars. Let us compare the present analysis with a feature-based analysis of palatalization in Lahiri and Evers (1991). For Lahiri and Evers the spreading feature of Iii and 1)1 is [-anterior] within the Coronal Node. Upon spreading, [-anterior] replaces [+anterior] within dental-alveolars. However, it is not very clear why dental-alveolars are palatalized to palato-alveolars affricates, rather than palato-alveolar stops or genuine palatal stops or affricates, which are non-anterior. To account for the affrication and the change of place to palato-alveolar, one needs to assume that palato-alveolar articulation is unmarked in the palato-alveolar-palatal region, and that affricates are unmarked in the palato-alveolar region, treating [-high] and [+continuant] in the representations of surface affricates as being supplied by means of redundancy rules. The I-? Constraint in (6) does not forbid the formation of palatal fricatives, since fricatives do not contain the ? element by definition. Thus the change of /hi to [ç] before HI and /j/ in Japanese (e.g. /hi/ [çi] 'day', /hjaku/ [çakui] 'a hundred') is straightforwardly accounted for as in (9). Ihl has no resonance element and it is not headed, either. Lacking a specification for place, it is palatalized to a genuine palatal. (9)

h χ

Ç χ

>

χ

ROOT

χ

\

RESONANCE

•

h

·

I Recall that the palatalization of coronals is characterized as [-anterior] spreading in Lahiri and Evers (1991). However, the spreading of the same feature to a glottal fricative, along with the purported markedness of pal-

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atal articulation, incorrectly predicts that the resulting fricative is palatoalveolar. The element-based analysis predicts that the raising of dental-alveolars may also be triggered by non-high front vowels such as /e/ (A.I) and /ae/ (I.A) because they contain the I element. Shibatani (1990:202) states that in Japanese the palatalization of the dental-alveolar fricative /s/ before Id as well as HI occurred until the fifteenth century. He also notes that such palatalization still occurs in such areas as Tohoku, Hokuriku, Shikoku and Kyushu where the standard form /sensei/ [seuisee] 'teacher' is pronounced as [JeûiJeeJ.The representation of the syllable [Je] in this word is as follows: (10)

s

e

χ

χ —^

ROOT RESONANCE I/ \ A

7. The fronting of velar stops As noted above, velar stops are palatalized to palato-alveolar or velarpalatal affricates in dialects spoken in the Tohoku provinces, e.g. /ki/ [tj"i]~[kçi] 'tree'. Given the I-? Constraint and the representation of coronals and velars as empty-headed PEs, it is also possible to give a unified autosegmental account of the tongue-raising of dental-alveolars and the tongue-fronting of velars. In either case, the spreading property is the I element. The change of /k/ to [tf] in the context of a high-front vocoid is shown in (11). (11)

k

i

X ^^ h

X -;

ROOT RESONANCE

? ·/ -χ υ

· I I

tj

i

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In this case, the spreading I element replaces the operator U in the internal structure of /k/, suppressing velar articulation. The result is identical to the output of the affrication of It/ before a high-front vocoid. To see why U within /k/ is replaced by the spreading I, let us consider cases of palatalization in nuclear positions, i.e. the spreading of I in nuclear positions. In nuclear positions, the I and U elements may combine, resulting in front rounded vowels, though the combination is subject to parametric variation. Japanese does not permit the combination of I and U in nuclear positions, as manifested in the nonexistence of front rounded vowels, and in some morphological processes. For example, when the adjectival suffix consisting of the I element alone spreads to the final nuclear position of an adjectival stem in dialects spoken in the Tohoku and Kanto districts, different results obtain depending upon the elemental content of the stemfinal position. If the stem-final position is occupied by A, the two elements form a complex PE as the combination of I and A is allowed, whereas if the stem-final nuclear position contains U, the spreading I replaces it. X

X

X

\ taka+i [takee] 'high' samu+i [samii] 'cold' sugo+i [suigee] 'terrific'

(A)

«κ (I) (¥) < (I) ( A . ¥ )

· 1 ·

t

Iii

X

X .

? · I

·

U

·

h \

· /

\ υ

The Sharing Constraint disallows the empty head of t to be shared with the following nuclear segment. As a result, the Root and Resonance Nodes of t are fissioned into two. Each of the two resulting Resonance Nodes has its own empty head, and the second Resonance Node shares its empty head with the following vowel. In the resulting structure of [ts], the ? element does not c-command the shared empty head. It should be pointed out that empty headed PEs that can occur in nonnuclear positions are not limited to coronals but velar consonants (.. .U._) are also empty headed. Notwithstanding, the vowel [ui] is not centralized after velars. The difference between coronals and velars is the presence of the U element in the latter consonants. Thus the situation is that the head U in [ui] is not demoted to operator if a preceding consonant also contains U. This can be accounted for by assuming that the headship of the U element in [ui] is sanctioned by what Charette and Göksel (1994) call bridge, a well-established concept in the element theory literature (e.g. Cyran 1997; Bloch-Rozmej 1998; Lee and Yoshida 1998) whereby some status or ability of an element is licensed by the same element in an adjacent position. As shown in (20), the headship of U in [ui] is protected by the same element in k and so the empty head of k has no effect on the following vowel since an empty operator is phonetically uninterpretable. (20)

k

ui

χ

χ

?— *

*

h ROOT RESONANCE

· / \

_ · I υ _' υ ι t U-bridge V

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9. Conclusion The element-based representations of segments and the I-? Constraint allows us to analyze the various types of palatalization in Japanese as a unitary process, i.e. I-spreading. The spreading I element is either linked to a preceding non-nuclear position, adding a secondary articulation to a segment that already occupies the position (e.g. kJ, gj, pi, bi), or is incorporated into the preceding segment. When I is incorporated into dental-alveolar stops, the place-defining property of dental-alveolars (i.e. the empty head) and I combine to yield a palato-alveolar articulation. Further, simultaneous affrication takes place to avoid the violation of the I-? Constraint. The resulting segments are palato-alveolar affricates. When the I element is incorporated into velar stops, it either replaces their U element or becomes the place-defining property of the second Resonance Node without affecting their U element and empty head, yielding palato-alveolar affricates and velar-palatal affricates, respectively. Unlike the type of affrication with palatalization, a cross-linguistic account of the type of affrication without palatalization is yet to be discovered. I have tentatively proposed a constraint to account for the two types of affrication in Japanese.

Notes * I thank Mohammad Badawy, Hee Gyong Kang, Kyong-Young Lee, Manjae Lee, ShinMee Park and Olivier Tesson for providing and confirming the Arabic, French and Korean data. I gratefully acknowledge the extremely helpful comments and suggestions of Wiebke Brockhaus, Duck-Young Lee and Jeroen van de Weijer on an earlier draft of this paper. Infelicities which remain despite their help are only my responsibility. 1. The effects of the five vowel segments on Iti, Id/ and /z/ are unchanged whether the vowel segments are short, long or the first elements of diphthongs. 2. The assumption that nasality and voicing are expressed by two different elements is of the standard element theory. Nasukawa (1998) has claimed that voicing and nasality are expressed by a single element. However, the following analysis does not hinge on this issue. 3. The representation and IPA transcription given here are of the moraic nasal that is followed by pause, vowels, glides and fricatives. I claim that the apparent velar closure of the moraic nasal before pause (e.g. hon [horj] 'book') is due to an unreleased glottal stop frequently heard in prepausai position, e.g. te [te 7 ] 'hand', hai [hai ? ] 'yes'. As no one, I believe, would include the prepausai glottalization as part of the lexical representations of these words, the closure of the prepausai moraic nasal should not be deemed part of its lexical representation, either, [ΰι] immediately followed by the glottal closure is indistinguishable from [g], When followed by an onset filled with a P E containing the ? element, that P E spreads to the moraic nasal, making a homorganic nasal-stop/affricate cluster.

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Yoshida

4. I assume that the representation of the alveolar lateral approximant [1] is (?); (_). 5. It goes without saying that nothing prevents the I element from becoming a secondary palatal articulation of dental-alveolars in languages. 6. The representation of the Korean vowel [i] as an empty nucleus is taken from Lee (1998). 7. In the GP literature, empty-headed PEs in nuclear positions have been viewed as representations of lax vowels (e.g. Charette and Göksel 1994), while headed PEs have been seen as those of tense vowels. 8. The term 'spreading' here is a metaphor for 'the alignment of two heads'. See Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud (1985) and Lee and Yoshida (1998) for details.

References Avery, P. and K. Rice 1989 Segment structure and coronal underspecification. Phonology 6.2,179-200. Bhat, D. N. S. 1978 A general study of palatalization. In J. H. Greenberg, C. A. Ferguson and E. Moravcsik (eds.), Universals of Language, Vol. 2: Phonology, 47-92. Stanford University Press. Bloch-Rozmej, A. 1998 In E. Cyran (ed.), 41-54. Broadbent, J. 1991 Linking and intrusive r in English. UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 3,281302. Brockhaus, W. 1995 Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Catford, J. C. 1988 A Practical Introduction to Phonetics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Charette, M. and A. Göksel 1994 Vowel harmony and switching in Turkish languages. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 4,31-52, University of London. 1998 Licensing constraints and vowel harmony in Turkic languages. In E. Cyran (ed.), 65-88. Cho, Y. Y. 1991 On the universality of the coronal articulator. In C. Paradis and J.-F. Prunet (eds.), 159-180. Chomsky, N. and M. Halle 1968 The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row. Cobb, M. 1995 Vowel harmony in Zulu and Basque: The interaction of licensing constraints, h-licensing and constituent structure. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 5, 23-40, University of London. Cyran, E. 1997 Resonance Elements in Phonology: A study in Munster Irish. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Folium. Cyran, E. (ed.) 1998 Structure and Interpretation: Studies in Phonology. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Folium.

An Element-Based

Flikeid, K. 1988

Analysis of Affrication

in Japanese

213

Unity and diversity in Acadian phonology: An overview based on comparisons among the Nova Scotia varieties. Journal of the Atlantic Provinces Linguistic Association 10: 64-110.

Fujiwara, Y. 1997 Nihongo-hougen no jissou 'The facts of Japanese dialects'. Zoku Shouwa ( • Heisei) Nihongo-hougen no Sougou Kenkyuu Ά comprehensive study of Japanese dialects in Showa (-• Heisei)' Vol. 4. Tokyo: Musashino Shoin. Harris, J. 1990 Segmental complexity and phonological government. Phonology 7, 255-300. 1994 English Sound Structure. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Harris, J. and G. Lindsey 1995 The elements of phonological representation. In J. Durand and F. Katamba (eds.), Frontiers of Phonology: Atoms, Structures and Derivations. Harlow: Longman. Ingleby, M., C. Chalfont and W. Brockhaus 1994 Robust techniques for recognition of new knowledge-based speech primitives. In R. Togneri (ed.), The Proceedings of the Fifth Australian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology. Canberra: Australian Speech Science and Technology Association, vol. 1, 374-380. Johnstone, Τ. M. 1967 Eastern Arabian Dialect Studies. Oxford:Oxford University Press. Kaye, J., J. Lowenstamm and J. R. Vergnaud 1985 The internal structure of phonological elements: A theory of charm and government. Phonology Yearbook 2, 305-328. 1990 Constituent structure and government in phonology. Phonology 7,194-232. Kiparsky, P. 1982 Explanation in Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris Publications. Lahiri, A. and S. E. Blumstein 1984 A re-evaluation of the feature coronal. Journal of Phonetics 12:133-146. Lahiri, A. and V. Evers 1991 Palatalization and coronality. In In C. Paradis and J.-F. Prunet (eds.), 79-100. Lee, D.-Y. 1998 Korean Phonology: A Principle-based Approach. Munich: Lincom Europa. Lee, D.-Y. and S. Yoshida 1998 Α-head alignment: the case of vowel harmony in Korean. In E. Cyran (ed.), 195-204. Nasukawa, K. 1998 An integrated approach to nasality and voicing. In E. Cyran (ed.), 205-226. Paradis, C. and J.-F. Prunet 1991 Introduction: Asymmetry and Visibility. In C. Paradis and J.-F. Prunet (eds.), The special Status of Coronals: Internal and External Evidence. San Diego: Academic Press, 1-28. Poser, W. 1985 Japanese evidence bearing on the compensatory lengthening controversy. In L. Wetzels and E. Sezer (eds.), Studies in Compensatory Lengthening. Dordrecht: Foris Publication, 167-186. Rennison, J. 1990 On the elements of phonological representations: the evidence from vowel systems and vowel processes. Folia Linguistica 24,175-244.

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Shibatani, M. 1990 The Languages of Japan. Cambridge University Press. Williams, G. (1998) The Phonological basis of speech recognition. Ph.D. dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Also in Williams (forthcoming). (forthcoming) The Phonological Basis of Speech Recognition. The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics. Williams, G. and W. Brockhaus 1992 Automatic speech recognition: a principle-based approach. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 2, 371-401.

The Accent System of the Kyoto Dialect of Japanese: A Study on Phrasal Patterns and Paradigms Yuko Z. Yoshida and Hideki Zamma Doshisha University and Kobe City University of Foreign Sudies

Introduction This paper aims to explore the cross-categorical characteristics of pitch accent in the Kyoto dialect of Japanese (KJ). The discussion centres on the detailed study of various classes of nouns, case-marking particles, verb paradigms and phrasal interactions. Some sections will show interesting contrasts between KJ and Standard Japanese (SJ) in terms of pitch accent behaviour. To identify the contrasts between the two dialects, we will focus on pitch phenomena both in single phrases from various grammatical categories and in the merged phrases found in connected speech. First, the pitch pattern of a noun plus a case-marking particle in KJ demonstrates that there are two classes of so-called 'accentless noun'. This discussion of accentless nouns leads directly to a phrasal analysis, in which we observe interesting accentual behaviour. We will claim that KJ utilises a pseudo accent—an accent which is phonologically assigned in a given accentless domain—which should be distinguished from a lexical accent. A further claim involving the inaccessibility of the domain-initial position lends support to the idea that there are two types of 'accentless' classes which are found cross-categorically. In terms of typological classification, KJ is presented here as an accent language, as distinct from a tone language. In some earlier studies, the pitch patterns of this dialect, like those of SJ, were treated as tone melodies (Haraguchi 1977), grouping the two dialects together as tone languages (which also make use of accentual information). Our proposal of the inaccessibility of the domain-initial position places KJ solely into the accent language group, having no recourse to tone melodies of any kind.

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1. The Kyoto dialect and its typological grouping 1.1. Examples of noun + case-marking particle As set out below, the KJ data of case-marked nouns reveal some interesting pitch properties in the dialect. The contrast shown below between KJ and SJ should highlight the properties in question. Note also a lexical variation: KJ contains lengthened words, i.e. bimoraic 1 words, which in other dialects (e.g. SJ) correspond to monomoraic words (1). For example, ha 'teeth', ki 'tree' and e 'handle' in SJ are lengthened to haa, kii and ee, respectively. Pitch patterns in the two dialects do not necessarily correlate, i.e. the pitch patterns of some lexical items in one dialect cannot always be deduced from those in the other dialect. In the examples given below, a bar over a segment indicates that the relevant part is perceived with high pitch (other segments have default pitch) and a * denotes a lexical accent. Standard Japanese

Kyoto Dialect (1)

(2)

a. ha a

ha a -ga

'teeth (-nom.)'

b. k i i

ki i-ga

'tree (-nom.)'

c. e e

e e -ga

*

ha -ga

'handle (-nom.)'

e

e-ga

'fence (-nom.)'

ka ki ka ki

ka ki -ga

ka ki -ga

*

*

a. ka ki

ka ki -ga

*

(3)

ha

*

ka ki -ga *

*

*

b. ka ki (i) 2

ka ki -ga

'oyster (-nom.)'

c. ta ne

ta ne -ga

'seed (-nom)'

d. ka ki

ka ki -ga

'persimmon (-nom.)'

ka ki

'pillow (-nom.)'

ma ku ra

'egg (-nom.)'

ta ma go

c. non applicable

'head (-nom)'

a ta ma

d. u sa gi

u sa gi -ga

'rabbit (-nom.)'

u sa gi

u sa gi -ga

e. sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ga

'cherry (-nom.)'

sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ga

*

*

a. ma ku ra

*

*

b. ta ma go

*

*

ma ku ra -ga ta ma go -ga

*

ma ku ra -ga *

*

ta ma go -ga *

a ta ma -ga

The data above show that in both SJ and KJ, a noun in isolation, or a sequence of a noun plus a particle, may form a phonological domain of pitch accent. Otherwise, we should find pitch patterns where the noun portion and the particle behave independently in terms of pitch assignment. For

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example, a sequence of a trimoraic word and a particle may show the pitch pattern, HOOH (H stands for a high-pitched mora, and 0 denotes a mora without high pitch). That is, the particle portion dominates no independent accent domain, except for special styles of speech. Forms without any lexical accent divide into two classes in KJ, whereas SJ allows only one type of pitch pattern for accentless words. In SJ, all the morae up to the rightmost edge of the given phonological domain are high-pitched in a phrase which lacks a lexical marking. In a phrase (a phonological domain) with a lexical accent, all the morae up to the accented one appear high-pitched except for the initial mora (if the initial mora itself does not bear the lexical accent). To put this in another way, we observe a sudden drop in pitch immediately following the accented mora. In KJ, mono-moraic words are usually lengthened and there are three possible pitch patterns (see (1))—one pattern more than we find in SJ. Four possible pitch patterns in bimoraic words include two types of 'accentless' words: (2c) represents a word without a lexical accent, where high pitch falls on the ultimate mora of the phonological phrase, while (2b) shows a word with high-pitch extending throughout the whole phonological phrase. Two other possibilities find the words accented either on the initial (2a), or the second, coinciding with the final position (2b) of the word. KJ lacks examples of trimoraic words with the accent on the final mora, unlike SJ, where this type is illustrated by forms such as atama'ga (3a). The lexical accent may fall on the initial (3a) or the second (3b) mora. Also for trimoraic words (see (3)), there are two types of accentless words, as explained for bimoraic words. Longer words without internal morphology do exist, though not in abundance. In fact, as we discuss later (Section 2.2.), longer words are subject to accent assignment unlike words with a lexical accent. (For convenience, the symbol for that assigned accent is indicated here by *, the same as that of the lexical accent.) Kyoto Dialect

Standard Japanese

(4) *

a. mu ra sa ki *

b. u gu i su

mu ra sa ki -ga

'purple ( nom)'

*

u gu i su -ga

mu ra sa ki *

'bush warbler (-nom)'

u gu i su

mu ra sa ki -ga *

u gu i su -ga

As for quadrimoraic morphologically simplex Yamato words, there are only two patterns, both of which have an accent on the second (i.e. the antepenultimate) mora. One type allows the high pitch to be shared with morae to the left, whereas the other type does not.

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Based on the observations above, the next section considers how KJ should be categorised in terms of prosodie typology.

1.2. Typological grouping of the Kyoto dialect The pitch patterns that are predictable from accentual information place SJ and KJ properly within the accent-language group, comprising either stress or pitch accent languages, rather than in the tone-language group. From the location of the accent, those segments with high-pitch and those without high-pitch can be predicted. In a tone language, each syllable contains individual tonal information, high or low, and thus the location of the high and low tones for a given word is lexically determined (i.e. arbitrary). Nevertheless, the distribution of morae which are not high is predictable both in SJ and KJ, once we know the high pitch distribution. For this reason, the present discussion of nouns in KJ does not consider a low pitch or tone, but only deals with high pitch information. Let us focus on the analysis by Haraguchi (1977) of the Osaka dialect, which he chooses as being representative of the Kansai dialects, or the Kyoto-type accent, 3 to show how lexical tone melodic information is irrelevant to the present discussion, and to support the typological claim above. Haraguchi postulates two basic tone melodies, which are HL and LHL, to differentiate the pitch patterns of the two groups of nouns and to determine whether the word should carry high pitch on its initial mora or not. Η of the tone melody is linked to the accented mora, or to the final mora of an accentless phrase. The initial mora is high pitched, when the word accent is on the initial mora, or if the pitch 'spreads' to the initial mora from the accented one 4 or from the final mora in an accentless domain. Examples of the former type are more likely to be found in longer words, such as compounds or quadrimoraic native nouns like uguisu (see (4b)), where the accent is on the second mora of the word. The analysis by Haraguchi accesses both accentual information and tonal information for every lexical item, which means that the dialect is questionably categorised both as an accent language and as a tone language. Our claim in this paper, that KJ only refers to information relating to accentuation and positions in the accent domain (see Section 2 for a detailed analysis), makes tonal information redundant. That is, the pitch patterns of KJ illustrated above can be accounted for without treating the dialect simultaneously as an accent language and a tone language. We would like to propose a simplified interpretation which need not assume

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219

these tone melodies as lexical properties, and we argue that in this way KJ may be properly defined as a member of the accent language group. Section 2 is devoted to a detailed explanation of our analysis, and broaches the issues of 1) how the diverse pitch patterns seen in the above data appear, 2) lexical accent assignment on the antepenultimate mora, and 3) the inaccessibility of the initial mora. To begin with, we explain how various pitch patterns are possible in KJ, eschewing somewhat template tone melodies.

2. Accents and domains In this section, we propose a definition of pitch accent languages and show how our analysis works. First, the source of high pitch is discussed in relation to the headship of a phonological domain, and then the phenomenon formerly treated as 'spreading' is re-analysed as part of the phonetic interpretation of the headship in the relevant phonological domain.

2.1. Headship of a phonological domain and high pitch In both stress accent languages and in pitch accent languages, the head portion (the head of a syllable or mora—or, more precisely the nucleus) of a given phonological domain bears the primary accent. If a domain contains a lexical marking, then the lexically marked mora is automatically identified as the domain head. In a pitch accent language, the high pitch originating from a lexical accent may be shared by neighbouring segments. SJ demonstrates a relatively simple sharing mechanism: the high pitch of the head mora is shared by all the morae to the left, except the domain-initial one. The domain-initial mora (nucleus) is inaccessible for high-pitch sharing, perhaps to indicate the domain or word boundary (Yoshida 1990). KJ chooses to share the high pitch of the accented mora with all the morae to the left, if the sharing is observed within the domain. We say if because another lexically determined option is available for Kyoto words: whether or not to share the high pitch with the neighbouring segments. Compare, for example, two quadrimoraic words with antepenultimate accent, murasaki 0H00 and uguisu ΗΗ00 (see (4a, b)). A question arises as to which mora in an accentless domain should bear headship. If the high pitch originates from a lexical accent as explained above, then the source for the high pitch in a lexically accentless domain

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Zamma

must be identified. Also, note that not only in accented quadrimoraic words but also in lexically accentless words, the two options of pitch sharing (to share or not to share in the sense explained above) are available. Neither (3d) nor (3e) above bear a lexical accent; furthermore, the former is of the type where only the word- (or phrase-) final mora is high-pitched, whereas pitch sharing is observed in the latter. An accentless domain, regardless of its morphological organization, always possesses a high-pitched portion. In other words, the accentless domain should have a head portion which behaves like a lexical accent to 'provide' the high pitch. In this regard, Kaye (1990) proposes the Licensing Principle, which applies to all phonological domains, including pitch accent domains. (5) The Licensing Principle (Kaye 1990: p. 306,11.11-13) All phonological positions save one must be licensed within a domain. The unlicensed position is the head of this domain. KJ shows clearly the location of the head portion of a domain that lacks an inherent head. One type of accentless word clearly indicates that the domain-final mora is the head, both in the domain of a noun in isolation, and in the domain comprising a noun and a particle (Yoshida 1999): (6) Note: [ ] indicate the phonological domain relevant for pitch a. i) [ki i]

ii) [ki i -ga]

'tree (-nom.)'

b. i) [a na]

ii) [a na -ga]

'hole (-nom.)'

c. i) [u sa gi]

ii) [u sa gi -ga]

'rabbit (-nom.)'

Only the rightmost mora is high-pitched, which assumes the headship of the domain. The other type of accentless word, which is high-pitched throughout the domain, as in sakura-(ga) HHH(-H), should follow the same principles for selecting its head. The rightmost mora is the head of the domain, where high-pitch is shared by all the other morae, 5 if the noun is lexically determined as such. Our task here is to identify the lexical cue for the two classes of accentless words, which will be discussed in detail later (see 3.2.1.). The next subsection considers the default lexical accent location in KJ, which supports our classification of the dialect as an accent language. A

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recent change in KJ, whereby some features of stress accent languages are becoming apparent, assigns accent on to predictable locations.

2.2. Antepenultimate accent The following general tendency in present-day KJ affects quadrimoraic words. The accent location in quadrimoraic words, both verbs and nouns, is changing—word-initial accents are being replaced by accents on the antepenultimate mora. Accents at fixed locations suggest that KJ belongs to the group of accent languages which perhaps conform to metrical accent assignment, as in the case of SJ, in which an accent is assigned on the antepenultimate mora (Yoshida 1995). Quadrimoraic nouns including morphologically simplex/complex nouns and many proper nouns which were once accented on the initial mora are now accented on the second mora.

(7) a. 'nightingale' *

b. 'Kuwatani (a surname)'

u gu i su

*

ku wa ta ni

I ψ

c. 'Kiyomizu (a place name)'

*

ki yo mi zu

1 ψ

u gu i su / u gu i su

ή:

i %

%

ku wa ta ni / ku wa ta ni

ki yo mi zu / ki yo mi zu

This change in accent location follows the default lexical accent assignment process. A close observation of the accentual distribution of trimoraic words exemplified in (3) above clearly reveals that the default lexical accent location is the antepenultimate mora. Sampling 115 morphologically simplex yamato (Japanese native) nouns from the word list in Hirayama (1957), we report the following distribution. (8) Example

number

*

initial accent (3a)

i ta ti

'weasel'

42

*

medial accent (3b)

ha ta ke

final accent (3c) rising accentless (3d) high accentless (3e)

'farm' n.a

20 0

su zu me

'sparrow'

ka su mi

'haze'

12 41

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Zamma

If lexically accented, 42 out of 62 accented trimoraic y amato words bear word-initial (i.e. antepenultimate) accent. Trimoraic yamato words with word-final accent are not attested in the dialect; in fact, this dialect avoids placing lexical accents on the final mora of the word. Observation of bimoraic words confirms that a word-final accent is not favoured: those final accented nouns are subject to lengthening (see note 2). The fact that about 68 % of all accented words bear word-initial (antepenultimate) accent proves that the default location of the lexical accent in KJ is the antepenultimate mora. The change in accent location noted at the beginning of this section for quadrimoraic nouns is cross-categorical. A change observed in the Kyoto verbs also involves a shift in preference towards antepenultimate accent. These old forms are taken from Hirayama (1957), while the new forms are based on our own recordings of native speakers. (9)

OLD FORM

NEW FORM

*

a. tu ku t ta

*

'make-past'

tu ku t ta

'float-past'

u ka Ν da

'queue-past'

na ra Ν da

'sink-past'

si zu Ν da

'dry-past'

ka wa i ta

'crush-past'

ku da i ta

'beat-past'

ta ta i ta

'wash-past'

a ro o ta ~ a ro ta

'sing-past'

u to o ta ~ u to ta

*

*

b. u ka Ν da *

c. na ra Ν da

*

*

d. si zu Ν da

*

*

e. ka wa i ta

*

*

f. ku da i ta

*

*

g. ta ta i ta

*

*

h. a ro o ta

*

*

i. u to o ta

*

*

*

The data in (7) and (9) indicate that at least the modern form of the dialect shows behaviour similar to that seen in stress languages: the accent falls at a predictable location, the antepenultimate mora. The type of phonetic interpretation of the head portion determines whether the language is a stress-accent language or a pitch accent language. The accented (head) portion receives phonetic interpretation either as prominence/ strength for a stress accent, or as pitch-height for a pitch accent in a given domain (Yoshida 1995).

The Accent System of the Kyoto Dialect of Japanese

223

In the quadrimoraic nouns (7a) and verbs given above, there are two possibilities; either, pitch is shared between the initial mora and the accented penultimate mora (9b-i), or it is not (9a). Recall the data (1-3) for a general overview of this issue. As for shorter nouns, bimoraic 6 and trimoraic Yamato nouns, only accentless ones can vary in this way. Logically, we should be able to observe pitch sharing on lexically accented bimoraic and trimoraic words if the lexical accent is on the second mora (sharing with the initial one). This possibility is exemplified by the quadrimoraic noun uguisu (HHOO). In order to identify which factors determine whether or not pitch sharing occurs in a given domain, we turn to the case of accentless nouns, which allow both possibilities.

3. The special status of domain edge 3.1. Domain final position 3.1.1. Domain-final mora and 'accentuation' In 2.1., we explained that the domain-final mora serves as the head of a domain in which no inherent accent marking exists. As discussed above, there are two types of domain: only one type bears high pitch on the head mora (10a, c, e), while the other type shares the pitch with all the other morae in the domain (10b, d, f). (10) a. ki i

ki i -ga

'tree (-nom.)'

b. e e

e e -ga

'handle (-nom.)'

c. ta ne

ta ne -ga

'seed (-nom)'

d. ka ki

ka ki-ga

'persimmon (-nom

e. u sa gi

u sa gi -ga

'rabbit (-nom.)'

f. sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ga

'cherry (-nom.)'

To investigate the possible reasons behind the two different pitch patterns found in accentless domains, we must first verify whether these two types both really lack 'accentuation' or not: if one has accentuation and the other does not, then a clear difference between them is immediately appar-

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Zamma

ent. These domains do not contain any information concerning the location of lexical markings; however, it is not yet clear if the head mora, the domain-final mora, receives accentuation as well as high pitch as a means of indicating headship. The presence of accentuation is clearly shown, if it appears word-medially; since the pitch drop is observed between the head mora and the mora immediately following it. What is required is a reliable test which reveals phrase-final accentuation in SJ. The juxtaposition of two phonological phrases in connected speech exposes the accentuation of the phrases involved, as demonstrated below in (11), where we observe how the noun in isolation and with the case-marking particle react to being placed next to another phrase, e.g. a verb. (11) Standard Japanese *

*

a. wa sa bi

wa sa bi -o

*

'horseradish (acc.)'

*

b. a zu ki

a zu ki -o

'red bean (acc.)'

c. sa ka na

sa ka na -o

'fish (acc.)'

*

a', wa sa bi - o

ta be ta

'(I) ate some horseradish'

*

b'.azuki-o

ta be ta

'(I) ate red beans'

*

c'. sa ka na - o

ta be ta

'(I) ate some fish'

In connected speech, as (lla'-c 1 ) above show, only if the noun plus a particle phrase contains a lexical accent will the accent of the verb not be perceived (known as phrasal downstep), since the leftmost accent is the one projected to the noun-verb domain. As in (11c'), if no accent is found in the noun portion, the accent of the verb becomes the accent of the entire phrase. Bearing this in mind, let us consider the Kyoto phrases. (12)Kyoto *

a. wa sa bi

wa sa bi - o

'horseradish (-acc.)'

b. ki tu ne

ki tu ne - o

'fried bean curd (-acc.)'

c. sa ka na

sa ka na - o

'fish (-acc.)'

*

a', wa sa bi - o ta be ta . be ,(*)ta b'. ki tu n e - o- ta

* ki tu n e - o ta be ta * ki tu n e - o ta be ta

The Accent System of the Kyoto Dialect of Japanese

*

225

*

c'. s a k a n a - o ta be ta * sa ka na - o ta be ta * sa ka n a - o ta be ta The pitch patterns in (12) show that all the noun phrases in Kyoto should bear accentuation. All the examples are subject to phrasal downstep. This phenomenon indicates that both (12b, c) show accentuation in the domain-final position (Section 2.1.). The domains do not have lexical accents (the lexical accent of a noun should remain intact following its concatenation to a nominative marker), but they do show 'accentuation' in the domain-final position (the head position). Here we propose the following for KJ: (13) Proposal 1 Nouns which belong to the classes (lb, c), (2c, d) and (3d, e) are all LEXICALLY ACCENTLESS. The rightmost segment of such a word is assigned a domain ACCENT, which we call a PSEUDO ACCENT. Referring to the SJ accentless word, in which the domain-final nucleus (the head portion of the final mora) acts as the domain-head, we see that the head receives the high-pitch interpretation but no accentuation. In contrast to the SJ case, KJ interprets the headship in the domain-final nucleus as accentuation, which naturally accompanies a high-pitch. The question arises as to whether this interpretation as accentuation is controlled via distinct dialectal parameters or whether it results from some other condition. In both dialects it is true that, when the nounphrase constitutes a domain in its own right, headship is assigned. It is only when the juxtaposition of a noun phrase and a verb occurs, that the accentual difference between the two dialects comes to light. Let us therefore compare the behaviour of the two dialects in this respect. If the noun phrase in KJ acquires a pseudo accent, as proposed above, then the noun phrase should occupy its own domain [[noun phrase] verb] or [[noun phrase][verb]] rather than merging with the verb [noun phrase— verb]. Let us consider this possible concatenation in more detail. The difference in phrasal structure between SJ and KJ arises from syntactic relations. By 'syntactic relations' we refer here to the way in which phonological processes should apply to the phonological string—a phonological domain which can be a noun, a noun phrase, a longer phrase or a sentence. A domain must have a head (Kaye 1995), and the inherently accented mora automatically serves as the head in a lexically accented

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Zamma

noun. The final mora of the accentless phonological word (domain) takes over the headship of that domain. Note that in SJ this is not interpreted as an 'accent', but merely as high pitch. Yoshida (1995) proposes that the noun-phrase and the verb form independent domains (14a). When concatenated, the leftmost accent of the noun-verb string is projected to the domain of AB as the accent of the entire phrase. (14) a. [[A][B]] b. [[A] Β ] c. [ A Β ]

domains: A, B, AB domains: A, AB domain: AB

What follows is a general formula describing SJ accent assignment in phrases and compounds: (15) [ C [A][B] C ] In SJ, where both A and Β contain lexical marking, i) if C is a lexical category, Β is strong, ii) if C is a phrasal category, A is strong, and the marked nucleus of the strong element is the head of the domain. (Yoshida 1995:194) Of relevance here is (ii) in (15), when the category is phrasal. Below in (16) are examples repeated from (11) with bracketing to show the generalization in (15). (16) *

a. [[wa sa bi -o] [ta be ta]] *

'(I) ate some horseradish'

^

b. [[a zu ki -o] [ta be ta]]

'(I) ate red beans'

*

c. [[sa ka na -o] [ta be ta]]

'(I) ate some fish'

Merging of two domains with lexical markings into one forces the output domain to select one of the two markings as the head of the output domain. As is generalised in (15), the leftmost lexical marking is chosen as the head of the merged domain, since the domains involved here are both phrasal. In SJ, as (16a-c) show, only if there is a lexical accent within the noun-phrase domain will the accent of the verb not be perceived. As in (16c), if no lexical accent is found in the noun portion, the accent of the verb becomes the accent of the merged domain.

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Referring back to (12a'-c'), to compare with the situation in SJ (16a-c), we see that even the lexically accentless domains of noun phrases ( l i b ' , c') trigger phrasal downstep, which means that the domains of noun phrases behave as if they are accented (pseudo accent (13)). (17b) shows the instruction for assigning pitch to noun-verb sequences in KJ. The phonological parsing of the noun-verb domain supercedes that of the verb domain, where the verb does not constitute its own domain. Note, as the asterisked bracketing illustrates, if both the noun and the verb dominate one domain each, as in the SJ case, then the lexical accent of either domain should be projected in connected speech. The only domain with a lexical accent to be projected to the noun-verb domain is that of the verb. This bracketing would predict that high pitch occurs only on the accented mora of the verb, which is unattested. (17) *

a. [[wa sa bi - o ] ta be ta] *

b. [[ki tu ne - o ] ta be ta]

* [[ki tu ne - o ] [ta be ta]]

*[[ki tu ne - o ] [ta be ta]]

(*)ta] c. [[sa ka n a - o ] ta be

* [[sa ka n a - o ] [ta be ta]]

*[[sakana-o] [ta be ta]]

When the noun lacks the overt case-marker, the bracketing remains the same.

(18) -1 (*) a. [[wa sa bi] ta be ta ]

_

(*)

b. [[ki tu ne] ta be ta]

(*)

c. [[sa ka na] ta be ta]

* [[ki tu ne] [ta be ta]] *

* [[sa ka na] [ta be ta]]

* [[ki tu ne] [ta be ta]] *

* [[sa ka na] [ta be ta]]

The properties of the inner domain are projected to the outer domain, and in this [[A]B] structure, the head of A, the inner-domain, is projected as the head of the domain AB. The inner domain lacks a lexical marking in kitune and satana (18b, c)—unlike the inner domain of wasabi 'm (18a). Notwithstanding, the domain A has to nominate the potential head for the outer domain AB, thus the head of A, the domain-final nucleus, is projected to the merged domain AB, to be interpreted as the pseudo accent. In SJ too, there exist cases where a phrase such as a noun-particle sequence acquires an accent when followed by another case-marker 7 . The

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location of the accent is indicated by the drop in pitch on the mora adjacent to the right of the accented mora, as observed in the phrase in (19c). The fact that the dative noun phrase sakura-ni is not accented anywhere in the phrase is demonstrated by the data in (19d), where the noun-phrase is followed by an accented verb. (19) SJ (Noun -Particle 1 -Particle 2)

d.

sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ni

'cherry tree'

'cherry tree -DAT.'

* sa ku ra -ni tu ke ru

sa ku ra -ni - m o 'cherry tree -DAT. -also' e.

'to attach (something) to a cherry tree'

(*) sa ku ra -ni - m o tu ke ru 'to attach (something) also to a cherry tree'

Similarly in Kyoto, in the same sequence of particles an accentuation appears immediately in front of the second particle: (20) Kyoto (Noun-Particle 1-Particle 2) i) a.

b. ki tu ne 'fox'

ii) a.

c. ki tu ne -ni

ki tu ne -ni - m o

'fox -DAT.' b.

'fox -DAT. -also c.

sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ni

sa ku ra -ni - m o

'cherry tree'

'cherry tree -DAT.'

'cherry tree -DAT. -also'

However, the accentual behaviour of KJ in the sequence consisting of a case-marked noun and a verb shows a departure from the SJ pattern. In SJ, the phrase-final mora does not acquire an accent (11c'), whereas an accent appears on the final mora of the noun-particle sequence in Kyoto (12b', c'). 3.1.2. Evidence for pseudo accent and domain organisation In support of the acquired accent that we will label, 'pseudo accent', the following evidence may be cited. There exists a phenomenon in SJ which is sensitive to the domain-final accent. If, in KJ, we observe a similar kind of phenomenon that reacts to a phrase-final pseudo accent, then we may confidently claim the existence of such an accent. The Genitival marker -no has the effect of deleting a noun's accent when in juxtaposition. Precisely, when the particle follows a noun with word-final accent, the accent of the noun is not perceived. Yoshida (1995)

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analyses the Genitival marker as a lexically accented particle (see also footnote 7) that induces a reaction—Accent Clash Avoidance—to eliminate adjacent accents. For example, the accent of azuki in SJ falls on the final mora; when -no is suffixed to the noun, however, the accent of the noun is not perceived (21b). If the accent falls elsewhere, word-initially or medially, the accent of the noun remains (21a). Note that the behaviour of -no is unique in comparison to other case markers such as -ga (nom.), which always respect the lexical accent of the nouns. (21) Replies to the question: 'Which flavour did you choose?' *

*

a. wa sa bi

[[wa sa bi] -no] s

*

b. a zu ki

'horseradish (-Gen.)'

*

[[a zu ki] -no]

'red bean (-Gen.)'

*

c. sa ka na

[[sa ka na] -no]

'fish (-Gen.)'

Accent Clash Avoidance is only relevant in this [[A]B] domain structure. In SJ, the syntactic relation between a noun and a particle is as illustrated in (21), that is, [[noun] particle], where by default the lexical property of the noun is projected to that of the noun-particle sequence. Compare this to those cases where a verb with initial accent follows a word-finally accented noun without any overt case-marker: the two accents are adjacent. (22) Accent Clash Avoidance—only in noun-particle sequences in S J [[A] B] —not in phrasal sequences [[A][B]] *

a. [[wa sa bi] [ta be ta]]

'(I) ate some horseradish.'

*

b. [[a zu ki] [ta be ta]]

'(I) ate red beans.'

*

c. [[sa ka na] [ ta be ta]]

'(I) ate some fish.'

As in (22b), this avoidance phenomenon does not apply to the structure [[A][B]]. Also note that in SJ, the domain-final mora only bears the headship of the lexical-accentless domain (Yoshida 1995,1999), and does not result in an actual accent. In SJ, headship in the domain-final position only serves to support high pitch, so the segments to the right of that mora (in phrasal sequences, etc.) are not subject to any loss of high pitch; the sudden drop in pitch is only observed in the post-accented position. In fact, Accent Clash Avoidance in KJ offers clear evidence for the suggested domain structure and for the proposed pseudo accent. In this dia-

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lect, phrases (where the noun phrase is represented as A and the verb as B) are organised into [[A]B] and Accent Clash Avoidance is observed following the juxtaposition of two accents. Note that in Κ J, as with other Kansai dialects, overt case-marking particles tend to be omitted. Recall that there is no noun class with a lexical accent on the word-final mora (see (3)). So if there is actually a pseudo accent on the word-final mora of the noun (domain A), then the accent should react to the presence of a verb-initial accent. (23) Pseudo Accent: χ *

a. [[wa sa bi] mo ro ta] (x) * b. [[ki tu ne] mo ro ta] (χ) _ * c. [[sa ka na] mo ro ta]

Accent Clash Avoidance -»· delete χ _* * sa ka na mo ro ta Accent Clash Avoidance -»• merge χ & *

There are two types of Accent Clash Avoidance, one deleting the pseudo accent in the noun (23b) and the other merging the pseudo accent with the accent of the verb. Indeed, the location of the accent in the verb holds the key to this phenomenon. Compare this with the data presented in (18), which is repeated for convenience in (24). The accent is on the second mora of the verb, and is not adjacent to the pseudo accent in the noun portion. (24) *

a. [[wa sa bi] ta be ta ] *

b. [[ki tu ne] ta be ta]

* [[ki tu ne] [ta be ta]]

c. [[sa ka na] ta be ta]

* [[sa ka na] [ta be ta]]

*

As seen above, the domain-final pseudo accent in KJ reacts when placed next to another accent. This reaction supports the claim that, in KJ, there is an acquired accent in the domain final position, which we call here a pseudo accent.

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3.2. Domain-initial position 3.2.1. Inaccessibility of domain-initial

position

So far, we have examined two points. Firstly, both the usagi type (25a) and the sakura type (25b) of noun are lexically accentless; secondly, those accentless nouns acquire a pseudo accent in the domain-final position. They do belong to the same lexically accentless class, although the actual pitch patterns of the two types are different. In this section, we pursue the question of how the differences in pitch patterns arise. (25)

_ a. u sa gi

_ u sa gi -ga

'rabbit (-nom.)'

b. sa ku ra

sa ku ra -ga

'cherry (-nom.)'

Basically, the difference between the sakura type and the usagi type of noun rests on whether the high pitch is shared by other morae or not. The span of high-pitch sharing in an accented word extends from the accented mora to the leftmost mora of the noun. For example: (26) High-pitch sharing in the Kyoto dialect —from the accented mora to the leftmost mora of the relevant domain — u gu i su

~

u gu i su

The form in (26a) shows that the high pitch on the accented mora can be shared by an adjacent mora. Alternatively, the same noun can be pronounced as in (26b), depending on individual speaker choice. This form manifests itself only when the accented mora bears the high pitch without extending it to other morae. For most quadrimoraic nouns, the same result emerges: there are two alternative pitch patterns (see (24a, a')). Note that in SJ, the initial nucleus (the head of the initial mora) is inaccessible for high-pitch sharing (see Section 2.1.). The same is true in KJ, although this system differs from SJ by marking it at the lexical level. In SJ, where high-pitch sharing is obligatory for all classes of words where sharing is possible, any phonological domain is subject to this inaccessibility. However, KJ chooses to treat this as lexical information, so the sharing of high-pitch comes about as a result of referring to lexical properties.

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(27) PROPOSAL 2 In the Kyoto dialect, the domain-initial mora may be lexically inaccessible for high-pitch. In KJ, we do not observe high-pitch sharing if the initial mora is lexically marked as being inaccessible8.

(28) ku wa ta ni

ki yo mi zu

'Kuwatani (a surname)

'Kiyomizu (a place n a m e ) '

ku wa ta ni

ki yo mi zu

'nightingale'

'Kuwatani (a surname)

'Kiyomizu (a place n a m e ) '

b.

χ to ri

'bird'

sa ku ra

c.

_x a na

'hole'

_x u sa gi

a. u gu i su 'nightingale' *

a', u gu i su

χ

'cherry' 'rabbit'

The variations found in (28a, a') may be attributed to idiolectal differences—specifically, whether the domain-initial mora is deemed inaccessible (28a) or not (28a1). The words without a lexical accent may contain this lexical marking to indicate the inaccessibility, viz. whether to allow pitch sharing or not. The unmarked case is observed in tori or sakura (28b), where high-pitch sharing occurs. If marked (28c), no pitch sharing is observed, leaving only the final position of the word (domain) high-pitched. If the distribution of the two word types in (28b) and (28c) are compared, referring to the table in (8), the sakura type occurs three times more frequently than the usagi type. If this analysis—that is, an analysis which utilizes initial inaccessibility to account for the L-initial pitch pattern—is on the right track, then we can adequately account for the system of accentuation in KJ, in that we can attribute the difference between the two unaccented pitch patterns to the presence or the absence of initial inaccessibility, rather than to the basic tone melodies, HL or LHL, as has been done in previous studies such as Haraguchi (1977). This is a desirable result for the analysis of the Japanese accentual system, because it conforms to the widely-held view of Japanese as an accent language, as we argue in Section 1.2. Moreover, this analysis can account for the data relating to verbal inflection and to noun accentuation in KJ. In what follows, we will discuss these two issues, to show the suitability of the analysis.

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233

3.2.2. Evidence for initial inaccessibility: Accentuation in verbal inflection To outline the accentuation system of verbal inflection in KJ, let us first compare it with the one in SJ, which is well-studied in the literature (cf. Bloch (1946), McCawley (1968), Haraguchi (1977, 1991), Poser (1984), etc.): (29) Standard Japanese a. Accentedness (i.e. accented or unaccented) is determined by the stem: *

tabe-ru 'eat (indicative)'

*

tabe-ta 'eat (past)'

asob-u 'play (indicative)' ason-da 'play (past)' 9 b. There is only one pitch pattern for the accented verb; in Haraguchi's (1977) terms, it is the HL melody. As shown in (29a), the lexically accented verb stem tabe- is always accented, whichever suffix is attached to it, although the placement of the accent changes according to the choice of suffix. On the other hand, the lexically unaccented verb stem asob- is always accentless. Moreover, the melody for the accent is always HL, using the term employed in Haraguchi (1977); that is, pre-accent morae all have high pitch (except for the first mora, which is pitchless because of initial inaccessibility (cf. Yoshida (1995)) or Initial Lowering (cf. Haraguchi (1977))), while the morae to the right of the accent are all pitchless. When the word is accentless, on the other hand, all the morae in the word have high pitch (again, except for the initial one). Both of these properties, however, differ dramatically in KJ, as shown below: (30) Kyoto Japanese a. Accentedness is determined by the suffix. b. There are two pitch patterns; i.e. HL and LHL melodies. Recall that the accentedness of verbs in SJ is determined by the stem, rather than by the suffix. In addition, while SJ has only one pitch pattern, KJ has two. Let us exemplify these properties using concrete examples: (31) *

a. agar-u 'rise (indicative)'

agat-ta 'rise (past)'

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ake-ru 'open (tr.) (indicative)'

ake-ta 'open (tr.) (past)'

aruk-u 'walk (indicative)'

a ru i-ta 'walk (past)'

iki-ru 'live (indicative)'

i ki-ta 'live (past)'

*

b.

*

Compare the indicative forms and the past forms in (31). You will notice that none of the verbs are accented in the former, while all are accented in the latter (albeit with a difference in pitch pattern). This means that the verb stem itself does not contain information about accentedness, and that the latter is determined by the suffix attached to it; hence (30a). In the cases above, the indicative suffix -(r)u is not accenting while the past suffix -ta is accenting. Moreover, the difference between (31a) and (31b) shows that there are two pitch patterns both for accentless and accented words. The indicative forms in (31a) and (31b) are both accentless, as we have just mentioned, but only the final mora of the words in (31b) contain the high pitch. Similarly, the accented past forms in (31b) have the initial pitchless mora, which those in (31a) lack. This fact clearly suggests the appropriateness of the generalization we gave in (30b). And, from the fact that the suffixes do not play a crucial role in determining the pitch pattern, it is natural to conclude that this is determined by the verb stems; thus in (31), the verb stems agar- and ake- have, in Haraguchi's terms, the HL melody, while aruk- and iki- have LHL. 3.2.2.1. Unaccented forms Having clarified above that the accentedness of the verb is regulated by the suffix attached to it, we now consider what kind of behaviour each suffix shows. First, let us take the suffixes which make the form unaccented; that is, indicative forms, polite forms, imperative forms, and hortative forms. Examples of each are given below. (Henceforth, the examples are represented in the following specific order: 2-mora verbs and 3-mora verbs are those verbs whose indicative forms consist of 2 morae and 3 morae respectively, and C-final verbs and V-final verbs are those whose stems end with a consonant and a vowel respectively. The examples of group (a) begin with a high-pitched mora, and those of group (b) with a pitchless mora. It is important to note that the examples given in this section are merely representative forms, and thus all the verbs which fall into the given category show similar pitch behaviour.)

The Accent System of the Kyoto Dialect of Japanese

2-mora verbs C-final V-final

235

3-mora verbs C-final V-final

(32) indicative a. iw-u10 'say'

ki-ru 'wear'

agar-u 'rise'

ake-ru 'open (tr.)'

b. aw-u 'meet'

mi-ru 'look'

aruk-u 'walk'

iki-ru 'live'

a. iw-1-masu

ki-masu

agar-i-masu

ake-masu

b. aw-i-masu

mi-masu

aruk-i-masu

iki-masu

a. iw-i

ki-i

agar-i

ake 11

b. aw-i

mi-i

aruk-i

i ki

a. iw-o

ki-yo

agar-o

ake-yo

b. aw-o

mi-yo

aruk-o

i ki-yo

(33) polite

(34) imperative

(35) hortative

It is clear from the examples above that these suffixes do not assign an accent to the verb: all of the words are unaccented, with high pitch assigned to all morae in group (a) words and to the final mora in group (b) words. Moreover, the pitch pattern is consistent: in other words, if the initial mora of the stem is high-pitched/pitchless in one of the forms with an unaccented suffix, then the mora is also high-pitched/pitchless with other unaccented suffixes. The various forms of the stem aw- 'meet', for example, all have an initial pitchless mora, while those of iw- 'say' all have an initial high-pitched mora. There is, however, one exception to this generalization: the LHL and HL patterns are neutralised in all forms of C-final 2-mora verbs, except the indicative. Note that the stem mi- shares the same pattern with ki- in (33)-(35). Because a highly idiosyncratic procedure would appear to be at work here, we will ignore this class of words for the purposes of the present discussion.

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3.2.2.2. Accented forms Next, let us turn to the other group of suffixes, i.e. those which place the accent on the stem. The following forms show the accent on the mora immediately preceding the suffix. (Note that there are several negative forms in KJ.) (36) negative (standardized) *

k

iw-a-nai * aw-a-nai

ki-nai * mi-nai

(37) negative (archaic) a. iw-a-zu(-ni) ki-zu(-ni) b * * aw-a-zu(-ni) mi-zu(-ni)

ake-nai

agar-a-nai * aruk-a-nai

i ki-nai

agar-a-zu(-ni)

ake-zu(-ni)

aruk-a-zu(-ni)

i ki-zu(-ni)

*

*

*

Note that the pitch pattern is consistent across all the forms, including those in the previous section: iw- has an initial high-pitched mora in all the forms from (32) through to (37), and similarly, aw- has an initial pitchless mora in all the forms. It is clear that the suffixes determine accentuation, while the pitch pattern is determined by the stem. 3.2.2.3. Problematic forms and an analysis So far we have considered regular forms—regular, in the sense that both accentuation and pitch patterning are consistent throughout the forms. There are, however, several forms in which the placement of the accent is irregular. First, consider the provisional forms: (38) provisional £ * iw -e-ba ^ aw-e-ba

* ki-re-ba ^ mi-re-ba

Ί· agar-e-ba Ψ a ruk-e-ba

-i· ake-re-ba ífc i ki-re-ba

In this form, the accent falls on the second mora preceding the suffix, except in aw-e'-ba, where the accent falls on the mora immediately preceding the suffix. Note that the forms in Section 3.2.2.2. all have the accent on a designated mora—specifically, the mora immediately preceding the suffix. The provisional forms are irregular in this respect.

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237

The past forms show similar behaviour: (39) past ^

^

i t-ta

ki-ta

oo-ta

mi-ta

^

^

^

a gat-ta

a ke-ta

Η·

a ru i-ta

Ψ

i ki-ta

The accent falls on the second mora preceding the suffix, except in oo-ta, where no accent appears, and iki'-ta, where the accent falls on the mora immediately preceding the suffix, (a'gat-ta is also an exception, but we will ignore this because Η-initial 4-mora verbs show a unique pattern of behaviour; e.g. i'w-as-i-ta (where -(s)as- is a causative suffix), ki'-sas-i-ta vs. agar-a's-i-ta, ake-sa's-i-ta. Note, however, that the pattern illustrated by a'gat-ta is changing to the expected one, resulting in aga't-ta, as is discussed in Section 2.2. (see (9)).) Finally, consider the colloquial negative forms: (40) negative (colloquial) ^

^

iw-a-hen

ki i-hin12

aga r-a-hen

a ke-hen

aw-a-hen

mi i-hin

a ruk-a-hen

i ki-hin

In this form, the accent falls on the second mora preceding the suffix, except in aw-a'-hen and iki'-hin, in which the accent falls, once again, on the mora immediately preceding the suffix. In all of the forms seen above, there are several word classes in which accent placement behaves in an exceptional manner. The problem to be addressed, then, is why there are such exceptions in these forms. Recall that, as we have seen in the preceding section, accent location in a verb is the property of the suffix. This being the case, why do the suffixes above not consistently place the accent on a designated mora? If we assume the analysis presented here, the problem above can be explained in a simple way. Specifically, it becomes possible under such an assumption to argue that the exceptions emerge because of initial inaccessibility marked on the stems. The explanation proceeds as follows. As we proposed above, the first mora of the group (b) words in the examples is marked as inaccessible. If it is the case that this marking must be respected, the accent which is required by a suffix on the first mora must move elsewhere. If no mora is available on the left side, as is the case

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in 3-mora words, then the accent moves rightwards. See the following diagrams: (41) a

lexical accent assignment

a-e-ba

->

*

pitch interpretation

a-e-ba

->•

*

a-e-ba

by -ba

b.

1 a-e-ba

In (41a), the usual assignment of accent by the suffix -ba is carried out, according to which the accent falls on the second mora preceding the suffix. It means, however, that the initial inaccessibility fails to be satisfied when assigning the accent to the initial mora. To respect the lexical marking of initial inaccessibility, it is necessary to move the accent rightwards by one mora, as shown in (42b). Note that this exceptional behaviour is observed only when both of the following conditions are met: (i) the stem exhibits the OHO pitch pattern; and (ii) the suffix otherwise assigns the accent on the initial mora of the verb. Recall that other exceptional forms besides a-e'-ba all conform to these conditions: e.g. oo-ta (unaccented), iki'-ta (cf. aru'-i-ta)\ aw-a'-hen, iki'-hin (cf. aru'k-a-hen). This fact clearly shows the suitability of the present analysis.13 3.2.2.4. Accentuation of nouns Another piece of evidence comes from the accentuation of nouns containing three morae. Note that Hirayama (1957) lists only the following two types of accented 3-mora noun: (43) * a. accent on the initial mora: e.g. a tama b. accent on the second mora, * where the initial one is pitchless: e.g. katana

'head' 'sword'

It will be recalled from Section 2.2. that there is a clear tendency in KJ to place the accent on the antepenultimate mora in nouns. The pattern in (43a) conforms to this generalization. The one in (43b), however, does not: the accent falls on the penultimate mora. Do we have to mark all the forms with this pattern as exceptions?

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239

If we assume the analysis presented above, this pattern is not at all problematic. The forms that follow the (43b) pattern are regarded as being lexically marked for initial inaccessibility. Although the accent should be put on the antepenultimate mora, it cannot be because of this marking: note that the antepenultimate mora is the initial one in this case. Thus, the accent is carried down to the second mora, which is penultimate. Moreover, the fact that there is no high-pitch-initial noun with the accent on the penultimate mora (i.e. HHO) supports this analysis. If the penultimate accent in (43b) is assigned as it is, it is also predicted that the penultimate accent occurs in nouns with an initial high-pitch-initial mora, which is not the case. Thus, the natural conclusion is that the penultimate accenting of nouns of the (43b) type is not specifically intended, but that the accent is located there to preserve the lexical marking on the stem, thereby violating the general pattern.

4. Conclusion In this paper, we have developed a way of analysing the pitch assignment system in KJ so that it conforms to the typology of accent languages. This is achieved by means of the pseudo accent and the notion of inaccessibility, both of which are attributable to the status of domain-edges. This analysis is appealing for several reasons. First, the pseudo accent can account for the phrasal accent phenomenon, which is unique to KJ. Second, the inaccessibility of the domain-initial position can account for the exceptional behaviour of the verbal paradigm. Finally, these devices can account for many phenomena in the dialect without resorting to any underlying low pitch, which finds little empirical support in pitch accent languages.

Acknowledgements We'd like express our gratitude to Phillip Backley, Jeroen van de Weijer and Tetsuo Nishihara, and the anonymous reviewer of this volume for invaluable comments and suggestions for this paper. Our thanks also go to the audience of the Phonology Forum 1999, held at the Tokyo Metropolitan University (2-4 September) where an earlier version of this paper was presented; especially Shosuke Haraguchi, Takeru Honma, Itsue Kawagoe, Akio Nasu, Koichi Tateishi, Shin-ichi Tanaka, Noriko Yamane, and Teruo Yokotani. This paper is dedicated to Jion.

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Yuko Ζ. Yoshida and Hideki

Zamma

Notes 1. The unit employed in this paper is the mora, which refers to any of the following: 1) a vowel preceded by zero or one consonant e.g. [e] or [fa], 2) the initial half of a geminate consonant [kippu], 3) the latter half of a long vowel [too] or a diphthong [da/], 4) a morale nasal [hoiV]. The issue of the unit, mora vs. syllable, is not central to our discussion. Briefly, however, KJ abounds with lexical items with accents even on those special morae, 3) & 4), e.g. on the latter half of a diphthong koi 'carp' and on a moraic nasal as in toNbi 'black-eared kite'. This contrasts with the SJ case, in which lexical accents are not found on those morae, the non-head portion of a syllable. 2. A recent change in the dialect form is found in this type of noun. In Hirayama (1957), the accented final mora in bimoraic words is lengthened when in isolation (i.e. without a particle), although the preference of many speakers today is to use the final accented form without lengthening. 3. Some minor dialectal variations of the data between the Kyoto and the Osaka dialects should not affect the basic analysis; in other words, most of the Kyoto data fits well with that of the Osaka dialect. 4. In KJ, no such words are attested—lexically accented bimoraic or trimoraic simplex Yamato words which are subject to pitch spreading. 5. In SJ too, the rightmost mora serves as the head of the accentless domain (Yoshida 1999). 6. Here the term 'bimoraic' also refers to lengthened monomoraic forms such as kii 'tree' (ki in SJ). 7. This is also pointed out by Koichi Tateishi and Teruo Yokotani, and we have always agreed with the idea that the case-marked nouns obtain final-accents when followed by another particle. We still believe the genitival -no, however, the case marker which is discussed later in Section 3.1.2., cannot be generalised with other case-markers. Genitival -no at the same time functions to 'nominalise' the phrase as a pronoun (equivalent to one in English), as in the form wasabi-no, meaning 'one with wasabi\ This function is unique to this genitival particle, and perhaps it is reasonable to assume a lexical accent on the particle, unlike all other cases. 8. A correlate between the two types of lexical marking, lexical accent marking and the inaccessibility of the initial mora, can be noted here. As section 1.1. illustrates, KJ contains no lexically accented words which chooses to share high-pitch. Lexical accent marking may have accompanied this inaccessibility in that lexical domain. However, wherever we see high-pitch sharing we also observe accent assignment i.e. quadrimoraic nouns (see 2.2.) and the lexically accentless nouns. Those nouns dominate a lexical domain without any markings for the lexical accent. In such a domain, where there is no lexical-accent information, the inaccessibility information was not available from the outset. Perhaps some of the accentless words, by analogy, set the lexical marking of inaccessibility, along with accent assignment for quadrimoraic words, or along with the assignment of pseudo accent for lexically accentless trimoraic words. This correlate, however, requires more detailed consideration, and is therefore not pursued further in this discussion. 9. The stem-final segment of C-final verbs undergoes some changes called onbin in the past and the gerund forms. It is also observed in (31) and (39) below. The segmental change to the vowel in oo-ta in (39b) is also classified as onbin in Japanese linguistics. 10. As is well-known, stem-final /w/ in Japanese only appears before /a/ and is deleted elsewhere. The segment is represented in the examples only to show that the words contain /w/ underlyingly.

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11. The allomorph of the imperative suffix for V-final stems is φ (zero). The hi in 2-mora Vfinal verbs in (34) is not regarded as the suffix, but as part of the preceding vowel, which is lengthened to satisfy binarity (cf. Itô and Mester (1992)). 12. The vowel of this suffix has harmonised to the one in the stem. Moreover, the stem vowel in this form has lengthened, probably to satisfy the binarity (cf. Itô and Mester (1992)) required by the suffix -hen. 13. In the case of oo-ta, it is accent deletion which is carried out in order to preserve the lexical marking. This is consistent with our claim here because deletion is observed only in those words where the initial mora would otherwise be accessible. This accent deletion may have something to do with the fact that the oota class is consonant-ending, which undergo onbin alternation (see note 9). Note that the consonant typically becomes the first part of a geminate through onbin, which can hardly bear the high pitch by itself. In order to avoid the pitch contour OHO for tat-ta 'stand (past)', for example, accent deletion may take place. Non-geminate-ending stems may be aligned to this pattern.

References Bloch, Bernard 1946 Studies in Colloquial Japanese I: Inflection, Journal of the American Oriental Studies 66. Haraguchi, Shosuke 1977 The Tone Pattern of Japanese: An Autosegmental Theory of Tonology. Kaitakusya. Tokyo. Haraguchi, Shosuke 1991 A Theory of Stress and Accent. Foris. Dordrecht. Hirayama, Teruo 1957 Nihongo Oncho no Kenkyuu (A Study of Japanese Accent). Meiji Shoin. Tokyo. Itô, Junko and Armin Mester 1992 Weak Layering and Word Binarity. ms. University of California, Santa Cruz. Kaye, Jonathan 1990 'Coda' Licensing, Phonology 7:2, 301-330. 1995 Derivations and Interfaces, in Frontiers in Phonology: Atoms, Structures, Derivations, ed. by Jacques Durand and Francis Katamba. Longman. London. McCawley, James D. 1968 The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. Mouton. The Hague. Poser, William 1984 The Phonetics and Phonology of Tone and Intonation in Japanese, Doctoral Dissertation. MIT. Yoshida, Yuko 1995 On Pitch Accent Phenomena in Standard Japanese. Doctoral dissertation. SOAS, University of London. [Published in 1999 by Holland Academic Graphics.] 1999 Binary Inter-nuclear Licensing for Accent Assignment in Relation to Phonological Domains, in Phonologica 1996: Syllables, ed. by John Rennison. Holland Academic Graphics. The Hague.

II. Studies in Japanese Morphology

Word Plus: The Intersection of Words and Phrases Taro Kageyama Kwansei Gakuin University

Introduction The autonomy of morphology with respect to the other modules of the grammar poses a perennial problem in morphological research. In particular, the relation between morphology and syntax, repeatedly debated under the rubric of various versions of the lexicalist hypothesis, is so complex that it is necessary to accurately pinpoint the real issues involved in it before we enter into fruitful discussions of any particular topic. To my mind, the major issues are roughly divided into two groups. One is what we may call the "component problem", namely whether or to what extent syntax and morphology interact with each other in the system of grammar. There are a variety of proposals on this issue (see Borer (1998) for an overview), ranging from the strong lexicalist position which grants morphology its complete autonomy (Di Sciullo & Williams 1987) to the strictly syntactic position which integrates all productive morphology into syntax (Lieber 1992, Halle & Marantz 1993), with mixed theories in between allowing word formation both in the syntax and in the lexical component (Baker 1988, Shibatani & Kageyama 1988). The other major issue concerning the morphology-syntax interface is the problem of "lexical integrity" or "syntactic atomicity", namely whether or to what extent syntactic operations can have access to the internal structure of a word. Here again, diverse views have been expounded (Di Sciullo & Williams 1987, Bresnan & Mchombo 1992). The present paper attempts to shed new light on these two problems by closely examining a certain type of complex expressions in Japanese which has been largely ignored in the literature. The expressions we are going to probe are exemplified by (1). (1)

a. zen | gaimu-daizin 'ex-foreign minister', han | taisei 'anti-establishment' b. booeki-gaisya | syatyoo 'president of a trading company', L S A | nenzi-taikai ' L S A annual meeting' c. moto I booeki-gaisya | syatyoo 'former president of a trading company'

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(la) illustrates prefixed expressions and (lb) compound expressions, and the two types of expressions can be mixed up as in (lc). What is most striking is that unlike regular lexical compounds which are pronounced with a sequence of high-pitched moras, the expressions in (1) bear a phrase-like accent with a slight pause or minor phrase boundary (indicated by "I") after the prefixes or between the members of compounds. An obvious question is whether such expressions are identified as words or phrases. In section 1, I will argue, along with Poser (1990), Kubozono (1995), and Kageyama (1982; 1993), that those phrase-like expressions indeed constitute words because of their syntactic atomicity. Section 2 demonstrates, however, that despite their word status, those expressions are highly similar to phrases in terms of the internal semantic relations and syntactic behavior allowing sentence-level anaphora. In a nutshell, expressions like those in (1) are identified as words on the morphological side but behave like phrases otherwise. To resolve this contradiction, section 3 proposes a novel category called "Word Plus" (W + ), which is larger than Word or X o but nonetheless constitutes a morphological object distinct from a syntactic phrase like X'. Section 4 suggests the universal validity of the proposed W + category by considering English compounds with rear stress like looker-on and well-known. The proposed Word"1" category will have non-trivial implications for the architecture of morphology. It has been customarily assumed that words constitute the category of X o , and that morphology concerns the internal structures of X o or below whereas syntax builds up phrases and sentences on the basis of Xo. In other words, X o is held to be the boundary that separates morphology from syntax. I will call this the "category problem". The category problem has not been questioned seriously even by researchers who have attempted to make the sublexical categories more precise. For example, Selkirk (1982), who proposes the category "Root" which occurs below "Word", and Ackema (1999), who develops an X-bar morphology postulating X 2 and X 4 below Xo, nonetheless hold X o or Word to be the maximal domain of morphology. This paper will show that the proposed W + category rather than X o is the maximal projection of morphological structure.

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1. The lexical integrity of phrase-like words This section will demonstrate that phrase-like expressions like those illustrated in (1) are equipped with syntactic atomicity and thus qualify themselves as "words". Before proceeding to the demonstration, we will first delimit the scope of the data to be handled in this paper. It is well known that Japanese has a peculiar set of prefixes which exhibit a phrasal pitch contour instead of the usual lexical accent (Kageyama 1982, Poser 1990). Representative examples of these prefixes (dubbed "Aoyagi prefixes" by Poser (1990) after the Japanese grammarian S. Aoyagi) are given in (2), where the moras indicated by capital letters are pronounced with a high pitch. (2) Phrase-like prefixes: hon- 'this, the present': Η θ η | dalGAKU 'this university' moto- 'former, ex-': MOto | soORIDAizin 'a one-time Prime Minister' zen- 'ex-, immediately preceding': ZEn | soORIDAizin 'the ex-Prime Minister' gen- 'current': GEn | kalTYOO 'the current president' kaku- 'each': KAku | dalGAKU 'each university' boo- 'a certain': BOo | tyoMEESAKka 'a certain famous writer' doo- 'above-mentioned': D O o | dalGAKU 'the above mentioned university' zen- 'all, whole': ZEn | kuMIAI-in 'all the union members' ryoo- 'both': RYOo | dalGAKU 'both universities' ko- 'deceased': KO | uEMURA-si 'the late Mr. Uemura' han- 'anti-': HAn | talSEE 'anti-establishment' hi- 'non-' : HI | yoOROPPA-GEngo 'non-European languages'

These prefixes are phonologically peculiar not only in bearing an accent on their own but also in being followed by a slight pause or minor phrase boundary, indicated by the symbol While Poser (1990) focused his attention on the prefixes, the phrasal accent contour and the concomitant minor phrase boundary are not limited to the prefixed expressions but are shared by compound expressions like (lb). Compound expressions of this type are highly productive, as one can freely make examples like those in (3). (3) Compound words pronounced with phrasal accent zenkoku | nodoziman-taikai 'All-Japan amateur singing contest', sinki I kakutyoo-keikaku 'new expansion plan', teiki | kenkoo-sindan 'regular physical checkup', mission-kei | siritu-daigaku 'private uni-

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versities founded by missionaries', gengogakka | kyoodoo-kenkyuusitu 'common room of the linguistics department', kigenzen | 226nen 'the year 226 B.C.', ryooriten | keieisya 'restaurant manager', tokkyuu I teisya-eki 'station at which limited express trains stop', (kono hikooki no) Heathrow-kuukoo | tootyaku-zikoku 'the scheduled time of (this airplane's) arriving at Heathrow Airport', syugo | kuriage-kisoku 'the subject raising rule', naizyu| kakudai-seisaku 'policy to boost domestic demand', California-syuu | Sacramento 'Sacramento, California' Such prefixed and compound expressions not only have the phrase-like phonology in common but can also be freely embedded inside each other to produce more complex expressions with iterated minor phrase boundaries, as exemplified by (4). (4) a. [[kokuritu-daigaku] | [zen | gakutyoo]] national-university former president 'former president of a national university' b. [boo I [[kokuritu-daigaku] | [zen | gakutyoo]]] certain [national-university former president] 'a certain ex-president of a national university' The indiscriminate mixture of prefixed and compound expressions indicates that the prefixation and the compound formation are of the same morphological nature, most probably being situated at the same level (in the sense of level-ordered morphology). Thus we will treat both prefixed and compounded expressions in a unitary way. It might be noted that the minor phrase boundary observed in the above examples is reminiscent of an analogous phonological break (indicated by ":") inherent in what Shibatani and Kageyama (1988) call "postsyntactic compounds", namely N-VN compounds which are created most plausibly at S-structure after the transformational cycle. Kageyama (1993) points out that despite the phonological similarity, compounds like those in (3) are different from post-syntactic compounds. First, post-syntactic compounds are sanctioned only by grammatical case relations (nominative, accusative, and sometimes dative), whereas the (3)type compounds allow various semantic relations between the two members, as shown by the time, place, and other adverbial relations in the first six examples in (3). Second, subject honorification can be applied to the head of post-syntactic compounds, but not to that of the (3)-type compounds.

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(5) subject honorifics on the head a. post-syntactic: sensei-ga [Yooroppa : go-taizai] no ori teacher-NOM [Europe : HONORIFIC-stay] GEN occasion 'while the teacher stayed in Europe' b. (3)-type compound: *?tyooki I go-taizai-keikaku long-term HONORIFIC-stay-plan 'the plan for a long-term stay' Third, post-syntactic compounds may sometimes allow phrases in the first member, whereas the (3)-type compounds strictly exclude phrases from appearing inside. (6) phrasal expressions inside a. post-syntactic: [[kono zikken] : syuuryoo]-go ni 'after this experiment is completed' [[this experiement] : finish] after DAT b. (3)-type compound: *[sono ryooriten] | keieisya 'manager of that restaurant' that restaurant manager (6b) is ungrammatical on the intended, reading where the determiner sono 'that' modifies only ryooriten 'restaurant' within the compound. The grammatical case relations, honorifics, and phrasal expressions inside post-syntactic compounds constituted the primary motivation for Shibatani and Kageyama (1988) to locate their formation after the syntax rather than in the lexicon. It is reasonable to assume that the (3)-type compounds, which do not exhibit those properties, are lexical rather than (post-)syntactic. We are now in a position to prove the word status of the phrase-like complex expressions. The proof will be based upon the syntactic and lexical properties of those expressions. First, both prefixed and compound expressions obey the "No Phrase Constraint" (Roeper and Siegel 1978), which is a manifestation of the general principle of lexical integrity or syntactic atomicity (Di Sciullo and Williams 1987). Thus, neither the head nor the non-head of the phrase-like expressions can accommodate NPs involving genitives, adjectives, or other kinds of modifiers (Poser 1990, Kageyama 1993). (7) a. *boo I [ NP yumeina haiyuu] 'a certain famous actor' certain [ famous actor]

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b. *kaku I [ NP tihoo-no tosi] 'each provincial city' each [ province-GEN city] (8)

a. *zenkoku | [ NP gassyoo-no All-Japan

konkuuru] 'All-Japan chorus contest '

chorus-GEN contest

b. * [ NP huransu-ryoori-no

mise] [ keieisya 'proprietor of a French restaurant'

French-cuisine-GEN shop

proprietor

Particularly noteworthy about (7) and (8) is the fact that the ungrammaticall y is removed if their NP parts are replaced by compound nouns, as in (9). (9) a. boo I [N yumei-haiyuu] (same meaning as (7a)) b. kaku I [N tihoo-tosi] (same meaning as (7b)) c. zenkoku | [ N gassyoo-konkuuru] (same meaning as (8a)) d. [N huransu-ryoori-ten] | keieisya (same meaning as (8b)) The only exception to the No Phrase Constraint that I am aware of is the prefix moto- 'formerly, ex-', which may take a genitive phrase as in moto [puro-yakyuu no sensyu] 'formerly a professional baseball player'. The idiosyncrasies of this prefix will be explicated in section 3. Second, the syntactic atomicity of the expressions at issue is shown by the rule of identity deletion in coordinate sentences. This rule can delete up to part of phrases but does not intrude into words, as illustrated in (10) (Kageyama 1989; 1999). (10)

a. Ken-wa sukiyaki-o

tabe, Naomi-wa

K-TOP sukiyaki-ACC eat

N-TOP

susi-o

tabe-ta.

sushi-ACC eat-PAST

'Ken ate sukiyaki, and Naomi sushi.' b. Ken -wa [ NP Furansu-no kuruma] o kai, Naomi-wa Itaria-no K-TOP

France-GEN car-ACC buy N-TOP

kuruma-o kat-ta.

Italy-GEN car-ACC buy-PAST

'Ken bought a car made in France, and Naomi, one made in Italy.' c. *Ken -wa [ N inu-goya] o

tukuri, Naomi-wa [ N usagi-goya]-o

K.-TOP [dog-house]-ACC make N.-TOP

tukut-ta.

[rabbit-house]-ACC make-PAST

'Ken made a doghouse, and Naomi a rabbit-house.'

The deletion rule, which can erase the head noun of the NP structure in (10b), is forbidden to affect only the second member of the compound noun inu-goya 'doghouse' in (10c). In the same vein, the deletion cannot destroy the integrity of the complex expressions involving the phrase-like prefixes. The same degree of ungrammaticality as (10c) is exhibited by (11a) below, where only the base is deleted leaving the prefix behind. This

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should be contrasted with the full grammatically of ( l i b ) , where the prefixed words in (11a) are replaced by semantically similar NPs. ( 1 1 ) a. *A-san-wa

[ N gen | kaityoo] to

siriai de,

B-san-wa

A-Mr-TOP [current-president]-with acquainted-is, B-Mr-TOP [ N zen I kaityoo]-to siriai-da. [ex-president]-with acquainted-is 'Mr. A is acquainted with the current president, and Mr. Β with the ex-president.' b. A-san-wa

[ N P genzai-no kaityoo] to

siriai de,

B-san-wa

A-Mr-TOP [current-GEN president]-with acquainted-is, B-Mr-TOP [ N P mae-no kaityoo]-to

siriai-da.

[former-GEN president]-with acquainted-is

A third indicator of the syntactic atomicity of the phrase-like expressions is the impossibility of modifying a word-internal element with an external adjective or relative clause. Compare (12a) with (12b). ( 1 2 ) a. Tookyoo-ni iru

[booeki-gaisya | syatyoo]

Tokyo-in is(animate) trading-company president 'the ex-president of a trading company, who is in Tokyo' b. *Tookyoo-ni aru

[booeki-gaisya

| syatyoo]

Tokyo-in is(inanimate) trading-company president intended meaning: 'the ex-president of a trading company located in Tokyo' c. Tookyoo-ni aru Tokyo-in

[booeki-gaisya]-no

syatyoo

is(inanimate) trading-company-GEN president

(12a) is impeccable, since the relative clause with the verb iru 'be', said of an animate subject, modifies the following human noun as a whole. In contrast, (12b) is completely ruled out because the relative clause with the verb aru 'be', selecting an inanimate subject, is intended to modify only the first member (booeki-gaisya 'trading company') of the compound. This is parallel to the infelicity of, for example, *a very [darkroom], where the adverb very cannot modify the adjective dark in the compound noun darkroom. The word status of booeki-gaisya\syatyoo 'trading-company president' is confirmed by the fact that (12b) becomes grammatical if booeki-gaisya 'trading company' gains independence as a phrase with the genitive marker, as in (12c). The preceding three observations clearly indicate that the prefixed and compound expressions with a minor phrase boundary make up syntactically inviolable units and are therefore qualified as words. Additional ev-

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idence for the word status is provided by the fact that the complex expressions in question are amenable to lexical or morphological conditions that generally pertain to word formation. As is well known, word formation processes are lexically governed, restricted notably by the vocabulary strata determined by the origin of individual words. In Japanese there is a pronounced tendency for a native morpheme to combine with another morpheme of native origin and for a Sino-Japanese morpheme to combine with another Sino-Japanese morpheme, although words composed of mixed vocabulary strata are occasionally encountered. This combinative restriction is illustrated by (13). (13) a. roodoo-sya 'laborer' labor [S-J] - person [S-J] a'.hataraki-mono 'hard worker' work [native] - person [native] b. dai-kyoositu 'big classroom' big [S-J] - classroom [S-J] b'.oo-beya 'big room' big [native] - room [native]

*roodoo-mono labor [S-J] - person [native] *hataraki-sya work [native] - person [S-J] *oo-kyoositu 'big classroom' big [native] - classroom [S-J] *dai-beya 'big room' big [S-J] - room [native]

Now the same restriction is observed in the phrase-like expressions as well. Since all of the phrase-like prefixes except the native moto- 'former' are Sino-Japanese, they are most comfortably attached to Sino-Japanese (or Western) loan words. (14) a. kaku | gakkoo 'each school' each [S-J] school [S-J] a'.*kaku | manabiya 'each school' each [S-J] learning-place [native] b. doo I syuukai 'the above-mentioned assembly' above-mentioned [S-J] assembly [S-J] b'.*doo I atumari 'the above-mentioned assembly' above-mentioned [S-J] gathering [native] It seems that only the native moto- exceptionally meshes with both SinoJapanese and native bases. (15) a. moto | kyoositu 'formerly a classroom' former classroom [S-J] b. moto I sigotobeya 'formerly a work-room' former work-room [native]

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It will be observed in section 3 that this exceptional behavior of moto- has syntactic repercussions. The lexical governedness of phrase-like words is further illuminated by the idiosyncratic restrictions on the selection of combined words. (16) a. zen | syokuin 'all the staff b. itibu I syokuin 'part of the staff c. *hanbun | syokuin 'half the staff' cf. hanbu no syokuin 'half of the staff {no = genitive particle) d. *kahansuu | syokuin 'majority of the staff cf. kahansuu no syokuin 'majority of the staff In (16), zen- 'all' and itibu- 'part' are eligible for word formation, but semantically similar words, hanbun 'half and kahansuu 'majority', resist comounding and instead call for a phrase structure supported by the genitive particle. Lexical idiosyncrasies of this kind are characteristic of word formation. This section has demonstrated the word status of the peculiar phraselike expressions on the basis of phenomena involving lexical integrity and lexical idiosyncrasies. Because of the word status, we will refer to the phrase-like words, both prefixed and compounded, as Word"1" (Word Plus). This is intended as a new morphological category that is larger than ordinary words but still belongs to the morphological as opposed to the syntactic domain. For example, the morphological structures of zen \ daitooryoo 'ex-President' and Reagan | zen | daitooryoo 'ex-President Reagan' will be represented as follows. (17) a.

N*

b.

N+

prefix zen

Ν

Ν

prefix

'ex-'

daitooryoo

Reagan

zen

Ν

'ex-'

daitooryoo

'president'

'president' In (17a), the phrase-like prefix zen- 'ex-' selects N + as its base. This c-selection property need be specified in the lexical entry of the prefix, along

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the lines of Lieber's (1980) subcategorization theory of affixes. The structure in (17b) illustrates a more complex W + involving the compounding of Reagan and zen\daitooryoo. Here, Reagan, which normally has the status of N, is projected to N + to be compounded with another noun of the same category. In this section we have established the "Word" part of Word"1". In the subsequent section, we will turn our attention to the "Plus" part of Word"1" and elucidate what extra properties W + has which are not shared by ordinary words.

2. The phrasal character of Word plus Having established the lexical integrity of W + expressions, we now encounter a seeming contradiction that those expressions, albeit morphologically identified as words, display phrasal behavior with respect to their internal phonology, semantics, and syntax. First, the phonological properties. As has been repeatedly mentioned, W + expressions carry phrasal accent, with a slight pause inside. This phrasal accent, as opposed to the so-called lexical accent observed with regular derived or compound words, provides an ostensible indication that W + might belong to the syntax. Rendaku or sequential voicing is another phonological phenomenon that is observed inside lexical words (18a) but can never apply to what we identify as W + (18b). (18) a. lexical compound: booeki-gaisya [ [looker] N > [[looker] N -s]N+ - [ [[looker] N -s]N+ [on] P+ ] N+

A similar phenomenon is observed with complex words involving the suffix -fui. A s pointed out by Allen (1978), this suffix has two manifestations in (66a) and (66b). (66) a. careful, powerful, delightful, thoughtful b. mouthful, spoonful, cupful, bagful The adjective-forming suffix -fui in (66a) is stressless with its vowel reduced to a schwa, whereas the -fui in (66b), denoting the amount held by a container, carries a stress on its own and its vowel is fully pronounced as [-ful]. Allen (1978) accounts for the distinction of the two types of -ful by assigning the adjectival -ful to Level 2 and the fully pronounced -ful to Level 3 in her extended level-ordering hypothesis. Our alternative analysis is to treat Allen's Level 3 as constituting a distinct category of W + . This analysis is supported by the fact that the expressions in (66b) can have the plural inflection inside them, although a recent tendency is to put the plural on the right edge. (67)

spoonsful, bagsful (cf. spoonfuls, bagfuls)

Another candidate for W + in English is found in certain types of compound adjectives which realize comparative and superlative inflections on their first members.

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(68) a. widespread, more widespread, *wider-spread/*widest-spread easy-going, more easy-going, *easier-going b. well-known, better-known/best-known, *more well-known/*most well-known good-looking, better-looking/best-looking, *more/ *most good-looking well off, better off/best off, *more well off/ *most well off long-running, the longest-running musical comedy (Namiki 1985:144) kind-hearted, kinder-hearted (Namiki 1985:144) The examples in (63b), (66b), and (68b) have their internal structures accessible to the syntax, so that the plural and comparative/superlative inflections, which are generally held to take place in syntactic structure, sneak into the branching W + structure. Once W + is acknowledged as a legitimate, albeit marginal, morphological category, a systematic analysis can be offered to examples like (70) which have been slighted as simply idiosyncratic. (69)

unaccounted-for, uncared-for, uncalled-for, well-cared-for, unaccountable-for, liveable-with, put-up-able-with {OED)

These examples are idiosyncratic in that prepositions are attached after derivational suffixes, but the fact that the prepositions in them bear stress with unreduced vowels is a strong indication of the W + status. It is thus assumed that the Word + category opens up a new perspective to make order out of morphological constructs that have been regarded as disorderly or exceptional. Although our present focus has been on Japanese and English, it is likely, as an anonymous reviewer has suggested, that the same category has a universal applicability to phrase-like word units in Hebrew, Turkish, Polish, and other languages which have been problematic for the traditional theories that hold Word or X o as the maximal domain of morphology.

5. Conclusion Recently, Bisetto and Scalise (1999) have taken up Italian complex expressions which look like compound words but are analyzed as syntactic phrases because of the insertability of lexical material. From this they conclude that morphology and syntax can be distinguished as different components. The phrase-like expressions discussed in this paper pose a

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similar problem of the morphology-syntax boundary but lead us to a different conclusion from Bisetto and Scalise's. We have argued that different kinds of building blocks participate in forming various "sizes" of words in Japanese. In particular, the new morphological category of W + is proposed which is larger than Word but nonetheless belongs to the realm of morphology. It might appear that the formation of W + can be accommodated in the framework of level-ordered morphology by allocating it to the last level of derivation in the lexical component, just as Kiparsky (1982) proposed that the regular inflections take place at the last stratum in his lexical phonology theory. However, if the lexical and syntactic components are sharply separated from each other, with the bracket erasure convention wiping out all morphological structures before the syntax, the behavior of the referential prefix doo- observed in section 2 remains unaccounted for. Instead of level ordering, we postulate different types of morphological categories to capture the real nature of the phenomena. The repertoire of morphological and syntactic categories will now be hierarchically represented as follows. (70) syntactic

XP

structure

X' Word +

morphology

Word

structure

Stem

phrasal accent, reference by prefix doo-, plural and comparative/superlative inflections

lexical accent

Root Syntax generates the structures of XP and X' whereas morphology determines the structures of Root, Stem, Word, and Word + . Apart from the word formation in syntax (e.g. incorporation) and phonology (e.g. cliticization), this distinction in category types corresponds to the one between the syntactic and the lexical components. The "component problem", however, does not match the "atomicity problem" perfectly, because the internal composition of Word + , a morphological object, can be made visible for particular syntactic and phonological purposes. On the phonological side, the lexical accentuation in Japanese, applying inside Word, allows W + to have two or more lexical accents, thereby

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Taro Kageyama

giving W + a phrase-like appearance. On the syntactic side, the referential function of the prefix doo- serves to cancel the anaphoric islandhood, rendering the internal structure of W + available to the interpretation of anaphoric relations at the sentence level. By the same token, the plural and comparative/superlative inflections in English, which are normally attached to the right edge of Word, can be embodied inside W + , as in lookers-on and better-known. We have thus seen that the component problem (the lefthand side of the diagram in (70)) and the atomicity problem (the righthand side in (70)) are not strictly co-extensive but diverge at the border occupied by the category W + . In a way, W + is a Janus-faced category at the intersection of morphological and syntactic structures. It is a special category which might have originated from phrase structure but is now grammaticized as a morphological object. The reason we regard W + as special is that it manifests itself only when the designated prefixation or compounding is executed, and in unmarked cases the maximal projection in word structure should be deemed Word or X o as has been customarily assumed. For, if the Word category were automatically projected to Word"1", then all words would have to be pronounced with a phrasal accent. This makes a decided contrast to the category projections in syntax, where all phrases are assumed to project automatically to the maximal projection XP. We thus claim that the way of projection in word structure is different from the one in syntactic structure, contrary to Lieber (1992) and Ackema (1999), who maintain that identical principles apply to both structures. Though erratic at first glance, the existence of W + will not be so unnatural if we recall that the reverse case is also attested, namely syntactic incorporation. Since the unmarked locus of compounding is the lexicon, syntactic incorporation can be viewed as a process which is lexically originated but is established as a grammatical operation in syntax. Viewed from this perspective, the Word"1" category and syntactic incorporation could be looked upon as epiphenomena deriving from a more fundamental principle of modularity in grammar: The modules that comprise the grammar are basically independent, but are given leeway to have access to each other under certain conditions.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to the editors of this book for inviting me to contribute, and to two anonymous reviewers for suggestive comments on the draft.

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References Ackema, P. 1999 Allen, M. 1978 Baker, M. 1988 Bates, D. 1988

Issues in morphosyntax. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Morphological investigations. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut. Incorporation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Prominence relations and structure in English compound morphology. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington. Bisetto, A. and S. Scalise 1999 Compounding: morphology and/or syntax? In L. Mereu (ed.), Boundaries of morphology and syntax. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 31-48. Borer, H. 1998 Morphology and syntax. In A. Spencer and A.M. Zwicky (eds.), The handbook of morphology. Oxford: Blackwell. 151-90. Bresnan, J. and S. Mchombo 1995 The lexical integrity principle. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 13,181254. Di Sciullo, A.-M. and E. Williams 1987 On the definition of word. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Fudge, E. 1984 English word-stress. London: George Allen and Unwin. Halle, M. and A. Marantz 1993 Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In K. Hale and S.J. Keyser (eds.), The view from building 20. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 111-76. Inkelas, S. 1989 Prosodie constituency in the lexicon. Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University. Kageyama, T. 1982 Word formation in Japanese. Lingua 57, 215-58. 1989 The place of morphology in the grammar. In G. Booij and J. van Marie (eds.) Yearbook of Morphology 2. Dordrecht: Foris. 73-94. 1993 Bunpoo to gokeisei [Grammar and word formation], Tokyo: Hituzi Press. 1999 Word formation. In N. Tsujimura (ed.), The handbook of Japanese linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. 297-325. Kiparsky, P. 1982 Lexical morphology and phonology. In The Linguistic Society of Korea (ed.), Linguistics in the morning calm. Seoul: Hanshin Pub. Co. 3-92. Kubozono, H. 1995 Gokeisei to on'in-koozoo [Word formation and phonological structure]. Tokyo: Kurosio Publishers. Ladd, D. R. 1984 English compound stress. In D. Gibbon and H. Richter (eds.), Intonation, accent and rhythm. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 253-66. Lieber, R. 1980 On the organization of the lexicon. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. 1992 Deconstructing morphology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Miller, D. G. 1993 Complex verb formation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

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Namiki, T. 1985 Gokeisei [Word formation], Tokyo: Taishukan. Pesetsky, D. 1985 Morphology and logical form. Linguistic Inquiry 16,193-246. Poser, W. 1990 Word-internal phrase boundary in Japanese. In S. Inkelas and D. Zee (eds.), The phonology-syntax connection. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 27988. Postal, P. 1969 Anaphoric islands. CLS 5, 205-39. Rappaport Hovav, M. and B. Levin 1992 -er Nomináis: implications for a theory of argument structure. In T. Stowell and E. Wehrli, (eds.), Syntax and semantics 26: Syntax and the lexicon. New York: Academic Press. 127-53. Roeper, T. and M. Siegel 1978 A lexical transformation for verbal compounds. Linguistic Inquiry 9,199-260. Sag, I. and J. Hankamer 1984 Towards a theory of anaphoric processing. Linguistics and Philosophy 7, 32545. Selkirk, E. 1982 The syntax of words. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Shibatani, M. and T. Kageyama 1988 Word formation in a modular theory of grammar. Language 64, 451-84. Sproat, R. 1988 On anaphoric islandhood. In M. Hammond and M. Noonan (eds.), Theoretical morphology. San Diego: Academic Press. 291-301. Taylor, J. 1996 Possessives in English. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ward, G., R. Sproat and G. McKoon 1991 A pragmatic analysis of so-called anaphoric islands. Language 67, 439-72. Williams, E. 1997 Lexical and syntactic complex predicates. In A. Alsina et al. (eds.), Complex predicates. Stanford: CSLI Publications. 13-28.

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese* Takayasu Namiki Ibaraki University

Introduction The aim of this paper is to discuss further evidence in favor of the Righthand Head Rule (henceforth RHR) in Japanese and similar evidence in English. After reviewing the arguments for the RHR in English by Williams (1981), I adduce three additional types of evidence for the RHR in Japanese on the basis of Japanese compounds: (1) recursive compounds, (2) reversible compounds, and (3) the abundance of complex elements in the lefthand position in contrast to the scarcity of complex elements in the righthand position in Japanese compounds. Furthermore, I show similar evidence in English. I touch on questions such as whether there is a difference in expandability between the lefthand constituent and the righthand constituent of a compound in lefthand head compound languages as there is in righthand head compound languages. Finally, I suggest replacing the term "Righthand Head Rule" with the term "Final Head Rule", a more general term than the former.

1. Williams' (1981) arguments for the RHR In his well-known paper, Williams defines head as in (1) and proposes the Righthand Head Rule (2) on the basis of two arguments from English, which are given in (3) and (4).1 (1)

The Definition of Head If both X and the head of X are eligible members of category C, then X e C = head of XeC. (Williams 1981: 247)

(2)

The Righthand Head Rule In morphology, we define the head of a morphologically complex word to be the righthand member of that word. (Williams 1981:248)

278

(3)

Takayasu Namiki

"It is generally the case that a suffix determines the category of a word of which it is a part. Thus, for example, in English we have the following: X-ism Ν X-ize V X-ish A V-ist Ν X-fy -»> V V-ion ->· Ν V-er Ν A-ness Ν Prefixes do not in general determine the category of the words they attach to; rather, the category of a word of the form prefix X is determined by the category of X. Thus: counter+revolution N is a Ν counter+sink v is a V counter+productive A is a [sic] A" (Williams 1981: 248)

(4)

"A similar situation holds for most compounds - the righthand member determines the category of the whole: [[offjp [white]A ]A [[dry]A [dock]N ]N [[bar]N [tend] v ]V" (Williams 1981: 249)

Although there have been many books and articles dealing with the R H R or the notion "head of a word" (Lieber 1980, 1992, Kageyama 1982, Namiki 1982, 1985, 1994, Selkirk 1982, Zwicky 1985, 1993, Trommelen and Zonneveld 1986, Di Sciullo and Williams 1987, Scalise 1988, 1992, and Nishihara et al. this volume), I will not summarize them here. I will simply assume that we can conclude that the RHR generally holds in English on the basis of Williams' arguments alone. I will also assume that we can conclude that the RHR generally applies to Japanese on the basis of arguments in Kageyama (1982) and Namiki (1982), which are similar to Williams'. In the following sections, I present three more types of evidence from Japanese compounds that the RHR holds in Japanese.

2. Recursive compounds in Japanese In languages where compounding is productive, compound nouns are by far the most numerous. Compound nouns can also be coined freely. Furthermore, compound nouns have the unique property that they are recur-

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

279

sively formed; in other words, there is no principled limit to the number of constituents compounds may have, due to the fact that a compound noun freely becomes the base of another compound noun. Following are some examples of "recursive compounds" in Japanese (heads in capitals). (5)

a. kokkai -taisaku

-IINCHOU

'Diet' 'measures' 'CHAIRPERSON' = 'chairperson for negotiation in the Diet' b. yatou

-yontou

-kokkai -taisaku

'opposition party' 'four parties'

'Diet'

-iinchou -KAIGI

'measures' 'chair'

'MEETING'

(Namiki 1985: 81) = 'a meeting of the chairs of four opposition parties for negotiation in the Diet' c. chuukounen

-roudou -idou

'aged and middle-aged' 'labor'

-shien

-tokubetsu

'movement' 'support' 'special'

-JOSEIKIN 'GRANT-IN-AID' = 'a special grant-in-aid for supporting aged and middle-aged people who have changed their jobs' (The Asahi, morning edition, 6/10/99 (Thu), p. 4) d. chihou -koumuin

-seido

-chousa

-kenkyu

-kai

-HOUKOKU

'local' 'civil servant' 'system' 'investigation' 'research' 'meeting' 'REPORT' = 'a report of the meeting for the investigation of local civil servant system' (The Asahi, morning edition, 6/10/99 (Thu), p. 1) e. minami -kantou -chiiki -shinsai

-oukyuu

-taisaku

-katsudou

'south' 'Kantou' 'area' 'natural disaster' 'emergency' 'measures' 'action' -YOURYOU 'MANUAL' = 'a manual for emergency measures for natural disasters in the South Kantou area' (Jouhou Chishiki Imidas, 1990, Shuueisha Publishing Co., p. 878) f. Mitoshi

-Mataguma -chiku -sangyou

-haikibutsu -saishu -shobunjou

'Mito City' 'Mataguma' 'area' 'industrial' 'waste' -kensetsu

-hantai

'final' 'disposal factory'

-UNDOU

'construction' 'opposition' 'MOVEMENT' = 'a movement against the construction of a final disposal factory of industrial waste at Mataguma in Mito City' (Pamphlet of Annual Meeting in 1996, Union of Faculty and Staff, Ibaraki University, p. 21)

These are all examples of so-called "Sino-Japanese compounds" which are particularly productive in Japanese. In all of the above compounds the head of the compound occurs in the rightmost position, regardless of the internal structure of the compound.2 By the head of a compound I mean the constituent of a compound which [1] determines the lexical category

280

Takayasu

Namiki

of the whole compound (cf. (1) above), and [2] has a "kind of" or "IS A" relation between the whole compound and itself (cf. Namiki 1994). However, since every constituent of the recursive compounds in (5) is a noun, it should be noted that the first criterion for defining the head of a compound (i.e. the determination of the lexical category of the whole compound) is vacuously satisfied, and that the second criterion is necessary in deciding which noun is the head in the compounds in (5).

3. Reversible compounds in Japanese There are many examples of "reversible compounds" (Scalise 1992:179) in Japanese. These are compounds where both the form XY and the form YX exist. In most cases they refer to different entities (English examples: housedog and doghouse). In either order, the righthand constituent is the head of the compound (written in capitals below). Consider the following (cf. Namiki 1994: 50)):3 (6)

a. hachi-MITSU 'bee' 'SYRUP' = 'honey' b. tsutsumi-GAMI

mitsu-BACHI 'syrup' 'BEE' = '(honey) bee' kami-ZUTSUMI

'wrapping' 'PAPER' = 'wrapping paper' 'paper' 'WRAPPING' = 'something wrapped in paper' c. mizu-DEPPOU 'water' 'GUN' = 'water pistol' d. taru-ZAKE 'cask' 'SAKE' = 'sake in a cask' e. doku-GUMO 'poison' 'SPIDER' = 'poisonous spider' f. w a i n - G U R A S U 'wine' 'GLASS' = 'wine glass'

teppou-MIZU 'gun' 'WATER' = 'flash flood' saka-DARU 'sake' 'CASK' = 'cask for sake' kumo-DOKU 'spider' 'POISON' = 'spider poison' gurasu-WAIN 'glass' 'WINE' = 'a glass of wine esp. served in a restaurant'

g. e i s e i - H O U S O U

housou-EISEI

'satellite B R O A D C A S T I N G '

'broadcasting' 'SATELLITE'

= 'satellite broadcasting'

= 'broadcast satellite'

h. shokuhin-KAKOU

kakou-SHOKUHIN

'food' 'PROCESSING'

'processing' 'FOOD'

= 'food processing'

= 'processed food'

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

i.

j.

basu-TSUUGAKU

tsuugaku-BASU

'bus' 'GOING TO SCHOOL'

'going to school' 'BUS'

= 'going to school by bus'

= 'bus for going to school'

kyouiku-KANKYOU

kankyou-KYOUIKU

'education' 'ENVIRONMENT'

'environment' 'EDUCATION'

= 'educational environments'

= 'environmental education'

281

These are typical examples of reversible compounds in Japanese, and many more such pairs can be found easily. In each pair of compounds in (6), the XY and YX forms have different referents. For example, a referent of "wain-GURASU (XY)" is a kind of "gurasu (Y)" ('glass') and a referent of "gurasu-WAIN (YX)" is a kind of "wain (X)" ('wine') in (6f). Furthermore, the difference in referents can be shown by consideration of the classifiers which each member of these pairs takes. For example, since mitsu-bachi refers to a kind of insect, the classifier -hiki can be used with it, and so ni-hiki no mitsu-bachi ('two bees') is a well-formed phrase. On the other hand, since hachi-mitsu is a kind of sweet liquid, the classifier bin ('bottle') can be used with it, and so hito-bin no hachi-mitsu ('a bottle of honey') is a well-formed phrase in Japanese (cf. Namiki 1992:67). Likewise, the classifier -mai (as in san-mai no tsutsumi-gami 'three sheets of wrapping paper') can be used with tsutsumi-gami, while the classifier -ko (as in san-ko no kami-zutsumi 'three things each of which is wrapped in paper') can be used with kami-zutsumi. Indeed there are a few pairs where the XY form and the YX form denote the same entity (for example, wa-gomu and gomu-wa (both meaning 'rubber band'), keshi-gomu and gomu-keshi (both meaning 'eraser'), and karee-raisu and raisu-karee (both meaning 'curry and rice')), but these are clearly exceptional and easy to list. In my opinion it is a significant property of compound nouns that their constituents (when there are two) can be reversed in many cases. Compounds are, by definition, formed with two or more independent words, and independent words generally do not have a restriction on their order in compounds (such that some words can be used in the lefthand or initial position only, or that some words can be used in the righthand or final position only). This property is clearly different from that of prefixes and suffixes. I suspect that a large number of reversible compounds can be seen only in languages which have righthand head compounds, though it may be the case that a handful of reversible compounds can be seen in languages which have lefthand head compounds.

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Namiki

4. The abundance of complex elements in the lefthand constituent of compounds In syntax we usually make a distinction between a modifier and a head and one between a head and a complement. Such distinctions are also made in morphology. In syntax it is usually a modifier and a complement rather than a head that are made more expanded by coordination and/or modification. Let us turn to the question of whether such a difference in expandability exists between a modifier/complement and a head in Japanese morphology. On the basis of the arguments made in sections 2,3, and 4, we can safely conclude that Japanese compounds have their heads in the righthand position. Since the head position in Japanese is in the righthand side both in a modifier-head relation and in a complement-head relation in morphology as well as in syntax, it is predicted that there is a similar difference in expandability between a modifier/complement and a head in Japanese morphology. In what follows, I discuss various types of compounds where complex elements occur as a lefthand constituent, and show that this prediction is borne out.

4.1. Compounds as lefthand constituents and simple words as righthand constituents There are a number of examples of Japanese compounds in which the lefthand constituent is a compound. Some of them are given below (brackets are mine, unless otherwise stated): (7)

a. [[Porutogaru -chuubu] [tokuyuu]] no 'Portugal'

areta

kouchi

'midland' 'particular' G E N (= genitive) 'barren' 'plateau'

= 'a barren plateau particular to Midland Portugal' (Namiki 1993:16) b. [[sumiyaki

-gama] [dokutoku]] no

'charcoal making' 'kiln'

nioi

'particular' G E N 'scent'

= 'the scent particular to a charcoal kiln' (Namiki 1993:16) c. [[chiteki

-koukishin] [ousei]] na dokusha

'intellectual curiosity'

'full o f

'readers'

= 'readers full of intellectual curiosity' (Namiki 1993:16) d. [[kiso-kenkyuu] [hitosuji]] de

ikitekita

Nakahara w a , . . .

'basic research' 'be devoted only to' 'having lived' 'Nakahara' TOP (= topic)

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

283

= 'Nakahara, who has devoted himself only to basic research,'(Kunio Yanagida, 1981, Gan-kairou no Ashita (Gekan), Koudansha Publishing Co., p. 246) e. [[sanuki-fujin]

[ichiryuu]] no kokoronimo nai

kenson

no

poozu

'Sanuki' 'woman' 'specific' GEN 'in her mind' 'absent' 'modesty' GEN 'pose' ='just a pose of modesty which was specific to women in Sanuki.' (Namiki 1993:16)

All the righthand constituents in the compounds in (7) are "adjectival nouns" ("keiyou-meishi" in Kageyama (1993:23)), which have traditionally been called "keiyou-doushi" ("adjectival verbs") in Japanese grammar. There is, however, a distinction between these adjectival nouns. The first type is those to which ni or ga (so-called "joshi" (particles)) can be pre-attached optionally, and the second type is those to which no particles can be pre-attached. Observe the following contrast: (8) a. Porutogaru-chuubu ni tokuyuu 'particular to Midland Portugal' (a phrase and not a compound) b. sumiyaki-gama ni dokutoku 'particular to a charcoal kiln' (a phrase and not a compound) c. chiteki-koukishin ga ousei 'full of intellectual curiosity' (a phrase/clause and not a compound) (9) a. *kiso-kenkyuu ni/ga hitosuji b. *Sanuki-fujin ni/ga ichiryuu Furthermore, the hitosuji type of adjectival nouns in (9) are particularly interesting in that the meanings (or submeanings) of these adjectival nouns used in compounds in (7d) and (7e) are different from those of the same adjectival nouns used independently: hitosuji in (7d) means "be devoted only to ..." and ichiryuu in (7e) means "specific to ...", while hitosuji used independently means "one (straight) line" and ichiryuu used independently means "first class or first rate". In other words, hitosuji and ichiryuu have special submeanings only when they are used as the righthand constituents of compounds. These special submeanings can be called "compound-specific submeanings." It should be stressed that hitosuji and ichiryuu are marked cases and the majority of adjectival nouns (such as tokuyuu, dokutoku, ousei, batsugun, souou) are unmarked cases, that is, the former do not allow ni or ga to pre-attach to themselves and they have the compound-specific submeanings, while the latter allow ni or ga to do so and they have the same meanings that they have in noncompounds.

284

Takayasu

Namiki

4.2. Conjuncts as lefthand constituents and simple words as righthand constituents There are examples of Japanese compounds where coordination occurs in the lefthand constituent. Consider the following: ( 1 0 ) a. [[okkusufoodo to 'Oxford'

kenburijji]

tokuyuuno] "saijo"

taipu

'and' 'Cambridge' 'particular' 'talented women' 'type'

= 'a type of talented women particular to Oxford and Cambridge Universities' (Akane Kawakami, 1995, Watashi no Okkusufoodo,

Shoubunsha Publishing Co.,

p. 182) b. [[koukishin to 'curiosity'

makenki]

ousei] datta kanojo

'and' 'competitive spirit' 'full of' 'was' 'she'

= 'she who was full of curiosity and a competitive spirit' (The Asahi, evening edition, 10/3/95 (Tue), p. 15) c. [[ehon

to

jidousho]

hitosuji] de

yatte kiteita kara,

'picture book' 'and' 'books for children' 'be devoted only to' 'have done' 'because' = 'because I was devoted only to picture books and books for children' (Kunio Yanagida and Hideko Ise, 1998, "Hajimari no Kioku," Hon, Koudansha, Vol. 23, No. 5, p. 5) d. [[shufu

to

hanayome-shugyou

no ojousan] aite] no

'housekeeper' 'and' 'training for marriage' 'young women'

ryouri-gakkou

'for' 'cooking school'

= 'a cooking school for housekeepers and young women training for marriage' (The Asahi, morning edition, 4/12/92 (Sun), p. 12) e. shikashi genjitsuwa [[juku ya yobikou] 'but'

'in reality'

gayoi] de ...

'cram school' 'and' 'prep school' 'going to' 'because of'

= 'but, in reality, because of going to a cram school and/or a prep school,...' f. [karaoke to

geemu] taikai (Kageyama 1993: 327)

'karaoke' 'and' 'game'

'competition'

= 'karaoke and game competitions' g. [shokuji to 'meal'

miyage] tsuki (Kageyama 1993: 327)

'and' 'present' 'with'

= 'with a meal and a present' h. [[yuumoa to 'humor'

sesou

-bunseki] afureru]

koramu-kiji

'and' 'social conditions' 'analysis' 'be full of' 'column' 'article'

= 'a column which is full of humor and good at analyzing social conditions' (The Asahi, evening edition, 11/28/92 (Sat.), p. 7)

In (10), the righthand constituents of the compounds in question are all words: adjectival nouns in (10a), (10b), and (10c); nouns in (lOd), (10e),

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand

Head Rule in Japanese

285

(lOf), and (10g); a verb in (10h). Other lexical categories have not been found in my data. On the other hand, the lefthand constituents in the compounds under consideration vary: in (10a), (10b), (lOf), and (10g), two nouns are coordinated; in (10c), (10e), and (10h), a noun and a compound noun are coordinated; in (lOd) a noun and a noun phrase are coordinated. Notice that hitosuji, whose characteristic was emphasized in and around (9a), is used again in (10c), where coordinated nouns are used as its lefthand constituent. In all the examples in (10), it seems impossible to assume that some omission or deletion process is involved in forming the compounds at issue (the bracketed parts), since such an assumption would lead to the claim that, for example, *yuumoa afureru to sesou-bunseki afureru koramu-kiji (cf. (10h)), and %shufu aite to hanayome-shugyou no ojousan aite no ryouri-gakkou (cf. (lOd)) are synonymous well-formed expressions. But the former expression, in fact, is ill-formed. The latter is non-synonymous with (lOd), because the latter expression, though well-formed, means that there are two cooking schools, one for housekeepers and the other for young women, but (lOd) means that there is one school for both housekeepers and young women.

4.3. Noun phrases as lefthand constituents and simple words as righthand constituents In the next examples, noun phrases occur as the lefthand constituent of a compound. Let us observe the following: ( 1 1 ) a. [[konpa no 'party'

soshikiryoku] N P

[batsugun]]

no

Y-san

G E N 'organizing ability' 'distinguished' G E N 'Mr. Y'

= 'Mr. Y, who is distinguished in the ability to organize a party' (Eiichi Chino, 1993, Sekai Kotoba no Tabi, p. 12) b. [[[jibun ga 'he'

motte umareta] s sainou] N P [souou]] no

N O M (= nominative) 'innately gifted' 'talent'

shigoto

'suitable' G E N 'job'

= 'the job which is suitable to the talent with which he was innately gifted' (Hiroyuki Agawa, 1993, "Shiga Naoya, No. 69" Tosho, No. 527, p. 51.) c. [[[kotosarani jibun 'especially' no

no

bibou

o

ishiki shiteiru] s josei] N P

'her own' G E N 'beauty' OBJ 'conscious'

tsumetasa

G E N 'coldness'

[tokuyuu]]

'woman' 'particular'

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Takayasu Namiki

= 'the coldness particular to women who are especially conscious of their own beauty' (Namiki 1993:16) d. [huruhonya

no

nyoubou] NP goroshi (Kageyama 1993: 327)

'secondhand book seller' GEN 'wife'

'killing'

= 'the killing of the wife of a secondhand book seller' e. [[anokoro

no

chuuryuu

-katei] NP [sodachi]]

no

hitotsu no pataan

'those days' GEN 'middle-class' 'family' 'being raised' GEN 'one'

'pattern'

= 'one type which was typical of the people who were raised in middle-class families those days' (Teruhiko Kuze, 1996, Furemo Sede, Koudansha, p. 20) f. [[rajio no

buhin] NP zukuri]

'radio' GEN 'parts'

ya...

'making' 'and'

= 'the making of radio parts and ...' (Souji Shimada, 1986, Kakei Toshi, Koudansha, p. 257)

The righthand constituents of the compounds above are adjectival nouns (batsugun in (11a), souou in ( l i b ) , and tokuyuu in (11c)) and a noun {goroshi in ( l i d ) , sodachi in ( l i e ) , and zukuri in ( l l f ) ) . We can clearly see from (8) to (12) that adjectival nouns are particularly productive in forming compounds whose lefthand constituents are complex. For details of such adjectival nouns, see Namiki (1993). It should be clear from the preceding arguments that lefthand constituents of compounds are easily expandable. By "expandable" I mean here that constituents can contain compounds, coordination, phrases, or clauses. How about the righthand constituents then? This is the topic dealt with in the next section.

5. The scarcity of complex elements in the righthand constituents of compounds Kageyama (1993) states that phrases are generally excluded in words and he furthermore maintains that ... the principle of the exclusion of phrases in words is occasionally loosened with respect to modifiers, but it is strictly observed with respect to heads, (my translation - TN) (Kageyama 1993: 215) showing the following contrast:

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

( 1 2 ) a. [[sunakku no

mama]

287

goroshi] (Kageyama 1993: 215)

'snack bar' GEN 'proprietress' 'killing' = 'the killing of the proprietress of a snack bar' b. *[hito

[dasuke to

tsukiai]] (Kageyama 1993: 215)

'others' 'helping' 'and' 'acquaintance' c. *[abura [azayakana e]] (cf. [abura e]) (Kageyama 1993: 328) 'oil'

'vivid painting'

'oil' 'painting'

He also gives other examples similar to (12b), as shown below. ( 1 3 ) a. »[[karaoke] [taikai to 'karaoke'

kontesuto]] (Kageyama 1993: 328)

'party' 'and' 'contest'

b. *[[kokuritsu-daigaku] [kyouju 'national university' c. *[[gaikokujin] [koushi 'foreigner'

to

jokyouju]] (Kageyama 1993: 339)

'professor' 'and' 'associate professor' to

kyoushi]] (Kageyama 1993: 339)

'lecturer' 'and' 'teacher'

Judging from his examples in (12b) and (13), it seems that the Japanese coordinating conjunction to ('and') cannot coordinate two words in a righthand constituent of a compound. But he points out that other coordinating conjunctions oyobi ('and' (formal)) and naishi ('or' (formal)) can do so, on the basis of the following examples (Kageyama 1993: 339): ( 1 4 ) a. [[kokuritsu-daigaku] [kyouju

oyobi jokyouju]]

'national university' 'professor' 'and' 'associate professor' b. [[gaikokujin] [koushi 'foreigner'

naishi kyoushi]]

'lecturer' 'or'

'teacher'

Oyobi and naishi are formal counterparts of to ('and') and matawa ('or'), respectively. Two more examples show that coordinating conjunctions other than to can coordinate two words in the righthand constituent of a compound. Consider the following: ( 1 5 ) a. hinshu-kairyou

dewa nai

'species improvement' 'be'

ga,

[[tane-nashi] [suika

'not' 'but' 'seedless'

ya

'watermelon' 'and'

budou]] no youni 'grape'

'like'

= 'it is not the improvement of species, but like seedless watermelons and grapes ...' (Akihiko Okabe, 1996, "Kagaku no Kisetsuhuu," Gakutou, Vol. 93, No. 7, p. 65)

288

Takayasu

Namiki

b. bengoshi o

yousuru [[wagakuni] [saidai de

'lawyers' OBJ 'include' 'Japan'

yuiitsu]] no zenkoku

'largest' 'and' 'only one'

'nation-wide'

-soshiki 'organization' = 'it was the only nation-wide organization consisting of lawyers, which was also the largest in scale ...' (Hiroyuki Nakajima, 1994,

Kensatsu-sousa,

Koudansha Publishing Co., p. 44)

The coordinating conjunction ya ('and' with a non-exhaustive meaning) implies that there may be more things involved than those conjuncts explicitly mentioned, and de ('and') coordinates adjectival nouns. Kageyama (1993: 261) states that it is difficult for to ('and') to coordinate two words in the lefthand constituent and those in the righthand constituent of compounds. See also Kageyama (this volume). It is true that to generally fails to coordinate two words in the righthand constituent of compounds, as shown in (12b) and (13). But I have found an instance where to does coordinate two words in the righthand constituent. Observe the following: (16)

[[kakuseizai]

[shiyou to

'stimulant drug' 'use'

shoji]]

de

juuikkagetsukan keimusho

'and' 'possession' 'because o f 'for 11 months'

'prison'

ni ita. 'in' 'was' = '(He) was in prison for 11 months because he had possessed and used stimulant drugs.' (The Asahi, morning edition, 5/30/96 (Thu), p. 34)

We have just seen a few examples where conjunctions coordinate two words in the righthand constituent of compounds, but it should be stressed that they are clearly exceptional. Furthermore, it is possible to assume that some omission or deletion process is involved in forming such exceptional examples: for example, kokuritsu-daigaku kyouju oyobi kokuritsu-daigaku jokyouju (cf. (14a)), tanenashi suika ya tanenashi budou (cf. (15a)), and kakuseizai shiyou to kakuseizai shoji (cf. (16)). I do not think, however, that it is difficult for to to coordinate two words in the lefthand constituent of a compound, because I already gave some such examples in (10). In particular, adjectival nouns seem to accept such examples fairly easily (see (10a-d)). Judging from the discussions so far, it can be concluded that a lefthand constituent in Japanese compounds is easily expandable, while a righthand constituent is limited in expandability. In other words, the lefthand constituent can contain compounds, coordination, phrases, and clauses under certain conditions, but the righthand

Further Evidence

in Support of the Righthand

Head Rule in Japanese

289

constituent can contain only some of these. Specifically, the righthand constituent of a compound can be a compound, since it is still a word, though it is complex in the sense that it is formed out of two or more words. As to the coordination of the righthand constituents, it is a gray area in that the coordination of the righthand constituents is basically not allowed, as Kageyama (1993) points out, although a handful of such examples have been found. It should be stressed, however, that examples have not been found where a phrase or a clause occurs in the righthand constituent. I would like to introduce a new symbol here in order to express the difference in expandability between the lefthand constituent and the righthand constituent of compounds in Japanese. The symbol in question is "X

". By X

I mean that a lexical category of a word can be expanded to a category which constitutes a phrase or a clause under certain conditions. If we use this symbol, we can generally express the internal structure of Japanese compounds, as follows: (17)

the internal structure of Japanese compounds: [X

Y]4

From this it follows that in Japanese, the righthand constituent is the head of a compound, since the lefthand constituent is expandable into a phrase or a clause under certain conditions and so cannot be a head of a compound word by definition, but the righthand constituent has to be a word. Therefore, I maintain that the prediction made in section 4—that there is a difference in expandability between a modifier/complement (i.e. the lefthand constituent of compounds) and a head (i.e. the righthand constituent of compounds) in Japanese morphology—has been borne out by the arguments made in sections 4 and 5. To summarize, I have argued that there are three more pieces of evidence in support of the RHR in Japanese on the basis of various compounds, apart from those given in Williams (1981): (1) recursive compounds, (2) reversible compounds, and (3) the abundance of complex elements in the lefthand constituent in contrast to the scarcity of complex elements in the righthand constituent of Japanese compounds. I also have argued that there exists a difference in expandability between a lefthand constituent and a righthand constituent of Japanese compounds, and that this difference can be attributed to the internal structure of such compounds in (17).

290

Takayasu Namiki

6. The existence of similar evidence for the RHR in English In this section I briefly deal with evidence for the RHR in English similar to that for the RHR in Japanese given so far.

6.1. Recursive compounds in English Some examples of recursive compounds in English are given below: ( 1 8 ) a. parcel post customs DECLARATION (Namiki 1985: 81) b. Massachusetts Water Resources Research CENTER (Namiki 1985: 81) c. farm produce delivery truck repair SHOP (Allen 1978:188) d. student film society committee scandal INQUIRY (Spencer 1991: 41) e. bathroom towel rack designer TRAINING (Selkirk 1982:15) f. bathroom towel rack designer training program COMMITTEE (Namiki 1991:524)

In every case the head of the compound occurs in the rightmost position. These recursive compounds constitute one type of evidence for the RHR in English, as in Japanese.

6.2. Reversible compounds in English There are many examples of reversible compounds in English such as the following: (19) a. house D O G b. sugar MAPLE c. piano PLAYER d. association FOOTBALL e. horse RACE f. grammar SCHOOL g. oil LAMP h. lunch BOX

dog HOUSE (Namiki 1993:19) maple SUGAR (Namiki 1993:18) player PIANO (Namiki 1993:19) football ASSOCIATION race HORSE school GRAMMAR lamp OIL box LUNCH

It is semantically clear that in each pair the righthand constituent is the head of compounds. The difference in referents in each pair can also be seen, for example, in the fact that sugar maple is a countable noun, as maple is, and maple sugar is an uncountable noun, as sugar is. This is similar to the differ-

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand

Head Rule in Japanese

291

enee in classifier selection by Japanese reversible compounds (e.g. hito-bin no hachimitsu and ni-hiki no mitsu-bachi) discussed in section 3.

6.3. The abundance of complex elements in the lefthand constituent of compounds in English There are many examples where complex elements appear in the lefthand constituent of English compounds. They are divided into a few subtypes, as in section 4. 6.3.1. Compounds in the lefthand constituent of compounds Let us consider the following: (20) a. dishwasher-proof (Namiki 1985: 80) b. ginger ale bottle green (Selkirk 1982: 48) c. motor car accident prone (Selkirk 1982: 48) These compound adjectives have compound nouns as lefthand constituents. 6.3.2. Coordination in the lefthand constituent of compounds Examples are given where coordination of words occurs in the lefthand constituent of English compounds. Observe the following: (21) a. the fire- and water-proof building b.... in customs and immigration lines (Paul Gilbert, Jr. and Itsuo Shirono, 1993, American Life in Focus, Yumi Press, p. 26) c. Within the sentence we can indicate clause and phrase boundaries by commas (,),... (Geoffrey Leech and Jan Svartvik, 1994, A Communicative Grammar of English, 2nd ed., p. 18.) d. How can you become a blood or organ donor? (Jeri Lyn Rieken and Gail House, 1986, Succeeding on Your Own, HBJ, p. 361) e. the Charles and Di syndrome (Lieber 1992:11) f. a pipe and slipper husband (Lieber 1992:11) These examples seem to be superficially the same in structure, but two types should be distinguished. The first type is related to omission or deletion of the repeated words, and the second type is not. Let us look at the following contrast:

292

Takayasu

Namiki

(22) a. the üre-proof and water-proof building (synonymous with (21a)) b. ... in customs lines and immigration lines (synonymous with (21b)) c. ... clause boundaries and phrase boundaries (synonymous with (21c)) d.... a blood donor or organ donor (synonymous with (21d)) e. *the Charles syndrome and Di syndrome f. *a pipe husband and slipper husband Lieber (1992: 11) calls examples like those in (21e, f) "phrasal compounds." 6.3.3. Phrases and clauses in the lefthand constituent of

compounds

There are relatively many instances where phrases occur in the lefthand constituent of English compounds. Consider the following: (23) a. a ground-to-air missile (Fabb 1984:136) b. two-pack-a-day smoker (Morita 1985: 49) c. ready-for-departure signs (Namiki 1985:155) d. an under-the-stars concert (Shimamura 1986: 24) e. over the fence gossip (Lieber 1992:11) f. the adjuncts-as-heads analysis (Fujihara 1995:175) There are not so many examples where clauses occur in the lefthand constituent. Some of them are given below: (24) a. a don't-tell-me-what-to-do look (Bauer 1983: 164) b. a who's the boss wink (Lieber 1992:11) c. the get-married-by-25-no-matter-what compulsion (Fujihara 1995:180) It should be clear that the lefthand constituents of compounds are as easily expanded in English as in Japanese. Next, I examine whether the same happens with respect to the righthand constituent of compounds.

6.4. The scarcity of complex elements in the righthand constituents of compounds in English I do not know of any explicit statement about the scarcity of complex elements in the righthand constituents of compounds in English. But, to my knowledge, it seems harder to find the compounds whose righthand con-

Further Evidence

in Support of the Righthand

Head Rule in Japanese

293

stituents are expanded. I have found only one such example. 5 Consider the following: (25)

... psycholinguistics, which studies the psychological processes underlying [[speech] [production and comprehension]]. (Andrew Radford, 1997, Syntax: A Minimalist Introduction, Cambridge University Press, p. 2)

Concerning this example it is appropriate to assume that some deletion process is involved in forming this compound: (26)

... underlying speech production and speech comprehension

Probably such examples are limited to superficial coordination of the righthand constituents of compounds after the deletion of the repeated words, as in the Japanese compounds discussed in section 5. It seems reasonable to conclude that there is a difference in expandability between a modifier/complement and a head in English morphology as well as in Japanese morphology. In conclusion, it has been shown that there are various types of evidence in support of the RHR in the morphology of Japanese and English. In other words, Japanese and English are typical languages with righthand head compounds.

7. Residual problems There are many languages in the world which have been claimed to have righthand head compounds. They include not only Japanese and English but also Korean, Dutch, German, etc. Of course, there are languages which have been claimed to have lefthand head compounds, such as modern Italian (Scalise 1988, 1992), Vietnamese (Lieber 1980), and Indonesian (Subandi 1998). But I suspect that there are differences between the former type of language and the latter type of language, that is, differences in the kinds of evidence in support of the righthand head compounds and evidence in support of the lefthand head compounds. Specifically, I would like to raise questions such as whether there are as many recursive compounds in the latter type of language as in the former type of language,6 whether there are as many reversible compounds in the latter as in the former, and whether there is a difference in expandability between

294

Takayasu

Namiki

the lefthand constituent and the righthand constituent, though in a mirror-image direction, in the latter type of language. Further research is necessary to show whether there are such differences and, if there are, to clarify why there are. Finally, I would like to touch on the term "Righthand Head Rule." In my opinion, this term seems inappropriate, since it presupposes that letters in words and sentences are generally written from left to right in natural languages. In some languages, however, letters are written from right to left, and in others, letters are written from top to bottom. 7 A more appropriate term would be "Final Head Rule", since this does not depend on the direction of writing systems, and so is a more general term than "Righthand Head Rule." The "Final Head Rule" will get support if we can find languages where letters are written from right to left and the head of a compound occurs on the lefthand side. For the head of a compound in such languages is a final constituent, though on the lefthand side, and it can be covered by the Final Head Rule, but not by the Righthand Head Rule. This new term is more consistent with the parametric view of compound heads: head-initial or head-final. 8

Notes * I wish to express my gratitude to the editors of this book, Jeroen van de Weijer and Tetsuo Nishihara, for offering me a chance to contribute this paper to the present volume. I would like to thank Edward Quackenbush, Brent de Chene, Jeroen van de Weijer, Noriaki Yusa, and two anonymous reviewers for giving me valuable comments and suggestions on my earlier drafts, and Edward Quackenbush and Brent de Chene for improving my drafts stylistically. I am also grateful to my students at Ibaraki University and Ibaraki Christian College for collecting part of my data on compounds in Japanese and English. Any remaining errors and inadequacies are my own. 1. This definition in (1) means that if both X and the head of X are eligible members of category C, then X's membership of C is equivalent to the head of X's membership of C. Williams himself notes that there are exceptions to the R H R : a prefix en- and exocentric compounds such as push up and run down (Williams 1981: 249-250). Namiki states that there are at most seven prefixes in English which are category-determining and so constitute exceptions to the R H R : a- (as in afire and aloud), be- (as in behead and belittle), de- (as in defrost and demilitarize), dis- (as in disbar and disable), en- (as in encage and enrich), out- (as in outdistance and outsmart), and un- (as in unleash) (Namiki 1982: 2728, and Namiki 1985: 21-22). 2. Kubozono (1995: 104-105) states that right-branching compounds are prosodically marked and left-branching compounds are prosodically unmarked in Japanese and English. H e also maintains that the number of left-branching compounds (as in a. and b. below) is much larger than that of right-branching compounds (as in a', and b'. below) in Japanese and English.

Further Evidence in Support of the Righthand Head Rule in Japanese

295

a. [[seiji seido] kaikaku] 'politics' 'system' 'innovation' = 'innovation of a political system' a', [[kouhaku [uta gassen]] 'red and white' 'song' 'battle' = 'song competition between men and women' b. [[computer class] instructor] b'. [evening [computer class]]

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

In all the examples above, the head of compounds appears as the rightmost constituent. Kubozono (1999: 140), furthermore, claims that the phonological markedness of rightbranching structure is observed in languages such as Chinese and Italian. See also Akasaka and Tateishi (this volume). Italicized initial consonants in the righthand constituents of these reversible compounds indicate that so-called "rendaku" (sequential voicing) has occurred in the initial consonants at issue. For details of rendaku, see Otsu (1980) and Akasaka and Tateishi (this volume), among others. Saka- in (5d) is the variant form of sake which is specific to the lefthand constituent of compounds in Japanese (cf. saka-gura and saka-mushi). An anonymous reviewer has suggested to me a similar structure ([XP] Y), attributing the difference in expandability to the difference in categorial status between the lefthand constituent and the righthand constituent, and bringing Cinque (1993) to my attention. Ed Quackenbush has given me some more examples like (27): automobile design and manufacture, lawmakers and breakers, and missile launching and recovery. The deletion of the repeated words has applied to these examples, too. Scalise (1992) denies the existence of recursive compounds in modern Italian, stating "In general Italian compounds are not recursive ... Compounds such as ... capostazione cannot serve as constituents of other compounds." (Scalise 1992:196) In older Japanese, letters of words and sentences were written from top to bottom, and even in contemporary Japanese, letters are still printed from top to bottom in newspapers and novels. An anonymous reviewer has pointed out to me that the Righthand Head Rule is not a rule but a parametric value (are compound heads on the right or the left?).

References Akasaka, Yukiko and Koichi Tateishi this volume "Heaviness in Interfaces," this volume. Allen, Margaret 1978 Morphological Investigations, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Connecticut. Bauer, Laurie 1983 English Word-Formation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Cinque, Guglielmo 1993 "A Null Theory of Phrase and Compound Stress," Linguistic Inquiry, 24,239297. Di Sciullo, Anna-Maria and Edwin Williams 1987 On the Definition of Word, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Fabb, Nigel 1984 Syntactic Affixation, Doctoral Dissertation, MIT.

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Fujihara, Chiaki 1995 "Eigo ni okeru 'Hyphenated Phrasal Word' ni tsuite [On 'Hyphenated Phrasal Word' in English]," Echuudo, 25,169-202. Fukazawa, Haruka and Mafuyu Kitahara this volume "Domain-relative Faithfulness and the OCP: Rendaku Revisited," this volume. Kageyama, Taro 1982 "Word Formation in Japanese," Lingua, 57, 215-258. 1993 Bunpou to Gokeisei [Grammar and Word Formation], Hituji Shobou, Tokyo. this volume "Word Plus: The Intersection of Words and Phrases," this volume. Kubozono, Haruo 1995 Gokeisei to On'inkouzou [Word Formation and Phonological Structures], Kurosio Shuppan, Tokyo. 1999 Nihongo no Onsei [Speech Sounds of Japanese], Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo. Lieber, Rochelle 1980 On the Organization of the Lexicon, Doctoral Dissertation, MIT. 1992 Deconstructing Morphology, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Morita, Junya 1985 "X-bar Morphology and Synthetic Compounds in English," English Linguistics, 2,42-59. Namiki, Takayasu 1982 "The Notion 'Head of a Word' and Core and Periphery Word Formation: Interactions between Affixation and Subcategorization," Studies in English Linguistics, 10, 21-41. 1985 Gokeisei [Word Formation (in English)], Taishukan Publishing Company, Tokyo. 1991 "Fukugou-Keiyoushi to Kakudai-Junjozuke no Kasetsu [Compound Adjectives and the Extended Ordering Hypothesis]," Gendai Eigogaku no Shosou [Aspects of Contemporary English Linguistics], ed. by Shuji Chiba et al., Kaitakusha Publishing Co. Ltd., Tokyo. 1992 "Eigo no Zougoryoku [The Productivity of English Word Formation ]," Nihongogaku [Japanese Linguistics], 11, 5, 66-74. 1993 Fukugou-Keiyoushi no Keitai-Tougoteki Kenkyuu - Fukugougo no Fuhenteki Tokuchou o Motomete - [Morpho-Syntactic Studies of Compound Adjectives in English: Toward Universalities of Compounding], a Report of a Grant-inaid for Scientific Research (C) (Grant No. 03610235), Ibaraki University. 1994 "Heads and Subheads of Compounds," Synchronic and Diachronic Approaches to Language: A Festschrift for Toshio Nakao on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday, ed. by Shuji Chiba et al., Liber Press, Tokyo. Nishihara, Tetsuo, Jeroen van de Weijer, and Kensuke Nanjo this volume "Headedness in Morphology: Tendencies in the Truncation of Loanword Compounds in Japanese," this volume. Otsu, Yukio 1980 "Some Aspects of Rendaku in Japanese and Related Problems," MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 2, 207-227. Scalise, Sergio 1988 "The Notion of 'Head' in Morphology," Yearbook of Morphology, ed. by Geert Booij and Jaap van Marie, 229-245, Foris, Dordrecht. 1992 "Compounding in Italian," Rivista di Linguistica, 4,1,175-199.

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Selkirk, Elisabeth 1982 The Syntax of Words, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Shimamura, Reiko 1986 "Lexicalizatio of Syntactic Phrases," English Linguistics, 3,20-37. Spencer, Andrew 1991 Morphological Theory, Blackwell, Oxford. Subandi 1998 "Nichi-I-go no Fukugou-meishi no Kouzou ni tsuite [On the Structures of Compound Nouns in Japanese and Indonesian]," Kokusai Shinpojium Hikaku Goi Kenkyuu [Proceedings of an International Symposium on Comparative Studies of Vocabulary], ed. by Ikudou Tajima, 66-74, Nagoya University. Trommelen, Mieke and Wim Zonneveld 1986 "Dutch Morphology: Evidence for the Righthand Head Rule," Linguistic Inquiry, 17,147-169. Williams, Edwin 1981 "On the Notions 'Lexically Related' and 'Head of a Word'," Linguistic Inquiry, 12, 245-274. Zwicky, Arnold 1985 "Heads," Journal of Linguistics, 21,1 -29. 1993 "Heads, Bases and Functors," Heads in Grammatical Theory, ed. by Greville G. Corbett et al., 292-315, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Against Headedness in Compound Truncation: English Compounds in Japanese Tetsuo Nishihara, Jeroen van de Weijer, and Kensuke Nanjo Miyagi University of Education, Leiden University, and St. Andrew's University

1. Introduction In this paper, we will examine the truncation (or 'clipping', 'contraction') of loanword compounds in Japanese. First, we will explore the issue of headedness in morphology in general, and pay particular attention to the side at which heads are located in complex morphological structures. We will examine the well-known Right-hand Head Rule (Williams 1981), and discuss exceptions to this generalization. The issue of headedness is relevant because it is a natural assumption that in truncation processes the 'head' of the original structure is retained. However, we will see that the truncation of English compounds in Japanese is not governed by leftheadedness at all, but that rather a prosodie account is called for. The Right-hand Head Rule (RHR) stipulates that heads are located at the right-hand side of complex morphological structures in English. However, it has turned out that the RHR by no means represents a linguistic universal (see Lieber 1980, Scalise 1988, Becker 1988, etc. for discussion). The compound morphology of Romance languages, for instance, shows that particular structures can also be left-headed. Vogel (1990) argues that loanword truncation patterns in Italian, whose native compound morphology is also left-headed, corresponds to Italian truncation patterns, in which the left-hand element is retained (e.g. English night club ->• Italian night). In general then, as Vogel suggests, loanword truncation patterns seem to depend on headedness in the native morphology. In this article, we test the validity of Vogel's hypothesis with respect to Japanese (see also Namiki, this volume). This language presents some problems for Vogel's idea (as also pointed out by Kubozono 1993). Although Japanese is a right-headed language (i.e. well-behaved according to the RHR), there are a number of loanword compounds in which the left-hand element is retained under truncation, e.g. shorudaa bakku ->· shorudaa ('shoulder bag'). In this example, the left-hand member is re-

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Tetsuo Nishihara, Jeroen van de Weijer, and Kensuke

Nanjo

tained, unlike what might be expected on the basis of the RHR. The question arises how truncation is governed, if not (or only partly) by the RHR. Another pattern of truncation of loanword compounds in Japanese, which raises the same question, is also observed: in this pattern, both halves of loanword compounds in Japanese are truncated, as in waado purosessaa waa puro ('word processor'). In fact, this pattern of truncation is the most common in Japanese (see Itô 1990, Kubozono 1993), although it is not common in other languages, such as English or Dutch. 1 Facts like these again raise the question of what constraints there are on truncation, and what the role is that headedness plays. In our analysis of the different truncation patterns, we suggest that, in the framework of Optimality Theory, the pattern of truncation of loanword compounds in Japanese is governed by a language-particular hierarchy of universal constraints on truncation. Constraints that play a crucial role rally for the retention of the leftmost part of a compound, retention of material from all parts of the input, and the formation of a proper prosodie word.

2. Preliminaries Japanese has a number of loanwords from English and other European languages. Here we will mainly deal with loanword compounds from English. There are several ways in which compounds are truncated in Japanese: (a) double truncation, in which both halves of the loanword compound are partly retained, (b) back truncation, in which the first element of the loanword compound is retained, and (c) front truncation, in which the second element of the loanword compound is retained. Representative examples are given below:2 (1)

Truncation patterns in Japanese a. double truncation (Itô 1990: 220) waado purosessaa waa-puro hebii metaru hebi-meta rajio kasetto rekoodaa • raji-kase sukeeto boodo •suke-boo paasonaru koNpyuutaa • paso-koN paNtii sutokkiNgu paN-suto b. back truncation (Shibatani 1990: 254ft, suupaa maaketto suupaa

'word processor' 'heavy metal' 'radio cassette recorder' 'skateboard' 'personal computer' 'panty stockings' Kubozono 1993: 187) 'supermarket'

Against

Headedness

in Compound

Truncation:

English

Compounds

in Japanese

301

mini sukaato mini 'mini skirt' sunakku baa -*• sunakku 'snack bar' sukotchi uisukii ->• sukotchi 'Scotch whisky' c. front truncation (Shibatani 1990: 254ff., Kubozono 1993:187) purattohoomu ->• hoomu 'platform' gooru kiipaa -> kiipaa 'goal keeper' sooiNgu mishiN ->· mishiN 'sewing machine' The truncation of loanword compounds in Japanese is part of the morphology of the language.3 In general, Japanese tends to shorten lengthy words and compounds. It is generally accepted that double truncation of loanword compounds is most common in Japanese (Kubozono 1993; see also below). The reason why double truncation is most productive in Japanese might be explained as a result of analogy with truncation patterns in Sino-Japanese (Ishiwata 1993: 99). Sino-Japanese compounds composed of four Chinese characters are frequently truncated by retaining the first morpheme of each member of the compound and deleting the rest. This is illustrated in (2): (2)

Truncation of Sino-Japanese compounds Word -> Word / \ / \ Word Word Word Word / \ / \ stem stem stem stem stem stem gai + koku shi + hoN gai shi gaikoku shihoN gai shi

'foreign capital'

The example above represents a very productive process, and other examples of this type are presented in (3). (3)

Truncation of Sino-Japanese compounds (Itô 1990: 229, Yonekawa 1989:122) ka + tei

sai + ban + sho

->

ka + sai

'family court'

koku + yuu +

+

tetsu + d o o

-*

koku + tetsu

'state railway'

g e N + shi

+

baku + daN

->·

g e N + baku

'atomic bomb'

daN + tai

+

k o o + shoo

->

daN + k o o

'collective bargaining'

It should be noted that these patterns are observed in Japanese, but not in Chinese. In other words, these Sino-Japanese compounds were truncat-

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ed after they had been borrowed into Japanese. Umegaki (1963) suggests that the primary unit of word formation in Japanese is based on a two-syllable prosodie unit; secondary units are four-syllable units (2 + 2) and three-syllable units (2 + 1 or 1 + 2). The term 'syllable' that Umegaki (1963) uses corresponds to the concept of 'mora', which is nowadays more commonly used in Japanese phonology. From a phonological viewpoint, it is obvious that the output of truncation of both loanword compounds and Sino-Japanese compounds in Japanese is basically composed of four moras (2 + 2): all examples so far conform to this pattern (where of course the mora nasal counts as a single mora). Moreover, Itô (1990) and Kubozono (1995) suggest that the basic unit of prosodie structure in Japanese is a two-mora structure, and truncations of loanword compounds are based on a four-mora pattern (2 + 2), which we might regard as a foot. We will return to this insight below, and try to give a more precise account of these patterns then. First, let us turn to a brief discussion of headedness.

3. Head of a word In this section, we will examine the notion of headedness in detail, because Vogel (1990) suggests that the process of compound truncation in Italian can be adequately accounted for by the role which headedness plays in the morphology of Italian in general. The notion of head of a phrase in syntax has played a crucial role in generative grammar, and the notion of head is also used in morphology. For example, since most English compounds are endocentric, they have heads. Williams (1981) argues that in such compounds the right-hand member is the head because it determines the category of the complex word. Williams' generalization—the so-called Right-hand Head Rule, is presented in (4): (4)

Right-hand Head Rule (Williams 1981:248) In morphology, we define the head of a morphologically complex word to be the righthand member of that word. (...) Call this definition the Righthand Head Rule.

The lexical class membership of the English compounds in (5) is correctly explained by the RHR.

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English compounds (Katamba 1993: 311) [ bird N watch N ] N [ over P react v ] v [ sugar N daddy N ] N [ blue A book N ] N [ blue A black A ] A [ wind N screen N ] N

William's RHR was based on the morphology of English. In fact, Williams (1981) does not state explicitly whether the RHR is intended to be a universal statement or not. Some researchers have argued that the RHR can also be applied to other languages, for instance, Japanese (Kageyama 1982), Dutch (Trommelen and Zonneveld 1984,1986), Swahili (Schultink 1988), Greek (Ralli 1992), and so on. Some examples from some of these languages are given in (6): (6) a. Japanese compounds (Kageyama 1982: 221) [ naga A banasi N] N 'long talk' [ tati A eri N ] N 'standing collar' [ denki N sutoobu N] N 'electric heater' [ huru A hoN N ] N 'second-hand book' b. Dutch compounds (Trommelen and Zonneveld 1984:181,1986:149,157) [ kans N arm A ] A 'having few chances' [kalmAeerv]v 'to calm down' [piepvjongA]A 'very young' [diepAzeeN]N 'deep sea' Other researchers, however, argue against the universality of the RHR. Lieber (1980) points out that Vietnamese has left-headed compounds, as illustrated in (7). In these cases, the left-hand member determines the major class membership of the compound as a whole:4 (7)

Vietnamese compounds (Lieber 1980: 99) a. nguoi o person be-located 'servant' b. nha thuong establishment be-wounded 'hospital' c. lam viec do-make matter-affair 'to work' d. lam ruong do-make rice-field 'to engage in farming'

Based on the cases which we have seen so far, languages generally seem to choose either the left-hand member or the right-hand member as the

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determinant of major class membership of the compound as a whole (see also Selkirk 1982).5·6 Scalise (1988,1992) suggests that Italian has both left-headed and rightheaded compounds. The examples in (8) are from Scalise (1988). (8) Italian compounds (Scalise 1988: 243) a. Latinate compounds terre MOTO 'earthquake' sangui SUGA 'bloodsucker' (= leech) b. modern Italian compounds NAVE traghetto 'ferry-boat' DIVANO leeto 'divan-bed' Right-headed compounds come from Latin, which is an SOV language, while left-headed compounds arose in modern Italian, which is an SVO language. Scalise thus relates the position of the head to the basic word order pattern in these languages. Scalise (1988) points out that a similar situation obtains in Somali. Thus, in languages such as Italian and Somali the head can be located at the left-hand or right-hand side, whereas in languages such as English or Dutch the side at which the head is located is fixed. This can also be related to the basic word order within NPs, as in [N A (modifier)] in the Romance languages, and [(modifier) A N] in the Germanic languages, which have right-headed compounds. The correspondence between syntactic order and compound headedness is summarized in the following paradigm (see also Greenberg 1963): (9)

Syntactic word order and morphological headedness (Scalise 1992:182) Latin Italian syntactic order SOV SVO order in compounds OV VO position of the head right left inflection right left

So far, we have investigated the notion of headedness from the viewpoint of the determination of the lexical category of the entire compound. However, there are also other kinds of arguments on which to base headedness in compounds, or, alternatively, the individual members of a compound may be regarded as 'heads' in other senses than the lexico-morphological one that we have discussed so far. Thus, Namiki (1994) gives three different kinds of arguments to base headedness on (see also Zwicky 1985):

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Definition of 'head' (Namiki 1994: 270) a. the semantic argument b. the morphological determinant c. the morphosyntactic locus

As to (10a), Zwicky (1985) suggests the following: We could take the head / modifier distinction to be at root semantic: in a combination X + Y, Y is the 'semantic head' if, speaking very crudely, X + Y describes a kind of the thing described by X. (Zwicky 1985: 4) This semantic consideration clearly applies to compounds like ham sandwich: the head is sandwich, because a ham sandwich is a kind of sandwich, not a kind of ham? (10b) refers to the fact that the lexical category of the whole word is determined by that of the head, i.e. this is the criterion we employed above. It also applies to suffixation: for example, in the noun happiness, the category is determined by the suffix -ness, which has the feature [+N], This case is explained by the RHR: the element on the right-hand side determines the category of the whole structure. However, there are also cases in English in which the left-hand element determines the category of the whole word, e.g. the feature [+V] of the prefix en- determines the lexical category of the whole word, as in [en[+V]-i-richA]v. Finally, (10c) looks at the position where inflectional morphemes are attached within a complex form, and argues that the head will bear the phonological marks of inflection. For example, the head in ham sandwich is sandwich by the definition in (10c), because the correct plural form is ham sandwich+es, not *ham+s sandwich. Hence, there is some discussion on how heads are determined in complex syntactic and morphological structures. For this reason, some researchers have doubted the fact whether the concept plays a role at all (e.g. Becker 1990) or whether the notion can be operationalized in a meaningful way in morphology (e.g. Zwicky 1992). We will demonstrate that headedness does not play a crucial role in compound truncation processes in Japanese, although its role in other parts of morphology (such as the determination of lexical class membership, cf. (6) above) stands unchallenged. 8 We now turn to Vogel (1990), who argues that headedness plays a crucial role in morphology in general and in the truncation of loanword compounds in particular. Let us consider this suggestion in the next section.

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4. Truncation of loanwords: Vogel (1990) Vogel (1990) discusses universal constraints on the truncation of loanword compounds on the basis of data from truncations of English compounds in Italian. These show that the second element of English compounds in Italian is truncated, so that the form used in Italian consists of only the first element of the English compounds. This is shown in (11). (11) Truncation of English compounds in Italian (Vogel 1990: 99)9 a. night club -> night b. scotch tape ->• Scotch c. water closet ->• water d. plaid blanket ->• plaid To explain this pattern of truncation, Vogel (1990) proposes the following three hypotheses: (12)

Three hypotheses to account for truncation (Vogel 1990:103) HI: Truncation is due to some basic linguistic strategy. H2: Truncation is due to some property of English compounds. H3: Truncation is due to some property of Italian compounds.

Let us briefly examine these three hypotheses. According to Vogel (1990), H I refers to the fact that there is something salient about the first member of borrowed compounds, regardless of the morphological characteristics of either the source language or the borrowing language. In such an approach, truncation consists of a strategy of deleting everything but the first word. However, Vogel suggests that this runs counter to the observation that right-hand members play an important role and are most salient in morphology (pace the RHR) and syntax. Furthermore, Vogel notes that the endings of words tend to be more salient in child language acquisition than the beginnings of words, according to Operating Principle A for language acquisition, suggested by Slobin (1973): "Pay attention to the ends of words". On the basis of these considerations, Vogel deems H I to be inadequate. However, in defence of HI we note that Hawkins & Cutler (1988) is but one of many studies that point out the psycholinguistic importance of word onsets vis-à-vis other parts of the words. We return to this observation below. The second hypothesis refers to the fact that the Italian borrowing pattern is governed by the structure of the English compounds. Vogel (1990)

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also discards this hypothesis because monolingual Italian speakers, who are of course unaware of English morphological patterns, apply the correct truncation pattern of English compounds in Italian, i.e. as in (11). Moreover, the English stress pattern does not seem to play a role either, as the forms in (13) show; while in the forms in (13a) main stress is on the left-hand side of the compound, and in the forms in (13b) main stress is on the right-hand side, in both cases the left-hand member is retained after truncation (see (11) above): (13)

English compounds, with stress marks (Vogel 1990:104) a. 'night club b. scotch 'tape 'water closet plaid 'blanket

For this reason, Vogel (1990) argues that neither the morphology nor the phonology of the English compounds plays a decisive role. She therefore concludes that the second hypothesis must also be rejected. Finally, we examine the third hypothesis, H3. According to Vogel, Italian mainly has left-headed compounds: this is the productive pattern (cf. (8) above). Vogel concludes that the left element of English compounds in Italian is retained because of the structure of Italian and thus that H3 is adequate. This predicts that it makes no difference from which language compounds are borrowed: regardless of the source language, the left-hand element will be retained. In fact, Vogel shows that compounds of German origin have the same pattern of truncation as the English compounds, as illustrated in (14): (14)

Truncation of German compounds in Italian (Vogel 1990:107) Volkswagen -> volks Blitzkrieg blitz

With this background, we will now turn to an account of truncation of English compounds in Japanese.

5. Truncation patterns in loanwords in Japanese If Vogel's Hypothesis 3 in (12) above is correct, and also holds for languages other than Italian, the right-hand element of English compounds in Japanese is expected to be retained, leading to front truncation, because Japanese has right-headed compounds (see (6b) above; Kageyama

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1982). Against this prediction, however, front truncation (exemplified in (lc)), which retains the second element, is rare in Japanese, while there are many examples of back truncation (lb) (see also Kubozono 1993). Indeed, the most common and productive pattern, surprisingly perhaps from the discussion of truncation so far, is double truncation, which retains both first halves of English loanword compounds (la). Here, the notion of morphological headedness does not seem relevant at all, and an analysis in different terms seems to be called for. According to the data we collected from a dictionary of truncations (Motwani 1993), the relative frequency of occurrence (in terms of the number of input compounds that successfully can undergo truncation) of double truncation, back truncation and front truncation in Japanese, respectively, is as follows (see also (16) below): (15)

Relative frequency of different truncation patterns in Japanese double truncation > back truncation » front truncation

Some more examples are given in (16) (cf. also (1) above). (16) a. double truncation (47%) maikuro koNpyuutaa sekusharu harasumeNto purofeshonaru resuriNgu pawaa suteariNgu afutaa rekoodiNgu b. back truncation (39%) paato taimu homo sekusharu bideo dekki tekisuto bukku shorudaa bakku c. front truncation (14%) nyuusu kyasutaa mootaa baiku fashon moderu kafe oore

mai-koN seku-hara puro-resu pawa-sute afu-reko

'micro computer' 'sexual harassment' 'professional wrestling' 'power steering' 'post-recording'

paato homo bideo tekisuto shorudaa

'part-time job' 'homosexual' 'video deck' 'textbook' 'shoulder bag'

kyasutaa baiku moderu oore

'news caster' 'motor bike' 'fashion model' 'café au lait'

Kubozono (1993) suggests that back truncation, which is the second most common pattern, can be explained as a result of HI suggested by Vogel (1990) (see (12) above). Kubozono (1993) gives the following examples:

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Back truncation in Japanese (Kubozono 1993:187) a. Scotch whisky Scotch b. mini-skirt mini c. snack bar -»• snack d. volleyball ->• volley

However, this approach does not deal with double truncation, and hence does not achieve an integrated analysis of truncation. We will attempt this in the next section.

6. Analysis To analyze the Japanese facts, we assume the basic principles of OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993 et seq.). In OT, Universal Grammar is composed of a set of universal, though violable constraints.10 It is assumed that each language has a language-particular constraint hierarchy. A constraint may be violated only in order to satisfy a higher ranked constraint in the grammar. The role of the grammar is to select the output form from a set of candidates. An analysis of truncation in Japanese therefore amounts to finding the relevant constraints and their relative ranking. We propose that an interaction of phonological and semantic constraints plays a role in determining the attested output of every loanword compound. Thus, it is not necessary to stipulate for each and every compound what the relating truncation is. Certain truncations, however, may have been lexicalized completely, so that these have to be stated explicitly in the Japanese lexicon. In this paper, we will follow Benua (1995: 116-25), who analysed Japanese hypocoristic patterns as so-called templatic truncation, in which "the truncated output is a consistent prosodie unit, usually a minimal word (a foot)" (Benua 1995: note 33). While she deals with a different area of truncation in Japanese, which we will not deal with here, we share the basic ideas regarding the relevant constraints and their ranking with her. As it turns out, there are two major differences between the patterns of hypocoristics and those of loanword compound truncation: (1 ) long vowels are permitted at the end of derived prosodie words in the former, but not in the latter, (2) no more than one mora of the base can be retained and then lengthened to conform to the bimoraic constraint in hypocoristics, but lengthening of the vowel is not allowed in truncations. We will assume that the first fact is accounted for by a constraint preventing long vowels from occurring at the

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end of prosodie words, which belongs exclusively to the "foreign" stratum (Itô & Mester 1995) and that the second fact results from the dominance of the constraint IDENT-BT[V-Iength] over the bimoraic requirement in the "foreign" stratum, while, as assumed by Benua (1995:119), the bimoraic requirement is ranked higher than iDENT-BT[V-length] in the hypocoristic phonology, which allows lengthening of the base vowels. First, let us examine some of the phonological constraints that play a role. We tentatively exclude front truncations from consideration, such as mootaa baiku baiku 'motor bike'. These truncations make up only a small percentage of the total number of truncated forms, and therefore seem less central to a prosodie account (see also Kubozono 1993).11 Instead, some of these front truncations may have resulted from a 'specialization of meaning' phenomenon. For example, kaado 'card' is the clipped form of kurejitto kaado 'credit card', which was originally used only in particular contexts. Although what kaado means varies from context to context, in the appropriate situation it is immediately taken for a credit card. The same holds in the case of puuru 'pool', which could come from either suimiNgu puuru 'swimming pool' or mootaa puuru 'car park', but is usually used only in the former meaning. With respect to the back and double truncations, it is important to observe that the output of the truncation patterns of Japanese almost always take on the following structure, consisting of two bimoraic prosodie words, which form, recursively, another prosodie word, as argued for by McCarthy & Prince (1993a: 84-85,1993b: 146), Booij (1995:144), Selkirk (1996:190), etc.: (18)

Structure of truncation outputs [ [PrWd J [PrWd 2 ]] PrWd PrWd = prosodie word where both PrWd, and PrWd 2 consist of two moras

For the sake of convenience, we tentatively refer to the word-level PrWd (i.e. PrWd 1 and PrWd 2 in (18)) as minor PrWd and compound-level PrWd as major PrWd whenever a distinction needs to be made. Of course, following standard analysis, the nasal counts as one mora if it occurs in the coda of the syllable, (e.g. maikuro koNpyuutaa mai-koN 'micro computer'), and a long vowel counts for two koras (e.g. kaa sutereo kaa-sute 'car stereo'). This templatic requirement must be regarded as a conglomerate of two more basic constraints, the first demanding that each prosodie word consists of two moras, and the second demanding that even a small fraction

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of very prosodie word which composes the compound must be retained in truncation. (19)

a. b.

: truncated outputs are minimal words, i.e. bimoraic : even a small fraction of every prosodie word which composes the compound must be parsed into the truncated output 12 MINWD

PARSE-PRWD

As McCarthy and Prince (1994, 1995a: 322) claim, the concept of minimal word no longer has an actual status as a primitive template in any language in the OT era; instead its effect is derived from the interaction of such metrical constraints as F T B I N , PARSE-SYLL, A L I G N - F T - L (see Benua 1995: 118-19). In our paper, however, we will for the sake of convenience continue to refer to the minimal word, which is equivalent to a bimoraic foot in such quantity-sensitive languages as Japanese. The two constraints together demand that outputs have a structure conforming to that in (18). In what we think is a relatively recent development, truncations of three moras are becoming increasingly popular, e.g. Misu-Do from Misutaa Doonatsu 'Mister Doughnut [a doughnut franchise]', tere-ka from terefoN kaado 'phone card'. Thus, the long vowels in the second member of the original compound are shortened, which shows that forms which have a monomoraic syllable structure with a short vowel are better formed than bimoraic structures with a long vowel in the second PrWd. Below, we will propose a constraint ranking accounting for this.13 However, three-mora outputs are also found even when there is no long vowel in the input, such as in rabu-ho from rabu hoteru 'lit. love hotel', Roi-Ho from Roiyaru Hosuto 'Royal Host [the name of a restaurant]', and BuraBi from Burakku Bisuketto 'Black Biscuit [the name of a singer]', where there is no phonological reason to avoid *rabu-hote, *Roi-Hosu, and *Bura-Bisu. Another template, consisting of three moras, is probably more appropriate for these forms, which we have to ignore here (cf. Itô (1990: 237, note 29) for a similar view). An additional constraint that plays a role demands that the leftmost two moras are preserved in the output, and not the rightmost two moras, or just any two moras, in double truncation. Furthermore, even when doubly truncated forms are not preferred, the retained element usually turns out to be the leftmost (minor) PrWd of the major (i.e. compoundlevel) PrWd (e.g. suupaa from suupaa maaketto). This "leftmostness" that double truncation and back truncation share should be generalized by a uniform constraint. To capture this uniformity, we will propose (20),

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which seems to have an effect similar to Benua's L(FT) constraint. (20)

LEFTMOST:

( 1 9 9 5 : 1 2 3 ) ANCHOR-

The leftmost element of the constituent is retained in

truncation. The retained leftmost element in (20) varies depending on the constituent. If the relevant prosodie word is a (minor) PrWd, it is the leftmost mora that is retained. If it is a major PrWd (i.e. a compound), it is the leftmost (minor) PrWd that is retained. Note that this constraint per se does not require that the leftmost two moras be retained in double truncation; it is independently handled by another constraint, M I N W D . Since M I N W D is ranked lower than LEFTMOST, monomoraic prosodie words can occur (violating M I N W D ) if they satisfy LEFTMOST and other higher-ranked constraints to be discussed below. To see how the three constraints in (19) and (20) that are relevant so far work, consider the truncation pawa-sute from pawaa suteariNgu 'power steering'. The moraic structure of the input is given in (21): (21)

Moraic structure of pawaa suteariNgu 'power steering' σ

α ο oo σ σ

μ μμ μ μμμμ μ

pawaa suteariNgu The constraints are ranked as in (22) (22)

LEFTMOST > M I N W D , P A R S E - P R W D

The optimal output reflects the first two moras of the first input word and the first two moras of the second input word. On the other hand, a form in which the last two moras of the first word are taken, and—for instance—the first two moras of the second word (resulting in *waa-sute) would also result in a well-formed moraic structure (i.e. pass both M I N W D and P A R S E - P R W D ) but would not pass higher-ranked LEFTMOST. The form *pawa-su is ill-formed, because the second output word su fails to satisfy the M I N W D requirement. Finally, the form *pawa satisfy the constraints

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(because it is the leftmost element (a minor PrWd) of the major PrWd) and M I N W D but fails to pass the constraint P A R S E - P R W D . These considerations are expressed in the following sample tableau: LEFTMOST

(23)

Tableau for pawaa suteariNgu /pawaa suteariNgu/

LEFTMOST

MINWD

PARSE-PRWD

pawa-sute waa-sute pawa-su

*! »!

pawa

* !•

As we assume in ( 2 2 ) , LEFTMOST must be ranked higher than M I N W D and P A R S E - P R W D , because, as we saw above, outputs violating M I N W D and P A R S E - P R W D are sometimes attested, but exceptions to LEFTMOST are hardly attested. (There are a few exceptions such as BuN-Taa from SebuN Sutaa 'Seven Star (a cigarette brand)' and bifu-teki from biifu suteeki 'beef steak': these two examples are exceptional with respect to other constraints as well—note that the latter may have been a direct borrowing from French.). Furthermore, we could explain a number of examples as the result of the fact that some of the Japanese truncations may have reflected the original English truncated forms. For instance, the back-truncated shukotchi 'Scotch' may be regarded as exceptional if it was formed on the basis of the full form shukotchi uisukii 'Scotch whisky' (where *shuko-ui would be expected), but is perfectly well-formed if we assume that the English truncated form Scotch was borrowed into Japanese along with the full form Scotch whisky. The three phonological constraints discussed so far together account for almost all forms in (1) and (16) above. We will now turn to some counterexamples which force us to refine our analysis. First, note that there are a number of regular exceptions to the general pattern, all of which involve geminate consonants: (24)

Japanese: second element has a geminate bideo dekki -> bideo 'video deck' tekisuto bukku -> tekisuto 'textbook' shorudaa bakku ->• shorudaa 'shoulder bag' sutereo dekki ->· dekki 'stereo deck' Buraddo Pitto Bura-Pi 'Brad Pitt' poteto chippusu pote-chi 'potato chips'

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To account for this subregularity, which was noted independently by Kubozono & Ota (1998) and Kuwamoto (1998), we assume, uncontroversially, that forms like bukku have the moraic structure in (25): (25)

Moraic structure of bukku 'book' α

σ

μμ μ

bukku If the truncation pattern for tekisuto bukku were, as predicted, teki-buk, this would violate another constraint of Japanese, CODA-COND (Itô 1986, 1989, Itô and Mester 1994, 1999), which forbids all final consonants except "placeless nasals (written [N]), geminates and nasals homorganic to a following stop" (Benua 1995: note 35). This overrides all the constraints relevant to truncation. One way to repair the ill-formed buk would be skip the mora on the [k] and include the final vowel [u], resulting in *tekibuku. However, the skipping of segmental or prosodie material is also heavily penalized by the "no-skipping" requirement (McCarthy & Prince 1986), which is expressed in the current framework by the constraint 14 CONTIGUITY (McCarthy and Prince 1993a, 1995b). These two constraints are defined as follows: (26)

a. CODA-COND : *Place] b. CONTIGUITY: "segmental material that is contiguous in the input must also be contiguous in the output."

Hence, CODA-COND and CONTIGUITY and, as we argue above, are higher-ranked than M I N W D and P A R S E - P R W D , as in ( 2 7 ) : (27)

LEFTMOST

CODA-COND, CONTIGUITY, LEFTMOST > M I N W D , PARSE-PR W D

In all cases where the regular 2 + 2 mora structure cannot be formed due to the interplay of the constraints mentioned so far, another strategy is selected: in the first three forms in (24) the first word of the compound (consisting of three or four moras) is selected, in the fourth it is

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the last part, and in the final two examples parts of both words in the original compound are used. We assume these different choices are lexically determined, though all are driven by the fact that no regular, phonological truncation is possible. Thus, importantly, the fact that the truncation of tekisuto bukku is tekisuto is, in our opinion, not a result of the fact that this compound is somehow marked as exceptional, but rather of the fact that the normal pattern of truncation fails for phonological reasons. As was already mentioned above, long vowels are normally shortened at the end of the second prosodie word in truncation outputs. We can put this down to a phonological constraint against final long vowels, which operates in structures like (18) above. The constraint could be defined as follows: (28)

NOFINALLONGVOWELS ( N F L V ) : * V V ]

MAJOR PRWD

Examples include furi-ma from furii maaketto 'flea market', where Sfurimela would be incorrect, depa-ga from depaato gaaru 'lit. department store) girl' (*depa-gaa), hai-ka from haiwei kaado 'lit. highway card' (*hai-kaa), as well as Misu-Do from Misutaa Doonatsu (*Misu-Doo) and tere-ka from terefoN kaado (*tere-kaa), both of which were mentioned above. Unlike the CODA-COND, this constraint NFLV holds of loanword truncated structures only, not of underived loanword compounds (e.g. rabu retaa 'love letter', dansu paatii 'dance party'), Sino-Japanese compounds (both underived and truncated) (e.g. dantai koosyoo 'collective bargaining' and its truncated form dan-koo) nor hypocoristics (e.g. Maachan, Taa-kun, Koo-chan). To account for the restricted nature of NFLV, we first assume that this constraint belongs to the 'foreign' stratum of Japanese lexicon (Itô and Mester 1995). This assumption appropriately excludes Sino-Japanese vocabulary and hypocoristics from the NFLV effect. Next, we will ascribe the fact that NFLV applies only to truncated forms to the classical concept of "derivedness". The application of this lexicalphonological idea to the loanword phonology was, to our knowledge, first proposed by Itô (1990: 218-19). According to her proposal, such a constraint is enforced on derived forms only, not on underived forms and, since abbreviated loanwords are derived from their base forms, they satisfy this criterion. Of course, the concept of "derivedness" cannot be directly incorporated into our non-derivational analysis. One of the solutions, which we will follow here, is proposed by Benua (1995) in the framework of Correspon-

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dence Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995b). Under Correspondence Theory, she proposes that truncation involves two correspondence relations: an input-to-output relation between the input and the base (IOFaith) and an output-to-output relation between the base and the truncated form (BT-Identity). As Benua (1995: 82) mentions, "[t]he input is mapped to the base by ΙΟ-correspondence, and BT-correspondence relates the base to the truncated form," as illustrated in (29): (29)

Truncation (= Benua 1995: 82) BT-Identity Base < ΙΟ-Faith

> Truncated Form

I Input

Following her proposal, we will assume the following ranking among IOFaith (LDENT-IO[V-length]), BT-Identity (LDENT-BT[V-length]) and the phonological constraint NFLV. (30)

LDENT-IO[V-length] » NFLV » LDENT-BT[V-length]

Since LDENT-IO[V-length], which demands that the length of correspondent vowels in the input and the output is identical, dominates NFLV, NFLV is not enforced in non-truncated (underived) bases, while truncated forms must satisfy NFLV because it dominates LDENT-BT[V-length], which requires that the length of vowels in truncated form be identical to that of the corresponding vowels in its base. This is what McCarthy and Prince (1994) call "the emergence of the unmarked" ranking. One of the striking differences between the patterns of hypocoristics and those of loanword compound truncation is that, in the former, it is possible for even one mora of the base to be retained and then lengthened to conform to the bimoraic constraint, while lengthening of the vowel is not allowed in truncations. 15 This difference is adequately accounted for by assuming the following rankings between M I N W D and I D E N T - B T [ V - L E N G T H ] , (31)

a. Hypocoristics: b. Truncations:

M I N W D > LDENT-BT[V-length] LDENT-BT[V-length] » M I N W D

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As is illustrated in ( 3 1 ) , in the hypocoristic phonology (Benua 1 9 9 5 : 1 1 9 ) , the bimoraic requirement (our M I N W D ) is ranked higher than IDENTBT[V-length], which results in the lengthening of the base vowels, while in truncation, vowel lengthening never occurs because the length of correspondent vowels in the base and its truncated form must always be identical even if the output fails to satisfy the bimoraic requirement. In the following, we will concentrate on phonological constraints and leave LDENT-IO[V-length] and LDENT-BT[V-length] out of consideration. The six phonological constraints mentioned above are ranked as in (32): (31)

CODA-COND, CONTIGUITY, LEFTMOST, N F L V » MINWD, PARSE-PRWD

TO illustrate how these constraints and their ranking explain our data, we will take waa-puro (from waado prosessaa), suupaa (from suupaa maaketto), and pote-chi (from poteto chippusu) as examples. (33) a. Tableau for waa-puro /waado purosessaa/

CODACD

LEFTMOST

CONTIG

NFLV

MINWD

PARSE-PRWD

•®· waa-puro waa-pu

*!

waado

*!

b. Tableau for suupaa /suupaa maaketto/

CODACD

LEFTMOST

CONTIG

suu-maa

NFLV

MINWD

PARSE-PRWD

*! *

•S· suu-ma

*

suupaa

c. Tableau for pote-chi /poteto chippusu/ pote-chip ra pote-chi ra· poteto

CODACD

C O N T I G I LEFTMOST

NFLV

MINWD

PARSE-PRWD

*! *

1

*

In the case of suupaa maaketto, the four-mora doubly truncated candidate *suu-maa triggers the violation of the higher-ranked constraint N F L V , but the other candidates suupaa and *suu-ma satisfy this constraint (the candi-

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date suupaa does not violate NFLV, because this constraint holds of only Major PrWd; suupaa itself is a minor PrWd). Note that suupaa does not violate LEFTMOST, because it is the leftmost element (a minor PrWd) of the major (compound-level) PrWd. Since the candidates suupaa and *suu-ma violate the lower-ranked constraints P A R S E - P R W D and M I N W D , respectively, they are on a par with each other with respect to their potential of being realized as the actual output. The rest is outside of the OT grammar. 16 As expected, cases like poteto chippusu can be handled in the same way as suupaa maaketto. The four-mora doubly truncated candidate *pote-chip triggers the violation of the highly-ranked constraint CODA-COND, but the other candidates *poteto and pote-chi pass this constraint, though they violate the lower-ranked constraints P A R S E - P R W D and M I N W D , respectively. Semantic reasons undoubtedly also play a role in truncation. It is often the case that the leftmost element in compounds indicates a specific property, while the rightmost element indicates a classlike, general characteristic. We believe this constraint is related to the tendency that Vogel (1990) observed when she formalized Hypothesis 1 above (12). This is obvious in the following examples from English, in which the rightmost element is often lost nowadays or is optional: (34)

English: rightmost element lost barber's (shop), dry-cleaner's (shop), five-and-dime (store), physical (exam), midterm (exam), Thanksgiving (Day)

These compounds consist of [modifier] + [head] where the head is a noun which is quite common, like shop, store, day, etc. Thus, a constraint expressing the fact that the contrastive element in compounds is preserved is high-ranked in English.17 In Japanese, the same tendency is also clearly present, although in this language other constraints, such as the prosodie constraints we saw above, also play a role. Consider a set of examples like the following: (35)

Japanese: rightmost element lost daburu (ruumu) 'double room' shiNguru (ruumu) 'single room' kurooku (ruumu) 'cloakroom' ribiNgu (ruumu) 'living room' basu (ruumu) 'bath room' dainiNgu (ruumu) 'dining room' tsuiN (ruumu) 'twin room'

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In all these examples, the right-hand, general part may be truncated, while the left-hand, specific part is invariably preserved. Note that in no way does the output conform to the prosodie template we proposed above. We assume that the semantic pressure to preserve the specific over the general, especially in groups of related words such as those in (35), facilitates this tendency.

7. Conclusion In this paper we have discussed the truncation of compounds in various languages, focusing on Japanese, which shows a number of variable patterns. We found that there were constraints of various types which governed truncation: phonological ones, such as the tendency toward a fourmora pattern, the avoidance of final codas and final long vowels, and semantic constraints, in which the contrastive force of the separate parts of the compound played a role, with a marked tendency to preserve the specific, contrastive part of the whole. In no way did right-headedness, as demanded by the Right-hand Head Rule, play any role in the formation of the truncated form. Rather, variation in the output was seen to be the result of phonological differences in the input.

Acknowledgements We thank Laura Benua, Bert Botma, Ellen Broselow, Jan Kooij, Nancy Kula, Sang Jik Rhee, Grazyna Rowicka, Norval Smith and Erik Jan van der Torre for valuable discussion of earlier versions. Remaining errors are our own.

Notes 1. Szymanek (1989) suggests that back truncation is the most common in English. This is also the case in French, German and Dutch. See Wiese (1996:62-63) for German, Ni-ikura et al. (1996: 384) for French, and Hamans (1997:1734) for Dutch. 2. In some languages, double truncations are common. For example, see Shin (1997) for Korean, and Crowley (1997) for English in Papua New Guinea. In standard English, examples are FedEx (< Federal Express), sci-fi (< science fiction), Amtrak (< American Track) and AMEX (< American Express). 3. Hock (1991: 196) suggests that shortening is a common tendency in linguistic change. Lass (1987:211) also points out examples as early as from the 18th century. Scheler (1977) suggests that the oldest examples are from the middle of 16th-century, although these are but few.

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4. Other problematic examples for the R H R concern Russian diminutives (Lieber 1992), and French diminutives (Jaeggli 1980). 5. Van Beurden (1988) claims that in language acquisition children assume that the righthand element decides the whole category and thus consider the R H R as the unmarked option, while later they have to decide the parameter about the position of head (left or right) according to the data of their native language. 6. Huang (1998) argues that Chinese is a headless language in the morphology, for neither the right-hand nor the left-hand element in a compound determines the lexical category of the whole. 7. There are exceptions, of course, such as lexicalised compounds like pickpocket, which is not a kind of pocket. 8. Kubozono (1990,1996) points out that the notion of phonological head also plays a role in patterns of blending and nominal compounds. 9. In Italian native compound forms, back truncations such as (11) are more frequent than front truncations. Double truncation is unknown in Italian (Piermarco Bertinetto, p.c.) 10. Haspelmath (1993) also argues for a constraint that tolerates exceptions in morphology, antedating mainstream OT. 11. Still another reason for excluding front truncation is that, as Yonekawa (1996) suggests in his book on the vocabulary of the young, front truncation is often adopted to create secret languages. This suggests that they know this is the least common and thus least understandable way of word-formation. 12. The constraint P A R S E - P R W D also accounts for such English acronyms as AIDS, PET, WASP, etc. (see also Itô 1990) and shows that Japanese double truncation and English acronym formation are very similar phenomena. Since they are both common patterns in both languages, this analysis shows that seemingly different languages adopt similar patterns, regardless of the location of the syntactic head (right in Japanese, left in English). 13. Exceptionally, we suggest, the long vowels in suke-boo f r o m sukeeto boodo 'skateboard', RoN-Buu from RoNdoN Buutsu 'London Boots [a pair of comedians], batapii from bataa piinattsu 'buttered peanut', suke-paa from sukai paafekuto (TV) 'Sky Perfect T V ' are retained, and sometimes there is variation in this respect. Interestingly, all these exceptions happen to have bilabial stops at the beginning of the second PrWd. 14. There are a few examples that we know of that involve skipping: one of them is pasokoN, which somehow has replaced regular paa-koN, which was indeed attested at an earlier stage (Kubozono and Ota 1998:190-91), and others include Ame-futo (which has replaced the regularly back-truncated AmerikaN) from AmerikaN futtobooru 'American football', supa-koN from suupaa koNpyuutaa 'super computer', which might have been formed on the analogy of paso-koN, and bifu-teki from biifu suteeki 'beefsteak', which also violates LEFTMOST, as we noted above. 15. Itô (1990:236, note 19) gives pii-goro from pitchaa goro 'pitcher grounder' as a counterexample, which does not sound like a familiar word to two of the three present authors. 16. The candidate suupaa does not violate MINWD, because this constraint is satisfied as long as the output is minimally two moras long; it does not prevent the retention of an original longer than two moras. See Itô (1990: 234). 17. Aigeo (1991: 9) treats double clipping (truncation) in English as Innovative clipping (e.g. junior college * juco, aviation gasoline > avgas, capsule communicator • capcom).

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References Aigeo, J.T. 1991 Becker, T. 1990 Benua, L. 1995

Fifty years among the new words. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. D o words have heads? Acta Linguistica Hungarica 40, 5-17. Identity effects in morphological truncation. In J.N. Beckman, L.W. Dickey and S. Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers 18, 77-136.

Booij, G.E. 1995 The phonology of Dutch. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Crowley, T. An introduction to historical linguistics. Auckland: Oxford University Press. 1997 Di Sciullo, A. -M. and E. S. Williams 1987 On the definition of word. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Greenberg, J.H. 1963 Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In J. H. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of language. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 58-90. Hamans, C 1997 Clipping in modern French, English, German and Dutch. In R. Hickey and S. Puppel (eds.), Language history and linguistic modelling: A festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th birthday. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1733-41. Haspelmath, M. 1993 The diachronic externalization of inflection. Linguistics 31, 279-309. Hawkins, J. A. and A. Cutler 1988 Psycholinguistic factors in morphological asymmetry. In J.A. Hawkins (ed.), Explaining language universals. Oxford: Blackwell. 280-317. Hock, H.H. 1991 Principles of historical linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Huang, S. 1997 Chinese as a headless language in compounding morphology. In J. Packard (ed.), New approaches to Chinese word formation. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 261-83. Ishiwata, T. 1993 Waseieigo to kokusaitsuuyoogo [Japanese-English and international common languages]. In Gairaigo [Foreign words], Tokyo: Kawade-syoboo Shin-sha. 89-104. Itô, J. 1986 Syllable theory in prosodie phonology. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst [Published by Garland, New York, 1988]. 1989 A prosodie theory of epenthesis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7,21760. 1990 Prosodie minimality in Japanese. In M. Ziolkowski et al. (eds.), CLS 26-2. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. 213-39. Itô, J. and R.A. Mester 1994 Reflections on C O D A - C O N D and alignment. Ms., University of California, Santa Cruz.

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Japanese phonology. In J.A. Goldsmith (ed.), The handbook of phonological theory. Oxford: Blackwell. 817-38. The phonological lexicon. In N. Tsujimura (ed.), The handbook of Japanese linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. 63-100.

Jaeggli, O.A. 1980 Spanish diminutives. In Contemporary studies in Romance languages. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Kager, R. 1999 Optimality theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kageyama, T. 1982 Word formation in Japanese. Lingua 57,215-58. Katamba, F.X. 1993 Morphology. London: MacMillan. Kubozono, H. 1990 Phonological constraints on blending in English as a case for phonology-morphology interface. In G.E. Booij and J. van Marie (eds.), Yearbook of morphology 3. Dordrecht: Foris. 1-20. 1993 Review of W.U. Dressier et al. (eds.), Contemporary morphology (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter). In Gengo Kenkyu [Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan], The Linguistic Society of Japan. 183-90. 1995 Gokeisei to on-in-koozoo [Word formation and phonological structure], Tokyo: Kuroshio. 1996 Eigo no fukugoogo kyoosei ni tuite [On stress in English compounds]. In M. Amano et al. (eds.), Gengo no sinsoo wo tazunete [Inquiries into the depth of language]. Tokyo: Eichosha. 3-17. Kubozono, H. and S. Ota 1998 On-in koozoo to akusento [Phonological structure and accent]. Tokyo: Kenkyuusha. Kuwamoto, Y. 1998 Nihongo ni okeru fukugoogo ryakugo no on-in koozoo [The phonological structure of compound clipping in Japanese]. On-in Kenkyuu [Phonological Studies] 1,161-68. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. Lass, R.G. 1987 The shape of English: Structure and history. London: J.M. Dent and Sons. Lieber, R. 1980 The organization of the lexicon. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Mass. 1992 Deconstructing morphology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. McCarthy, J.J. and A.S. Prince 1986 Prosodie morphology. Ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst and Brandéis University. 1993a Generalized alignment. In G.E. Booij and J. van Marie (eds.), Yearbook of morphology 6,79-153. 1993b Prosodie Morphology I: Constraint interaction and satisfaction. Ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst and Rutgers University. 1994 The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodie morphology. In M. Gonzalez (ed.), Proceedings of ΝELS 24, 333-79. 1995a Prosodie Morphology. In J.A. Goldsmith (ed.), The handbook of phonological theory. Oxford: Blackwell. 318-66. 1995b Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In J.N. Beckman, L.W. Dickey and S. Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers 18, 249-384.

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Motwani, P. 1993 A dictionary of abbreviations and truncations. Tokyo: Maruzen. Namiki, T. 1994 Heads and subheads of compounds. In S. Chiba et al. (eds.), Synchronic and diachronic approaches to language: A festschrift for Toshio Nakao on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. Tokyo: Liber Press. 269-85. Niikura, S. et al. 1996 Furansugo handobukku [A handbook of French], Tokyo: Hakusuisha. Prince, A.S. and P. Smolensky 1993 Optimality theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Ms., Rutgers University and University of Colorado. Ralli, A. 1992 Compounding in modern Greek. Rivista di Linguistica 4,143-74. Scalise, S. 1988 The notion of 'head' in morphology. In G.E. Booij and J. van Marie (eds.), Yearbook of morphology. Dordrecht: Foris. 229-45. 1992 Compounding in Italian. Rivista di Linguistica 4,175-99. Scheler, M. 1977 Der englische Wortschatz. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag. Schultink, H. 1988 Morphological heads: Evidence from Swahili. In G.E. Booij and J. van Marie (eds.), Yearbook of morphology. Dordrecht: Foris. 247-58. Selkirk, E.O. 1982 The syntax of words. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 1996 The prosodie structure of function words. In J.L. Morgan and K. Demuth (eds.) Signal to Syntax: Bootstrapping from speech to grammar in early aquisition. Mahwak, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 187-213. Shibatani, M. 1990 The languages of Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shin, S.-H. 1997 Correspondence in Kyungsang Korean truncation. In S. Davis (ed.), Optimal viewpoints. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. 115-38. Slobin, D. 1973 Cognitive prerequisites for the acquisition of grammar. In C. Ferguson and D. Slobin (eds.), Studies of child language development. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 175-208. Szymanek, B. 1989 Introduction to morphological analysis. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Trommelen, M. and W. Zonneveld 1984 The right side won, the right side won. In H.J. Bennis and W.U.S. van Lessen Kloeke (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands 1984. Dordrecht: Foris. 179-87. 1986 Dutch morphology: Evidence for the right-hand head rule. Linguistic Inquiry 17,147-69. Umegaki, M. 1963 Nihongairaigo no kenkyuu [Studies of foreign words in Japanese], Tokyo: Kenkyuusha. van Beurden, L. 1988 Bantu heads on the lefthand side. In G. de Haan and W. Zonneveld (eds.), Formal parameters of generative grammar IV (Yearbook 1988). Dordrecht: ICG Printing. 1-13.

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English compounds in Italian: The question of the head. In W.U. Dressler et al. (eds.), Contemporary morphology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 99-110.

Wiese, R. 1996 The phonology of German. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Williams, E.S. 1981 On the notions 'lexically related' and 'head of a word'. Linguistic Inquiry 12, 245-74. Yonekawa, A. 1989 Shingo to ryukoogo \New words and vogue words], Tokyo: Nan-undoo. 1996 Gendai wakamono kotoba koo [A study of the vocabulary of the young]. Tokyo: Maruzen. Zwicky, A.M. 1985 Heads. Journal of Linguistics 21,1-29. 1992 Some choices in the theory of morphology. In R. Levine (ed.), Formal grammar: Theory and implementation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 327-71.

III. Studies in Contrastive JapaneseEnglish Phonetics and Phonology

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English* Yosihiro Masuya Konan University

Introduction Isochronicity of English has been discussed by quite a few phoneticians and phonologists. Among them, there are Shen and Peterson (1962) who denied it, basing their conclusion on their measurements, but ignoring the question as to what the variation of their measurements looked like. Measuring the duration of feet of David Abercrombie's reading of "The North Wind and the Sun", Uldall (1971) concluded that "there is a strong tendency to isochronism in this speaker's reading style". ("Foot" here means an interval between a stressed syllable (or a silent stress1) and the next stress, i.e. a stressed syllable or a silent stress, exclusive.) Lehiste (1977) confirmed the existence in English of the "tendency toward isochrony in production as well as in perception" and even went so far as to say that isochrony should be integrated into English syntax. [Italics mine in both quotations.] A few years later, Dauer (1983) investigated the duration of inter-stress intervals of English, Thai, Spanish, Greek and Italian, of which English and Thai (conversational) were said to be stress-timed and Spanish syllable-timed—the others were rhythmically unlabelled. As part of her conclusion she said that the two different rhythmic types, which were said to exist, had not been detected. What makes a stretch of spoken words rhythmic? In English, stress, whether uttered or silent, works as a beat and groups unstressed syllables which follow; thus it composes a rhythmic unit, or a "foot", as defined above, and repeating feet produces rhythm. The rhythm of a language does not need to be as precise as metronomic rhythm. As Lehiste (1977, p. 258) suggests, a stretch of spoken words is not arhythmic, as far as the durational differences are not large enough to make the listener unable to impose the rhythmic structure on the spoken words sequence. In passing, the term "syllable" is too ambiguous and I have been using it so far in the sense of a chest pulse, following Abercrombie (1967, chap. 3). If better is uttered in one chest pulse (see Abercrombie), the word con-

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sists of one syllable. When I was at Edinburgh University in Scotland, I heard very in "That's very good" uttered in one chest pulse more often than not; I even remember David Abercrombie once demonstrating before the class this manner of pronouncing the word. But most scholars would not doubt that both better and very are structurally of two syllables and the use of "syllable" in the sense of chest pulse causes a little confusion. I, therefore, call syllable in this sense "chestable" 2 and keep "syllable" for the sense of C 0 . n VC 0 _ n ( V n " is the number of C's). In Japanese, the repeating of chestables makes its rhythm. Chestables are not difficult to hear in perception and to feel in production, especially to a trained expert. Different speech styles may make chestable boundaries differ in Japanese. For example, the loan word "maati" [mBBtsJi]3, which means "march", is said in one chestable in casual conversation and in two chestables "ma}ati}" in deliberatively clear pronunciation; I use "}" to show a chestable boundary.

Aim of this paper Dauer (1983) drew a parallel between stress-timed and syllable-timed languages, including rhythmically unlabelled ones, on one and the same criterion, i.e. measuring the durations of the inter-stress period of both types of language. As far as I recall, no one else has succeeded in making a comparison between these two different types of speech rhythm on one and the same criterion before. Her paper is very important in that she has raised a question whether there is any genuine difference between the languages which have been traditionally said to be rhythmically different. Though I, intuitively, do not agree with her, I should like to try to answer her question by comparing the rhythm of Japanese with that of English, the rhythm of both languages being familiar to me as a phonetician. In order to answer it, one must draw a comparison on the same principle—comparing on one and the same criterion. The inter-stress period does not work well in the examination of the Japanese rhythm because of the behaviour of stress in Japanese—stress oftener goes with emphasis there, which may form a considerably long inter-stress period. Apart from the behaviour of the Japanese stress, I have been wondering whether it would be proper to deal with inter-stress period as if the functional difference of stress—one working as a rhythmic beat and the other not working as such—did not exercise any effect on the inter-stress duration. My primary aim in writing this paper is to show one possible way of comparison

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on one and the same criterion without measuring the duration of the inter-stress period as well as answering after my method the question Dauer has raised. Before I go on to the analysis of my data, I shall briefly review some of the speech rhythm studies published in the 1980's and 1990's. Incidentally, since I should also like those readers who are uninitiated into statistics to follow my arguments, I shall insert brief explanations of statistics either in footnotes or in the text hereafter.

1. Some comments on speech rhythm studies in the 1980's and 1990's Wenk and Wioland (1982) proposed the dichotomy of leader-timed (in which timing was regulated group-initially) and trailer-timed (in which timing was regulated group-finally) as an alternative typology of stresstimed and syllable-timed. They based their arguments mainly on two points, 1) that in a French sentence consisting of a sequence of a 12-syllable clause followed by a 6-syllable clause, the articulation time of the second clause was much longer than half the articulation time of the first clause, or rather somewhat nearer to that of the first; 2) that there occurred group-final lengthening in French. Are these two points, however, really counter-evidence to syllable-timing? Any language has complex information carried by a stretch of linearly arranged speech sounds. It is not surprising that some languages should have part of that information conveyed by some rhythmic irregularity. Regarding the first point, it might be that French tends to maintain the balance of duration between the clauses, while those lengthened values of the group-final syllables are supposed to be what should be excluded in the statistical analysis4 as extraordinary values or outliers. What we have to know is what the basic rhythm is like and whether any kind of irregularity works as a signal of some kind of information. And there seems to remain something to be examined by these researchers. "Leader-timed" and "trailer-timed" are, to my mind, types of the rhythm unit—though, if they are, the naming is not quite happy as labels for such units. Fletcher (1991,199) made a statistically serious mistake in saying, "All speakers' data show intercept values of over 100ms, ruling out the strict syllable-timing principle that intercept values should approach zero. This value probably represents the extra durational increment for the one or two accented syllables in each prosodie word". Nearly five pages earlier

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she said something to the effect that if the relationship between the interstress interval duration (in ms) (y below) and the number of syllables in that interval (jt below) were "perfectly linear", the "regression 5 curve" [sic] should have zero intercept and the correlation between them should approach or equal 1. When she said "perfectly linear", she seems to have had in mind such a _y-to-x relation as y = α,*. 6 But simple linear regression is usually y = a0 + axx. When we make a test to know which is the right one, we formulate what is called "null hypothesis" 7 —H 0 : a 0 = 0 in this context. If the data force us to accept the null hypothesis, y - a x x is our regression. A problem is encountered at this point, however. Whether the data force us to accept the null hypothesis or allow us to reject it, there is some probability for a wrong judgement. Whenever a null hypothesis is formulated, an alternative hypothesis 8 is also formulated—//! : α 0 * 0 in this context. Let me call "p," the probability of the wrong judgement on which the null hypothesis that must not be rejected is rejected and "p 2 " the probability of the wrong judgement according to which the null hypothesis which must not be accepted is accepted. 1) If the data allow us to reject the null hypothesis, the alternative hypothesis is accepted, which means that the alternative hypothesis is judged right. As p x exists, we accept the alternative hypothesis at the risk of a given error level. This error level is what is called "significance level".9 2) If the data do not allow us to reject the null hypothesis, the null hypothesis is accepted, only because the grounds for rejecting the specification the null hypothesis holds, are not found in the data. In this case, p2 exists, but it is not easy to calculate. Although the test of the hypothesis is done on the principle that the rejection region 10 should be determined so as to make p2 the least after px is fixed, there is no statistical procedure for calculating p2, if the specification the alternative hypothesis holds is something like a * 0.11 Fletcher's theory holds, only if H 0 : a 0 = 012 cannot be rejected and we have no other choice than to accept it. But, as I mentioned just now, the conditions of the significance test are completely different from those established for the regression equation with the intercept: in the case of the regression with the intercept, it is known how great (or how little) the risk of the judgement error in adopting a given intercept is, whereas in the case of the regression without the intercept, the greatness of the judgement error in adopting zero intercept is not known—it may be considerable. The case with the intercept and that without the intercept are matters on different levels. Therefore, Fletcher's comment on French rhythm

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based on her discussion of intercepts is meaningless. Nevertheless, some people, regrettably enough, swallowed her theory uncritically. Roach (1982) tried to test Abercrombie's (1967, pp. 97-8) claims that (i) "there is considerable variation in syllable length in a language spoken with stress-timed rhythm whereas in a language spoken with syllabletimed rhythm the syllables tend to be equal in length" (p. 98) and that (ii) "in a syllable-timed rhythm, the stress-pulses are unevenly spaced" (p. 97) and made a comparison of the standard deviations calculated from the measurements obtained from two groups of languages which Abercrombie referred to—English, Russian and Arabic (stress-timed) and French, Telugu and Yoruba (syllable-timed). Here I take his examination of the claim (i) as an example. He showed the standard deviations of the syllable duration from each language as follows: French: 75.5 Telugu: 66 Yoruba: 81

English: 86 Russian: 77 Arabic: 76

and said, "This set of figures does not appear to support claim (i)." (p. 74). Unfortunately, very important values were ignored in his research: showing a standard deviation by itself without any reference to the mean value is meaningless. According to the Camp-Meidell theorem, over 95.1 % of the data lie within the range of χ ± 3 χ SD (χ: mean value of the data; SD: standard deviation). Supposing mE= 4, sE = 0.8 for one language and mF= 22, sF = 0.8 for another language (m for mean, s for standard deviation, E for one language and F for another), over 95.1 % of the data of Language E lie within 4 ± 2.4, i.e. in the range from 6.4 to 1.6 and over 95.1 % of the data of Language F within 22 ± 2.4, i.e. in the range from 22.4 to 19.6. The ratio of the maximum value to the minimum value is 4.0 for Language E and 1.1 for Language F: the data values are more or less similar in Language F, whereas they are not in Language E, despite that sE = s F . In order to examine the difference of variability between languages in terms of the standard deviation, the comparison of the coefficients of variation is required. The coefficient of variation is CV = - or CV = - 100% χ χ (CV: coefficient of variation, s: standard deviation, x: mean value of JC). With this hypothetical example, the coefficient of variation of Language E is 20.0 % and that of Language F 3.6 %. I regret that Roach's efforts thus

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came to nothing and that his conclusion was nevertheless accepted and quoted in an academic paper as if it had been meaningful. Williams and Hiller (1994) constructed six types of unit and examined whether English isochronicity was caused by chance and whether it was linguistically-based. Their types of unit were: 1) "Full" unit—the one which starts "at every full (i.e. unreduced) vowel"; 2) "Lexical(ly stressed)" unit—the one which begins "at every syllable that bears the primary lexical stress of an orthographic word"; 3) "Accented" unit—what begins "at every syllable that bears a pitch accent (i.e. where there is an easily-perceived peak in the pitch contour)"; 4) "Tense" unit—what begins with every syllable containing a tense vowel (i.e. diphthong or long monophthong); 5) "Random" unit—the one whose number of syllables is determined by a random integer between 1 and 5, generated by a random number generator; 6) "Arbitrary" unit—the one whose "number of syllables per unit [is] determined by a fixed and arbitrary algorithm (e.g. every third syllable starts a new foot)". If some or all of 1)- 4) showed any more tendency towards isochronicity than 5), they concluded that isochronicity in English was significantly greater than chance and if linguistically-based units [1)- 4) were so called] showed any more tendency towards isochronicity than 6), they concluded that the tendency towards isochronicity was linguistically significant. To reach their conclusions they had recourse to some statistical analyses. Generally speaking, their R2 values were often too small. The R 2 value shows how much of the data variation is explained by the calculated regression; therefore, if the R 2 value is too small, the regression is meaningless. They calculated the regression line of the averaged syllable duration against the number of syllables in a unit (abbreviated hereafter as "averaged syllable regression (line)") and found that the averaged syllable duration became shorter as the number of syllables in a unit increased 13 . It is true that this compression of the syllable length is evidence of the isochronous tendency. But they did not say which regression line they calculated, the ordinary one or the one for repeated measures. There are a number of averaged syllable durations against the unit of a given number of syllables—though there may be a single averaged syllable duration against a unit containing an unusually large number of sylla-

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

333

bles, e.g. a unit of 8 syllables; such a group should be excluded from the calculation. Therefore, we have a number of groups of data, defined by the number of syllables in a unit, such as the 1-syllable group, 2-syllable group, 3-syllable group and now we have the variation of the data within each group and the variation of the data between the groups. In such a case as this, not in a case where the values of the two variables (x and y ) have a one/one correspondence, what is called "one-way analysis of variance" needs to be run to know how large the deduction of the variation due to the regression14 from the variation between groups is, the latter variation being the variation of the mean of each group. This deduction shows the greatness of the "lack of fit" 15 of the regression line to the data. If a lack of fit is judged to exist, the simple linear regression y = a0 + axx is inapplicable. After my attention was drawn to this problem in averaged syllable regressions by a remark of Prof. Öta, I tried calculating three averaged syllable regression lines from two of my dataseis, one from this paper and the other from outside of it. In these calculations, following the authors of the paper I am commenting on, I have excluded the units preceding an utterance-final pause and in calculating the "lexical" regression, those units preceded by a pause are also excluded because the authors' treatment of them is unknown. Two of the regression lines are of genuine feet and one is of a "lexical" unit. (The authors used the term " f o o t " in place of "unit". But I should restrict the use of the term to what Abercrombie (1964b, 217) defines; a broadened use of a term in general makes things confused. "Genuine feet" are " f e e t " in Abercrombie's sense.) The result is that the existence of lack of fit is highly significant—sometimes extremely highly significant16—with all of the three simple linear regression lines; these regression lines are perfectly inadequate. It is most probable that the averaged syllable regression lines Williams and Hiller calculated are also far from adequate. Here and there in the paper, they made a comparison of the results of the regression analysis between the "linguistically-based" units and the "random" unit even though the "random" regression line was not significant, and concluded that, if the results were favourable to the "linguistically-based" units, the tendency towards isochronicity in English was larger than chance. In arriving at such a conclusion, they were doing something meaningless. A regression line not being significant means that the inferred population coefficient of the x-term17 is zero and that the x-term does not exist. When they drew a comparison between the coefficients of χ of a signifi-

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Masuya

cant regression line and a non-significant regression line, they were comparing a value which exists with a value which does not exist. Earlier in the same paper, they showed the results of their calculation of the simple linear regression of the unit duration against the number of syllables per unit for each of their unit types and said, "The random and arbitrary feet show generally higher r-squared values, indicating that this factor (number of syllables) [sic] accounts for a higher proportion of the variance than in the other foot types in the 'linguistic' foot types there may be some other factor also at work in the determination of foot duration" (p. 431). Apart from a little obscureness of some phrases in this quotation, they may have been right. So long as one judges from the calculations they made, the portion of the variation unexplained by their regression seems to be larger in the "linguistic" units than in the "random" and "arbitrary" units. But lack of fit had to be tested before anything was said as a conclusion, and recalculations of the r-squared values are advisable, for Prof. Öta (personal communication) has become aware that the regular calculation of R 2 (i.e. dividing the variation due to the regression by the total variation) is not happy for the regression for repeated measures, when a lack of fit does not exist. According to him, it is reasonable that we should adopt for the coefficient of determination (i.e. R 2) something which indicates how well the calculated regression equation grasps the variation of the mean of every group; therefore, in the calculation of R 2, the variation due to the regression must be divided by the variation between groups, not by the total variation. Van Zanten and van Heuven (1997) said in their paper, "Assuming that the penultimate vowel of our Indonesian target words is stressed, we may expect an anticipatory shortening effect for the stressed vowel in bisyllabic as compared to monosyllabic words" and went on to say, "For longer Indonesian words, the stress would still be on the penultimate vowel ..." [italics mine]. It is surprising that whether a syllable is being stressed or not is part of an assumption. To repeat Abercrombie's (1960) words, stress is "something which is either present or absent" [italics in the original]. If they listen to their informants' utterances, they can more or less affirm that stress is there or that it is not there. I say "more or less" because I do not think the question Mrs Uldall (talk before the class) came across has not been solved yet; she let several phoneticians, who were native speakers of English, listen to Abercrombie's reading of "The North Wind and the Sun" and plot stresses on the text in order to prepare for her (1971) paper and saw that they sometimes disagreed about the plotting on some stressable unstressed syllables. Hence a few mis-plottings of

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

335

stress may happen; but it is not expected to be so serious that it gives so great a damage as to cause a wrong result in so far as one keeps in mind Abercrombie's (1967, 98) words: "It is ... necessary to learn to listen differently [from the way one listens to everyday speech] in order to be able to analyse speech rhythm, whether of one's mother tongue or another language, and to describe it in general phonetic terms. Few succeed in doing this without training" [italics in the original] and has become familiar with the sounds of the target language. (The duration of those wrongly constructed feet is expected to be buried in the variation or discarded as extraordinary values or outliers.) Now I shall return to the "linguistically-based" unit types which Williams and Hiller casually constructed. If the speech rhythm is formed by stress-beat in English, any other units than the stress-headed like "foot" in Abercrombie's (1964b, 217) sense are irrelevant. Williams and Hiller said, "A lexically stressed syllable is merely a candidate for sentence-level stress, and may not receive stress in any given utterance" [italics mine]. Then how can a "lexical" unit when there is no stress in it, work as a component of rhythmic construction? It can do nothing more than disturb it. In the sentence following this, they said "As the word 'stress' has been used to mean many different things, it is necessary to test more than one definition of it". This is not, however, a good reason for including a factor irrelevant to rhythm; what is important is to judge by ear and determine the factor which forms rhythm. Otherwise, phonetics is only paper phonetics and any studies in paper phonetics are fruitless. Incidentally, did they test the normality of the distribution with the data from the unit types they constructed? The data of the "lexical" units I have constructed to examine part of their theory, have been proved by the Shapiro-Wilk test of normality not to be normally distributed when χ = 2 and χ - 4. From such data as these, viz. those which are not (approximately) normally distributed, statistical inference cannot be derived, because statistical inference presupposes the (approximately) normal distribution of the data. What is capable of being achieved in such a case is descriptive statistics and nothing else. We can only show the results of measurement in some informative ways—by calculating the mean, the standard deviation, etc. and presenting a histogram, a scattergram, etc.; we could calculate regression lines but cannot make any statistical tests. Therefore, most of their discussions are likely to be statistically worthless. When one deals

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with those cases where one is not sure of the (approximate) normal distribution of the data, the test of normality is indispensable. When they said that "accented" units began with every syllable that bore a "pitch accent", it showed their ignorance of the fact that a stressed syllable might be uttered in low pitch in English (see, for example, Halliday (1970)) and that stress may be silent (see above). Their "linguistically-based" types of unit are all irrelevant to the rhythm of English speech. If one is unable "to listen differently from the way one listens to everyday speech", how can one analyse the syllable boundary (or chestable boundary) of the Standard Scottish English enter, for example—MacMahon (1998, p. 21) says that the boundary lies in the middle of /t/ for some people? Nakatani et al. (1981) replaced an adjective-noun phrase in some English sentences with a reiteration of "ma"-syllable, e.g. "maMA MA" for "absurd day" and trained the "talkers" [sic] who would help their experiment, so that they could speak the sentence fluently with the proper rhythm and the proper stress pattern on the "ma"-syllable phrase and with the normal English manner of pronunciation on the rest of the sentence, in order to examine an aspect of American English rhythm. The sentences spoken by the talkers were recorded and the "ma"-syllable phrase was excised from each target sentence. After they most carefully reviewed the excised phrase, the experimenters selected what they judged acceptable and measured the duration of each syllable of the excised portion. The experiment was prepared with closest attention. Who can be sure, however, that the talkers spoke the nonsense word phrase of each sentence, being conscious (or subconsciously aware) that they were reading it as a stretch of normal English sound sequences and that the experimenters listened to the recorded sentences and excised phrases, being conscious (or subconsciously aware) that they were listening to a stretch of normal English sound sequences? If the talkers and/or the experimenters were conscious (or subconsciously aware) that they were speaking and hearing non-speech phrases, the results obtained will certainly be different from what is expected from the analysis of speech. No one would be convinced that the switch in their brain fixed to the speech mode even at the sequence of "ma"-syllables.

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

337

2. The dataseis for this paper The datasets for this paper are obtained from "The North Wind and the Sun" read by four English speakers and its translation read by as many Japanese speakers; the texts are what is produced in phonetic transcription in "The Principles of the International Phonetic Association", 1949 edition. The texts given to the readers were reproduced in the ordinary writing system of both languages. The speakers are two males and two females for each language. All the Japanese speakers are speakers of the Tokyo accent. English speakers are all alleged RP speakers and they have more or less common accentual features—one of them (Em2) is a Scotsman born of Scottish parents in Scotland but no features of the Scottish accent are detected so far as this reading is concerned: according to him, his mother was educated in English schools; he may have been, too. E m i pronounced "traveller", which appears four times in the text, consistently in two chestables, Ef2 consistently in three chestables and Em2 and E f l sometimes in two, sometimes in three. The words "other" and "immediately" each occur once in the text and E m i and E f l pronounced the former in one chestable and the latter in three chestables, uttering "-diately" in one chestable, while Em2 and Ef2 pronounced the former in two chestables and the latter in five chestables. All of these English speakers usually exploded the syllable-final stops and when they exploded them, that exploded stop was pronounced in an independent chestable, e.g. "winjd 3 ]", from time to time. Such a chestable was regarded as an appendage to the word to prevent the situation too favourable to the isochronic tendency from being introduced; hence, "winjd 3 }" was treated as a one-chestable equivalent. I should call these English speakers "speakers of educated Anglo-English". The speakers are: (1)

Jml, male: born in Tokyo in 1934; Jm2, male: born in Tokyo in 1969; Jfl, female: born in Tokyo in 1966; Jf2, female: born in Tokyo in 1971 and Emi, male: born in Oxford in 1968; Em2, male: born in Aberdeen in 1969; E f l , female: born in Oxford in 1945; Ef2, female: born in North London in 194518

Measurements of durations were made on the spectrograms in ms with Sensimetrics Corporation's Speech Station 2™, v. 1.0.4 and Kay Elemet-

338

Yosihiro Masuya

ries Corporation's Multi-Speech™ Model 3700, v. 2.2; the system of Speech Station 2 in which the energy envelope can lie below a spectrogram, both corresponding with each other, is especially helpful when the boundaries of a chestable are plotted, though I do not mean that the energy envelope always helps, nor that it tells where the boundary lies. The best signal with which to determine the boundary is my auditory impression and feeling at the chest I get when I imitate the speaker's pronunciation. If a sentence, a phrase or a word begins after a pause with a voiceless or devoiced [+ voice] 19 stop, a sound loop of a repetition of the stop and the following vowel has been made with Speech Station 2 and the starting point of the loop where no sound break comes to be heard has been interpreted as the beginning of the closure for the stop. In Uldall (1971), David Abercrombie himself made the scansion, or foot-boundary marking, of the text he had read and divided a long pause after a sentence into two silent feet, i.e. feet filled with a silent stress alone, e.g. (2)

the north wind gave up the attempt. | A | A | Then .... (The caret is the symbol for silent stress.)

In Masuya (1994), Jack Aitken, who, at my request, did for me what Abercrombie did for Mrs Uldall, also made the scansion in the same way and answering my question, confirmed that he felt two beats there. In the scansion for this paper, I followed them; if I felt two beats, I inserted two carets there and if three beats, three carets. I made the scansion of the English readings myself—and the plotting of chestable boundaries as well for the Japanese readings—partly because Aitken showed that he did not make the scansion as a speaker but as a hearer by modifying the first scansion on his second listening and partly because a phonetician, who was a native speaker of English, was unavailable. Pauses are part of the rhythmic stretch of words and they do not break the rhythm; therefore, I have dealt with unfilled feet, i.e. feet beginning with a silent stress or those consisting of a silent stress alone, in the same way as filled feet, which are composed of a stressed chestable followed by either (an) unstressed chestable(s) or none of such. A silent stress has been counted as one chestable-equivalent; hence, the pause in (2) is a sequence of two one-chestable feet and the second foot in (3) is a threechestable foot. If a pause is composed of the sequence of two feet consisting of a silent stress alone, I divided the whole duration of the pause by two and if the sequence is of three silent stress feet, by three, rounding off

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

339

the quotient to the first digit. But if the pause is of a silent stress followed by another silent stress preceding (an) unstressed chestable(s), such as (3)

|J

Λ

Then the | ....

I have left them out as unmeasurable, for dividing the duration of the words "then the" in (3) by two is meaningless. Now I shall turn to the Japanese readings. In Japanese, chestable boundaries may occur 1) after a vowel, e.g. arujtoki), 2) after the syllabic "n", e.g. danjdanj, 3) in the midway through a long vowel, e.g. majati} or 4) in between a double consonant, e.g. sikjkari to}. In such a case as 4), the duration of each chestable cannot be measured, though the whole duration of the two chestables taken together can be. Two or three syllables are usually spoken in one chestable, though not always. I do not think pauses consist of chestables but they still form part of the rhythm of Japanese utterances and their durations are also measured, being treated as equivalents to chestables. A short pause, between 28 and 90ms with the mean value of 64.6ms, occurs following a glottal stop; this is regarded as part of the preceding chestable, not a genuine pause. This is supposed to have something to do with the release of the glottal stop. The duration of a longer pause has been divided either by the duration value of the preceding chestable or by the mean value of the durations of the preceding two chestables whenever there are two measurable ones and the quotient, rounded off to the first digit, has been regarded as the number of chestable-equivalents included in the pause. My dataseis are indeed limited, but for time consuming work like this, anyone's datasets might be. It is because they are limited that I have conducted the statistical analysis. Statistics is the theoretical device to draw, from some limited data, inferences about what the elements of a big dataset, or technically a population, might be like—see note 17 about "population". Without this theoretical inference, statistics would never be worth using. Statistical inference requires as a precondition that the elements of a sample dataset should be normally distributed. When it is assumed quite a few factors are involved in a phenomenon, such as in a speaker fixing the so-called isochronical foot durations in an utterance, a normal distribution of the measured values is generally expected, but, to make sure and partly to find extraordinary values if any, I have run at the 5 % significance level (p < 0.05) both the Shapiro-Wilk test and the Geary test for the English data and the Geary test for the Japanese data to discover

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whether the distribution of each set is normal—the sample size of the Japanese data is too large for the former test. Every set of samples has been found normally distributed. The next thing to be tested is whether the datasets are independent of one another; in other words, each set comprises samples from different populations. If the inferred population mean and/or variance 20 of two sample sets are (is) not regarded as the same in consequence of a statistical test, these sample sets are treated as derived from different populations; if these population parameters are statistically the same, the datasets come from one population. Among my datasets, Jf2 and E m i are independent as shown in Tables 1 and 2 below; Jml, Jm2 and Jfl are derived from a third population and Em2, E f l and Ef2 from a fourth population (the speakers' symbols being given to the datasets as their labels, too). The sample data of Jml, Jm2 and Jfl, therefore, are gathered together into one dataset and those of Em2, E f l and Ef2 into another set hereafter, which will be called "3 J's", "3 E's", respectively. Incidentally, it is nothing but a coincidence that one is independent and that the other three come from one population in the data of the two languages. Table 1. 95 % confidence intervals21 of the population mean (μ) and the population variance (σ 2 ) of the Japanese data. The interval is expressed in the form of "(lowest value, highest value)".

m

Jml

Jm2

Jfl

μ

(270.9, 290.3)

(251.6,272.9)

(249.3,271.5)

(250.2, 269.6)

σ2

(3333,5114)

(4061, 6231)

(4372, 6707)

(3343, 5128)

Table 2. 95 % confidence intervals of the population mean (μ) and the population variance (σ 2 ) of the English data when = 3. The interval is expressed in the form of "(lowest value, highest value)" Emi

Em2

Efl

Ef2

μ

(491.5,576.7)

(547.8, 675.2)

(588.9, 708.1)

(578.3,727.7)

σ2

(4784,17645)

(10730, 39577)

(9210,33973)

(14610, 53890)

In Table 1, the test at the significance level ρ < 0.05 has not indicated that the population variance is significantly different between the four speakers but suggested that Jf2's population mean is significantly different from the others'—her lowest value of the confidence interval is almost the same as the highest values of the other speakers. In Table 2, the population variance of E m i does not differ significantly from that of Em2

Two Different Kinds of Rhythm: Japanese and English

341

and E f l , but it does from that of Ef2, while the population mean of Emi is significantly different from that of the other three speakers—Emi 's highest value of the confidence interval is almost the same as the lowest values of the other speakers. (When χ had a value other than 3, significant differences were not detected.) The significance test has been carried out at the level ρ < 0.05. Now I shall turn to the comparison between Japanese and English and at the same time I shall show in what way statistics makes a good contribution to the description of speech rhythm construction, which is a subsidiary objective of this paper.

3. Rhythm of Japanese and English 3.1. Scattergrams of the duration of the rhythmical units Let us look at the scattergrams of four speakers, two each selected from the Japanese and the English speakers (Figs. 1-4).

Jml 600 χ % ^ 500 500 α Ë 400

* ~

• duration (ms)

A

υ

100 0 0

5 10 15 order of occurrence

20

Figure 1. Scattergram of J m l as a sample of 3J's, showing the durations (in ms) of chestables with pauses included in the order of occurrence. The order of occurrence is translated into a sequence of numbers, 1.0,1.1,1.2, ... 1.9, 2.0,

342

Yosihiro Masuya

m

600 500 1α

'sε

400

ω ο χ> cd C3 % α ω τί υ

300

200

Λ

•

• • s s %* • y .*

-de b. word 'word'

Affixation (Plural)

[s c i ρ ] «

(wordju

μμ

μμμ

Output

scip-M

II

11 1

word-< >

Thus the words in (2 i a) and (2 ii a) do not undergo HVD, while the words in (2 i b) and (2 ii b) do. As for high vowels after the sC clusters, they are also deleted. (3) H V D after sC clusters Input

a. nest 'nest'

b. nest 'nest'

Affixation (Plural)

[nest]«

[nest]«

Output

*nest-u

Input

IV

μμ

III

μμμ nest-< >

a. hysp 'scorn'

b. hysp 'scorn'

Affixation (Imp. sg.)

[hysp]/

[hysp];'

Output

*hysp-i

I \ι

μ μ

1 11

μμμ

hysp-< >

(cf. Kim 1986:151) If sC clusters are taken as monopositional segments, dominating one mora, as in the representations (3 i a) and (3 ii a), the stem-internal syllables would be counted as only two moras, which wrongly predicts that these words do not undergo HVD. But H V D must apply to these words, in parallel with those in (2 i b) and (2 ii b). This fact suggests that the analyses in (3 i b) and (3 ii b), in which sC clusters occupy bisegmental positions owning two moras, are correct. This is one of her arguments that sC clusters in coda were still consonant clusters, not single segments, at least in the period of O E .

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Noriko

Yamane

2.2. Middle English (ca. 1100-ca. 1500) This section offers evidence that only st started to behave as a single segment in the coda in ME. As a start, let us look at the distribution of long vowels before sC clusters in PE. (4) Long Vowels before sC Clusters a. _ st: a: 2 , i:, ei, ai, u:, ου, ao, oi b. _sp: a: c. _ sk: a: Every sC cluster can cooccur with long vowel /a:/, but only st allows a great variety of long high vowels and diphthongs. Examples are shown below. 3 (5) Asymmetry of st and the other sC Clusters (i) _st a. [a:] blast, cast, caste, fast, last, mast, past, vast b. [i:] beast, east, feast, least, priest, yeast c. [ei] baste, chaste, haste, paste, taste, waist, waste d. [ai] Christ, heist e. [u:] boost, roost f. [ou] boast, coast, ghost, host, most, post, roast, toast g. [au] frowst, joust, oust h. [oi] foist, hoist, moist (ii) SP [a:] clasp, gasp, grasp, rasp (iii) _sk [a:] ask, bask, cask, flask, mask, task The appearance of [a:] before all sC clusters is a reflex of lengthening in Modern English (henceforth, ModE), and will be discussed later. The other vowels before st (i.e. (5b-h)) are all results of the Great Vowel Shift (henceforth, GVS) which applied to long vowels in Late Middle English (ca. 1350-ca. 1500).4 This fact suggests that vowels before st, different from sp and sk, must have already been long at that period. But previous research (Minkova 1982, 1985, Yamane 1997, 1998a) concludes that sC words evaded Open Syllable Lengthening in M E (henceforth, M E O S L ) and were short uniformly. Let us take up a M E word gaspe ('gasp') as an example. The syllabification is based on Hayes (1980,1989).

sC Clusters as Complex

Segments

361

(6) Evasion of MEOSL in Words with Medial sC Clusters a. Syllabification

b. Schwa Loss

c. Syllable Loss J

d. Stray Coda Adjunction

g a s p As the above illustration shows, words like gaspe did not take part in MEOSL. The reason is that the stray mora μ is compensated by the preceding vowel, whose syllable is not open unlike tale.5 Following this argument, words with medial st are also expected to be prevented from lengthening. However, unlike words with sp or sk, words with st do take part in lengthening. 6 In order to derive lengthening of such words, we need to posit the following process, which we call Complex Segment Formation (henceforth, CSF) of /st/ as below. (7) CSF of st a. /s/ Delinking

b. Stray Code Adjunction

μ μ

μ μ

\s t!

s t

/I

Based on the assumption that all segments in the rhyme bear a mora in English, both /s/ and Iii in the coda position own a mora. But Is/ delinks from the mora as in (7a), and it is reassociated with the coda-final mora by Stray Coda Adjunction, as in (7b). Thus st changes its status from an ordinary consonant cluster into a single complex segment. Note that this procedure targets st only, which shares unmarked place feature [cor] as well as [voice].7 Given that CSF applies after the original MEOSL triggered by schwa loss, words with word-medial st will automatically undergo lengthening. Let us call the original MEOSL 'the first MEOSL', whose application is limited to the structure CVCV. Let us call the lengthening triggered by CSF as 'the second MEOSL', which applies to the structure CVst.

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Noriko

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(8) The second MEOSL (words with st clusters are lengthened) a. /st/-Complex Segment Formation σ

b. Spreading

σ

Words with st do not undergo the first MEOSL, parallel to sp or sk, as seen in (6). After the vacuous application, words with st only take part in the second MEOSL. Here the trigger is not the schwa loss, but CSF in (8a), which feeds spreading as in (8b). Lengthening of these words are not exceptions any longer, and can be unified as a natural consequence of Compensatory Lengthening, namely of the second MEOSL. Its output form [ta:st] hereafter successfully undergoes GVS, showing up as [teist] in Mod E. The existence of the second MEOSL which feeds GVS therefore is an evidence for the monosegmental behavior of st clusters. In ME, then, st started to become a complex segment, unlike sp and sk.

2.3. Early Modern English (ca. 1500-ca. 1900) The sC clusters in early ModE behave differently from those in ME. Lengthening in ModE is also Compensatory Lengthening, a structure preserving process in terms of the number of moras; however, unlike in ME, all sC clusters, st, sp and sk, behave uniformly with regard to lengthening. Lengthening in ModE is called Pre-Voiceless Fricative Lengthening (henceforth, PVFL), which targets vowels before voiceless fricative consonants, as shown below. (9) PVFL (i) sC Clusters a. _ st: blast, cast, caste, fast, last, mast, past b. _ sp: asp, clasp, gasp, grasp, rasp c. _ sk: ask, bask, cask, casket, flask, mask, task (ii) Voiceless Fricatives a. _ s: brass, class, glass, grass, mass, pass

sC Clusters as Complex

Segments

363

b. _ / : calf, chaff, graph, half, laugh, staff c. _ Θ: bath, path, wrath (cf. Dobson 1968: 525-29, Nakao 1985:137-140) The vowels preceding all sC clusters as well as voiceless fricatives such as /s/, /f/ and /Θ/ emerged as [a:], as we described in (4) and (5). All sC clusters behave like one unit, without any COR/LAB asymmetry, and they all attain the status of complex segment. 8 (10) PVFL (i) Before sC a. Delinking

b. Spreading

o

f!\\ μ μ μ I ni g a s p

c. Stray Coda Adjunction σ

σ r

μ / μ\ \ μ

g a s p

7i\

μ μ μ

g a s p

(ii) Before single voiceless fricatives a. Delinking a

μ μ

I

I+

p a s

b. Spreading α

Ά

μ μ

p a s

c. Stray Coda Adjunction σ

Ά μ μ

p a s

PVFL consists of (a) Delinking of voiceless fricatives, (b) Spreading and (c) Stray Coda Adjunction. In both examples (10 i) and (10 ii), Spreading is fed by Delinking, where the stray mora is compensated through vowel lengthening. And in the process of (c), the delinked Is/ is docked to the final mora. Here in the example (10 i c), the final mora dominates both of s and p, where we find sp as complex segment. Thus sC clusters attain monomoraicity. 9 To summarize, all sC clusters act in a uniform fashion, in that they undergo PVFL in parallel with single voiceless fricatives. On these grounds I have come to the conclusion that all sC clusters start to acquire monosegmental status without COR/LAB asymmetry in ModE.

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2.4. Present-day English (ca. 1900-) Evidence in favor of regarding all sC clusters as complex segments is presented by Lamontagne (1993). Following Sagey (1986), who illustrates that place features of complex segments behave as if they are linearly unordered, he reports that this uniqueness also holds true of sC clusters. In other words, the place features of /s/ and those of the stop part of sC clusters are visible to phonological phenomena from both sides. This character is witnessed by a cooccurrence constraint in English monosyllables. According to Lamontagne (1993: 272-73), "a segment cannot cooccur (in monosyllables) with an .v-stop sequence if it agrees in both place and stricture (i.e., continuancy) with a member of the sequence." For instance, words with two [ - continuant] coronals such as sfVt and tVif, and words with two [+ continuant] coronals such as sCVs and sVsC are infrequent. This means that the OCP is operative on the consonantal tier. But what should not be overlooked here is that the OCP takes effect even if a consonant intervenes: the OCP is effective in tVsi even if Is/ intervenes, and also effective in sCVs even if the stop consonant 'C' intervenes. If we regard sC clusters as true clusters, the intervening consonant will preclude the OCP effect. Let us clarify this point with the representation below. (11) True Cluster Analysis ->• No OCP violation due to linear ordering a. C s C b. s C C [ - cont] [+ cont] [ - cont] Fj

[cor]

Fj

[+ cont] [ - cont] [+ cont] [cor]

F

Fj

(F = [lab], [cor], [dor]; Fj = [cor]) In both structures above, the highlighted features, relevant to the OCP, do not satisfy the adjacency condition that the OCP requires. Such structures are not within the scope of the OCP, and thus the rarity of these words cannot be predicted. The problem is that such true clusters are strictly linearly ordered. Lamontagne solves this problem with the complex segment analysis as follows.

sC Clusters as Complex

Segments

365

(12) Complex Segment Analysis ->• OCP violation thanks to non-linear ordering a. *C sC b. *sC — C PL

PL

PL

I / \ [ - cont] [ - cont] [+ cont] Fj e.g.

Fj

[cor]

*(p, b, m) V sp *(t, d, η) V st * (k, g, r ] ) V s k

PL

/ \ I [ - cont] [+ cont] [+ cont] F

[cir]

Fj

*sp V (s, ζ, Θ, ô, s, ζ) *st V (s, ζ, θ, ö, s, ζ) *sk V (s, ζ, θ, ö, s, ζ)

In complex segments, two place features behave as if they are linearly unordered. As for the sC clusters, the two place features with their head [cont] features are assumed to belong to separate tiers, which are dominated by a single place node. The adjacency condition is satisfied here thanks to this non-linear ordering of the relevant features. Thus the asterisked examples below the representations militate against the OCP, and the infrequency of the examples shown is appropriately explained. 10 We can see here that this analysis supports the status of complex segments in both onset and coda. Based on this argument, it seems reasonable to conclude that sC clusters in PE are monosegmental units in both onset and coda.

2.5. The need for local conjunction It was observed in the preceding sections (2.1.-2.4.) that historically, in coda position, sC clusters have gradually merged into one segment; Sp and sk did not come up as complex segments until st did. Is this directionality of change predictable? How can we capture such a gradual change of sC? In this section, we argue that the Local Conjunction [henceforth, LC] (Smolensky 1993,1995) is necessary to capture the variability and directionality sC clusters have revealed. As a first approximation, let us introduce the universal markedness constraint called *CoMPLEX.n This constraint prohibits complex association within a certain phonological unit. *COMPLEX can be decomposed into the following two constraints at least:

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( 1 3 ) a. * COMPLEX (CODA): Multiple consonants are prohibited in the coda. b. * COMPLEX (SEG): Multiple place features are prohibited in one segment.

If sC clusters are true consonant clusters, the syllable codas will contain two consonants, which violates *COMPLEX (CODA). On the other hand, if the sC clusters are complex segments, the root nodes will contain two place features, which violates *COMPLEX (SEG). The change of the status of sC can be captured with the conflict of these constraints. (14) a. O E

b. P E

* COMPLEX ( S E G )

*COMPLEX ( C O D A )

I

I

*COMPLEX (CODA)

*COMPLEX ( S E G )

4 st, sp, sk

I [st], [sp], [sk]

I f the * COMPLEX (SEG) dominates *COMPLEX (CODA) as in ( 1 4 a ) , s C clus-

ters emerge as consonant clusters. But if the ranking is reversed as in (14b), sC clusters emerge as complex segments. In other words, the hierarchy (14a) reflects O E , and the reversed hierarchy in (14b) seems to reflect PE. How can this constraint interaction predict the COR/LAB asymmetry we have observed in M E through ModE? The problem is that the interaction of these constraints, as it stands, wrongly predicts that sC clusters are uniformly converted into complex segments all at once. The constraint of *COMPLEX (SEG) needs to be revised so that the Cor/Lab asymmetry can be captured. Let us assume that *COMPLEX (SEG) consists of several constraint families, which prohibit certain combinations of place features. L C is "an operation in U G by which two constraints governing substructures of a given local domain are conjoined into a higher-ranked constraint" (Smolensky 1995:1). On the basis of the COR/LAB asymmetry or the dominance hierarchy of *PL/LAB » *PL/COR (Prince & Smolensky 1993:181), L C produces the following ranking with three locally-conjoined constraints, which is universally fixed. (15)

Constraint Families of *COMPLEX (SEG) * P L / L A B , LAB » * P L / L A B , COR » * P L / C O R , COR

Each constraint is defined as follows.

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

(16)

a.

* P L / L A B , LAB: TWO

367

Labial Place features are not associated to one

place node. b.

* P L / L A B , COR: Both a Labial Place feature and a Coronal Place feature are not associated to one place node.

c.

* P L / C O R , COR: TWO

Coronal Place features are not associated to

one place node. The constraint in (16c) is violated when the output of st is a complex segment, and the constraint in (16b) is violated when the output of sp or sk is a complex segment. The process making complex segment is motivated by the promotion of *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) . It can then be captured by the dominance of *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) over each family of *COMPLEX ( S E G ) (i.e., the constraints in (16a-c)). Let us see how the constraint interaction succeeds in singling out the optimal output in each system.

(17) LME: CSF of sí only *PL/LAB, LAB

(i) Is ΰ a."®· [st] b. s t (ii) Is pi a. [sp] b."®· s ρ

* P L / L A B , COR

»COMPLEX ( C O D A )

*PL/COR, COR

*

*!

*! *

([ ] indicates the formation of the complex segment.)

In the L M E system, *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) is ranked between * P L / L A B , COR, and * P L / C O R , COR. When the input is st as in (17 i), candidate (b) as a true cluster loses, because it violates *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , but candidate (a) as a complex segment, which observes * COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , wins. However, when the input is sp as in (17 ii), candidate (a) as a complex segment loses because of the violation of * P L / L A B , COR, but candidate (b) as a true cluster wins. This correctly predicts that CSF is allowed only in st not in sp or sk. Next, let us observe the system of ModE as below.

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(18) ModE: CSF of st, sp, sk *PL/LAB, LAB

(i) Is t/ a.®" [st] b. st (ii) Is ρ/ a.·2" [sp] b. s ρ

* COMPLEX ( C O D A )

* P L / L A B , COR

* P L / C O R , COR

*

*!

*

*!

In ModE, * COMPLEX ( C O D A ) has been promoted, and dominates * P L / L A B , COR as well as * P L / C O R , COR. When the input is st as in ( 1 8 i), candidate (b) loses because of the violation of *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , but candidate (a) as a complex segment wins. Similarly, when the input is st as in (18 ii), candidate (b) loses because of the violation of *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , but candidate (a) as a complex segment wins. This constraint interaction correctly predicts that CSF applies both in st and in sp or sk in ModE. In summarizing, the diachronic change of sC is captured as follows. (19) Diachronic Change of sC in Coda OE

LME

ModE

* P L / L A B , LAB 1 * P L / L A B , COR I 1 * P L / C O R , COR I 1

* P L / L A B , LAB I 1 *PL/LAB, COR I 1 *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) I 1

* P L / L A B , LAB I 1 *COMPLEX ( C O D A )

*COMPLEX ( C O D A )

* P L / C O R , COR

* P L / C O R , COR

I

I

1

st, sp, sk

[st], sp, sk

[st], [sp], [sk]

1 * P L / L A B , COR I 1

(Yamane 1999a) In the system of OE, *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) is ranked below a block of * C O M PLEX ( S E G ) consisting of the three constraint families, so none of the complex segments is allowed. In late ME, the lowest constraint family of * COMPLEX ( S E G ) , i.e. * P L / C O R , COR, is overridden, by the promotion of * COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , and only st emerges as a complex segment, leaving sp and sk aside. In ModE, the second lowest family, i.e. * P L / L A B , COR, is overridden, by the further upward shift of *COMPLEX ( C O D A ) , so that sp

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

369

and sk as well as st emerge as complex segments.12 Thus LC makes it possible to capture the gradual shift of the status of sC clusters. The next section shows that the status of sC clusters in PE reflects Japanese loanword phonology.

3. English word-final sC clusters in Japanese loanword phonology The status of complex segment is sometimes reflected in loanword phonology (Especially the exeptional behavior of sC in loanword phonology is investigated in Broselow 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 9 1 ) . According to van de Weijer ( 1 9 9 6 : 1 8 5 89), sC clusters behave differently from other normal clusters in loanword phonology in Modern Standard Hindi and Sinhalese, where normal consonant clusters are broken up by epenthesis, while sC clusters receive a prothetic vowel (or remain as they are in Sinhalese). He argues that the resistance of sC clusters to epenthesis follows from their representation below. (21)

*

C

/X [cont] ! Place

[stop] I Place

This representation has a doubly-linked structure, in which two monovalent features, [cont] and [stop], are both associated to a single C-slot. How the manner features are treated is not at stake here, but important is that sC clusters owns a single C-slot and a single place node. Van de Weijer notes that in such a representation, insertion of a vowel would violate the Line Crossing Constraint proposed by Goldsmith ( 1 9 7 6 ) . The following sections reveal that Japanese loanword phonology supports the integrity of sC clusters, which is in accordance with the fundamental idea as represented above. The analysis we adopt is Correspondence Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1 9 9 5 ) , in which the resistance to vowel epenthesis results from the dominance of the faithfulness constraint below. (22) DEP-V: Every vowel of the output has a correspondent in the input. This constraint militates against insertion of vowels in general.

370

Noriko Yamane

As for the resistance to consonant epenthesis, the constraint below is dominant. (23) DEP-C: Every consonant in the output has a correspondent in the input. In sections 3.1. and 3.2., we generalize the gemination pattern of Japanese. Section 3 . 3 . shows that D E P - C interacts with faithfulness constraints on consonant clusters. And Section 3.4. discusses the interaction of DEPV with other constraints.

3.1. The generalization of gemination: featural contrast Crucial evidence is found in the behavior of English word-final consonant clusters in Japanese loanword phonology. When English words are borrowed into Japanese lexicon, one of the final consonant clusters is sometimes realized as a geminated form. The phonological condition for the gemination will be generalized as follows: (24) In word-final consonant clusters CjC2(C3)# ... it is always C, which undergoes gemination. There is no example whose C2 or C3 is realized as a geminate (e.g. script > *sukuripufto). Furthermore, C, has to be 'a potential geminate consonant' ((Kawagoe 1995: 53) (my translation, Ν. Y.)) This paper will focus on words with sequence C1C2# (C¡C2C3# is not taken up here). Note that the 'potential geminate consonants' notated above indicate stops, affricates and fricatives, which are all [ - sonorant] consonants. The generalization above appropriately captures the fact that the sequence whose C t is a sonorant consonant (either nasal, liquid or glide) is not realized in gemination. However, this condition overgenerates the gemination patterns; even if Q is a [- sonorant] consonant, it does not always turn up with geminated forms. So the sequence in question actually falls into two types; Gemination CC and Anti-Gemination CC. In order to predict this asymmetrical distribution, attention must be paid to the number of contrasting features of place, [continuant] and [sonorant], between Cj and C2. The figure below presents the grouping of Gemination CC and Anti-Gemination CC.

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

371

(25) Number of Featural Contrasts (= N) of Word-Final CC in English (i) Gemination CC C,C 2 a. -Cs b. -CI

c. -Cn

ks ps kl pi si fl sn fn

Contrasting features pi, [cont] pi, [cont] pi, [son] pi, [son] [cont], [son] pi, [cont], [son] [cont], [son] [cont], [son]

Ν

Examples (English > Japanese)

2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2

box > bofcusu, wax > wa£:usu pops > pop:usu, chips > chip:usu tackle > ta/c:uru, knuckle > na/c:uru apple > ap:uru, nipple > nip:uru castle > kyaj:uru, hustle > has:uru waffle > wa/iuru, raffle > ra/:uru lesson > les:un, listen > lLs:un fashion > faj:on, mission > miJ":on

Ν

Examples (English > Japanese)

(ii) Anti-Gemination CC C,C 2 a. -Ct b. -Cl c. -Cn

kt pt tl tn

Contrasting features p· pl [son] [son]

1 1 1 1

sect > seduto, act > tafcuto kept > keputo, script > sukuriputo kettle > ketoru, little > riforu mutton > maion, button > bofan

(pi = place, [cont] = [continuant], [son] = [sonorant])

Notice that even if Q is a [ - sonorant] consonant, Anti-Gemination CC (25 ii) systematically avoids gemination (e.g. sect > seduto, *seA::uto), in contrast to Gemination CC (25 i) (e.g. box > bo/c:usu). This fact reveals that the gemination pattern is not simply determined by the feature of C l5 but by the the number of featural contrasts between Q and C 2 (for the details, see Yamane & Tanaka 2000). The significance of the interaction between clusters is also demonstrated in Quebec French (Côté 1997). In the word-final consonant clusters Q Q , the deletion of C2 depends on the number of featural contrasts between them, where [voice], place, [continuant] and [sonorant] are counted. In Quebec French, the fewer the contrasting features are, the more likely C 2 is to drop: when the contrast is more than two, C 2 never drops, when it is two, C 2 optionally drops, and when it is only one, C 2 automatically drops. The deletion serves to maximize the acoustic salience of Q , so that C¡ will be easily perceived. As for the Japanese gemination patterns, this kind of enhancement seems also to be true. The difference between the Quebec French deletion and the Japanese gemination is outlined below.

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(26) Quebec French Deletion Japanese Gemination Input ctc2# Phonological Process C 2 Deletion Cj Insertion Target salient Cj non-salient C 2 Featural Contrast 5Ξ 2 Output Q< > (#: word-boundary)

French deletes non-salient C2, when the featural contrast is two or less, producing Cj< >. But Japanese inserts salient C t when the contrast is two or more, producing C 1 C 2 . The apparent distinction is unified in the theory of featural contrast. Both phenomena serve to enhance the acoustic salience of Q . The analysis for Japanese will be presented in section 3.3.

3.2. Evidence for sC as complex segments Based on this observation, let us consider the case of sC clusters. If we treat sC as true consonant clusters, the contrasting number would result as below. (27) st sk sp

Contrasting features

Ν

[cont] pi, [cont] pi, [cont]

1 2 2

Type of CC => => =>

Anti-Gemination CC * Gemination CC * Gemination CC

St would have one featural contrast, but sk and sp would have two. Using the featural contrast approach, the number of contrast, two, is supposed to trigger gemination. However, sk and sp systematically avoids gemination as in the examples below. (28) st sk sp

Contrasting features

Ν

[cont] [cont] [cont]

1 1 1

Examples (English > Japanese) deiufcu, task > tasu&u crisp > kumupu, grasp > gurasupu

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

373

This fact indicates that all sC clusters should be uniformly grouped into Anti-Gemination CC whose featural contrast is less than two. If we adopt the idea that sC clusters are complex segments, whose featural contrast is only one (i.e., [cont]) as the apparent distinction of place features are nullified by the single place node that they share, based on the representation in (21) for instance, the gemination pattern is correctly predicted. However, in contradiction to the representation in (21), sC clusters in Japanese are finally broken up with vowel epenthesis, unlike Moderrn Standard Hindi and Sinhalese. This point will be discussed in 3.4. The next section will analyze the Gemination CC and the Anti-Gemination CC respectively in the framework of OT, where the status of sC clusters will be further confirmed.

3.3. Maintain contrast as a faithfulness constraint This section presents an analysis of gemination in the framework of OT, in combination with the Dispersion Theory of contrast (Flemming 1995). The following constraints are adopted: (29) Maintain Contrast constraints a. CONTRAST = N : A segment is differentiated from the following one by Ν articulatory contrast(s). b . CONTRAST = 1 » CONTRAST = 2 » . . . » CONTRAST = Ν

(cf. Côté 1997: 65) These constraints proposed by Côté are articulatory-based ones, modified from the auditory-based "Maintain Contrast" constraints Flemming originally proposed. Adopting articulatory-based constraints seems to enable us to capture the more general notion of phonetic distinctiveness, whose maximization serves to enhance acoustic salience. Then the constraint ranking in (29b) encodes that the less distinctive the contrast, the greater the violation. Briefly, the less contrastive strings of segments such as sC clusters are comparatively unmarked sequences for the part of speakers, but marked for the part of hearers. 13 Gemination follows from the effect of the constraint below. (30) MAXDUR(CJ):

Maximize the duration of

Q

(cf. Flemming

1995: 94)

This was originally proposed as an auditory-based constraint, but as Flemming (1995: 96) notes, "Prolongation of an articulatory gesture will result

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in auditory differences which may then be exaggerated for purposes of enhancement (emphasis mine, Ν. Y. )". This statement may enable us to admit the constraint (30) as one of the articulatory-based constraints, in tandem with other "Maintain Contrast" constraints raised in (29). First let us consider the interaction of M A X D U R ( C J ) and D E P - C ( = 2 3 ) . The relevant two constraints are contradictory, as D E P - C prohibits C-insertion, while M A X D U R ^ ) forces it. (31) a.

DEP-C

b.

MAXDUR(CJ)

MAXDI^CJ) DEP-C

i

i c , < c > c -2

*C1C2

If D E P - C dominates MAXDUR as in (31a), gemination is prohibited. If the ranking is reversed as in (31b), the gemination is forced. Since Japanese loanword phonology allows gemination, which always involves consonant insertion, D E P - C must be overridden by M A X D U R ( C J ) . Thus, the ranking should be set as in (31b). The next question to be considered is the ranking between MAXand M A X . M A X is another faithfulness constraint, which prohibits phonological deletion, opposed to DEP. In loanword phonology, information in the input tends to be preserved in the output, as long as it conforms to the syllable structure constraints in the target language. Then MAX is considered to be relatively highly ranked. But how does it interact with DUR(CJ)

MAXDUR(CJ)?

(32) a.

MAX MAXDUR(Q)

b.

MAXDURÍQ) MAX

The ranking in (32a) only states that phonological deletion is prohibited even when gemination is allowed. The reversed ranking as in (32b) states that gemination is forced without phonological deletion. Both of the rankings above hold true of Japanese loanword phonology. Thus there is no clue from which to make a choice between them. One possible solution to the problem is that they are unranked as below.

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

(33)

MAXDUR ( C J )

375

MAX

V DEP-C

Even if the ranking problem is answered in such a way, this ranking overgenerates the gemination; contrary to the fact, every input cluster CjC 2 in the input emerges as C j < C j > C 2 in the output. Furthermore, it does not tell us what kind of information and how much information in the input is preserved in the output of the loanword phonology. A solution to these problems can be found with the reconsideration of MAX. MAX plays a role in specifying contrasts, in that it favors preserving contrasts of featural specification of inputs (see Kirchner 1998). According to Flemming (1995: 44), this kind of function of faithfulness is taken over by the "Maintain Contrast" constraints. (34) Correspondence Theory MAX

=>

Dispersion Theory Maintain Contrast

Thus MAX can be rephrased into Maintain Contrast constraints, or CONTRAST - Ν (= 29a). Taking into consideration the fact that Maintain Contrast includes the function of M A X , we can revise CONTRAST = Ν as follows: (35)

(revised) Ν (= the number of featural contrasts of C, with regard to the following consonant) in the input is preserved in the output. CONTRAST = Ν

This constraint is violated whenever gemination occurs. Let us observe the prediction. (36) c,c2 1/ (n) a

(n)

Q Q -

b.

CONTRAST =

1/ (n) Ci C, C, 1/ (0)

*

The ungeminated candidate (36a), as input specification (n) is preserved in the output, conforms to CONTRAST = (n). But the geminated candidate

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(36b), whose Q is followed by the reduplicated C 1 ; violates CONTRAST = (n), because (n) in the input is changed into (0) in the output. Given that M A X is replaced with CONTRAST = N, the ranking between M A X D U R ( C J ) and the faithfulness constraint naturally emerges. Furthermore, it tells us what kind of phonological information in the source language is preserved in the target language: minimal articulatory contrast. The problem of the overgeneration is also solved. As noted in the previous section, the susceptibility of gemination depends on the number of articulatory contrasts between C, and C2. And recall that Maintain Contrast constraints are decomposed into subconstraints (= 29b), ranked as below. (37)

CONTRAST = 1 [

'

]

MAXDUR(CÌ)

I

(cut-off point indicator)

CONTRAST = 2 CONTRAST = 3

Gemination does not occur when the contrast is one, and occurs when it is two or more. So the cut-off point for the susceptibility of gemination can be drawn between CONTRAST = 1 and CONTRAST = 2 . Overriding C O N TRAST = 2 and CONTRAST = 3 , M A X D U R ( C J ) serves as an indicator of the cutoff point. Based on the discussion above, the dominance relations among MAXD U R ( C ] ) , CONTRAST = Ν and D E P - C will emerge as below. (The ranking in (31b) has been added to that in (37).) (38)

CONTRAST = 1 MAXDUR(CJ)

I CONTRAST = 2

\ DEP-C

CONTRAST = 3

Let us see if the dominance relation given here correctly produces the output. (For graphic simplicity, the candidates are expressed with the relevant part only, i.e. the realization of C,C 2 .) Observe Gemination CC first.

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

377

(39) Gemination CC CONTRAST = 1

MAXDUR(C!)

CONTRAST = 2

CONTRAST = 3

(i) ' w a f f l e ' ( 3 ) a.

fr (3)

*! *

b. •»- ffr (0) (ii) ' b o x ' ( 2 ) a.

ks

b.

kks (0)

*!

(2)

*

The candidates here are all immune to CONTRAST = 1, because they have no correspondence of Ν = 1 in the inputs: Candidates in (39 i) with Ν = 3 in the input are submitted only to CONTRAST = 3 for evaluation, and those in (39 ii) with Ν = 2 in the input are submitted only to CONTRAST = 2 . As for the next constraint M A X D U R ( C ] ) , it is violated in ungeminated candidates (39 i a) and (39 ii a), while it is not by the geminated ones (39 i b) and (39 ii b). Thus, the geminated candidates emerge as winners. Next let us examine the cases of Anti-Gemination CC. (40) Anti-Gemination CC CONTRAST = 1

MAXDUR(C,)

CONTRAST = 2

CONTRAST = 3

(i) 'tact' (1) a.

kt (1)

b.

kkt

(0)

*

*!

(ii) 'test' (1) *

a. «• st (1) b.

sst

(0)

*!

The ungeminated candidates (40 i a) and (40 ii a) satisfy CONTRAST = 1, but the geminated candidates (40 i b) and (40 ii b) are marked in CONTRAST = 1 since Ν = 1 in the input is changed into zero in the output. The fatal violation here rules out the geminated candidates, and makes the ungeminated candidates (40 i a) and (40 ii a) winners. The featural contrast analysis developed here solves the problems we have addressed. The first question was about the dominance relation between M A X and M A X D U R ( C , ) : M A X D U R ( C T ) interrupts a series of decomposed constraints of M A X or CONTRAST = N. The second problem was the overgeneration of gemination: the asymmetrical distribution of Gemination CC and Anti-Gemination CC can be captured appropriately. The third question was the type of phonological information to be preserved:

378

Noriko

Yamane

the minimum featural contrast (N = 1) in the input. Thus the featural contrast approach in OT not only captures the gemination patterns, but also answers the problems. Furthermore, the analysis here provides us with a significant advantage: it elucidates the mechanism of gemination. Notice that the gemination is expressed as a process which turns two or more featural contrasts into zero. The reason is clear: The presence of many featural contrasts requires speakers to make much articulatory effort, so speakers attempt to minimize their number. Gemination can then be considered as an articulatory-based phonological process which favors speakers.14

3.4. Vowel epenthesis The treatment of sC as complex segment needs further discussion in light of vowel epenthesis. The question is why sC is broken up not by a consonant, but by a vowel (graphically, *sC vs. sC), and how this paradox on the integrity of sC is explained. We assume that the apparent contradiction results from the conflict of universal constraints ranked in a single hierarchy. In loanword phonology, the illegal sequence is altered into a legal one, in order to conform to a series of well-formed syllable structure constraints in the target language (cf. Katayama 1998, Kitahara 1996). Then the Maintain Contrast constraints we have developed are outranked by syllable structure constraints as below. (41)

Syllable structure constraints > Maintain Contrast

Once a series of Maintain Contrast is invalidated in this way, even the minimum featural contrast does not have to be maintained. Then the integrity of sC can be broken up with vowels, according to the requirement of syllable structure constraints. Among the syllable structure constraints with regard to coda, CODAC O N D plays a crucial role. (42)

CODACOND

*C]a [place]

(Itô 1986)

is violated if the coda consonant has a singly-linked place.15 Japanese codas are restricted to either a placeless nasal (e,g. hoN) or a CODACOND

sC Clusters as Complex Segments

379

first part of a geminate (e.g. kitto), or a nasal which is homorganic to the following consonant (e.g. tombo) (cf. Katayama 1998:44). All of these codas conform to C O D A C O N D . Recall that D E P - V ( 2 2 ) militates against vowel insertion. Since sC in coda is broken up with vowel epenthesis, D E P - V is outranked by C O D A C O N D as below. (43)

CODACOND » D E P - V

Combining the constraint hierarchies (38) and (43), based on the assumption in (41), the overall ranking emerges as below. (44)

CODACOND DEP-V CONTRAST = 1 MAXDUR^)

I

\

CONTRAST = 2

DEP-C

CONTRAST = 3

Let us make sure if the constraint hierarchy above allows vowel epenthesis to occur. (For the lack of space, the constraints below M A X D U R ( C , ) are omitted.) (45) CODACOND a.

test

*!

b.

te.su.t

*!

DEP-V

CONTRAST = 1

MAXDUR(C,) *

•

*

c.