Invisible People: Pastoral life in Proto-Historic Gujarat 9781841717326, 9781407329123

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BAR S1464

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

No. 3

2006 SWAYAM

Invisible People Pastoral life in Proto-Historic Gujarat

INVISIBLE PEOPLE

S. Swayam

BAR International Series 1464 B A R

2006

Invisible People

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

No. 3

Invisible People Pastoral life in Proto-Historic Gujarat

S. Swayam

BAR International Series 1464 2006

ISBN 9781841717326 paperback ISBN 9781407329123 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841717326 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Foreword Alok Kumar Kanungo Series Editor, South Asian Archaeology Series International Series of British Reports

The International Series of British Archaeological Reports, with its 1500 titles to the present time, is undoubtedly one of the most important places of publication in the discipline of Archaeology. But it is a pity that works on the archaeology of South Asia have been less represented in the series than their interest and value deserves. The archaeological record of South Asia (comprising India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives) is extremely rich. This wealth begins in the Lower Palaeolithic period and includes, for example, the Harappan Civilization, one of the oldest in the world (covering a very large area and having many unique features -the most ancient known town planning, its architecture and high standards of civic hygiene, its art, iconography, paleography, numismatics and international trade). South Asia also has a large number of earlier, contemporary, and later Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures. Moreover, what makes South Asia particularly significant for the study of past human behaviour is the survival of many traditional modes of life, like hunting-gathering, pastoralism, shifting cultivation, fishing, and fowling, the study of which throws valuable light on the reconstruction of past cultures. In the region there are a large number of government and semi-government institutions devoted to archaeological teaching and/or research in archaeology and a large and professionally trained body of researchers. Of course, a number of universities and other institutions, in the area do have their own publication programmes and there are also reputed private publishing houses. However, British Archaeological Reports, a series of 30 years standing, has an international reputation and distribution system. In order to take advantage of the latter – to bring archaeological researches in South Asia to the notice of scholars in the western academic world – the South Asian Archaeology Series has been instituted within the International Series of British Archaeological Reports. This series (which it is hoped to associate with an institution of organization in the area) aims at publishing original research works of international interest in all branches of archaeology of South Asia. Those wishing to submit books for inclusion in the South Asian Archaeology Series should contact the South Asian Archaeology Series Editor, who will mediate with BAR Publishing, in Oxford. The subject has to be appropriate and of the correct academic standard (curriculum vitae are requested and books may be referred); instructions for formatting will be given, as necessary. Dr. Alok Kumar Kanungo Department of Archaeology Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute Pune 411006 INDIA email: [email protected]

CONTENTS Acknowledgements

iii-iv

Introduction:

1-16

Chapter-I: 17-34 THE MALDHARIS OF GUJARAT: Pastoralists in the History of Gujarat Chapter-II: 35-83 THE MALDHARIS OF GUJARAT: Contemporary Practice of Pastoralism in Gujarat Chapter-III: 84-109 STUDYING THE INVISIBLE: The Archaeological Remnants of Pastoralists Chapter-IV: 110-135 MALDHARIS IN PROTO-HISTORIC GUJARAT: Understanding the Cultural Milieu Chapter-V: 136-187 THE NATURE OF PASTORALISM IN GUJARAT (2500-2000 BC): Ecology, Settlement Pattern, and Bio-Archaeology References:

188-203

Appendix-I The Catalogue of Memorial Stones or Paliyas in Gujarat.

203-212

Appendix-II Catalogue of Deserted settlements in Peninsular Gujarat

213-224

Appendix-III Catalogue of Settlement Growth in Peninsular Gujarat

225-228

Appendix-IV Catalogue of Harappan Sites in Gujarat

229-238

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Acknowledgements The research work for this book started a couple of years before we entered the third millennium. The turn of the millennium came after cold wars and apprehension of the effect of Y2K on our civilization. Many sceptics predicted a hard blow on the information technology and collapse of advance human systems and dreams of science. But, Market was celebrating this as a rare occasion for encouraging consumerism. The world seemed to be divided into two camps. One group saw this as a moment of transition from one millennium to the next and celebrated the progress of human society. The other camp too seemed to be prepared for the celebration, but amidst vibes of apprehension. Is human civilization on the road of progress, or we are in the process of self-destruction. How long this civilization will survive?... The world was turning to archaeologists for an answer who tell them stories of civilizations and their collapses digging the debris of the past. I am not sure whether archaeologists had a satisfactory answer, but the millennium midnight definitely gave me a clue. I was with a group of pastoralists in the central Kathiawar region in Gujarat, India, doing my last leg of fieldwork. Jagabhai, a Rabari himself was of a great help in my investigation. He took all the pain to provide all the ethnographic information on his community life. Without his help reaching the archaeological remnants in the interiors of the central Kathiawar highlands would not have been possible. He was an educated new generation Rabari who was a member of milk cooperative. But, his elder brother Shankerbai was more traditional pastoralist. I found them arguing on the right way of pastoral production and management of livestock. The Jagabhai was the modernity and Shankerbhai was the tradition. Both shared the same cultural and religious life, but had different approaches for subsistence and economy. Though, during my fieldwork I was more close to the Jagabhai and spent most of my time with him, but the most important insight of my research came from Shankerbhai. This too came at the turn of the millennium. Though Jagabhai was considered modern and was participating in the new commercial production of livestock, yet he had no idea about the celebrations for the millennium eve. He was only integrated to the modern economic system, but not to the cultural realm. I wished to do something different to celebrate and welcome the new millennium. But, I was the only one who was in a celebrating mood. For the rest of the world before me it was just another night, and tomorrow will be another sunrise. I was feeling helpless to find myself alone. However, I was determined to celebrate. If I were in the university campus, I would have thought of a outdoor trekking, a camp in the forest, a bonfire in the night and some good food and drinks with friends. And here I am, in a pastoral village in a hilly hinterland. I was missing the city and its celebrations. Actually, I was in perfect location. The ambiance was something, I ever had dreamt of. But, I missed my friends, my cultural fellow beings. I decided to go ahead on my own and celebrate with my new friends. When I explained them how would I like to celebrate, they laughed. Because, that is the way their life goes. Shankerbhai then invited me to come with him to his summer camp and spend the night there the way I wanted. I left Jagabhai in the village and headed for the camp, which was located some 9 kilometres away from the village. There were no roads. We climbed two hills and crossed two valleys to reach the location of the camp. On our way we crossed a few more camps of other pastoralists of nearby villages. By the time we reached Shankerbhai’s camp it was dark. The walk was quite enlightening as Shankerbhai for the first time was elaborating the traditional wisdom and practices. It is through this discussion I learnt the most significant lessons about the wisdom of livestock management and its relationship with the social and cultural systems. The darkness of the camp soon began to lift as the moon appeared in the blue sky. The camp suddenly became active. Shankerbhai and four others in the camp soon were with their herd to go to the surrounding pastureland. I went with them and celebrated the millennium midnight with them. It was a celebration for me, but Shankerbhai and others were on duty. The herd grazed in the surrounding land for a couple of hours and them returned back to their masters once they were full. Then we returned back to the camp with the herd and slept for a while. Early in the morning, Shankerbhai woke me up. I came back to their village along with four other persons in the camp. They were coming back to the village to help their women in harvesting. It was quite a hard and tiring day for me. But, these Rabaris lived their life like this. They manage their herd and also harvest their crops. I have elaborated this labour and subsistence strategy elsewhere in this book. The ingenuity of human creativity emerges to be the key factor for success of human beings. The

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creativity of human beings is not only to be seen in terms of animals he has domesticated or the machines he has invented. The human systems and social structures created for working with these animals and machines are also equally important. Such social innovations and creativity in designing human systems often achieve the most difficult targets for human societies. And perhaps, to understand and reconstruct such social innovations are the greatest challenges for archaeologists. The anthropological insight that came on this eve of millennium’s midnight changed my perspective and direction of my research. I owe a sincere thank to Shankerbhai, Jagabhai and others. I still miss Champa, Gurei, Dhavai, Kurei, Sunei… (Names of cows in Shankerbhai’s herd of cattle)… who made a quick and long lasting acquaintance. They gave me corroborative lessons on the love, trust and dependency between different specie and individuals within the specie. There were several such experiences in the field which helped to add a humane perspective to this otherwise objective study. The research turned out to be an experience rather than being an experiment. I sincerely thank all those who allowed me to participate in their life and gain understanding from them. I know, I was not able to put them all into this research due to my limitations of scholarship. Hence, the mistakes and deficiency if any are entirely mine. I take this opportunity to acknowledge the contribution of my PhD supervisor Prof. Vasant Shinde. He has always been an inspiring for this dedication and hard work. His timely admonitions and prompt help enabled me to complete the research in time. I sincerely acknowledge the help and support of Dr Ajay Dandekar who introduced me to this topic and spared his notes and personal collection of books and literature on pastoralism. His own works on pastoralism in western India during the medieval period has been quite helpful for my research too. Thanks to all the Deccan College Library staffs. I acknowledge their cooperation in digging out references and getting to read the required literature without wasting much time in looking for it. Their efficient management of the library reduced half of the hassles of research. Their continuing support has helped to revise my thesis and bring it to this form. A legion of kind hearted persons (scholars, government officers, NGO workers, Dharamshala owners, community leaders, traders,…) who made my field work comfortable and successful also have a share in the credit in completion of this research. Sanjay, Ranita, Alok, Shahida, Anil, Edmund, Balram, Anup, Jitu, Debashree, Pranab, Abhijit, Kurush, Anupama, David, Baruah, Bobby, Brojen… are just a few to name who kept my spirit up to complete the research work in time. Special thanks to Sanjay who completed some of my maps. I thank Tejas for accompanying me to Gujart on my Scooter for part of the ethnographic work. He has captured the unforgettable moments in the fieldwork that was certainly beyond my capacity. Bai, Mama and Namdev made the mundane life in Deccan college campus bearable. Peace and happiness to all.

(S. Swayam) Pune, India.

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Introduction The beginning of the village farming and pastoral camps in Indian subcontinent can be traced back to the seventh millennium BC. Studies in the domestication in the Middle East suggest that the domestication of bovid and pigs took place in the context of cereal crop cultivation and settled village life (Mellart 1975, Redman 1978, Bar-Yosef 1981, 1982, 1987, Gebel 1984, Hole 1987, Henry 1989). Therefore, the effect of domestication of plants and animals should not be studied in isolation to each other. Agriculture and pastoralism developed alongside and hence should not be understood within the unilateral evolutionary perspective. Consequently, we need to do away with our familiar perception of pastoral societies as an inferior or simpler social form than agricultural societies. Both modes of subsistence production systems have existed alongside either competing or collaborating.

over a vast landscape. Shaffer turns down the earlier thesis of ‘monotonous uniformity’ in the light of the contradictory evidence of town-planning and ceramics, he believes that the “similarity in style and manufacture among objects of Mature Harappan material culture reflects the existence of an extensive and intensive internal distribution and communication system” (Shaffer 1982: 44). He further explains: “The fact that objects manufactured from materials with limited sources of origin (semi-precious stones, metals etc) were involved with this interaction system suggest that the broad based Harappan culture may have rested by the variety and quantity of similar objects found throughout the vast geographical region occupied by the Mature Harappan settlements” (Shaffer 1982: 45). The fact that the system involved the distribution of objects commonly used in daily activities, such as pottery, as well as objects of more limited function (jewellery) indicates that this internal distribution system was crucial to every phase of Harappan adaptation, whether urban or rural. Cleland’s (1977) study of the metal objects of Mohenjodaro and Harappa suggest that the metallurgy in the Indus civilisation was directed to the ‘production of functionally utilitarian items’. In his comparison to the Sumerian civilization, he feels that “copper bronze tools were not only relatively more abundant in Harappan society, but were manufactured and redistributed according to a basically different set of social and economic rules.” (Cleland 1977: 60). Hence, there is an essential difference between the Sumerian and Indus Civilization. The metal and semi-precious stones were treated in the former culture as status objects and therefore were mostly urban. Shaffer thus rightly sums up that except for obvious items of jewellery, metal artefacts were manufactured for use in daily activities and were available to a broad segment of Harappan society, urban or rural.

British scholars (Gordon, Piggot, and Wheeler) were overwhelmed by the homogeneity of the cultural artefacts and layouts of the Harappan towns. Such an observation was based on the database available at that time. Nevertheless, as more data started coming from the vast geographic region spreading much beyond the Indus river basin, more region specific characters were noticed. Mostly, the heterogeneity was manifested in the ceramic types recovered from different regions. Several studies (LambergKarlvsky and Sabloff 1979, Fentress 1976, Jansen 1980) on the settlement pattern of Harappan cities have vilified the notion of the famous ‘gridiron’ pattern of the town planning. The comparison of the urban town planning of several excavated sites though show the essential components such as ‘citadel’ and ‘Lower town’, their details vary from each other in contents. The plan of the house and their orientation also varies. Again, some objects such as metal tools, lithics, figurines, seals, weights and beads do suggest a high degree of uniformity 1

cities. In the context of a downfall of a civilization, when mankind reckons to its biological survival, the basic needs prevail over the luxurious living in the fathom monumental structures that once defined the epitome of their cultural pride. In these moments of degeneration of the civic-history, if not cultural, the economic aspects of the rural areas must have enjoyed a free sway to attend to its basic needs in the post-urban scenario. The economic weakening of the trade and the loss of administrative control of the production network must have had a cascading effect on the rural way of life. As this work focuses on a time bracket that saw the glories of the urbanity, the rural life within the cultural context of urbanity in Harappan civilization will receive the exclusive attention.

It is clear that the rural and urban people share some commonality in the utilitarian objects. Hence, the material culture of the pastoralists and agriculturalists or any other segment of the Mature Harappan society must have several common elements between them. The details of the pastoralists’ requirement must have varied from that of the agricultural population. As the mode of production differs, pastoralists must have required some specific implements, utensils, and other utilitarian objects. So one expects to notice the functional variability in the utilitarian objects, between agricultural and pastoral population. The functional variability in the utilitarian objects does not rule out the stylistic similarity in them. If the internal trade was intensive and was efficient in catering to the needs of the internal demand then nomadic pastoralists might have not been excluded from this network. It is probable then the same groups of artisans were serving both the agriculturists and pastoralists.

Though much is known about the Harappan civilization, the rural aspects have been neglected much because of our predisposition that spectacular evidences of this civilization comes only from the urban centres. The gold and silver ornaments from Kunal, the bronzes from Diamabad, bangles from Nageswar and Kuntasi are some notable contradictions. However, the monumental structures of public buildings, massive fortification walls are the spectacle of urban centres. Our predilection for monumental buildings, streets, and the mystic firealters are just to quench the obsession to find grandeurs of a lost civilization. In addition, we conveniently undermine those attributes that survived the ravages of time.

It is often believed that “what disappeared from the Harappan legacy were weights, measures, town planning, monumental buildings and cities and what continued were items such as pattern of ploughing the fields, bullock carts, folk level religious beliefs and practices and a host of other items associated with rural life.” (Lal 1997: 5). The urban features of the Harappan civilization were ‘time specific’, but the rural aspects related to subsistence production, to a certain extent can be believed to have struggled within their technical expertise to ensure their biological survival. The shades of urbanculture might have receded from the rural life after the decline of the civic administration and polity, but the subsistence production for local consumption and to a limited extent exchange for other craft and food items must have continued.

Often we tend to believe that the rural life continued without change. This ascribed dullness to the rural scenario affects our perception so much that we often presume that the rural life existed in a monotonous relationship with nature. The lifeways of the rural areas are often perceived to be ecologically determined, and the urban life to be an outcome of the human victory over the ecological limitations. As the life is ecologically determined, the relationship between the ecology and material culture is ruled by

It is important to note that the continuity of the socio-cultural life is often related to the folk aspect of the civilization, rather than its fabulous civic life in the

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the functional paradigm. Continuity in the ploughing pattern of the agricultural field, the design of the bullock cart and the mud brick residential structures are cited to suggest the long drawn struggle of existence. The rural life thus becomes non-exciting, monotonous and noncelebratory as unlike the urban life, they failed to triumph over the ecology. Such a functionalist reading of social and cultural prerogatives of any given population rules out any possibility of variation in the human inventiveness to adapt to a particular situation. This overindulgence in ‘ecological determinism’ has created a ‘perceived homogeneity’ for the rural Harappans and has produced a very narrow outlook for understanding the rural social and economic dynamism and relationship between the rural and urban life. Fairservis (1975) was the earliest to acknowledge this fact and accept that “our knowledge about Mature Harappan urban centers has been collected at the expense of knowledge about the equally important rural aspects of this culture.” Shaffer (1982) and few others too accept this limitation in the Harappan studies. Some earnest attempt to reveal the cultural dynamism that linked the rural hinterland to the cities of the Harappan civilization is a long due.

Early Harappan Phase. The monumental buildings in early Harappan township was lacking, however, the granaries, though of smaller size were in vogue. In Mature Harappan phase, monumental buildings of several purposes such as the great bath, assembly hall, theatre, business and mercantile complex, etc. are some of the noteworthy achievements in the arena of public architecture. The occurrence of each type of these monumental buildings is limited to specific sites only. This might be interpreted that the cultural requirement to define the nature of the monumental building that a particular city needed, differed from one another. Indeed, several parallel cultural forces worked within a seemingly unified ‘material culture’, which is known as Harappan civilization to us. In Early Harappan context, though we find the drainage system leading to the soakage pits, the elaborate public drainage system comes only in the Mature phase. Triangular terra-cotta cakes also found continued from the early to Mature phase. All these characters are specifically urban characters, and are not of much help to understand the transition of the rural hinterland from the Early to the Mature phase.

Let us now take a quick review of the cultural achievement that characterizes the Mature phase. The beginning of the town planning has noticed in several sites in the Early Harappan phase. The evidence from Dholavira reveals the manner in which the town planning had undergone a transition from the early stage to the mature phase. The concept of ‘citadel’ and ‘Lower town’ was also noticed in Early phase. The fortification of the settlement was not exclusive to the Mature Harappa phase, in fact, some elaboration in the fortification plan and improvement in the technological details were achieved in the Mature phase. The use of the burnt brick though was limited in the Early Harappan phase, the technology was however known to them. Even the standardized bricks measuring 4:2:1 in ratio is also noticed to be used in

The use of the seals in the early phase is also noticed in several sites. The details of these Early Harappan seals though differ from the seals of Mature phase, it is significant to note that the concept of the seal and its use was known in the early Harappan period. So far, evidence of weight has only come from Banawali (IC) in the Early Harappan level. So it will be safe to presume that the use of the seals and weights/measures though was known in Early phase, extensive use of these items were seen in the Mature phase. The spread and intensification of the seals and weights/measures in the Mature Phase may be attributed to the intensified trade activity in the Mature Phase. The trade activity in the Early Phase was only limited to short distance exchange; the long distance trade and maritime trade with far off places brought

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was permitted by ecology; and to some extent, it must have depended upon the locally available raw materials crucial for craft production. We have examples of the craft production centres such as Kuntasi, Balakot, Chanudaro, Nageswar, etc. to suggest that the craft based villages do popped up in the Mature Phase to exploit the locally available resources in the hinterlands. Nevertheless, it will be wrong to presume all the villages in the hinterland were involved in the craft production for trade.

a significant effect to the economy and prosperity in the Mature Phase. Some scholars have traced the origin of the Indus script from the graffiti marks on some of the pot shards in Early Harappan phase, but there are obvious drawbacks in treating them conclusive. At the present state of knowledge, the script can only be attributed to the Mature phase as a unique cultural achievement. Another height of the cultural achievement was scaled in consideration of artistic expression as the metal and stone statues only occur in the Mature Harappan context. Whereas, the long cylindrical beads, which is believed to be a Mature Harappan trait is found to be manufactured in Early Harappan phase, though the etched variety does not have parlance in the Early Phase. Again, these indictors of the Mature Phase are of little value for understanding the changes in the rural scenario.

Our knowledge of Harappan village primarily comes from Allahdino. The excavation at Allahdino revealed the presence of all the essential characteristics of the urban centres such as beads, metal items, seals etc. This suggests, “there was no sharp cultural dichotomy separating the large urban centres and smaller presumably rural settlements.” (Shaffer 1982: 48). Does the uniformity in distribution of all the essential characteristic material culture both in rural as well as in urban centres indicate a uniformity in the lifeways!

It is significant here to notice that the indicators used to mark this cultural phase of Mature Harappan is mostly based on urban life. Hence, they help little to study and understand the concomitant changes happening in the rural sphere. In spite of this, if we notice any changes in the rural sphere we conveniently conclude them as ‘effects’ or ‘influence’ of urbanization. If rural life preceded the urban phase, it is unlikely that the ‘foundation’ of urbanization would lie outside the rural life. This is not to deny the urban life had its own dynamism too. Definitely many changes were triggered by the urban life and had tremendous impact on the rural life. Therefore, if we carefully concentrate on this trajectory of evolution we would definitely hit upon changes and innovations happening in the rural life as well.

The earlier hypothesis of the uniformity in the urban sphere of the Indus civilization was rebutted after more data gathered from several sites distributed in the vast geographic area of Indus civilization. Keeping this geographic variation in mind, it is too early to presume anything about the rural-urban relationship in the Harappan civilization when our knowledge of the rural Harappan is limited. The rural characters must have differed from one another depending on their relationship with the urban centre with which they kept their economic and cultural contact. Apart from the factor of the urban contact, the fundamental aspect of the rural life must have been governed by the mode of production followed to meet their subsistence needs. Accepting the limitation of the present state of knowledge, the rural lifeways should be reconstructed on a regional basis, rather than trying to draw a broad hypothesis

The locational analysis of the urban centres of the Harappan civilization emphasized their commercial significance and was viewed as ‘gateway cities’ (Possehl 1976, 1979, Possehl and Kennedy 1979, Ratnagar 1982, Fentress 1982). The economy of the hinterland depended upon subsistence activities as

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of any dating device at hand provoked a classificatory scheme based on the technological parameters confirming the contemporary trend of nineteenth century evolutionism. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the archaeological investigations became popular with the discovery of Egyptian cities. The startling evidence of ancient monumental architecture, sculptures, and other cultural features were taken as a token of high cultural attainment in the Fertile Crescent. These archaeological discoveries pushed back the civilization to the archaic realm, which was otherwise defined as the most evolved form of human culture.

applicable to the whole of the Indus civilization. The non-urban or rural Harappans thus were as diverse as the urban Harappans. People in different regions followed a varied range of subsistence strategies. The regional portfolio of the subsistence and craft activities depended on the ecological permissibility and resource availability. There is ample evidence to suggest that various modes of subsistence such as hunting-gathering, agriculture, pastoralism and their varied combinations were followed. The objective of the present work is to delve into some possible details of the subsistence portfolio in Gujarat region. The inquiry here focuses more on shades of pastoral production system that existed in the rural hinterlands in Mature Harappan phase. There are very few attempts to study the rural Harappan lifeways, and studies in pastoral segment within it are still fewer. There were several methodological constraints, which resulted in paucity of such attempts.

Etymologically, the word civilization is related to ‘city’. The initial use of the word in anthropology is found to describe a particular level of social and cultural development in the evolutionary history of human beings. In the literature of nineteenth century anthropology, Morgan’s (1877) techno-economic evolutionary scheme puts it as the highest form of society. L. H. Morgan, in his book “Ancient Society” proposed a threefold division of the human society through which the human civilisation has passed. The three stages and the corresponding technical levels are as follows:

The early academic perception of pastoralists suffered from the belief in archaeological invisibility of the pastoral communities. It is only in the late 1980s and in the beginning of the 1990s that some success was achieved in the archaeological recognition of the pastoral communities. A short historiographical reviews of the conceptual framework in anthropological and archaeological research within which the study of the nomads has taken place may further clarify this radical drift in the study of pastoralism in archaeology.

I. Savagery: Lower- Fruit and Nut subsistence and invention of speech. Middle: Fish subsistence and use of fire. Upper- Hunting with the use of bow and arrow. II. Barbarism: Lower- Invention of pottery. Middle- Domestication of animals. Cultivation of Maize, irrigation, and stone architecture. Upper- Iron smelting and the use of the iron tools. III. Civilization: Phonetic Alphabets and writing.

The archaeological research, though started way back in the eighteenth century, was mostly confined to the antiquarian interest of few inquisitive minds who collected cultural artefacts from different places spanning over a long time span. Soon it was realized that a classificatory framework is essential to assign some particular date to the prehistorical material for defining their relative worth as antique pieces. The lack

Unlike other contemporaries of his century, who tried to propose an evolutionary scheme based on non-

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technological aspects1, Morgan emphasized the technological parameter to determine the evolutionary stage of the society. As we enter the twentieth century, the evolutionary school suffered a set back due to its loose methodology. In the early twentieth century, the structural and the functional school dominated the study of human society and culture. Mallinowski’s structuralism and Radcliff Brown’s Structural Functionalism renewed the interest in synchronic generalization. Gordon Childe, Leslie White, and Julian Steward emphasized multiple nature of evolution taking place in several parts of the world at different times. Several researchers pointed out distinct trends of change noticed in many parts of the world, which constantly improved to set narratives of evolution.

archaeologically to follow one another in the same order wherever they occur (Childe 1950)”. He assigned the social forms of Savagery, Barbarism, Higher Barbarism, and civilization to the corresponding archaeological periods like Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age respectively. He elaborated ten characteristics that a culture may develop in its process of attaining the status of a civilization. Ten points as described by Childe are: 1. High Density of the population in few settlements i.e., in cities. 2. The emergence of the non-food-producing specialized class. 3. Presence of the mechanism to produce a social surplus. 4. The presence of monumental buildings. 5. Formation of a ruling class for planning and organization. 6. The presence of the writing system. 7. The development of the exact and predictive sciences. 8. New direction to the artistic expression. 9. Involvement in long distance trade and industrial craft production. 10. The emergence of the state like organisation based on residence rather than kinship.

For instance, Leslie White considered the energy harnessed per capita increases in the higher form of society and culture. He tried to explain Morgan’s scheme of evolutionary stages in terms of energy and technology employed in each stage. Thus in Savagery man employed the energy of the human body and rarely employed the natural elements of fire, wind and water. Man harnessed energy from domesticated plant and animals in the stage of Barbarism. Moreover, in the Civilization man started using energy through burning of coal, fuel and simple machines. Julian Steward (1949) showed that in Mesopotamia, Egypt, India, China, Peru, and Meso-America, civilizations emerged independently and had passed through the same series of stages. Shortly after the Steward’s attempt of this synchronic generalization from the six ancient centres of civilization, Gordon Childe thought: “If they be defined by suitably selected criteria, and the logical hierarchy of the stages proved

Childe’s ten-point list dealt with the civilization as a techno-economic stage. Thus, the cities were considered the most visible element among other components of the ancient civilizations. Nonetheless, it also included the peripheries as equally important for the study of the whole process. This new understanding of the civilization offered a systematic perspective to the studies of the ancient civilizations of different parts of the world. Childe named this process of change from Higher Barbarism to civilization as ‘urban revolution’. His idea of ‘urban revolution’ focused on the social revolution, dealing primarily with social organizations which produced and sustained a greater density of population comprised of producers and nonproducers by creation of a social surplus; and transforming the social surplus to a more visible public architecture, creation of artistic objects, through a social articulate knowledge system of managing the natural and human resources.

1

For example, Bachofen (1861) proposes the evolution of the human society on the basis of the marriage, Lubbock (1870), Frazer (1890) and Tylor (1871, 1881) study the evolutionary history of the belief system; and a few others study the kinship system.

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place of these regional traditions in the evolution and functioning of the civilization thus emerged as an attractive challenge to the archaeologists.

Archaeologists’ attention to the resource base from which a particular city evolved and functioned was extended to cover the Childean Civilizational premise. The resource base for the civilization was no more limited to the region around cities. To position the study in this expanded geographic space, the next most important ideological tool adopted by archaeologists was the model of ‘Centre and Periphery’. Childe’s emphasis on the social organization based on residence rather than kinship gave the geographic connotation to define city as the ‘Core’. More overt characteristics through which the city was recognized were: a distinctive tradition of architecture and town planning, specific craft items and by the involvement in internal and external trade. Thus, the Childean trait-list definition of civilization in a long run was reduced to a list of traits forming the identity of the ‘core’. The studies of the ancient civilizations that started in the antiquarian past foremost consolidate the identity of the core. Consequently, peripheries were defined by their noncore characteristics. As the coreperiphery idea assumed a greater depth in the discipline of archaeology the mutuality of the core and periphery received attention from the archaeologists.

In a wider geographical context, such as Indus civilization, several regional variations were identified. These regional variations, following the earlier convention of the discipline, were lifted to the status of regional traditions. It is more interesting to note a similar coreperiphery classificatory scheme in their internal organization of these regional traditions. The Indus civilization spreading over a large geographic area with diversified eco-niches has produced more than one core trend. The cities, small administrative centres, trade centres, large agricultural villages, small craft production centres, seasonally occupied homesteads, and ephemeral camp sites are some of the categories used for describing these multi-tired coreperiphery relationship. The relationships between these categories are the key to understand the culture process of the Civilizational super-structure of the Indus civilization. This core-periphery conceptual tool was also adopted in the study of the subsistence production system. Thus, the core-periphery structure treated the agriculture and pastoralism as diachronic adaptive strategies in the riverine cores in one hand and in the peripheries of the uplands or in the desert fringes on the other. There is an essential difference between these two modes of subsistence production, but this difference in the adaptive strategies need not be studied within the diachronic model of core and periphery. The inter-regional symbiotic relationship cuts across the rigid ecological distinction to provide a wider spectrum in the adaptation strategy. The natural division of the landscape considering their ecological constitution thus may not necessarily be reducible to rigid cultural boundaries. Complementary to this, culture traits across the ecological boundary of diverse ecological zones signify a neatly carved networking of

Though the attempts were made to understand the hinterland sites in relation to the urban centres, their identification was difficult as the particular civilization was primarily defined by the ‘core’ characteristics. Though there were similarity in some of the artefact types both in rural and urban context, there were other artefact types which were either totally new or portrayed a local variation of the characteristics noticed in the core areas. As archaeologists came across these new elements along with some of the typical core characteristics, the archaeological assemblage tended to take a distinct identity and often formed a regional tradition. The occurrence of core elements in such a context was considered as product of contact due to social and economic reciprocity. The

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single pastoral process by a single group of tribes, i.e., the cattle were sometimes penned at the settlement and sometimes at points far away from the settlements. It calls for seasonal migration. At certain seasons of the year the cattle were herded at permanent settlements (most probably soon after the monsoon when grass was not at hand) and as winters approached the grazing land shrunk, the cattle would be driven over to forests, grazing station or like Toda, a series of stations” (Allchin 1963).

diverse culture groups encapsulated within a single Civilizational premise. Most of us enter into a conceptual tangle here when we try to envisage the lifestyle of pastoralists within such an embedded premise. If ‘cores’ and ‘peripheries’ interacted to produce a social surplus that ultimately played a determining role to produce well-known urban features, it is fairly just to anticipate certain degree of changes in both. The changes in the ‘core’ may be more apparent and easily noticeable than that of the ‘peripheries’. In whatever way we may define the core, be it geographical or cultural, the parties to the civilization were no more resembling their progenitors. They were transformed and had, if not complete but implicit modifications in several adaptive spheres. Therefore, pastoralists within a civilizational premise certainly not predictable to fit the pristine Childean techno-economic depiction.

However, a systematic attempt to hypothesize the presence of the pastoralists in the Harappan civilization was made by G. L. Possehl in the late seventies. The use of science in the archaeological investigations had expanded the database for making new interpretations possible. Possehl looked at the plant and faunal remains from the excavated sites and felt that the balance between the dependence on plants and animals in this subsistence system is not known, but it has been presumed by most that food grains derived from the agriculture predominated. Further, the assumption of the dominance of agriculture can be doubted due to lack of any direct evidence for large-scale irrigation. In the background of a lack of strong support for the predominance of agricultural subsistence, he turned to the settlement pattern of the Indus valley. Perceiving the obvious danger in postulating the existence of pastoralism solely based on settlement pattern study, he limited his statement to a ‘workable hypothesis’ only. He noticed extraordinary empty spaces between the Harappan settlement clusters and the isolated context for a number of individual sites. The hypothesis primarily proposed the possibility of pastoral landuse pattern in the interstices of Harappan sites. He expected that there must be more than one form of nomadism practiced in different regions, in varied geography of the Indus Civilization. Leshnik (1972) wrote an article reviewing the position of the study of pastoralism in India and Pakistan. He

As multi-linear trajectories of evolution of human societies were discovered in different parts of the world, the pastoral life-ways was studied in different time frames. The first ever attempt to assign pastoral mode of subsistence to any archaeological assemblage in Indian subcontinent was made by F. R. Allchin (1963) in his study of southern Neolithic complex in North Karnataka. The association of the southern Neolithic with Ash-mound sites led Allchin to put forth the hypothesis that the formation of Ashmounds are due to extensive burning of cow-dung accumulated in the summer campsites of the Neolithic pastoral site (Allchin 1963). He noticed two distinct features of distribution of these Ashmound sites in North Karnataka. “The first group (Piklihal, Sivapur, Kurikuppa, and Gadigannur) is found at the foothills in the vicinity of habitational deposits producing Neolithic debris. These are the sites of cattle pens either adjacent to the large permanent hill villages or actually inside the settlement area. The second group (Untur and Kundatani) includes some of the largest mounds located at a spot that cannot be associated with any settlement. Both are the products of a

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mobility, herder-cultivator relationship and the social and political organization among pastoral society. She pointed out a strong correlation between different pottery traditions in Baluchistan and the present migration routes of pastoral communities.

observed two important features of the existing pastoral practice in the subcontinent. He found that the pastoralists are concentrated in the landscapes that are agriculturally unproductive and exist in a close social and economic interdependence for mutual advantage with the agricultural population. His observation of the material culture of the pastoralists gave him an impression that the artefacts used by the pastoralists are non-specific in nature, which he believed due to their close contact and exchange relationship with peasants. This ethnographic observation of the distribution of pastoral population in the agriculturally unproductive areas corroborated well with the Possehl’s observation of the interstices between Harappan sites distribution pattern. As there was this popular belief that pastoralists do not leave any trace behind them, the absence of any positive evidence to suggest the existence of the pastoralists did not hold-up the belief in the existence of the pastoral activities. Possehl’s hypothesis, thus not only provided the missing link in the physical space between sites, it also fitted suitably to the changed paradigm of heterogeneity of the Harappan civilization. So despite Possehl’s perceived danger in his hypothesis, the presence of the pastoral population in Harappan Civilization was more or less recognized.

In the same year, Mughal’s (1987) intensive exploration in Cholistan desert also indicted the existence of the pastoral possibility. He reported ten sites representing temporary occupation, which may suggest that during the fully urbanized phase of Indus Civilization, a section of population was leading a nomadic life and were utilizing marginal areas of Cholistan desert. Two years later Possehl (1989) summarizes the changed perspective of Harappan subsistence production system as: “We think perhaps most, if not all of the Harappans controlled both herds of domesticated animals and undertook some cultivation. In the active riverine areas of Sindh, agriculture would have been permanent year round for virtually the entire village based population. On the eastern and western desert fringes pastoralism would have been prevailed with cultivation taking place during and shortly after monsoon. Groups would have been mobile for most of the year, with all, or part of any given production element; settling temporarily while crops were planted cultivated and harvested. A special continuum of production forms linking these two modes of subsistence exploitation would have also been present. There were undoubtedly a large number of variable mixes of emphasis on agriculture and pastoralism” (Possehl 1989).

In 1980s, most of the scholars evidently added the pastoralism to the subsistence practices of the Harappans. The mobility of the pastoralists, which suggested for the dynamism and integration of the vast landscape of the Harappan Civilization, was emphasized. Thus Shaffer (1978) writes: “mobile pastoralists could have been responsible for long distance and short-cycle flow of goods, being dependent on exchanges which agricultural communities, they would have formed the linkage between the various culture traditions of Prehistoric Baluchistan”. Sheereen Ratnagar (1987) later elaborated Shaffer’s proposition. She used the ethnographic information to understand multiple aspects like pastoral

Thus, we notice archaeological study of the pastoral communities have undergone a gradual but essential change. Archaeologists have identified sites occupied by the pastoral communities of different time period. The presumed invisibility of the pastoral communities in the archaeological record has produced many untenable hypotheses primarily based on negative evidences. All these

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mound sites. Hence, pastoralists do leave traces of their own existence in the archaeological record, even though the nature of such clues may vary. Leshnik in Indian context noticed the similarity of the material objects used by nomads as they come from the same source as those of the peasants (Leshnik 1972: 150). Hence, Leshnik believed that to prove the existence of pastoralism prevalent ecosystem must be considered and preferably, a direct positive evidence of some kind for nomads should be available.

arguments enjoy a comfortable virtue that they cannot be actually proved wrong. However, it is notoriously dangerous to make archaeological interpretations based on what seems reasonable and one must look for other evidences to confirm or deny this suggestion. Crib (1991: 66) picking up the same vein of argument with his rare scholastic eloquence writes: “The presumed absence of evidence for ancient nomadic pastoralists has effectively removed the burden of proof and left a vacuum into which has rushed a great deal of hot air. The topic abounds in ill-founded speculations, un-testable theories, and magnificent flights of fancy. The sudden appearance of a new culture in an area may be attributed to the arrival of a new wave of nomads. Anomalies in settlement evidences are all too easily attributable to the presence of the nomads who, of course left no record.” Possehl explains the lack of the pastoral sites in the inventory of the Harappan settlements due to two factors- (1) the lack of special effort to locate the pastoral sites; and (2) the fragility of the pastoral aspect in the archaeological record. “However”, as Possehl (1989) expresses with optimism, “intensive exploration with detailed, and regular search patterns in areas not affected by severe erosion or alluvial built up should reveal such sites since the openness of the Harappan settlement grid suggests their presence.” Another commonly believed reason for invisibility is due to lack of any definite criteria of the nomadic pastoral sites, which can segregate it from the hunter-gatherer, and other nomad sites. Hence, it raises the possibility that pastoral nomad sites have been discovered but not recognized as such. Crawford (1978: 130) too expresses the same apprehension that even “if the nomadic site is located it may well be misinterpreted and attributed to an earlier period because of the paucity and simplicity of the material remains”.

Most of the attempts to study pastoralism in archaeology depend upon the study of the settlement grid of a particular region coupled with the size of the sites (Possehl 1979, Mughal 1987, Varma 1991). At another level, archaeologists depend on the architectural details and artefactual assemblage related to these structural remains from the excavated sites (Sonawane and Mehta 1985, Momin 1980-81 and 1982, Mehta 1982 and 1984, Panja 1995). The scientific reports of the faunal and botanical remains recovered from the excavated sites may be included as useful archaeological database for inferring the pastoral production system at a particular site. The age of the domestic animals culled for meat can be estimated by the study of the epiphyseal fusion of the long bones and tooth eruption pattern. Rissman’s (1985) classic study of Oriyo Timbo is another landmark in the pastoral studies in Indian Proto-history. He studies the age structure of the faunal assemblage at Oriyo along with the season of death of the animals. Rissman studied the annual incremental lines in teeth and tooth eruption pattern in mature jaws to estimate the season of death. Thus, the traditional view of invisibility of the archaeological assemblage relating to the nomads in general and pastoral nomads in particular needs to be ignored.

It will not be out of place to remind you that Allchin (1963), who first attributed any Indian site to the practice of pastoralism, laid the foundation of his hypothesis on burnt cow dung in the ash-

To reconstruct the lifeways of the pastoral population, thus we need to change our theoretical orientation and methodology of investigation. Several

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Grey Ware, Black-and-Red ware, and Micaceous Red Ware in association of these variegated ceramic types with the Harappan Red ware. As the ceramic composition differed from the known Harappan sites in Sindh, it was taken to be a separate culture complex (Ghurey 1939). The excavations at other sites (Lothal and Somnath) also confirmed the association of these variegated ceramic types with the Harappan Red ware. These ceramics were then believed to be Chalcolithic. So Subbarao (1958) proposed that the late Harappan phase in the area was an era where all the Chalcolithic culture of different areas came to each other’s contact.

recent studies points out that with the use of modern technology the study of pastoral nomads is possible. It is noticed that such path breaking studies derived their strategy from the ethnoarchaeological observations of the current pastoral population. The success of such studies depends on matching the ethnoarchaeological perspective with technological innovations in exploration, excavation, and analysis of the archaeological materials. Though there are several attempts to study pastoral nomads by archaeologists in India, they unfortunately do not follow any systematic approach. A systematic attempt to study pastoralism in Indian Archaeology is a long due. To renew the study of pastoral nomads in Indian archaeology in a systematic manner we now need to do the following: 1.

2.

3.

Thus, early phase of archaeological research in Gujarat established the regional tradition of Saurashtra based on potteries and antiquities (Vats 1936, Ghurey 1939, Dikshit 1950, Pandya 1954, Rao 1963). The Harappan Red ware, the type fossil found from Sindh and Baluchistan was found in association with Black-on-Red ware, Micaceous Red ware, and Buff ware from various excavations in Gujarat (Lothal, Surkotada, Rojdi etc.). Typical Harappan antiquities were also absent in the inventory list of the excavations in Gujarat. Looking at these differences in the archaeological data bank, Subbarao (1958) proposed for the existence of a separate culture complex in Gujarat contemporary to the Harappans. Thus, the ideas of the cultural regionalism based on ‘ecological determinism’ became the first step to propose the heterogeneity of the Harappan civilization. As most of these sites known at that time were close to the seacoast, these scholars thought of the colonization of Kathiawar by Harappans was primarily for trade activities. This theory of the colonization of Kathiawar was later on considered as a Mature Harappan phenomenon, particularly in the expansion era.

To establish a clear ethnoarchaeological perspective that can be used in exploration, excavation, and interpretation of the archaeological record. To re-examine the archaeological material from different regions and sites for reinterpretation. To conduct fresh explorations and excavations to create a more useful archaeological database to reconstruct the pastoral life style.

The present study takes few steps in this direction. Gujarat was identified as the ideal region to renew the academic interest of archaeologists in pastoralism for two reasons. First, ecologically Gujarat region is more pastoral than agricultural. The second, Gujarat is widely covered by several reputed scholars and has the richest archaeological database. The archaeological studies in Gujarat started much before the boundary of the present state was defined. In 1930s, Rangpur was the only known Harappan site in India. It was excavated in 1935 by M. S. Vats. The excavation revealed a set of potteries like buff ware, coarse Red Ware, coarse

In between 1960s and 1990s, several surveys were conducted to discover sites in the inland Kathiawar, Kutch as well as Gujarat Plains. Such attempts have

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publication, Possehl and Mehta (1994) have proposed a reverse trend with a very high number of sites belonging to Urban Phase, and fewer albeit still a considerable number of Post-Urban sites in Gujarat. Chitalewala’s survey in 1979 produced very sparsely scattered settlements in Rajkot which led him to conclude that perhaps the landscape around Rajkot was not suitable for the Harappan economy. Recently, Dimri (1999) has reported 48 Harappan sites; of which 29 are Mature Harappan and the rest (22) belong to Post-Urban phase. Majumdar (1999) similarly find 23 Mature Harappan sites in North Gujarat that can be classified as ephemeral sites.

swollen the list of the site index of Gujarat considerably. Kutch expeditions of Joshi (1966, 1972a, 1972b, 1976); Possehl’s study of Ghelo and Kalubar river basins (1977b); Chitalewala’s exploration of Rajkot district (1979); Sonawane’s exploration of Panchmahal (1974, 1976); Parikh’s study of Banaskanta (1977); Momin’s survey of Kheda district (1974, 1976a, 1976b, 1979, 1984); Bhan’s study of settlement pattern in Jamnagar (1983, 1986), Bhan (1989), and Sonawane (1990) have made their individual contribution to build up a more or less complete site index for Gujarat. C. F. Herman summarizing the recent views on Harappan Gujarat writes: “During the Mature Harappan period (second half of the third millennium BC) the Kutch island and the Ran of Kutch banks belonged to the Urbanized Harappan core area of the Indus/GhagarHakra-Nara valley, while the Sorath Harappans, Prabhas Patan, and Padri traditions in Saurashtra and the Anarta tradition in North Gujarat Plains formed an agro-pastoral periphery. The Rans of Kutch banks and the coastal borders of Saurashtra functioned as narrow zones of interactions: ‘coastal sites show either fully integration within the urban core area (Lothal and Nageswar) or reveal strong contacts with the Indus/GhagarHakra-Nara valley core area and even further westwards (Rangpur, Prabhas Patan, Nagwada, Kuntasi). Pastoral transhumance is also recorded for all these particular region.” (Herman 1977: 80).

The above historiographical account of the archaeological research in Gujarat elucidates a diffusionist and evolutionary model advocated by Vats (1936), Subbarao (1958), Rao (1963) and Possehl (1980). These views account for a late beginning of Urban phase in Gujarat and followed by a ‘degenerated’, ‘devolved’, or ‘post-urban’ cultural phase in Gujarat. Since the excavation of Rangpur, the culture sequence as conceived by Rao (1963) has remained the de facto diagnostic periodisation for the protohistoric research in Gujarat in spite of several criticisms (see Sankalia 1974, Mishra 1965, and Herman 1997). The Rangpur sequence as proposed by Rao (1963) consists of five periods, i.e., RgpI, Rgp-IIA, Rgp-IIB, Rgp-IIC, Rgp-III. This classification was primarily based on the pottery classification without any ground of scientific dating. Possehl (1980) provided calibrated C14 dates to this sequence from the excavation of Rojdi.

Possehl’s exploration in Ghello and Kalubar river basins found some Rangpur-II B &C sites. However, the number of the post-Urban sites was numerically more than the Mature Harappans. Therefore, this facilitated the hypothesis that the Harappan expansion in Kathiawar took place in the postUrban phase in the core area. People from the core area started moving out of the cities and towns in search of new areas for exploitation. In a recent

After the excavation of Lothal, the Rangpur sequence was correlated with Lothal resulting the comparison of Rangpur-IIA with Lothal-A. The use of ceramic types to construct a chronological sequence is a wide spread practice (for example, Sothi, Nal, Amri, Kot-Diji, Harappan Black-on-Red ware, Jhukar ware) and has received well by archaeologists in the exploration and

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Within this perspective, it is interesting to note the position of different ceramic traditions of Gujarat in the spatial and temporal plain. The study of the protohistoric traditions in Gujarat thus begins from middle of fourth millennium BC. Three ceramic traditions belonging to this phase stand bold enough in the archaeological record, i.e., Padri, PrePrabhas, and Anarta. On a spatial plain the Anarta ware is found in north Gujarat and in the eastern border of Ran of Kutch at some places. The spatial distribution of the Padri and Pre-Prabhas still has not received any analytical attempt. From the matrix of these antedating ceramic traditions the Gujarat Harappan or Sorath Harappan has emerged.

classification of sites based on surface finds. Rangpur sequence that is primarily based on ceramic types also enjoys the same virtue. Hence, not withstanding the criticism, Rangpur sequence still comes to enormous help in the identification and classification of archaeological sites situated in the Kathiawar peninsula. The recent recognition of different Chalcolithic ceramic traditions antedating to the Harappan and Harappan related ceramic traditions in Gujarat such as Padri, Anarta, and Pre-Prabhas has brought a decisive change in the cultural sequence of the region. The process of culture change incumbent on this periodisation hitherto receives a greater vertical spread in the temporal axis. Though these antedating cultural traditions in Gujarat are still ill-defined, yet a regional development from middle of the fourth millennium to middle of third millennium forms the under-current of recent views, which attempts to explain the regional character of the Gujarat Harappans.

Now coming to the Mature Harappan phase (2500-200 BC), the next item in the temporal axis, we find several variations within it. The distribution of the Rangpur-IIA and IIB traditions in northern Kathiawar peninsula, the proliferation of Micaceous red ware around Lothal, continuity of Anarta traditions to the Harappan phase in the north Gujarat, association of Black-onRed ware in Kutch sites may be cited as few examples. The physical boundary though are not definitely marked, yet their lateral proliferation can be perceived in terms of homogenous ceramic traditions as was practiced in the Mature Harappan times. Coupled with these distinct ceramic traditions, the site hierarchy has further added some degree of complexity in the understanding of the archaeological database. In congruity to the Mature Harappan matrix, corresponding ceramic traditions in the ‘de-urbanized’ or ‘Late/Post-Harappan’ phase distributed over different subregions can be recognized.

A great deal of confusion is usually flushed into the archaeological research when the ceramic traditions are equated with the anthropological cultures. It has been realized that “there is no necessary relationship between the boundaries of any given body of material culture with anthropological culture” (Possehl 197778). This is the reason why the anthropological treatment of the archaeological traditions based on material trait list has been heavily criticized. Due to this limitation, the anthropological archaeology has made a wise compromise in the treatment of the trait list definition of the archaeological cultural assemblage. Though culture and its phases are perceived in terms of its content (defined by a list of homogenous traits in the time-space continuum), the conceptualisation of the cultural process shifts in its emphasis from the structural manifestation of material traits to functional relationship between different traits.

As mentioned earlier, Gujarat is one extensively researched region, where the archaeological inventory is rich in terms of number of both explored and excavated sites. Unfortunately, the researches lack coherence and planning to extend priority to the most important questions over the least important ones.

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Bhagatrav are similarly smaller agricultural settlements; and the identification of small seasonal camp sites such as Zekhda, Vagad, Nesadimore or less completes the range of variability of the archaeological sites belonging to the Harappan period.

Perhaps, this is responsible for most extensive but less intensive archaeological research in Gujarat. However, the extensive coverage of the whole region has significantly contributed to bring the archaeological potential of the region to the limelight. So far, the archaeological research in Gujarat has heavily concentrated on the culture sequence of the region. As the whole of Gujarat has now come under the exposure of archaeological investigation, now the direction of the research can shift to questions that are more intricate. A cursive look at the archaeological inventory makes it apparent that the Mature Harappan and Post-Urban phase has received more elaboration than the early Harappan phase. It will then be prudent to intensify the research in the Mature Harappan phase to provide answer to several questions related to life-ways of this period. The lack of clear understanding of its preceding phase may bring some hurdles, a simultaneous building up and processing of the archaeological material on the early phase seems to be the only choice at hand.

In our attempt to understand the culture process in a wider regional perspective, the subsistence production of the people in Gujarat region is found to be the least researched area. The excavations conducted in several sites have produced a vast database of faunal and paleobotanical remains. Correlation of these evidences with other cultural material is also negligible. Looking at the ecological setting of the region, pastoralism has been proposed as one of the important component of Harappan economy in Gujarat. The existence of pastoralism in the post-urban phase is well established through research works of predecessors (Rissman 1985, Varma 1991). However, there is no exclusive treatment of the issue of pastoralism in the Mature Harappan context. In the Mature Harappan context, pastoralism needs to be dealt within the holistic civilizational perspective. The faunal evidences from the excavated sites show prominence of the cattle bones and among the terracotta toys of animal cattle out numbers others. The prominence of the cattle rearing in the Harappan economy is primarily inferred from this. To sum up, this study is an attempt to confirm and converge some of the important derivations, which though are touched upon by earlier scholars, yet their detailed characteristics have been perceived very loosely. The study thus would use several ethnological accounts in the nineteenth and early twentieth century to enrich our information base to raise the ethno-archaeological understanding of pastoralism. The book is organized into five chapters. The first chapter examines the historical information on pastoralists in Gujarat region. In the beginning of this chapter, the term pastoralism is defined, in

At the backdrop of this status of archaeological research in Gujarat, this thesis aims at initiating a trend of looking at the archaeological material of Gujarat in a wider spatial platform from a perspective of a particular timeframe in terms of a recognized chronological period. Due to the obvious reasons as elaborated in the above paragraph, the Mature Harappan phase can be taken up as the first step. Excavations in these last six decades have identified a wide range of sites belonging to this period. Dholavira, the metropolitan centre; Lothal and Kuntasi are identified as port towns; Nageswar, Nagwada, Padri along with Lothal and Kuntasi have provided necessary proofs for craft production centres; several fortified settlements in Kutch such as Pabhumath and Surkotada might have played some defensive roles; the regional centres such as Rangpur and Rojdi can be cited as example of large rural settlements; Babarkot, Bagasara,

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archaeology. The chapter deals with the architecture and the issue of need of shelter in pastoral life style. It identifies different architectural forms associated with their life style and examines the question of chance of their representation in the archaeological record. Several inferences drawn from this ethnoarchaeological study was then used in selecting a region and conducting exploration in the region to locate pastoral sites. The second part of the chapter thus deals with the exploration conducted in the central part of Kathiawar.

accordance with its local vernacular equivalent ‘Maldhari’. The definition treats nomadism as not an essential attribute of pastoralism rather a consequential characteristic. In other words, the focal point is not on the fodder or pasture that stimulates nomadism, rather it focuses on the ‘skills and disposition of tending domestic animals’ for producing consumable products and by-products emerging from this process. The chapter then discusses the historical evidences of social composition in three identifiable phases. The chapter also considers archaeological material such as memorial stones or Paliyas to infer the process of social formation that suggests a continuous process of marginalisation of pastoral practices and expansion of agriculture in some of the areas for the last one millennium.

The fourth chapter then moves to discuss the pastoral practices in the proto-history of Gujarat. This chapter reconstructs the pastoral practices in the proto-historic times. The archaeological materials suggest that at least the pastoral practices in the region can be traced back to the Chalcolithic phase in the middle of the fourth millennium BC. The discussion thus points out that the pastoral practices since then have been a component in the regional subsistence-portfolio. The nature of pastoralism however, must have varied from one proto-historic period to the other. The nature of pastoral practices at the Harappan phase must have been quite different from what it was in Chalcolithic times. Hence, the second part of this chapter delineates the relevant characters of Harappan Civilization within which the pastoralists lived and interacted with. The discussion includes urbanization, trade, craft production, food production and procurement issues in different social groups within Harappan civilization.

The second chapter presents the ethnographic account of the current practice of pastoralism in Gujarat. It covers a wide range of information on the pastoral practices in the region. The ecological, cultural, religious, and political aspects of two pastoral communities are studied in detail. The subsistence life of the pastoralists however remains the focus. The study covers three variants of pastoral practices noticed in this region. The analysis of their subsistence strategy shows the significance of pattern of labour management reflecting the human and social creativity to overcome the challenges posed by the ecological limitation. This chapter proposes to include the labour as an analytical category in any attempt to understand the subsistence production system, because the labour allocation and management in family and the larger social groups provides the crucial link between the economic and socio-cultural life. The chapter also includes a short description of their material culture to be useful for the archaeologists.

The fifth and the final chapter then tries to reconstruct the pastoral life from the archaeological database available from the exploration and excavations conducted so far. This chapter is based on three types of archaeological materials to reconstruct the practices of pastoralism in Mature Harappan phase in Gujarat. In the first section of this chapter, the relationship between the pastoral production system and ecology is discussed and then correlated with the

The third chapter then addresses the epistemological and methodological challenges in the study of pastoralists in

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paleo-environment of Gujarat. In the next section, the settlement grid of the archaeological sites is analysed. The location of these sites is studies vis-à-vis the ecological resources of their catchments to infer about the best possible subsistence strategy which could have been possible. The dynamics of the settlement pattern in this region for the last one millennium is studied to identify the logical relationship of different factors. This dynamics of the settlement pattern in terms of growth, split, relocation and merger are studied vis-àvis the historical information on subsistence production and social formation. The lessons learned from this exercise are then used to interpret the settlement grid formed by the explored archaeological sites. The third section in this chapter deals with the bioarchaeological database recovered from the excavations of several sites in Gujarat region. The faunal and vegetal remains are studied in different types of settlements to reconstruct the role of pastoral practice and the nature of their interaction with other subsistence producers, craftsmen, traders, and others in the urban locations. Thus, this section provides some important inferences on position of pastoralism within the subsistence portfolio of Gujarat region. The fourth and the final section of this chapter deals with the aspects of pastoralism on which no light is thrown due to lacunae in the archaeological methods and database. In this section, broad generalizations are drawn and trends in the archaeological materials are extrapolated to draw inferences. Hence, the inferences are suggestive and to be verified and corrected once the necessary dataset is available in future.

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CHAPTER - I The Maldharis of Gujarat: Pastoralists in the History of Gujarat pastoralism and the categories as defined by many scholars then can be perceived as revolving around this central axis. The perception of the local people on the issue confirms this academic assertion of a broad definition of pastoralism. The vernacular term ‘Maldhari’ (Mal, the wealth- here the reference is particularly to the domestic animals, and dhari, the possessor) encompasses the whole range of pastoral groups in Gujarat. Etymologically the term refers to people who earn their livelihood from tending a herd of domestic animals. This term is applied to at least four existing communities and a score of historical communities who were once involved in pastoralism. The Gujjars, Kathis, Yadavas and Ahirs dominate in the folk belief as herdsmen or Maldharis of the past. Charan, Bharwad, Rabari and Sindhi Muslims at present are known as Maldharis. Thus Maldhari is a generic term for all pastoral groups in the region.

Who is a Maldhari? Before we proceed to examine the historical records and information from oral tradition on existence of pastoral practices in Gujarat region, defining ‘pastoralist’ is a prerequisite. The initial attempt to understand the subsistence strategies followed by different human populations envisaged three technological categories framed within the evolutionary perspective. Even today, we often reconcile in these categories, i.e., hunting-gathering, pastoralism and agriculture, as pristine analytical tools in our study and understanding of the variations of the human adaptation in different ecological conditions. The energy requirement for human existence is fulfilled either by harvesting the organic sources directly from the nature, as in the case of hunting and gathering, or by a conscious intervention in the growth cycle of the crucial organic matters selected from the nature to produce the desired items, as in the case of pastoralism and agriculture. Though the technicality of ‘modes of production’ can be expressed with relative ease, the precarious effect of the ecological diversity and ‘social relations of production’ brings a multiple complexity in the attempt for a classification. Hence, attempt to study the variations of any mode of production should commence within a broader framework to allow enough space for recurring possibilities. Here, our primary concern is pastoralism as a mode of production as is practiced in different ecological niches of Gujarat.

Excluding Sindhi cattle breeders who are the most recent entrant to the territory others identify themselves as Hindus. Folk tradition propagates a belief that in ‘the Past’, only Maldharis lived in the region. Some versions even exult in tracing pastoralist background of Rajput and Kathis- two most prominent worrier communities. The cattle are a common resource found in both agricultural and pastoral people in this region. The term in its popular use is referred to only those who emphasize cattle breeding rather than cattle tending. The agricultural population who though tend a large number of cattle are thus outside the purview of the term Maldhari. In Gujarat, we find almost a complete monopoly of Maldhari communities in the matter of cattle breeding. On the contrary, the term Maldhari is also applied to all those who engage themselves in cultivation along with cattle breeding. Hence, no definite boundary is recognized by them to

The most fundamental aspect in pastoralism is raising of livestock. Anyone who raises grazing or browsing domestic animals is a pastoralist, just as any one who seeks to kill a wild animal with a weapon for the livelihood purpose is a hunter (see Ingold 1980, 1986; Meadow 1992). The man-animal relationship is the underlying factor in

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south west of Ahmedabad is supposed to stand on this ancient Virat Nagar” (Dosabhai 1986). These mythical assertions may not be accepted ‘historical facts’; nonetheless, it indicates the integration of Gujarat into a common mythological tradition, which has been the source of the heroic discourse in the subcontinent. This will be further explained in a latter part of this book. Now let us consider some widely accepted information from ‘historical sources’.

distinguish between those who breed cattle exclusively and those who are engaged both in cattle breeding and agriculture. Dyson-Hudson (1972) in his study on Karimajong also reached the similar conclusion that a particular form of social formation and other cultural parameters, rather than the purity of the dietary practice determine the identity of pastoralist societies. Thus, understanding of the pastoral lifeways according to this definition centres on the livestock. The pastoral way of life thus involves the raising, regulating, and reproducing the livestock to fulfil their needs. The other options to fulfil the human needs such as hunting gathering or agriculture are also considered by human groups. The strategy to maximize the production out of livestock or from agriculture or hunting gathering varies from time to time and place to place. The historical process bears witness to such transitions and transformations. In this chapter we will scrutinize the historical sources of Gujarat region to gain understanding of such processes. The historical sources are divided into three phases: pre-Muslim, Mughal-Maratha-British period, and post-Independence.

The rock edict of Rudradaman (150 AD) in Girnar shows that in third century BC Gujarat was a part of Mauryan Empire; Girinagara (present Junagarh) being the capital. The Mauryan rule ended in Gujarat after Samprati, the grandson of Ashoka in 200 BC. It is known that there existed a class of herdsmen within Mauryan polity who lived neither in cities nor in villages, but on the hills. They scoured the country in pursuit of fowl and wild beasts, and paid royal taxes in cattle. This indicates that a nomadic class of pastoral people who subsisted on breeding cattle and hunting wild animals lived in the Mauryan society. The Ashokan rock edict XII suggests that there was an official known as ‘vrajabhumika who was in charge of the Vraja.

Early Evidences of Social Composition in Gujarat: The Pre-Muslim Period

After the decline of Mauryan Empire, the territory of Gujarat came under the rule of Ksatrapas (70 BC to 398 AD). In the third and fourth century, one finds the emergence of some small kingdoms like Yaudheyas and Traikutakas in Gujarat. The Guptas established their sovereignty over the territories of Kathiawar. Kumargupta ruled over Gujarat and Kathiawar from 410 to 470 AD. The Kutch was included in the Gupta Empire by Skandagupta (454 to 470 AD). After the disintegration of Gupta Empire, the Huns ruled over Gujarat for a brief period. It is believed that Chavdas in eighth century forced Kathis to migrate out of Kutch, and they migrated to southern peninsula, since then known to us as Kathiawar. The tenth century

The early references to the political and social condition in Gujarat come from the Hindu mythological sources. The earliest reference to the Yadava kings in Gujarat is found in Mahabharat. It contains several references to Dwaraka in the legends related to the legendary personality Krishna. Some of the Puranic legends also refer to the Saurashtra and Girnar. “It further appears that the Pandavas in their wanderings, found Viratnagar governed by queen Sadasiva of the Bhill race, whose brother Kichak was slain by Bhim for an attempt on Draupadi, wife of five Pandavas. The modern town Dholka, situated 22 miles

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witnessed some profound changes in Kutch. Sammas, Sodhas, and other Sindh tribes, those were driven out of their original home province by Musalman conquests, infiltrated into Kutch. Solankis, a contemporary powerful clan in North Gujarat, also subjugated the eastern part of Kutch. After the Solankis, Vaghelas in the twelfth century established their sovereignty over Kutch. These powerful clans in their respective reigns influenced the social and cultural composition of Kutch. Even today, the caste tradition points to a Sindh, Marwar, or Gujarat origin. Towards the end of the nineteenth century the Kutch province under the British administration, except these elites, the majority of the population was herdsmen. Captain MacMurdo in his account of Kutch mentions: “The province was without Kanbis (a well known agrarian community in other parts of Gujarat) and the field workers were almost herdsmen, Ahirs, Rabaris, Charans, and Sindh Musalmans. These people lived a rough unsettled life in small societies of six or eight families, in grass huts feeding chiefly on milk and butter.” (GBP 1896: 160)

In the tenth century, Solankis established themselves firmly at Anhilwara (Patan). Vanraj, the Chawra king had built this city of Anhilwara in the year 746 AD. The Chawras ruled for 196 years from here. The Solankis took the control of the territory from the last Chawara king Sawant Singh Chowra. “When Vanraj first established himself at Patan, large tracts of Gujarat had no other population that of the wild aboriginal tribes whereas under his illustrious successors of the Chawra and Solanki dynasties, the country soon became studded with wealthy towns and adorned with populous cities” (Dosabhai 1986: 51). Mulraj, the founder of the dynasty, commencing his rule in 942 AD, ruled the region for 253 years. Mulraj Solanki, the most illustrious king of the dynasty seems to have conquered the Vamansthali (present Vanthali), the capital city of Graharipu- a shepherd king. Graharipu is believed to be a powerful ruler in his time, most probably ruled the western part of Kathiawar. He had a good relationship with Lakha, the son of king Phula of Kutch, and other shepherd kings such as Turks. The Rasmala gives the following detail of the war between Mulraj and Graharipu: “The kings that adhere to Graharipu assembled against Mulraj, whether allies or tributaries joined his standard; many forest Bhills were with him; the sons of his wife Nili and others who dwelt on the bank of Bhadar river, famous in Sorath, came arrayed in iron armour. He was also joined by his friend Lakha, the Raja of Kutch, ...Sindoo raja whose kingdom was on the bank of ocean, brought up an army, and with it occupied a position in the south.” (Forbes 1926). The attack of Mulraj thus consolidated all the shepherd kings in Kathiawar and Kutch.

The beginning of the sixth century saw the emergence of a powerful kingdom known as Vallabhi ruled by Maitrakas. The detail of this ancient kingdom is known from the travellers account; the copper plates (80 in number) and from archaeological remains of the capital city Vallabhi. With the emergence of Vallabhi, the centre of power shifted to Vallabhi from Girinagara. The kingdom of Vallabhi included the whole of Kathiawar peninsula and perhaps the northern part of mainland Gujarat also (Sankalia 1941). The revenue administration of Maitrakas throws some further light on the existence of pastoralism in Kathiawar. The people to the west of Vallabhi paid revenue in cattle estimated on the basis of measurement of land, unlike the eastern region which paid the revenue in measures of quantity of the grain.

Another instance of a feud between the Solankis and a shepherd ‘king’ known as Nowghun is recorded in the lifetime of Sidhraj Jaisingh (1094 to 1143 AD). It seems the life of Nowghun was full of disputes with neighbouring kings. Nowghun died before he could settle score with these kingdoms. His

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some of the rulers who might have ruled the southern Gujarat before Gupta imperial power over took the reign. The Gupta suzerainty over Gujarat was lost after the break up of the empire after the death of the Skandagupta in 470 AD. A small but independent dynasty of Traikutakas furnishes the history of southern Gujarat for the second half of the fifth century AD. Gujjars, believed to be a branch of the Gujjar Pratiharas of Jodhpur ruled a small territory, probably in between Narmada and Mahi from 580 to 808 AD. “The boundaries of the Gurjar dominion then were: the Mahi river in the north and the Tapi in the south; Sankheda and the tract known as the Rewakanta in the east and the gulf of Cambay on the west. The capital of the Gurjaras seems to be Nandipuri (Nandod), from which the majority of the grants are issued.” (Sankalia 1941: 16)

successor, Ra Khengar took the revenge on these kingdoms. When Sidhraj had gone to Malwa, Khengar led an army to Patan; and carried off the betrothed bride of Sidhraj, Ranik Devi, the daughter of the Devra Rajput of Karlee and married her. The author of ‘Prabandh Chintamani’ mentions that the Solanki king of Anhilwara, the Sidhraj Jaisingh sent an army against an Ahir Rana, or shepherd king of Junagarh. Sidhraj fought against the Junagarh for twelve years without success. At length Ra Khengar’s sister’s sons, Dehul and Vihul, being angry with Khengar went over to Sidhraj, to whom they pointed out a subterraneous passage, by which he introduced his army into the fort. Sidhraj slew Khengar, and carried off Ranik Devi to Wadhawan, where she became Sati. The memorial of the sati still exists there. The Solanki supremacy ended after the last Solanki king Bhimdev-II, in the middle of the thirteenth century. The sovereignty passed to the Vaghelas. However, Vaghelas soon lost to the Alap Khan, the brother of Delhi sultan Al-uddin Khilji. The last Vaghela king being defeated in the battle fled from Anhilwara and took shelter in Deogarh. Though Anhilwara and neighbouring districts had fallen into the hands of Mohammedans, still, not all the country was subdued. Karan raja with the support of the king of Deogarh had kept the passes in the southeastern corner of Gujarat in his possession. After the death of Karan Vaghela, sultan of Delhi appointed governors to look after this newly appointed province. Alaf Khan was the first governor to be appointed and he ruled from Anhilwara Patan. Anhilwara remained the capital up to the death of Muzafar Shah, the founder of the independent Mohammedan kingdom of Gujarat. Ahmed Shah founded a new city called Ahmedabad that was completed in 1423 AD to shift his capital from Anhilwara.

In about 500 AD, Vakataka king Harisena crushed the power of Traikutakas in southern Gujarat, which was known as Lata. The Vakataka suzerainty over Lata only lasted the reign of Harisena until 520 AD. Then Katachuris ruled the province up to 610 AD. Early in the seventh century, western Chalukya king Mangalaraja (Mangalesha) defeated Katachuri king Budharaja, and since then, the southern Gujarat became a Chalukya province. The Chalukyas lost their suzerainty to Rashtrakutas of Deccan in the middle of eighth century. From 743 Ad to 808 AD, Deccan Rashtrakutas ruled Saurashtra and then up to 888 AD an independent line of Rashtrakutas known as Gujarat Rashtrakutas ruled it. The mainline of Rashtrakutas then resumed the control of Lata territory and ruled up to 974 AD. The sway of imperial Rashtrakutas over Gujarat extended normally up to and including the modern Kaira district; to this were added Malwa and the territory in the northeast and southeast by victories over the Gurjar-Pratiharas and others. Even after the downfall of Rashtrakutas, it seems the vassals of the Paramara Bhojas of Malwa ruled the Lata. In between, from 1074 to 1175 AD, for near

After the decline of Mauryas, Sungas came to power in southern Gujarat for a brief period. Greeks, Sakas, Ksatrapas are

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principalities. “It is a striking tribute to the resiliency of the Rajput socio-political system that these serious blows left no abiding impression on them. Even the establishment of the Muslim authority in their capital towns was brief and transitory.” (Mishra 1963: 199)

about a century, it remained under the rule of Solankis of Anhilwara. The Lata country fell into the hands of Muslims in fourteenth century. The period in between is a period of rapid change when Yadavas, Paramaras and Chalukyas fought with each other for the control of Lata.

It is important to note that the name ‘Rajput’ became current sometime after the tenth century AD (Majumdar and Pusalkar 1954: 119). Before this, different clans had their own exclusive identity. A clan was called Rajput only when it had established a dynasty, and the founder of the dynasty was referred as the founder of the particular clan of Rajputs. There is convincing evidence that clans such as Pratiharas, Guhilot, Chavotakas, and Chahamana who held their chiefdoms in seventh century, came to be known as Rajput clans later. Thus, gradually more and more clans were included into a warrior class and held the same rubric as a mark of their identity. In the beginning of the twentieth century, the known Rajput clans in Gujarat included Jadeja, Jhala, Vaghela, Solanki, Mahida, Rathod, Parmar, Paadhiyar, Chauhan, and Gohil. Some clans are considered original and some to be the offshoots from them. Definite historical evidence is available for only a few. For example, the Vaghela clan branched off from Solanki.

The thirteenth century thus saw the on set of the Muslim power. From 1297 to 1391, for a period of 94 years a part of the Gujarat territory was under the rule of Musalman Governors. The Ahmedabad sultanate was established in 1403 AD, after being separated from Delhi emperor’s control. The new sultan of Ahmedabad at that time only held a narrow strip of the plain in between Mahi and Sabarmati, surrounded by Rajput kingdoms. On the north were the independent chiefs of Sirohi and Jhalor; on the east the raja of Idar and numerous small chiefs of Bhills and Kolis; and on the west, several small and independent chiefs ruled the Kathiawar. The only Rajput chiefs of note, with whom the Muslims came into contact in the later days, are the Ra of Sorath and his vassal Mukherji Gohil. The Junagarh resisted the Muslim attack and though the Peeram was destroyed, and its founder slain, the power of Gohil clan largely remained unbroken. Gogho and the rest of their territories remained in their possession in the early period of Muslim rule in Gujarat. It was until the time of Mahmud Begura, the territory of Ra of Sorath was subjugated. Through out the Muslim period the Jhalas and Gohils defended their independence against the reiterated attacks and maintained the possession of their lands.

Muslim and British Rule: Inertia and Changes in Pre-Muslim Social Formation Thus, a generic warrior class emerged in the social and political history of Gujarat as a reactionary social and political formation parallel to the Muslim sociopolitical institutions in the early medieval time. The Marathas took the possession of Ahmedabad in 1752 AD. During the period of struggle for power between the Maratha and Mughal, the independent chiefs, who paid their tribute either to Marathas or to Mughals, ruled the territory. The ruling class varied from one region to other, but in general, they were Rajputs, Kolis and Grasia chiefs, who in all practical sense ruled the people. The

Thus Mohammedan rulers of Gujarat kept on fighting with the surrounding Hindu kings with an objective of expanding the territory. The valiant Mohammedan rulers achieved the said objectives, but the frontier Hindu kings were not completely subjugated at a stretch for a long time. Therefore, we find periodic battles between the sultans and the kings of surrounding Hindu and tribal

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expense of neighbouring clans. The week and timid either lost, or fled to join the powerful neighbour. Some ambitious Rajput was seen to establish a separate state by suppressing the tribesmen in the hills and jungles. Separate independent states came into reality through such a process. As soon as a new state was established or a new state was acquired, however, the same principles of the political system were on the trail (Shah and Shroff 1958). This unremitting political dynamics came under some degree of control under Pax-Britanica.

socio-political system in the successive years, when British administration played a major role in the region, was largely involved with the power-play between several small Rajput princely states and a more numerous group of lesser Rajput chiefs known as grasias, or more popularly known as ‘Durbar’ in Saurashtra. Let us consider the power structure of these Rajput state for a better understanding of the socio-political situation during this period. The structure of the Rajput state was akin to the hierarchical structure of any patrilineal lineage. The supreme governing authority of the Rajput state rested on the shoulder of a hereditary chief of the dominant clan. A group of hierarchically arranged vassals held several ranks in the administration of the whole state. A vassal was called grasia. The word grasia is derived from gras- a mouthful, which means an estate for subsistence. Every vassal received a gras estate from the chief. The gras estate was hereditary, hence was divided among the offsprings in each generation. This process of fission thus gradually decreased the size of gras in each successive generation. Over successive generation, thus the whole kingdom not only was divided into smaller and smaller denominations, it also created more number of vertical divisions in the ranks of the vassals. Thus, all vassals were bound to the chief, each through the one above him, by several customary obligations. Though there was an administrative system to in every Rajput state for tax collection and such other purposes, the Rajput chief’s hold over his chiefdom rested largely on this system of grasia estates. At each succession to the chieftainship, the siblings of the new chief received gras estates as their patrimony.

Even in the early British regime, the Rajput princely states followed the conventional system. The members of the prince’s lineage held a large number of villages in a princely state as gras estates. The prince and the grasias together formed a ruling lineage. The only difference between a modern Rajput state and an old one was that the struggle for power and authority has assumed new forms. It is well known that machination for power and authority went on among the members of ruling lineages in Rajput state. They were a constant source of trouble to British administrators supervising the affairs of the Rajput state. In British Gujarat, a gras estate was known as Talukdari and Wanta. These terms became current during the Muslim period. The Muslim rulers did not grant gras estates, but they did not remove the estates that were already in the possession of Rajputs. The more powerful gras estates were retained as they were. The Rajputs holding these estates were called Talukdars during the later Mughal period. The minor gras estates were completely removed by Ahmed-I, the Muslim ruler of Gujarat during 1410-1442 AD. Consequently, these grasias turned dacoits praying on the roads and villages. To reconcile them, three-forth of each estate held by them was acknowledged, under the denomination of Talpad, as the property of King, and one-forth was given to grasia under the denomination of Wanta. While full assessment was levied on

The diminishing size of the gras estates resulted a constant struggle for increasing one’s territory and power. An enterprising young branch might enlarge its borders, not only at the expense of its feudal lord and brethren, but also at the

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Talpad lands, the Wanta holders paid only a quit-rent or Salami to the king. In 1645 AD, the Wanta lands were resumed forcibly by sultan Mahmud III, but were reversed by the Emperor Akbar in 1653 AD. The Maratha rulers as well as the British retained the Talukdari and Wanta estates.

archaeological material to study this social formation process.

Archaeology of Memorial stones The tradition of erecting memorial stones, an ancient practice, is noticed throughout the country in various forms. The structural and functional variability of this tradition finds an eloquent space in the academic discourse in several scholarly dispositions (Nagaswamy 1974, Settar and Sontheimer 1982). Its form, manner, and rigour are largely dependant on the socio-political milieu of a particular period. Depending on the context of commemoration, these memorial stones are known as hero stones, ancestral stones, or sati stones. The common theme of these differential cultural practices is the institutionalisation of a common societal cause at a particular social, economic, and political context, which was perceived by the society- if not in unison, at least by majority- virtuous. The erection of a memorial, be it a pillar, tomb, or a pile of stones sanctify the death of the mortal. But, the virtues are commemorated through deification of the hero. Although, the achievements of the hero are embedded within community life for generations, the titular association of the virtuous hero-figure is time bound. After a few generations, slowly the mortal name is dropped off from the public memory, but the ‘virtues’ remains revered as before. There are several memorial stones though lying dilapidated, where the identity of the hero in general has escaped the living memory, but still revered by its community members.

There were 500 talukdari villages in British Gujarat (Desai 1948: 99). The dominant Rajput lineage in each talukdari village was the full proprietor of the village, and it was exempted from several rules and regulations applied to ordinary villages. Under the Wanta tenure, it was rarely that Rajputs owned an entire village. Although the Wanta holders were given certain concessions in land revenue, they were not independent like the Talukdars. There were, however, several where the proportion of Wanta lands in comparison to lands held by other castes was so high that Rajputs were the virtual rulers in these villages. In few other villages, not only the fields around the village, but also the village site were divided into Wanta and Talpad. The Wanta part was the joint property of Rajputs, and the other castes were under their authority. It was also considered as a separate village for revenue administration. In such villages, the Wanta holders were almost as powerful as the Talukdars. The Talukdari and Wanta villages were Rajput states in miniature. They followed the same principle of political system as in Rajput state. The Rajputs of these villages were also well known for their habit of ruse. The British government had a Talukdari Department to look after the affairs of the Talukdari and Wanta estates. These tenures were removed after Independence by land reform legislation. In such a context of intense political struggle to have control over the land, tradition of erecting memorial stones or Paliyas became popular to commemorate the achievements or sacrifices of the heroes. Interestingly, such memorial stones are one important class of

It is important to keep in mind that the virtues and vices are human creations. Human beings live in social groups and form communities to fulfil their needs by collective effort. But different human groups or communities compete with each other to have control over the resources from which they derive their needs. That is the reason why we find communities in conflict with each other in history. The virtues and vices are thus

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cultural constructs that regulate the community and individual behaviour to prepare the members of the community to such a struggle. Thus virtues and vices are intrinsic to a social group and its cultural realm. Hence, the tradition of erecting memorial stones to commemorate popularly held virtues unfolds a multiple discourse coming together with other relevant cultural and social configuration. What is perhaps more captivating in this cultural practice is the coexistence of several identifiable components within a dynamic field of interaction and conflict. The ritual practice of erection of a memorial stone within this eco-cultural landscape surely bears testimony to larger and more powerful hegemonies being constituted, contested, and transformed in a due ‘historical’ course.

which others must confer” (Foucault 1982: 212). The early emperors in the Indian historyChandragupta Maurya, Kharavela, Pushyamitra Sunga, Samudragupta, Pravarasena and such others- celebrated their achievements borrowing the idea of digvijay from Puranic heroes such as Bharat and Raghu. The tradition to immortalize the achievements of these historical heroes can as well be noticed in the works of classical Sanskrit poets like Bhasa, Kalidasa, Bharavi, Bana and Bhavabhuti. “Hence all historical kings, and even some chieftains, patronized poets generously, …if Vikramaditya had a Kalidasa to eulogize his greatness, Harsa had Bana, and Pulakesin-II had Ravikirti.” (Krishnamoorthy 1982: 11) Aswamedha performed by such kings resulted in the establishment of ‘yupas’ or pillars, which in turn, stood as symbols of their victory. These pillars are known as ‘jaya-stabhas’. They bore prasasthis or panegyric of the glory of their material achievements. Thus, the antiquity of the tradition of erecting pillars can be stretched back to the early historic period in Indian context.

The textual inscription on memorials, in the Indian context, is not a universal phenomenon. The Karnataka series of hero-stones are the most illustrative examples of hero-stones with adequate length of inscription. On the contrary, the series in Maharashtra is devoid of inscription. The elaborate descriptive multiple panels in the Maharashtra series to some extent pictographically narrates the context of the sacrifice. Similarly, the large majority of the series found in Gujarat neither contain inscription nor pictographically elaborate on the context of sacrifice. The pictographic depictions in a majority of the cases are limited to a single panel. These, while indicating the context, are too brief to satisfy an indepth ‘objective’ inquiry. The recognition of the cognitive categories may provide here the much-needed simulation to lead us beyond the vicissitude of their stylistic description and variations. This lays a track to perceive ‘ethnic histories’ in this ritual mode. The ritual of valorising the martial virtues has undergone an objectification that categorizes the particular community, “mark it by its own distinctiveness, attaches a perceived identity, imposes a law of truth which each of its members must recognize and

Buddhists and Jains also practiced a similar tradition. Buddhists built chaityas and Jains set up Nisidhis as memorial relics of their revered personalities. A Nisidhi is a memorial either in the form of an independent tablet or a portion of a shrine, or a pillar, or a doorway or a mandapa. On them are found footprints and sometimes an image, to represent the deceased individual. There is often an inscription describing the deceased personality, the way in which he submitted himself to voluntary death, and by whom the commemoration was executed (Upadhay 1982: 45). “The earliest record of a Nishidhi we have is in Kharavela’s prashasthi (200 BC). These early memorials are believed by the public to have spiritual powers to bless the devotees.” (Krishnamoorthy 1982: 16) A series of memoirs known as ‘Chhaya-stambhas’ are perhaps the earliest dated remnants of the popular

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inscriptional references, though veiled, bear testimony to Rajput expansion at the expense of Bhills, Ahirs and others. The process of the transformation of tribal wooden pillars into memorial stones may also be viewed in this socio-political context (Chattopadhyaya 1982: 148). It seems that the formalisation of death through memorial stones by the members of the deceased’s family was accepted as one of various symbols of status in society.

tradition of the worship of the hero comes from south India. The chhaya-stambhas from the Nagarjunakonda are dated from about 250 to 325 AD. These were not only raised for kings, queens, generals and soldiers, but also for religious teachers and famous artisans (Sarkar 1974: 97). The Kirtistambhas or Govardhana pillars in Rajasthan are known as early as 8th century AD. The Govardhana depiction bears testimony to the popularity of the Krishna cult in western Rajasthan. This can be further corroborated by the profuse depiction of Krishna legends on the exterior of eighthninth century Brahmanic temples at Osian, 35 miles from Jodhpur. It is interesting to note that Ghatiyala pillar inscription (AD 996) indicates the existence of Abhiras in the Jodhpur region during the period. The series of Govardhana pillars in western Rajasthan is dated between tenth to thirteenth century. “The warriors and chieftains referred to in such memorial pillars were probably ranked as great as Krishna, the saviour of cows, and Vraja people from the wrath of Indra. And it was in fitness of things to pay him a glowing tribute by depicting the figure of Govardhana on one side of such memorial pillars installed on the banks of tanks and rivulets or on cremation grounds.” (Agrawala 1982)

The situation in Gujarat does not vary much from Rajasthan. The outline of the social and political formation process is drawn in the previous section. Among the recorded memorials, the earliest seems to be a sati stone dated 996 AD at Amratvel, six miles from Kandla (Doshi 1982: 171). The practice of erecting memorial stones is found among a number of communities in Gujarat. The local people also know them by various vernacular terms. Shah (1982) lists the regional variations of these memorial stones as follows: Regional Name of Memorial Stones Gatla Khamba Rihama

Another series of vertical slabs with sculptures in relief overlap with the Govardhana pillars in western Rajasthan. They are popularly known today as devalis or Paliyas. The term devali seems to be their original name as the term occurs in epigraphs on the stones along with its variants, deuli, and devakulika. It is argued that around 12th century, Govardhanas were generally replaced by Paliyas (Chattopadhyaya 1982: 141). The early memorials of Rajasthan correspond to the formative period of the Rajput polity. It is true that the memorials were not erected to the Rajputs alone, but such diffusion was penetrated different sections of society. The Rajput polity evolved, at least to an extent, because of confrontation with original settlers, and

Sokli Agath Vetra Cira

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The Region Panchmahal Nizar Area Banaskanta, Sabarkanta Sabarkanta (for women) Sabarkanta (for men) Surat area

Khatri

Panchmahal s Baroda area

Paliya/Kh ambi

Saurashtra and Kutch

Khatru

Surat area

The Community Associated with it Bhills Vasavas Grasias Grasias Grasias Chaudhari Gamits Bhills Rathwas, and Naiks Bharwad, Rabari, Charans, Grasias, Durbars, and Rajputs. Chaudharis, Gamits

the rest of them lived life of a mendicant wandering from village to village singing the heroic ballads to the natives.

The memorial stones in peninsular Gujarat (Kathiawar and Kutch) are known as Paliyas. The Paliyas in Gujarat bear a striking similarity with their counterparts in Rajasthan. The Paliyas in Gujarat are monolithic slabs, usually with a triangular head. The symbols of sun and the moon are found etched in this triangular head to signify the eternity of the deceased hero. On one side of the shoulder, a stylised pictorial depiction of the hero is found. The engraving, in general, is shallow and is a work of very crude sculpting. In few cases, a brief inscription is also found on Paliyas depicting the name and day of death of the hero. The inscription gives no clue to the cause of the death. Jain (1982) discusses at least five other variations noticed in the pictorial depiction of the hero in Paliyas: hero-stones with a man piercing daggers in his own neck; herostones with camel rider(s); hero-stones with ship and sailors; hero-stones with a bullock cart and its occupants; and herostones with two riders. These depictions are recognized community symbols and are used for every member of the community without any reference to the social status of the deceased. For example, the depiction of a man-piercing dagger in his own throat is a community identifier of Charans, who earlier practiced tragu to accept a heroic death. Similarly, the hero riding a camel is a community symbol for Rabaris. Likewise, the sailor communities (Kharvas, Bhadela, Mianas and Vaghers) depict their heroes on a ship.

The Bhats and Charans are known as Devi-putras, i.e., the son of a goddess. Although Bhats and Charans follow the same occupation, they follow two different traditions in their poetry. Charans compose their poetry in a dialect known as Dingal. This is a poetic dialect of western Rajasthani evolved by Charans, and not used for ordinary purposes. On the other hand, Bhats compose their poetry in a well-known dialect of Hindi called Braj Bhasa. There has always been rivalry between the two traditions, and the poetry of Bhats is regarded as a higher form that that of the Charan. The Bhats and Charans owe their allegiance to non-Sanskrit Matas such as Khodiyar, Sikotar, Meladi, and Hadakvali. The worship of the nonSanskrit Matas involves the flesh and liquor in the worship these Matas. Animal sacrifice was common about fifty years ago at Ambaji, Bahucharji, and Kalika of Pavagadh, the three most widely worshiped Sanskrit Matas in Gujarat. The person of Bhat or Charan was considered sacred because of his position as a Deviputra. This belief was the basis of several sanctions at the disposal of Bhats and Charans. The Bhats and Charans practiced Tragu. This practice consisted in shedding one’s own blood or the blood of some member of one’s family, and in calling down the vengeance of heaven upon the offender whose obstinacy necessitated the sacrifice. It was believed about Charan women that those who sacrificed themselves became Matas. There are a number of such non-Sanskrit Matas in North Gujarat and Saurashtra. There is also a widespread belief that Bahuchara, one of the three most important Sanskrit Matas in Gujarat, was a Charan woman who cut off her breasts when attacked by members of the Koli caste. It is important to note here that the pastoralist communities, heavily concentrated in

Along with the inscription and the pictorial depiction the local sources of the oral tradition has preserved the context of the hero depicted in these Paliyas stones. The local Bardic communities have preserved these historical contexts in the form of oral narratives. Bhats, Charans, Vahivanchas, Ranimagas, Turis, Dhadhis, Atits, Devalvakiyas, Bhands, Kapdis, Lavaniyas, Magans, Nagaris, Palimagas, Udiyas, Mirs, Motisaras and Raval (Shah and Shroff 1958) are some of the known Bardic communities of the region. Except Bhats, Charans, Vahivanchas and Ravals,

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peninsular Gujarat, are mostly followers of Mother Goddesses. The Bahuchar, Khodiyar, Sikotar and Meladi are found as village and clan deities among the pastoralist communities in Gujarat. Most of the pastoralists narrate a story about their migration from Rajasthan as they were forced to evict the place due to their close allegiance to some Rajput clans who lost their political power in the power struggle in the medieval time. The allegiance of some of the pastoral communities to Rajputs can be indicated from the fact that Bharwads in north and south Gujarat worship Jhalabapaji and Baldev, two holy Rajputs.

detailed survey of the region (Govt. of India 1884). The locations of the Paliyas are indicated in these topo-sheets of Gujarat. A list of the Paliyas was compiled after a thorough reading of these topo-sheets, and the coordinates were recorded (Appendix-I). Subsequently, a map was prepared by plotting them carefully on the map of Gujarat along with other necessary details (Map 1.1). Following are some of the important observations derived from the reading of this map:

At the present state of the knowledge, it may not be sufficient to trace the origin of the tradition of Paliyas to the southward migration of pastoral communities from Gujarat, but it definitely outlines the necessary link between the pastoralists and loudening of tradition of Paliyas in the region. The historical outline in the beginning apparently establishes the fact that the formation of the Rajput polity in the peninsular Gujarat paved its path through subjugation of the pastoral chiefs in 11th century. Corresponding to this fact, it will not be far-fetched to assume that the struggle for political power to control the right to landuse must have intensified during this period. The struggle for political power was both inter and intra clan, involving Rajput as well as nonRajput clans. Although the political struggle overshadows the local tension arising out of expansion of agriculture and suppression of other subsistence, yet their role in defining local heroes should receive the due credit. Doshi (1982: 171) justly states that the number of Paliyas increased from 11th century and reached a phenomenal stage in the 18th and 19th century.

2. A distinct cluster of Paliyas is found in the bank of river Mahi at the foothills of the southern extension of Aravalis. It is important to note that this cluster lies to the west of the most important political centre in the medieval history of Gujarat and occupies a crucial position on the gateway to the southern Rajasthan and northern India.

1. Most of the Paliyas are found either in Kathiawar Peninsula or in Kutch.

3. Another important cluster of Paliyas is found in north Gujarat with a linear distribution along the border of Ran of Kutch. Most of them are situated on the banks of river Banas, Saraswati, Rupen, and their tributaries. This region is used as the summer pasture by the pastoralists of Kutch and southern Rajasthan. It might be reminded that this cluster lies close to the Anhilwara Patan, the erstwhile political seat of powerful Rajput clans such as Solankis and Vaghelas, before Ahmedabad escalated its position to the present prominence. 4. The Paliyas in Kutch are sparsely distributed all along. The density is found to be slightly thicker in the western part of the Kutch where mostly pastoralists inhabit. These Paliyas are found attached to the temporary pastoral settlements, which are occupied only four to five months in a month in the most favourable years.

With this conceptual background now let us turn to the distribution of the Paliyas in Gujarat. The Colonial surveyors at the end of the 19th century had conducted a

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Map 1.1: The Distribution of memorial stones or Paliyas in Gujarat and their relationship with land-use and rainfall pattern.

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hierarchical order on the other end. There are other elements in the heroic discourse embedded within the tradition of Paliyas in Gujarat. Some of the important elements outlined in various sections of this essay are: 1. The change from a melioristic society to a martial society; 2. The bardic communities who played an important role in popularising the heroic stories and legitimising the heroic hegemony for participant communities; and 3. The adopted framework of superhumation of the hero enunciating the divine power of a pantheon of local and regional deities. The tradition of Paliya can be better envisaged through understanding of the interrelationship of these factors.

5. Though Paliyas are noticed in each nook and corner of Kathiawar peninsula, a thick line is formed in the eastern part. This line joins the south-eastern tip of the Little Ran at one end, the Gir forests on the other end. It is curious to note that this falls linear to the cluster of Paliyas in north Gujarat that nests the former power centre Anhilwara Patan. It also forms a boundary keeping the whole of north Gujarat and its most important political cities of the later date Ahmedabad and Baroda. It seems a vehement resistance was put to the invading political powers of north Gujarat in this frontier zone. 6. As we move towards the western side of the Kathiawar peninsula, the concentration of the Paliyas becomes thinner.

Early Indian heroes, both the mythical and historical, as is treated in the Sanskrit literary works, show a combination of wartime virtues with virtues everyday necessary for morally upright lives. Hence, the hero was the embodiment of many virtues. The hero is found in a contextual display of these virtues in varying degrees. The recognition of wide categories of virtues may be suggested from the use of the terms such as danavira, yudhavira, dharmavira, and dayavira. The greatest heroes of Indian tradition are those who resolved the contradictions of the virtues, in difficult situations posed before him by no fault of his, but as a sheer mercy of the destiny to test his heroic qualities. A successful hero came out of the test of the destiny by his consistent and persevering endeavours. Whenever some of the contradictions remained unresolved, the hero in general is found in desperation, but handcuffed, because he has given a word, a greater virtue to adhere in such a situation. Perhaps, the greatest virtue to keep one’s word makes the hero dependable for commoners. It is the reason why people felt secure under the protection of Ksatriyas, as they jealously adhered to the supremacy of this virtue.

7. From the ecological point of view, the Paliyas are mostly found in the region, which tilts more towards the pastoralism than the agriculture. The majority of the Paliyas are found either close to the water sources or to the grasslands. This is more apparent in western part of Kathiawar peninsula and in Kutch. 8. The distribution of the Paliyas are found in the rainfall zones: I, II, III, IV and V. The erratic rainfall pattern and recurrent monsoon failures are common in this region. Hence, the reliability of agriculture as a subsistence mode is low. These ecological constraints can be treated as the basic premise of the local politics over the control of land. The folk-tradition of Kathiawar particularly is a rich storehouse of the stories, which narrates conflict between the pastoralists and others. Most of these stories are found associated with the Paliyas in the locality.

The Political Impact on social formation The social spectrum that claim their allegiance to the tradition of Paliyas includes forest dwelling communities and pastoral communities at one end, and different clans of Rajputs arranged in a

We notice some fundamental difference between the traditional and the new value system due to internal changes in the

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Rajput social structure and polity, which as well coincides with the advent of Muslims. There is a conceptual difference between Ksatriyas, which so far held the supreme position as the traditional warrior class, and Rajputs, the new emerging dynastic lineage. Most of the Rajput clans trace their descent from the ancient Ksatriya clans through mythical concoction pioneered by Brahmins and bards. The Rajputs, following their traditional counterparts endorsed the self-sacrifice as the noblest of virtues. This value was not only confined to the Rajput groups, rather almost all communities who participate in the tradition of Paliya shared it. Thus, we notice men and women, cutting across the community lines, laying their lives for virtuous deeds- to defend their village, to safeguard their cattle, or even in a few cases to proffer help to those in distress. “Not unexpectedly, the right to avenge personal wrongs was given this status. A man to whom justice was denied became an outlaw, or barvatiyo. His society held him, not a criminal, but an avenging hero; his act of harassment and violence to his enemy were viewed as a legitimate if what separate means of carrying out personal vendettas.” (Doshi 1982: 158) Hence, in a period, when outside threats to disturb the normal chores of social and economic life of a ‘community’ became a routine affair; the martial character of the heroes became the most overtly expressed virtue. This commonly held value system percolated from the top to the bottom of the Rajput social structure. The comparative lawlessness during the Maratha Mughal power struggle at the top echelons of regional power politics escalated the propensity for raising an armed revenge for even petty events in the ground level. Conflict in land use pattern, politically motivated feuds, personal vendettas, and as well increase in outlaw activities- permutation and combination of these factors conditioned the mass psychology to accept virtues or more accurately the values of martial tradition. The socio-political situation while enforced the expression of the

physical force and violence; these martial virtues in turn became cultural symbols. The political dynamism at the top gradually made an impact even in the ground level. Consequently, the concept of martial Rajput became a universal reality. The concept of Martial Rajput can be perceived as brave, mettlesome, and very quick to perceive and resent an insult. Hitchcock (1958) mentions about two strands in the local oral tradition, which supports the idea of martial Rajputs. One strand in the local oral tradition illustrates the behavioural qualities of a true martial Rajput in various situations common in the lives of ordinary villagers. The other strand recalls the achievements of the martial Rajputs, dead or alive, which are revered within the community. The Paliyas across the boundaries of participative communities play a major role in such narratives in local levels. Thus the Paliyas and the folk-narratives, which recount the heroic virtues, covertly stated the commoners’ aspiration to attain the status of Rajput.

The aspiration for attaining Rajput status must have been held by all groups ranked below in the social hierarchy. The communities practicing the common

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members of the community. The Bardic communities played a role of ‘local community of thought’ who picked up the ‘intellectual matter’ of the tradition of Paliyas, and preached it at the folk level. At the wider regional level the ideology behind the tradition strengthened the social position of Rajputs. In the local level, the participation in this tradition, not only perpetuated the value-system; it also kept the aspiration of the commoners to achieve the status of Rajputs. It is important of note here that the Rajput is a blanket term for different clans. Hence, the claim to Rajput status may not demand a necessary change in the original name of the aspiring group or community. This flexibility in the framework consolidated the group identity of the aspiring groups. Consequently, we find that the group identity being guarded with stringent behavioural norms at the local level, and to be perceived as a community effort to achieve higher status in the social hierarchy. The lower orders were more specifically enmeshed into this tradition by the Bardic influence due to their greater tendency to an unmediated universalistic version of faith in divinity.

tradition of Paliya share a special historical relationship with different Rajput lineages. The Bhill chiefs were treated at par with the Rajputs; Charans served as the royal bards to foster their claim to establish a dynasty. Rabaris played a significant role in the warfare by providing camels required for the army; other pastoralist groups played an equally crucial role in the transportation and provided the background support in the warfare. The list of the symbiotic relationship between Rajputs and other participative communities in the tradition of Paliya would swell up considerably if we take into account the emergence of some of the Rajput clans from these tribal backgrounds. In the era of territorial expansion of Rajput states, some of the chiefs belonging to these communities were incorporated into the feudal structure of Rajput state. Hence, their allegiance to Rajput social customs is an offshoot from their claims (fictitious or real) to share a common ancestry. The Bardic communities, both in the local and regional level, with their skill of oratory provided a crucial cultural service to create and propagate social and cultural norms that adhere to the virtues of a martial Rajput. We have already discussed the link of these Bardic communities with pastoral communities that constitute the majority of the participating population in the tradition of Paliya vis-à-vis Rajputs, the other major participating group in the tradition. The most crucial aspect of the tradition at the local level was the deification of the hero. People at the local level revered the heroes because they believed on the supernatural power of the deceased hero. The faith emanated from the matrix of the folk religion where the hero is visualized as the possessor of the divine powers of the folk pantheon. Hence, the hero was treated at par with the God. The act and sentiments towards area-specific supernatural and divinities were recognized in the effort to raise the hero to the status of divinity. This provided a congruous belief system that was easily understood and accepted by the ordinary

The differences in the pictographic depiction of the heroes in different communities prove this assertion. A particular community follows a particular pictographic representation. The depiction of hero on the back of a camel is held as a community symbol for Rabaris. Charans are either represented by the depiction of performance of tragu or riding a bullock cart. The depiction of horse suggests the community identity of the hero as either Rajput or Bharwads. Though Bharwads and Rajput share the same symbolic depiction, their memorials are found separately. It might be further added that the ritual practice associated with Paliya differ considerably from each other. In nutshell, the tradition of Paliya though manifests an intellectual integrity across a large number of participative communities the nitty-gritty of the tradition reflect differences in the actual practice.

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that are always produced in conjunction and in competition with other contending social groups. This partial presence of metonymy of antagonism, and its effective significations give meaning to this particular politics of struggle as the struggle of identifications. This sociopolitical struggle for identity can be located on the regional landscape once we accept Bordieu’s (1977) concept of ‘habitus’. The struggle for the identity in turn retorts back to the basic economic struggle for control of the land use pattern in this region. Thus, the ethnic identities as expressed in this ritual mode emulate both the political, ecological, and cultural postulation of changing relationship between pastoral and agricultural population in the region. The pattern of distribution of Paliyas as shown in the map clearly indicates the frontier of their struggle.

The intellectual integrity of the tradition of Paliya lies in the common claim to hegemony in the Gramscian sense, which powerfully defined and shaped the identities and worldviews of the participating communities. The community identities here may be seen as “variably successful attempts to create and maintain coherence out of inconsistent cultural stuff, but the social history of a specific community always carries around enough disparate and contradictory strands of knowledge and passion to be in a potentially critical position” (Dirks et al 1994: 18). It is in this arena of ‘critical position’ we notice a partial articulation of the synchronic ritual complexity of the tradition of Paliya. Consequently, a need emerge to think beyond the implicit narratives and contextual subjectivities and to focus on those processes that are produced in the articulation of cultural differences. The articulation of the different ethnic identities is expressed here in a symbolic contest of the objectified cultural distinction of these groups. Such representation of differences must not be hastily read as the reflection of pre-given ethnic or cultural traits with an ordained hegemonic fixity. “The social articulation of difference is a complex on-going negotiation that seeks to authorize cultural hybridities that emerge in moments of historical transformation” (Bhabha 1994: 2).

British sources also refer to the sedentarisation processes of a few pastoral communities towards the end of the nineteenth century. The British Gazetteer mentions that a section among the Kathis, who practice agriculture in different parts of Gujarat at present, were involved in trade with their large herds of pack bullocks before the road transport was developed by the British administration. Charans, at present, have taken to agriculture, and have settled down in different parts of Gujarat owing to the benefits of the land grants sanctioned by the government of Gujarat. The Sindhi Musalmans are only confined to the northern Kutch around Lakhpat and Khavda. Ahirs and Gujaras have also settled down and have assimilated themselves in the mainstream agricultural population to a point beyond any cultural distinction. As a consequence, at present, the Rabaris and Bharwads are the only recognizable pastoral communities who still practice pastoralism in different parts of Gujarat.

The differences in the residual or emergent arenas of ritual define a distinct position for the pastoral and other itinerary social groups, all under a heavy pressure of marginalisation at the relevant time in history. The other major social group that participated in this tradition was Rajput. As it is pointed elsewhere in this essay, Rajput as a social block is heterogeneous. It is an emergent social category, which is the work of hegemony; itself is in the process of iteration and differentiation. The achievement of this superior social status involves a strategic signification of the common martial virtues with production of alternative and antagonistic images

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24,902 acres of fallow land to them. The table below gives the district wise details of the effect of this governmental plan. Ahmedabad, Mehsana, Kheda and Bhavnagar were the districts in which maximum land was transferred to the Rabaris and Bharwads for their settlement.

Post-Independence Scenario: The Story of Continuing marginalisation Historical sources indicate that Kathiawar and Kutch were dominated by pastoral community/communities up to the advent of Muslim rule in Gujarat. Although it is not definitely known whether pastoral settlements were found in North Gujarat; yet, pastoral tribes frequented the fringes of the Little Ran of Kutch. Information from historical sources suggests that several communities who were engaged in pastoralism have now settled down as agriculturists. Several others have acquired specialised knowledge in different crafts to cater to different requirements of the settled population. For example, Gurjjar Sutars have taken up carpentry; Gurjar Sonis have mastered gold smithing; Gurjar Salats practice masonry; Kamalias, a sub-group of Bharwads have taken to weaving; and Banjaras and Kathis have involved themselves in trading. There are numerous examples of such occupational shifts from one sphere to another. These shifts occur in some specific social, environmental and political contexts. Hence, occupational diversification constitutes an integral part of the social and cultural dynamics of any sociocultural group. Let us now briefly present here the situation in post-independent scenario.

In this regard, the ‘Saurastra Maldhari Yojana’, the ‘Gujarat State Gopalaka Cooperative Society’ and the ‘Gujarat State Dairy Development Council’ are a few state owned agencies that have put in tremendous effort to settle the Rabaris and Bharwads and to enhance the milk production of the state. As a consequence of these efforts, nomadic pastoralism has almost become a phenomenon of the past in greater parts of Gujarat. It is a bitter realisation that we have now lost the opportunity to record the details of the pastoralism that was in vogue before the spread of capitalistic and monetary economy in Gujarat. Nevertheless, there are certain pockets where pastorailsm is still practiced with a lesser degree of assimilation to the present economy and to the postindependence social order. A few of the unfortunates among the Rabaris and Bharwads are still engaged in cattle, sheep and goat rearing. The modern technique and knowledge of animal husbandry, though, has made an inroad to them, yet the elders who could recollect the memories of the past are the only nexus to the bygone traditions at this critical juncture of the changing circumstances of the pastoral communities.

Since independence, the government has been making sincere efforts in the direction of the settlement of the nomadic pastoral communities in Gujarat. The ‘Rabari-Bharwad settlement Yojana’ (1955-56) was the first step taken by the Government of Gujarat in this direction. This policy facilitated the transferring of the government owned fallow lands to Rabaris and Bharwads, who owned no land to their credit, by creating ‘Cooperatives for Cultivation and Pastoralism’ (Kheti-Gopalan mandali). At the end of this five-year plan, 224 such co-operatives were formulated and the Government of Gujarat transferred

The factors initiating the change in the traditional lifestyle of the pastoral people have affected them in a varying magnitude and dimension in consideration to the peculiarity of the regional characteristics. Hence, no generalized picture emerges in the subsistence pattern and lifestyle of the communities practicing the pastoral mode of life at present. The strategies adopted for responding to the ever-changing

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their technology to improve their productivity. Nevertheless, this situation provides us the advantage of exploring different possibilities of the combination of pastoralism and agriculture. The present study covers a few of the possible forms of pastoral mode of life currently practiced in Gujarat. Abiding fully by the limitation of the opportunity that the ‘ethnographic present’ provides us, let us make an attempt at getting an insight to the varied nuances of their life that has hitherto kept a pace with the current times.

scenario in different parts of Gujarat and among different sections of the pastoral communities vary. The pressure of sedentarisation has brought many of them close to agriculture and allied craft specialisation. The reservation policy of the Government of India also has provided many of these educated members of these communities to join Government jobs. Their integration into industrial economy is slow, but can be noticed in all parts of Kathiawar and Kutch. Those who still practice subsistence economy too have upgraded

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CHAPTER II The Maldharis of Gujarat: Contemporary Practices of Pastoralism in Gujarat 1981; Barfield 1993; Crib 1984; Salzman 1980; Palmieri 1982) has identified innumerable intermediary categories across a porous boundary between the sedentary-nomadic continuum. The passageways between different subsistence strategies often encounter a regular thoroughfare. The movement in this thoroughfare is open in both the directions- sedentary population could shift to nomadism and nomads could settle down in response to changes in the economic, political or environmental conditions. Such occupational transition is a ceaseless process in the semi-arid areas where adaptation is tough. Hence, an ethnographic study was conducted to understand the culture and subsistence of the pastoralists found in Gujarat. The study covered a sample population of the pastoralists who reflect distinct form of adaptation strategies to live within the present ecological and cultural milieu.

Introduction: In the previous chapter we have examined all possible historical sources to reconstruct the history of pastoralism in Gujarat. Yadavas, Gujjars, and Ahirs are the most prominent names occurring in the historical sources. Again, review of historical course shows a gradual expansion of agriculture into peninsular Gujarat. This gradual expansion of agriculture has left a decisive impact on the social structure and the cultural framework of the region. At present Rabaris, Bharwads, Sindhi Muslims, and Charans are the major pastoral communities. The ethnic identity of many of the past pastoral communities has been redefined in the context of the cultural process which spans over last two millennia. As an essential component of this historical process, the occupational dynamics has also engulfed a section of pastoralists into other artisan trades. They have acquired specialised knowledge in different crafts to cater to different requirements of the settled population. For example, Gurjjar Sutars have taken up carpentry; Gurjjar Sonis have mastered gold-smithy; Gurjjar Salats practice masonry; Kamalias, a sub-group of Bharwads has taken to weaving; Banjaras and Kathis have involved themselves in trading. There are numerous more examples of such occupational shifts from one sphere to another. Hence, occupational diversification here forms an integral part of the social and cultural dynamism involving both pastoral as well as agricultural populations.

Maldharis and their regional Distribution: The concept of space for the pastoralists or Maldharis is different from the agricultural population. The notion of space within pastoral societies emerges out of the functional utility and cultural perception of the particular community. Pastoralists associate them with a particular landscape or eco-niche for a definite time depending upon the necessities of their subsistence life. Though their association with a particular place is not permanent as for the sedentary population, yet a particular zone that they occupy in different times of the year can roughly be assigned to them. Thus, a large number of pastoral communities are found in North Gujarat, Kathiawar and Kutch. Most of the pastoral population is locate in Kutch; the Mehsana district in North Gujarat; and Rajkot, Surendranagar and Junagarh

The study of the culture change in the academic disciplines such as History and Anthropology from 1950s through 1980s (Lawrence 1926; Lattimore 1940; Bacon 1954; Gulliver 1955; Barth 1961; Halland 1972; Cole 1973; Bates 1973; Abbas 1973; Ahmed 1973; Ingold 1980; Assen

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northern portion of North Gujarat provides enough pastures to make it a formidable choice for pastoral communities for exploiting this region. The fringes of the Little Ran of Kutch, the confluence of the river Banas and the hilly out crop of the Aravali hills in the Palanpur and Radhanpur area are densely populated by the pastoral communities. The settlements found in this region range from semi-permanent villages to temporary camping places.

district in Kathiawar peninsula. The details of the distribution of the pastoral communities are given in the table below:

Charan

Sindhi

Bharwad

Rabari

Comm -unity

Table 2.1: The distribution of the pastoral communities in different parts of Gujarat.

Areas of high concentration North Gujarat; Eastern part of Kutch; Junagarh; Sirohi taluka in Bhavnagar; Okha, Dwaraka and Barada hills In Jamnagar. Ahmedabad; Sami, Santalpur and Radhanpur in Banaskantha; western part of Sabarkantha; Bhavnagar, Junagarh, Rajkot, Surendranagar and Jamnagar in Kathiawar peninsula. Banni and Khavda in Kutch district.

In South Gujarat, there is no area of high concentration of pastoral communities. Mostly the pastoral population in the area is found attached to the agricultural villages and is confined to the river basins of Narmada and Tapi. The pastoral communities are scattered in small or large groups across the whole landmass of Gujarat. There are certainly some areas where the ecological conditions are more congenial to the pastoral mode of production.

No concentrated area found The present study has given more attention to the Kutch and Kathiawar peninsula for the reasons listed below:

A high concentration of pastoral population is found in the areas where ample grassland is available. The western part of Kutch around Lakhpat, Banni projection into the great Ran of Kutch, the coastal tract of Little Ran of Kutch in the southern part of Kutch and Rappar taluka are the areas where pastoral populations are found residing in independent villages, which remain occupied for part of the year. More permanent villages are found in the Banni, Rappar and Lakhpat area, whereas the settlements in other parts are found to be temporary in nature.

1. The pastoral mode of life is practiced in this area with a lesser degree of change in the traditional style. 2. These two areas have semi-permanent and permanent villages of pastoral communities in plenty. 3. The historical background of this region also suggests that the pastoral mode of life was prominent at least up to twelfth century AD. 4. The concentration of the reported Harappan sites is mostly confined to this area. The study covered three settlements of pastoralists and two major pastoral groups. The Rabari and Bharwad are the two major pastoral communities inhabiting in the Kathiawar and Kutch region. The ethnographic inquiries were conducted between these two communities in an extensive manner through a series of interaction with groups inhabiting different parts in this

In Kathiawar, the Gir and Barada forests serve as the abodes of several pastoral settlements. The hilly portion of central Kathiawar is yet another major area of concentration of the pastoralists. On the whole, Pastoral communities compared to any other section of Gujarat most abundantly populate Kathiawar. The

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is the only source of sweet water and remains filled only during the rainy season. So, the island is capable of being exploited only in the rainy season.

region. The subsistence practices of these two groups were studied in detail from three settlements identified to represent the whole range of variance practiced by these groups.

Khadir: Khadir, yet another island in the Great Ran of Kutch, extends over an area of 118 square miles. It is rich in grass and water is available only in the rainy season. So, this is used as a rainy season pasture by the pastoralists of northern Kutch.

Favourable Eco-niches for Maldharis: Before we proceed to the details of the cultural and subsistence life of the pastoralists let us discuss the eco-niches that are considered as important regions by Maldharis. These are the niches that provide the pastoralists fodder and water, the two most important resources for their subsistence. Some of the important information about these eco-niches is provided in the following paragraphs.

Lakhpat: Lakhpat is situated in the western most corner of Gujarat. Grasslands are in plenty, but the province faces a scarcity of water during summers. Hence, it is exploited as a rainy season pasture by pastoralists. Nala Kantha: It comprises the area surrounding the Nal Lake. Parts of Viramgam and Dholka are included in this province that has a vast tract of fallow land. The water turns salty in the rainy season as it gets blended with the seawater touching it on its southern periphery. This makes agriculture impossible on the land holdings surrounding it. It thus provides a good eco-niche for the pastoralists during summers.

Vadhiar: This zone comprises of Radhanpur, Santalpur and the Sami taluka in Mehsana district. It is known for its Kankrej or Vaddhiar variety of cattle that is popular among the peasants of Gujarat. The province derives its name from a village named ‘Vadhiar’ situated at the centre of these three talukas. The total area of this province is 1400 square miles that extends from the foothills of the Aravalis in the north to the Banas basin in the south and from the periphery of the Little Ran of Kutch in the west to the foothills of the Panchmahal hills in the east. The Kankrej variety of cow is not suited for milk, but the bullocks are valued by the cultivators for their strength and built-up. In the recent past, the forest department has taken up a project to raise the forest cover in all the land holdings lying fallow in this province. This project has restricted the pastoralists from grazing their herds on a major part of the province.

Bhal: The coastal provinces of Valabhipur, Dhanduka, Dholka and Khambat are known as Bhal. The wastelands along the seacoast provide enough pasturage that is used extensively in the rainy season by the pastoralists who reside in the nearby villages. ‘Vids’ in Kathiawar: The landscape of Kathiawar is elevated in the centre and slopes to the west, north and south to merge into the coastal plains. The eastern side slopes to meet the river basin of Sabaramati and Nal Lake. The Gir forests in the Junagarh district and the Barada hills in the Jamnagar district are the two densely forested areas in Kathiawar. Besides, the hilly and mountainous terrain in the central Kathiawar holds a rich grass covering. The river basins and the mountain valleys in this area are marginally used for agriculture and the rest of the territory is exploited as pasture

Pung Bet: Pung Bet, an island devoid of permanent habitation, is situated in the little ran of Kutch. The pastoral population of Sami and Chansama taluka come to the island to graze their cattle in the months of monsoon. The grass in Pung Bet is considered to be good for cattle. The island has a small talab, which

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or ‘Gowals’ and set them to watch his cows. These three herdsmen were the founders of Bharwads.

lands. There are several contiguous and isolated pastoral units known as ‘Vids’. The pastoralists use these ‘Vids’ at different intervals of the year. There are 575 such ‘Vids’ recognised by the Government of Gujarat. These are classified into two categories, i.e., the reserved vids and the unreserved vids. The following table shows the distribution of both the reserved and unreserved ‘vids’ in the various districts of Kathiawar province. Name of District

Reserv ed ‘Vids’

Unreserved ‘vids’

Tot al

Junagarh Bhavnagar Jamnagar Rajkot Surendranagar Total

40 24 13 19 06 103

146 057 062 185 022 472

186 081 075 204 028 575

Krishna had many wives, but in his generous way he distributed them all but three. He advised the three herdsmen to marry his three remaining wives. The herdsmen said no, you are our father, you made us; we cannot take your wives. Krishna pressed them but they persisted. Presently these three wives also were given away, and Krishna and the three Gopals were left alone. After four five days Gopals thought: Krishna is alone and we are alone. Krishna asked Gopals to milk the cows. The Gopals said we have no wives; we will not milk the cows. Krishna said: that you have no wives is your own fault, not mine. They said that if you do not give us wives we would not graze your cattle. Krishna thought: These are rude people, somehow or other I must provide for them. He took them to a temple and ordered of them to stand back-to-back and run round the temple different ways. When the couple met, by power of Krishna, one had become a woman. Krishna said, be husband and wife. The third herdsman complained: If I do not get a wife I will not graze the cows. Krishna said, I made the whole world; I cannot make another woman. You are the younger brother; share your elder brother’s wife. So among the Bharwads one woman became the wife of several brothers, and still after the elder brother’s death the younger brother takes his elder brother’s widow to be his wife. Even now, in the lifetime of an elder brother, if his wife has a child by the younger brother no great fuss is made. Afterwards when Krishna left Mathura to come to Dwarka, he asked his Bharwad herdsmen to come with him. They came as far as the river Banas. At the Banas, near Abu, they said we could go no further. Krishna reasoned with them, but to no effect. He turned from them and passed to Dwaraka. As the lord left them, the cows who were in calf, dropped lambs, not calves, and the Bharwads were degraded from cowherds to shepherds.” This story speaks about

Among the reserved ‘Vids’, 19 are used for the government owned Gosalas and the dairy units and the rest of the reserved Vids are auctioned every year. Similarly, 23 ‘Vids’ in the category of the unreserved ‘Vids’ are given away in the long-term auctions and the remaining 448 ‘Vids’ are auctioned annually. According to a resolution passed by the government of Gujarat on the 27th of July 1962, the ‘Vids’ are to be auctioned annually to the Grampanchayat, village co-operatives and Gosalas. The pastoralists of Kathiawar use these Vids for their summer camps. They take the auction every year and use the Vids for a period of five to six months.

Maldharis and their Origin Myths: Bharwads trace their origin from Mathura in Central India. As Campbell (1895) quotes from a story told to him by a Bawa, the religious guide of Bharwads: “In Gokal Mathura, from sweat of his brow, the lord Krishna made three small rolls of dirt and set them on fire to bake. When dirt rolls or pills were baked Krishna shaped them into three herdsmen

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chosen. Sambad, the elder of the Shiva’s sons, chose Rai. Jumbad selected Renuka, and the couple went off to begin the line of Ahirs.

their link to lord Krishna and traces a direct descendancy to him. This also gives a reason for their shift from cattle pastoralism to sheep herding. Rabaris also narrate a similar story to claim their origin from Shiva. In a more recent publication Frater (1995) reports the following story that describes the origin of Rabaris. “Once while Shiva was in deep meditation in Himalayas, his consort Parvati went for her birth. She made three dolls from the dirt of her body: a camel and two boys. When Shiva got up from the meditation Parvati asked him to give them life. The two boys were named Sambad and Jumbad. Shiva told them to look after the camel in the Jungle and to take its milk. He gave the boys his blessing: honour your parents, and may you get 1000 camels. The boys’ herd did increase, and soon they were collecting too much milk. Sambad did not want to waste it, so he told Shiva, who made a great tank for the milk. The milk in this tank was to be given to meditating ascetics and travellers freely. Now, Lord Indra had some apsaras or celestial dancers, and every day they would fly to Mansarovara to take their baths there. Right away, they found the tank, and they were jealous that such milk should be given to humans, so they threw sands and earth into it. When the brothers complained to Shiva, he answered that it is right to punish someone who is doing wrong. Shiva instructed them to retaliate by stealing the clothes of the apsaras while they were bathing, which the brothers did. The apsaras were in a fix. But, as they could take the shape of anything, they became hawks, and hovered all over looking for their clothes. Finally, they learned that the Shiva’s sons Sambad and Jumbad had them and, since they could not go naked before Indra, they asked Shiva to get them back.

Time passed. Sambad and Rai had a son and a daughter, and soon the daughter was of marriageable age. Shiva went out for a suitable boy among the Rajput sons of various kingdoms and, being a simple man, wherever he received good hospitality, he agreed to give his grand daughter in marriage. When he returned to Kailash, Parvati asked if he had chosen. Well, unfortunately, he said, he had agreed seven times in seven kingdoms! He asked Parvati to remedy the situation. So she made a great circle, and from it produced six more grand daughters, each a match for one of the seven princes. All the boys felt lucky, so they renounced their kingdoms to their younger brothers and went to stay in Shiva for some work. So, he blessed them saying, “Your surname will be Sambad, and I will give you what I have: all my camels. Take them, milk them, and run your lives.” Some time later, a vicious familial war broke out between the Rajputs and Brahmins. Parasuram, an incensed Brahmin, ravaged Rajputs, determined to kill them all till there were no more generations left. Whoever wanted to face him in the battle was killed; whoever surrendered their weapons, though, was spared. He made 21 attacks. By then, all the living Rajputs were worried how could they be saved? Then they thought of the seven princes who had been married to the seven daughters of Shiva, asking for mercy. Shiva sheltered them, and when Parasuram eventually tracked them down, he told these were not Rajputs at all, but ‘Raika’ (belong to Rai) or, alternatively, ‘Raha Bari’ (outsiders), and they were his sonsin-laws. After that these former Rajputs took the name, Raika or Raha Bari, and a new surname (those found in both Rabari and Rajput communities) and

Shiva agreed, but with a condition: Two of them must marry his sons. The terms were more than fair. It would indeed be lucky to marry Shiva’s son. So all of the hawks, 18 of them, became apsaras again, and presented themselves to be

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district of Amreli in Kathiawar. They keep a specific variety of cattle that takes its name from the village Vadhiyar. So these Rabaris are known as Vadhiyaras. 11. Gohilvadis: The Rabaris living in the southeastern coastal belt of Kathiawar around Bhavnagar are called Gohilwadis. These names, thus, are derived from the region of their inhabitancy. Some minor differences are noticed among these groups that are adaptational to the specific mainstream cultures of these areas. These divisions are not hierarchical or structural in nature.

started a new life. They made a wandering existence, going wherever found water and grass and, if the land was good to settle, they stayed.” (Frater 1995: 32).

Social divisions among Bharwad and Rabaris: The Bharwads are divided into two endogamous groups known as Motha Bhai and Nanha Bhai. A section of Bharwads who tend only sheep are called Gadariyas (from the word Gadar in Gujarati which means sheep). A large number of exogamous surnames are common among them. A section of Bharwads who weaved woollen blankets in the past are known as Kamalias.

Dress pattern: The costume of the Bharwads’ is remarkably distinct from their neighbours. They mostly use woollen clothes weaved by the Kamalias. The Kamalias weave rough clothes out of undyed wool. The Bharwad men use three pieces of clothes for covering their body; one as the loin cloth, the second, to cover the shoulder, and the third, for tying around the head. At present the Kamalias have stopped weaving due to an easy access to the mill-made clothes. So, currently, the Bharwads generally buy their clothes from the nearby market. But, even today they exhibit a special fascination towards the woollen clothes.

The Rabaris are known as Bhopas, Moghas, Raikas, Vishotars and Sinais. They are divided into 133 groups bearing distinct surnames, thereby deriving the name of Vinshoter (Vinsh-sha-ter, meaning six twenties and thirteen; 20X6+13= 133). These groups bearing distinct surnames are exogamous groups. Apart from these genealogical divisions, they are known by different names in different regions; 1. Kachhi: They inhabit the north-western corner of the Kutch around Lakhpat. 2. Dehbaria: They are positioned around Anjar in Kutch. 3. Vagadia: They are concentrated in Rappar in eastern Kutch. 4. Patanvadi: They are clustered in the Banas basin around Patan in North Gujarat. 5. Jhalavadi: They occupy the territory around Surendranagar and Wadhwan. 6. Machukanta: They inhabit the northern fringe of Kathiawar adjoining the Little Ran of Kutch, mostly in the river basin of Machu. 7. Bhopas: Their settlements are found circling Dwaraka in the northwestern corner of Kathiawar. 8. Sorathia: They reside in the Barada and Gir forest in the southwestern part of Kathiawar. 9. Panchali: The highlands in the centre of Kathiwar are known as Panchal, and the Rabaris of this area are called Panchali. 10. Vadhiyara: There are a few Rabaris who inhabit the central

After the independence, the Bharwads have closely interacted and mingled with the mainstream caste population. Consequently, we notice a significant change in their dressing pattern. The educated Bharwads have taken to trousers and shirts. They wear the traditional clothing, only at ceremonial occasions. The sections of Bharwads who have started living in the villages are slowly assimilating the dressing sense of the agricultural population with whom they

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clothes that they prepare with utmost care for marriage ceremonies and for the fairs and festivals. The social gatherings on the days of festivals and fairs look bright, colourful and fascinating.

share the social and economic status. The use of trousers is more prevalent among Bharwads who live in the fringes of the towns and cities than the people residing in the rural areas. The Bharwads living in the villages of Kathiawar use shirt with cotton loincloth. The head is found covered by another piece of long cloth, made up of either wool or cotton. In the early twentieth century, Enthoven (1920) writes: “The true Bharwad dress for men is three blankets of undyed wool, one wound in broad bands around the head, a second tied around the waist reaching the knee, and a third thrown across the shoulder”. Even the Bharwads, who still practice transhumance, are found using shirts instead of throwing a piece of woollen clothe across the shoulder. Bharwads have a penchant for bright colours. The piece of cloth tied as a turban around the head is mostly deep red in colour for young people and white in case of the elderly people. The colour of the loincloth is also bright, usually, red, green or deep blue in colour.

The Rabaris follow a different dressing pattern from the Bharwads. Their dressing pattern mostly resembles those of the Marwad’s. It also bears some resemblance to those of the poor Rajputs village cultivators. In Gujarat, the dressing pattern of the Kutchi Rabaris, Jhalawadi Rabaris and Patanwadi Rabaris show little variations from each other.

There is hardly any noticeable change in the dressing pattern of women. “A woman’s dress consists of a petticoat, a brown wooden head-scarf hanging loose from the head with yellow or red spots, and a bodice open behind, loose fitting in front, and carried down within an inch or two of the waist of the skirt. Unmarried girls wear a head-scarf and a petticoat of cotton generally bright in colour” (Enthoven 1920: 119). A few of the wellto-do Bharwad ladies are found using saris, but such spectacles are very rare. The clothes of the Bharwad women are heavily embroidered and fixed with mirrors and jaris. The Bharwad women as well like to put on bright colours. In the leisure time, the Bharwad women engage themselves embroidering their

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The Rabari men, in general, wear a head cloth, a jacket of special kind, and a trouser or a waistcloth. The head cloth, like those of the Bharwads, is tied around the head with loose broad bands, which protects them from the extremities of the climate throughout the year. Different shades of red are used in the making of the head cloth, which is generally four to five metre in length and a metre in width. Better fabrics are used on special occasions like marriage and festivals and the Rabaris display outstanding skills in tying the head dress in varying styles to add a variety to their exuberant costumes.

territorial identity of the Rabaris. The Rabaris of the Jhalawar and Ahmedabad region wear a special jacket that falls on to their hips. The Rabaris of Kutch use short jackets reaching the waist. The trousers worn by the Rabaris are also white in colour. The portion from the ankle to the knee is found to be tight in fitting and then ascends in loose crumples around the waist. Sometimes the length of the trousers is just enough to touch the ankle and in a few other instances it is long enough to gather at the ankle in creases. The trousers are devoid of any decoration.

Ornaments: Both Bharwads and Rabaris display a strong liking towards ornaments. Both men and women are fond of ornaments. The ornaments are usually made of silver, ivory and stones. The weight of the ornament bears the testimony to the economic condition of the bearer. Due to low availability of ivory and semiprecious stones, white bangles made of plastic and glass beads have come in vogue. Both men and women are very fond of tattooing. There is a striking similarity in the designs and typology of

The jacket used by the Rabaris is specific in design and generally white in colour. Mostly, the young people use jackets that are heavily embroidered in threads of bright colours that form a conspicuous contrast against the white backdrop of the jacket. Old people are inclined towards plain jackets with little or no decorations. The Rabari women with their dexterous hands made these jackets, until recently, but the tailored jackets are quite popular nowadays as they display a better finishing. The Rabari jacket has an opening in the front till the chest and then flares in numerous creases down to the waist. The length of the jacket used by Rabaris exhibit regional variations. This sometimes becomes a clue to the

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13. Ananta- a silver guard worn in the great toe. 14. Vinchia- A silver ring worn in the second little toe. 15. Khan- Usually the boys wear a silver necklace, a plain heavy ring on whose end are stamped the petals of a flower.

the ornaments used by both Bharwads and Rabaris. Followings are the most typical ornaments that they use: 1. Bhungri- A button shaped ear ornament, made of gold, generally worn in the upper most part of the left ear. Only men use this, and some of them wear it in both the ears. 2. Ver- A ring which is worn in the upper part of the ear against a hole, both by men and women. Sometimes more than one ver is also found in case of women. 3. Akota- Worn by young women in both upper ears, a hanging ring with a silver cylinder. 4. Loriyer- Hanging silver ornament worn by old women in the upper ear. 5. Nangli- Silver hangers in the hollow ear lobe. 6. Sankli- The chief necklace 7. Kanthilo- A garland of rupee like silver dangling on the breast. 8. Jibro- A heart or tongue shaped pendant specifically used with Kanthilo. 9. Chindi- The bracelet made of ivory. 10. Kanchio- silver bracelet. 11. Kedia- A ring worn on the little finger in the left hand. 12. Kami-Kada- The anklet is a round ring of silver dropping at each side.

The Bharwads and Rabaris purchase these ornamental items from definite gold or silver smiths. There are some specific smith families who earn their living by the clientele from the Rabaris and the Bharwads. The design and typology of the ornaments among the Bharwad and Rabari communities vary considerably as compared to the other Hindu and Muslim populations with whom these pastoral communities live their life.

Politico-religious organisations The Bharwads and the Rabaris are mostly the followers of Mother Goddesses. Besides, they often visit the Shiva temples on account of their belief in their descent from Shiva. The pantheon of the deities on whom they bestow their faith throws a floodlight on the recent changes in their religion. There are some important historic places to which these people pay their pilgrimage, whereas the others are particularly the village or clan based deities. The Bharwads worship Matas who are figured on the silver and copper plates. There are regional differences in their worship of deities. The Bharwads of North and South Gujarat plain worship Jhalabapaji and Baldev, two holy Rajputs. They are also the followers of different sages whom they call as Bawas. The Bawas are as powerful as the gods and the life of the Rabaris is almost regulated by them. Apart from these, they also worship local rivers and mountains. Ancestral worship is another important component of their religious belief. They worship the memorial stones of their martyred ancestors who sacrifice their life in acts of gallantry to safeguard their properties, land or women.

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The Jagia of Khodiyar Ma thus is taken as almost symbolically synonymous to the Rabari village.

The Rabaris are also worshipers of mother-goddesses. They are found attached to the mother-goddesses temples in different parts of Gujarat. Each family has a Kul-Devi, whom they worship in their household. Thus there are numerous small goddesses worshipped by the Rabaris in different parts of Gujarat. They regard Momai Mata as the most powerful mother figure. She is worshipped in most of the Rabari households on various ceremonial and ritualistic occasions throughout the year.

The Jagia of Khodiyar Ma is not different from any other village deities found in Gujarat In the periphery of the village under the shade of a tree, a stone piece smeared in vermilion and a scatter of coconut shells, votive earthen pots and lamps together constitute the jagia of Khodiyar Ma. In most of the villages now the Rabaris have constructed a small temple like structure to protect the deity from rains and sun. Generally, some wealthy donor from the community finances such constructions, or else, the entire village makes contribution to erect this structure for the deity. A small and rectangular structure with low walls tapers towards the top to form a cone. On the conical top a globular pot like structure holds either a red or a yellow flag.

The temple of Momai Mata is called Mudh. “The Mudh is usually a simple hut with a rectangular ground plan. A spire like structure of wood is kept in the central room of the house. The Momai Mata is believed to have a thousand hands and therefore, is represented in the temple with thousand cowrie shells arranged vertically on the wooden frame. Five bundles of peacock feathers, called dhwaja or flag, are kept in the temple. The devotees worship these flags. Several silver canopies called chatra are hung on the temple. Devotees offer these silver canopies to the deity. Cowrie shells and damru (Shiva’s drum) are also placed in one corner of the temple. The most significant thing in the temple is the sacred lamp, akhand deep, which is kept lighted permanently.”(Saraswati 1962:195-196)

There are household deities in some of the Rabari families, which are visited by other village members. Usually, the most well to do family of the village is in possession of the deity. This enhances one’s social status in the village. These household deities are the miniature representation of the deities who have their original temples located far from the village. The deities are duly installed in one of the rooms of the family. An old woman in most of the cases and in few cases even an old man becomes the priest of the deity. She/ he takes full charge of the deity and offers regular prayer to it. Periodically, she/he gets possessed by the deity and in this state, tries to answer the queries of the villagers. These queries relate to their economic and health matters.

The temples of other minor deities are called Jagias. The most common deity in any Rabari settlement is the Khodiyar Ma. Other pastoral communities like Charans, Ahirs and Bharwads also worship her. The Jagia of Khodiyar Ma is generally found at the boundary of the settlement. It is believed that Khodiyar Ma protects the settlement from all the ominous events. No Rabari passes by the Jagia of Khodiyar without bowing his head before it. The Rabari seeks her blessings in the morning when he leaves the settlement and takes his herd to the nearby forest for pasturage. In the evening, when he comes back without any trouble, he does not forget to thank her beloved mother, the Khodiyar Ma.

The chief priestess/priest first gets the command from the goddess that she wants to stay in her house. Immediately, this message is conveyed to the rest of the community members of the village. Then the priestess/priest approaches the periphery of the village with a lamp in the direction in which the original temple

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of the deity lies. There, she/he invites the goddess to her home. After a while, she/he gets possessed by the deity and then returns home with the lamp in her/his hand. If the lamp extinguishes on the way back home, it is considered a bad omen and the goddess has to be propitiated for it. If she/he comes home with a kindled lamp, she puts some vermilion on the newly manufactured wooden idol of the deity and puts it on a platform laid with yellow cloth. The offerings are made to the deity and the installing of the goddess becomes complete.

At present, the Rabaris are also found to be the devotees of Chamunda and different pirs. They owe reverence to various Bhagats or Bawas at different places who play a key role in their religious life. Most of the holy places for the Rabaris are found around the Morvi. The whole area is called Mandav region. They are also devotees of Surya Ranade, whose temple is found in Than. Most of the old sacred places are concentrated around Than only. Apart from the gods and goddesses, the Rabaris also erect ‘Paliyas’ or ‘ancestral hero stones’. A Paliya is a stone plaque, erected generally at the place where the man assumes his martyrdom in a gallant fight against the enemy. This signifies the heroic contribution of the man to the community and family. Hence, the Rabaris exhibit tremendous respect to these paliyas. The paliyas are generally found outside the village.

There are several such deities whom the Rabaris worship. All these deities are considered to be the sisters of the Khodiayar Ma. Gel Ma, Meladi Ma, Jogal or Jog Ma, Sikottar Ma, Aval Ma, But Ma, Hol Mata, Bahuchar Ma and Gatral Devi are some of the revered goddesses whom Rabaris worship along with Khodiyar and Momai Ma. Momai Mata is mounted upon the camel and Khodiyar Ma upon Magar or crocodile. Likewise, Gel Ma is mounted upon sheep; Bahuchar Ma upon hen; Meladi Ma upon goat; and Gatral Devi upon cattle. It is difficult to extract the symbolism involved in these different mounts ascribed to different goddesses. The Rabaris worshipping these different goddesses who are depicted mounted upon different animals have no relationship with the animals, which constitute their current practice of pastoralism. All the goddesses are propitiated for the general well-being of the herd, irrespective of any direct correlation with the animals they keep or those which serve as the mount of the goddess. It will be thus erroneous to establish any relationship between the belief system and the virtual practice of any specialised form of pastoralism constituting any species. Nonetheless, it is safe to conclude that the Rabaris as a community must have been involved in keeping camel, sheep, goat and cattle in different parts at different intervals of times.

Perhaps, the tradition of the erection of Paliyas is a medieval one. The medieval period in Gujarat is a period of tussles and conquests between different royal families and lineages. We know definitely that the Rabaris and the Bharwads were related to the Rajput ruling clans and thus at present there are several surnames found to be common between them. In such a scenario, the deification of the hero and erection of memorial stones to glorify the sacrifice of his life is nothing unexpected. But, the tradition of erection of memorial stones or paliyas is not only confined to the Rabaris and Bharwads, but is also prevalent among the Rajputs. It is very difficult to say who borrowed the tradition of erecting Paliya from whom. As it appears today, the erection of the Paliyas and worshipping them or paying homage to them is a common tradition among different Rajput clans, the Rabaris and Bharwads not being an exception. The current social and political scenario, however, is quite different from the past. The Rajputs have lost their kingdoms and the feuds between the different ruling

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and the day of death of the hero. The exact context of the death of the hero is not mentioned in these inscriptions. The only way to know the context and the story behind the erection of the particular Paliya is to tap the local oral traditions. Though the local tradition describes the sacrifice for which the memorial is erected, yet to ascertain the date of the Paliya one has to depend upon the availability of the date in the inscription on the Paliya itself. It has been noticed that the older Paliyas have no dates; the practice of the inscribing the name and date of death of the hero seems to be a recent practice.

families have come to a halt. Moreover, at the end of the Rajashahi, and due to the introduction of the concept of democracy and modern governance, the land ownership pattern has also witnessed a significant change Therefore, now the politically motivated feuds are no more possible. In such a social context, the heroes of the community need to be identified with a different set of idiosyncrasies. As the original social and political context, which had made the tradition of the Paliya so popular, does not exist today, the tradition is loosing its importance very rapidly. Thus, we can identify two components in the tradition of Paliya; first, an emphasis on the heroism displayed, and the second, a respect and reverence towards the ancestors.

The Rabaris claim that all Paliyas depicting the hero on the back of a camel are Paliyas of their community. But, at present, even Paliyas of their community depicts the hero on a horseback. Bharwads do not claim to have any specific design or depiction, different from Rajputs, for their Paliyas. As Rabaris were associated with camels in the past, the symbolic representation of their heroes on the back of the camel is a more probable proposition to be accepted.

In some parts, however, the tradition is still practiced in a modified way. The heroic component in the tradition of Paliya has lost its value in the contemporary social condition. But the respect for the ancestors is still held high in the community. Today, the Paliyas are not constructed on the place where the hero dies. After the death of an important person of the community, it is generally the offsprings who take the initiative to erect the Paliya. There is no prescription of elaborate rituals for erecting Paliya. The deceased come in dream of one of his family members to express his willingness to live in whichever place he likes. Then it becomes an obligation for the offsprings to erect a Paliya in his memory. Thus, Paliya becomes the home of the dead spirit.

The people among whom the tradition is still alive hold the Paliya in great respect. No woman passes by a Paliya without a veil on her head. The Paliyas are propitiated, if ill fate strikes the family. The respect for the Paliyas in recent times is diminishing very fast. Several Paliyas are found abandoned in a dilapidated condition outside the village boundary. Often these slabs are used for sharpening the iron implements, leaving the decoration on them in a heavily mutilated condition. This may suffice to draw the conclusion that the cultural prerogatives related to the tradition of Paliya and their worship has changed. It is no more a popular tradition, neither among Rajputs, nor among the pastoral communities like Bharwads and Rabaris.

The Paliya is a monolithic slab, generally with a triangular head. The bottom is dug thirty to forty centimetres in to the ground. On one side of the shoulder, a pictorial depiction of the hero is found. The engraving is shallow and is a work of very crude sculpting. The most usual depiction of the hero is found to be on a horse back with a sword in his right hand. There are some that depict the hero riding on a camel. In few cases inscriptions are also found on Paliya depicting the name

To sum up, both among the Bharwads and Rabaris, the folk characteristics of their religious believes and practices are

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small towns in all over Gujarat. The section of the population that is still leading a nomadic or semi-sedentary life has not gone through this process of the Brahminisation. There is a definite group of Brahmins in each region who are linked to the Bharwads and for a long time they have accepted the clientele of the Bharwads. But, the need for a Brahmin among Bharwads is simply confined to this. The other spheres of their religious life are dominated by the activities of ‘Bawas’.

slowly becoming redundant. The temples of the folk deities of the Bharwads and Rabaris are promoted and identified with some form of Chamunda, the Hindu mother goddess. This social and cultural integration process seems to be centuries old. Their relationship with the Rajput clans and their social and religious integration process might have begun simultaneously. Thus, this process can safely be guessed to have started in the early medieval period and must have evolved to the present form during the Muslim and Maratha period.

The acceptance of the Brahmins in their life-cycle rituals is instrumental to their progress in Hindu social hierarchy. Their long association with Rajputs has given them a better social status than any other menial class in the traditional Hindu caste structure. It is interesting to note that in spite of their age-old attempt to climb up the ladder of the social hierarchy, the influence of the Bawas has not suffered much.

The institution of kingship definitely existed among the pastoral communities in Gujarat, more specifically in the Kathiawar and Kutch region. But, this is a legend of the past now. The political subjugation and attempts of social integration have changed the political scenario drastically. Specially, after the independence, the political goal of the community has taken a gradual course to adopt itself to democracy. Their long experience and learnings to live with the monarchs and local level chiefs is no more helpful to them. The goal of the present political epi-centre among the pastoral communities is to consolidate the community identity, thereby gaining some power in the democratic set up to bargain for their group interest as a vote bank. In such a situation, the traditional religious leaders have an edge over other aspirants, as community identity can best be enforced through the affirmation of cultural and religious ethos. This is best illustrated in the case of Bharwads and Rabaris. Let us discuss this point with reference to both Bharwads and Rabaris separately.

The Bawas are the most conversant people in the community affairs. In them lies the power to communicate with god and the oral traditions are found stocked with them. They are the best-informed men so far as the moral and ethical code of their community is concerned. A Bawa derives his power from his ability to communicate with god and the supernatural power. Bharwads believe that ‘Bawa’ has magical power to inflict injury to anyone, as well as to ward off the evil spirits and protect them from any kind of misfortune. A single Bawa is found in a region, who covers a number of pastoral settlements. People from surrounding places come to him for his prophecies and advices.

The traditional religious leader among the Bharwads is called ‘Bawa’. He is considered as the spiritual guide of the community members. At present, Bharwads are dependent upon the Brahmin priest on the occasions of marriages and death ceremonies. The reliance upon Brahmins on these ritual ceremonies is more among the population that have settled down in the villages and

‘Bawa’ is found to be attached to one of the holy places of the Bharwads. He devotes his life in practicing magic and propitiation of god. Bharwads provide him the economic support. Each Bharwad group has a Patel or headman. The headman regulates the group behaviour and polices upon the conduct of the people of his group. A council of elders

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questions raised by the villagers, mostly in the form of stories, which correspond to a similar situation in the past, and cites the judgments of other great spiritual leaders of the community to attach validity to his answer. The ‘Bawa’ is considered as the living god among Bharwads. All Bharwads, irrespective of sex and age, touch his feet and seek his blessings.

attached to ‘Bawa known as Gnyati’ solves the conflicts between the members of the community. The ‘Gnyati’ is invited in cases related to partition or conflict between two families. The ‘Gnyati’ visits the village and stays with the family that has invited him. They consider it as their honourable guest and devote their whole attention to take care of their needs and requirements. Both the parties in the conflict then plead their cases in front of the members of ‘Gnyati’. Gnyati tries to understand the case and passes its verdict. The party, which is found guilty in the case, bears the whole expenditure of the Gnyati. The Gnyati never leaves the village till it resolves the issue. The obligation to bear the expenditure of the Gnyati, sometimes forces the involved parties to accept the decision of the Gnyati sooner.

The most significant role that ‘Bawa’ plays in the religious life of the Bharwads is the arrangement of the community fairs on specific occasions. Fairs are generally held on the day of Janmasthami, the birthday of the lord Krishna. Bharwads from a wider region come to the venue to attend the fair. This fair becomes the meeting spot for several groups who have stayed away from each other for years. This opportunity is fully exploited to usurp the discussion on the common problems faced by them. The information regarding the availability of the fodder in different areas, access to markets to sell their products at a good price, the knowledge of the disease infected regions which they need to avoid in their annual migration and so on are all shared among them on such occasions.

The ‘Bawa’ is also invited by different groups to perform various propitiation rituals for their betterment. When the calamities befall on them or on their animals, they request the ‘Bawa’ to come and ward off the evil spirits. He is also invited on casual occasions to recite stories relating to the gods and goddesses. Bharwads believe that by listening to these holy stories, their souls get purified. On such occasions, the headman goes to the village of the Bawa and expresses his desire to invite him to his village. Then ‘Bawa’ goes into deep meditation and asks the permission of the lord. If he gets the permission from the lord, then he gives his consent to the proposed visit. The day of the visit is fixed and on the specific day ‘Bawa’ arrives at the destined village with a few of his followers.

The occasion of this fair is regarded as a special event of festivity among men and women of Bharwads. They dress up in the best of their costumes and are drenched up in a festive mood to sing, dance and celebrate. Well before the fair, the representatives of ‘Bawa’ tour the entire Bharwad settlement and collect the contribution from all families. Thus they pool-up a large sum of money, which is spent on the occasion of this fair and ‘Bawa’ keeps the rest of the money for his own maintenance for the whole year. The post of the ‘Bawa’ is not hereditary. It requires a great deal of training and penance to acquire the status of Bawa.

In the evening, the ‘Bawa’ settles himself at a convenient place in the village and the people from the nearby villages also come to listen to him. He is the storehouse of the legends and stories associated with their community. A common feast is arranged on the occasion and each member of the village sits around and listens to him. He answers the

The priest amongst the Rabaris is termed as ‘Bhuwa’. Unlike the Bharwads, the post of Bhuwa is hereditary. He lives an ascetic life in the Mudh of Momai Mata and observes a strict celibacy,

48

norms. Even the poorest member of the community is not spared and the representatives take away his utensils or other valuable, thereby realising the sum of the contribution.

maintaining the purity of his lifestyle, for he held to be the intermediary to Momai Mata. He is treated as a persona grata, almost at par to god. The Bhuwa has the final say over the religious issues. All Rabari families support him and his activities financially.

Fairs are held at different places at different times of the year. The most popular fairs are organised at Balej, Seel, Oddad and Chorwad. The fairs are held in the month of Ashwin, Magh, Chaitra and Ashad. These fairs are the occasions of great festivity for the whole community. Thousands of Rabaris gather in the venue and participate in the worship of the goddess. The Bhuwa gets possessed by the Momai Mata, and responds to the queries of the people gathered.

Bhuwa derives his power and social status from his possession of the divine power, which is bestowed upon him by the most popular goddess Momai Mata. His divinity is further ascertained from the fact that only Bhuwa knows the propitiating prayers, known as Chand, to Momai Mata. The Chand is believed to be the divine language of gods, specifically of Momai Mata. These Chands are unintelligible to the common men, and therefore Bhuwa is the only intermediary whose help becomes indispensable for communicating with Momai Mata. This is considered as a secret language and is not pronounced in front of the non-believers, to avoid the Momai Mata’s wrath from falling upon the earth.

Like Chand, the favoured devotees of Momai Mata sing praises of the goddess in a peculiar way. These devotional songs of the goddess are known as Saraju. These hymns appear to be a bizarre combination of vowels. Due to the lack of consonants, the lyrics are completely devoid of words. But, the singers follow some definite rules to sing these Sarajus. The people invite the people adept in singing Sarajus on several occasions when propitiating rites to Momai Mata are held. Each group of Rabaris has their own saraju singers. The rules to sing Saraju are inherited from the old and expert saraju singers. This knowledge is passed on to a new candidate only if Bhuwa gives his consent to it. Thus, Bhuwa is the centre pole of the Rabaris’ religious organisation.

The Bhuwa pronounces these chands only when he is possessed by Momai mata. Baidyanath Saraswati (1962) writes: “To me, it (the Chands) appeared only as a jumble of sounds like the whistling of the wind or storm in an ocean. Whether this ritual language bears any meaning is not known even to the Bhuwa. This secret language is transmitted from generation to generation.” All Rabari families pay an annual tax to the Mudh or to Bhuwa. The representatives of Bhuwa before Navratri tour the whole region to collect this tax. A fixed sum is decided as the contribution from all the families. It is compulsory for every family to comply with the demand of the Bhuwa’s representatives. This tax collection trip is termed as ‘Dhupedo’. The team of representatives exacts the tax or contribution from each household and gives them the invitation of Bhuwa to attend the fair on the specific day. The contribution is collected under very strict

The pivotal political power resting with Bhuwa is the collection of the contributions from the Rabari families. He usually collects so much money so as to live comfortably with his followers in the Mudhs of goddess Momai. The Bhuwa lives in such a material plenty that the Mudh of Bhuwa resembles a little Durbar of a small chief. Bhuwa is linked to the patels of different groups. Each Rabari village has a headman referred to as patel. In the villages where a heterogeneous population is found, the

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fines imposed upon the offender. This testifies the community solidarity that the Rabaris hold against an alien element.

Rabaris are found to have their own patels together with the village patel. The Patel is the head of the Rabari castepanchayat. His jurisdiction covers all the internal problems of the Rabari group. He settles the conflicts between the members of the community and plays a major role in the settlement of marriage transactions, division of the parental properties among the siblings, and even in the settling of the domestic marital problems between couples. The post of the Patel is hereditary. He does not directly execute his powers. He takes the lead in settling the disputes by consulting a five-member committee, known as ‘Gnyati’ to investigate and analyse the case and to pass a justified verdict.

The post-independence period has witnessed a few changes in this politicoreligious set-up of Patel and Bhuwa. The post of the Patel is no more decided by virtue of inheritance. Instead, the influential and educated people in the community now enjoy the title of Patel. The caste panchayat has taken a lead to enforce some of the social reforms like empowerment of women, provision of education to children and regulating the inter-caste marriages. In the cases of violation of any caste rules, the offender is heavily penalised. The community is regulating the inter-caste marriages very rigidly. The fines collected from the offenders are deposited with Bhuwa. Thus Bhuwa’s position in the Rabari Community has received reinforcement in this changing scenario. The caste-laden politics in Gujarat after the independence has consolidated the caste feeling among the Rabaris. There are several caste-based organisations that are promoting the modernisation among the Rabari groups. These organisations have become the mouthpiece of the Rabari society to loud the demands of the Rabari community in a democratic way. Though the economic upliftment of the Rabari community is the chief goal of these organisations, they serve as the political outfit for the community during elections.

The case is tried before the members of the village, generally in a gathering at a convenient place within the village premise. The parties and witnesses take vows in the name of Mamai Mata. The verdict is given by a unanimous decision among the members of the Gnyati Panchayat. The offender generally abides by the decision of the Gnyati. In the case of any incident of disrespect to the decision of the Gnyati, the offender is excommunicated. The decision to excommunicate a member is taken by the Patel. In such cases, the Patel is informed about the behaviour of the individual who does not comply with the decision of the Gnyati. He then takes a review of the case and on being satisfied with the decision of the Gnyti, upholds their judgment and orders an excommunication of the offender. In cases of complication, Patel refers the case to Bhuwa. Both the parties are summoned to the Mudh of Bhuwa and they are asked to give their testimony in front of Momai Mata. The Bhuwa closes the door of the shrine of Momai Mata and both the parties are asked to open the door individually. This kind of testimony is held to be the final. If an offender opens the door of the shrine, he immediately dies. The details of the case are kept in secret from all outsiders, except the community members who are kept informed about the offence and the

The subsistence practice: The recognition of the distinctiveness of the pastoral communities are often encountered in the literature with extreme polarisation- desert and sown, nomads and sedentary- that ultimately creates pristine categories of modes of production. The risk aversion is fundamental to subsistence economies, and within this constraint, the subsistence producers adopt extremely flexible approach towards the organization of production. The organization of production in turn depends on the ecological constraints or endorsements

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mainland Gujarat and is found along riverine piedmonts. Good cultivable soil in Kutch is only confined in a few patches, insignificant for supporting any large-scale agrarian economy. Good nutrient soil though is available in Kathiawar peninsula; the depth of the soil varies from place to place. The coastal alluvium is only limited to the southwestern corner of the peninsula. The rest of the coastal strip is covered either by saltpan or by swampy mangroves. The central part of the Kathiawar peninsula is a hill tract; which at some places has good nutrient soil, but the depth of the soil is shallow. The amount of rainfall in mainland Gujarat is more than the peninsular Gujarat. The whole of Kutch is classified as an arid ecozone based on low and uncertain rainfall. Similarly, except the southeastern corner of the peninsula, the larger part of Kathiawar again is classified as semi-arid zone. It will not be out of place here to revoke a similar opinion by Whyte: “…western Gujarat (Saurashtra and Kutch) is more pastoral than agricultural. The rainfall is low and often uncertain, there are periods of scarcity of grazing and fodder cycles of five or six years.” (Whyte 1975: 227). More than 70 species of grasses and 50 species of legumes are identified from the peninsular Gujarat that forms the main source of fodder in this semi-arid zone (Ganguli et al 1964). The grassland in peninsular Gujarat is found in two types of habitats, viz., (a) plains formed by an old and young alluvium including coastal sands and sandy habitats with deep soils (b) rugged hilly projection and general formation with shallow soils (Rao 1969). As a contrast to the available cultivable soil in peninsular Gujarat, the predominance of grasslands in the region shifts the focus to pastoral possibility.

particular to the eco niche. This realization ordains a regional sensitivity in formulating the perceptions about a particular organization of production. The organization of production in our region deals with two relevant components, i.e., agriculture and pastoralism. The study focuses on the organization of production in three different sets of population. The common component in these three sets of adaptation strategies is the livestock rearing. The household is the primary unit of production and consumption. Hence, the economic success of the respective production regimes is evaluated here by measuring the ability to cope with a characteristically uncertain environment through a designed institutional support system to use the resources of land and labour effectively. As subsistence modes of production have direct relationship with the ecology, it is necessary here to discuss the ecological matrix within which such strategies are practiced.

The Ecological Matrix: The geographical boundary of Gujarat can be perceived in terms of two distinct ‘regions’: peninsular part of Gujarat and the mainland Gujarat. These two regions not only manifest clear differences in their ecological characteristics, adaptation strategies followed by the people in these two regions differ from one another. The historical information discussed in the previous chapter has already shown how a particular mode of subsistence production prevailed in these two regions over a long historical process. The alluvial plains, most suitable for agriculture are mostly found in mainland Gujarat. Mainland Gujarat is crisscrossed with mighty rivers such as Saraswati, Rupen, Banas, Sabarmati, Mahi, Narmada and Tapi. As a contrast, the peninsular Gujarat, except Bhadar and to some degree Satrunji, does not have a mighty river system to support agriculture through irrigation. Good nutrient soil is mostly confined to the

At one hand, the low rainfall jeopardizes the agricultural prospects and on the other hand, the porous soil and the high atmospheric temperature fail to retain the rainwater in the open-air reservoirs, small pools, and lakes. “Depending upon the climatic conditions and location of the

51

consequent drying up of the reservoirs, lakes, streams, rivers and fall in the ground water level. The meteorological and hydrological droughts impart a direct effect on the pastoralists. Nonetheless, the pastoralists through their extended symbiotic relationship also feel the impact of the agricultural drought with the agricultural population in the region. Hydrological droughts force the pastoralists to abandon the droughtaffected region for years together. As the vegetation growth and the germination depend on the moisture content of a particular soil, the spatial movement of pastoralists needs synchronization with the monsoon rainfall pattern.

reservoirs, as much as eight to ten feet of water is lost through evaporation alone annually; and in case of shallow reservoirs, this can be a large faction of the total quantity of water stored” (Shukla et al 1962). Compounded with the fluctuation of rainfall, these areas become inhospitable for pure agricultural population. The temporal increase in the humidity in rainy seasons and with reservoirs and ponds to store the run off rainwater, the regions where good cultivable soil is available become temporarily suitable for agriculture. However, due to the precarious character of the rainfall, agriculture is not considered as the dependable subsistence. Above points may suffice to establish the marginal character of major portion of the peninsular Gujarat. The highland zones and mountain valleys of Kutch and Kathiawar in the most liberal estimation would be suitable for dry cropping within the mixed economy. Hence, the pastoral component plays an important role in the subsistence life of this region.

The pastoralists generally return to their home province immediately after the commencement of the monsoon. Mallik and Govindaswamy (1962-63) divide the drought into early, mid-season and late drought depending on the time of its occurrence in relation to the Kharif cropping season. Their analysis indicates that Gujarat in general is prone to the mid-season droughts, as the dependability of late monsoon is much less than that of the early monsoon showers. High-assured rainfall pockets are found around Junagarh, Rajkot, and Palitana, whereas areas of low assured rainfall comprise of Ranpur, Chuda, Dhanduka, and Dholera (Biswas & Basarkar 1982). The areas such as Junagarh and Rajkot where the rainfall is relatively assured, the availability of the cultivable land is limited. The agriculture is possible in a limited way in the tablelands and mountain plateaus where the depth of the soil is sallow. In geographical terms, these areas are suitable for mixed economies, as some of the land is appropriate for cultivation and the surrounding land is suitable for grazing. Though these regions are discounted from severe seasonal droughts, the probability of the moderate drought occurrence however cannot be ruled out (Sahu & Sastry 1992). Consequently, the level of agricultural production remains unreliable.

The uncertainty of the rainfall often results in a drought situation in the regional economy. The frequent droughts in this region have a decisive impact on the organization of subsistence production. The drought and aridity are some of the inherent characteristic features of the monsoonal climates where rainy season is restricted to some months. Drought and aridity are related concepts for “it is the dryness that in its extreme intense form and long duration contributes to the aridity” (Meher-Homji 1997). Hence, the drought and aridity is defined with due consideration to the nature and duration of dryness. Venkateswaralu (1993: 1) identifies three categories of drought: Meteorological, a situation when there is a significant decrease from the normal precipitation over an area; Agricultural, a situation when the soil moisture and rainfall are less adequate during the growing season to support healthy crop growth; and Hydrological, a situation when the prolonged drought leads to marked depletion of surface water and

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Map 2.1: Ecology and landuse pattern of Gujarat.

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mutual advantages, a combination of agricultural and pastoral mode of production is noticed among a section of the pastoral population. As pastoralism is chiefly an ecologically adapted way of life, let us examine the distribution of the pastoral communities in different econiches of Gujarat.

These famines occurred either due to the failure of monsoon, or due to heavy untimely rainfall that destroyed the crops. More and more wells and tanks were constructed in these famine years as the rulers patronized these endeavours to provide work to the rural folk. Hence, many of the wells and tanks now used for agricultural purposes are the by-products of the recurring famine years in the last few centuries. Agricultural expansion in the recent past has increased the population considerably. Several acreages of pasture and wastelands have been reclaimed to satisfy the growing demand of the population increase. This phenomenon of agricultural expansion in one hand has created an illusory agricultural past, and on the other hand has reduced the traditional pastures. The investment in the provision for artificial irrigation for centuries now has successfully brought a considerable landscape into the agriculture. Nevertheless, this has not resulted in total abandonment of the pastoral component in their economy.

A primary survey was carried out to pinpoint the variations in the pastoral mode of life in different areas in the Kutch and Kathiawar peninsula. Three variants of pastoralism were identified which are located towards the pastoral end of the continuum in the occupational dynamics and are within the threshold defined by the term Maldhari. The most rare among these three is the semi-nomadic pastoralism- a classic form of their past life-ways. This is a life style where pastoralists solely depend up on livestock rearing where the life shifts between their semi-permanent villages known as Wands and transit camps known as Tandas. The second category refers to those who are engaged mainly in pastoral activities, but are attached to agricultural settlements. The third variant is a mixture of pastoralism and agriculture, where the pastoral segment of the economy is considered crucial both in economic as well as in cultural expressions. These three case studies can be taken as the representative of the other pastoral groups who may show minor deviations in few aspects of their life.

Here my objective is to study pastoralism as a mode of subsistence production. Both the Rabaris and Bharwads are now in a stage of transition from pastoralism to the other modes of livelihood. At this critical juncture, the occupational profile of the whole ‘community’ includes a large number of combinations of strategies of livelihood. I confine myself to the study of the population that is still in someway involved in pastoral mode of production.

The Maldhari Life-Style: SemiNomadic Pastoralism

Animal rearing and fulfilling the survival requirements from animal derivatives is the basic feature of the pastoral mode of life. Pastoral groups living in total isolation from the agricultural population fully depend upon the animal products availed from their herds. Such fully isolated pastoral communities are no more to be found. The pastoral communities that I studied rather exist in varying degrees of symbiotic relationship with the agricultural and artisan population. Along with these varied relationships between the pastoralists and agriculturists for

This particular life style of Maldharis is considered as the classic because most of them believe that at one point of the time all of them were pursuing such a life-style. The sedentarisation process in the last few centuries has resulted in some deviations in this traditional lifestyle. Only a few of them are still leading a lifestyle that can be considered as closest to this classic form. Such Maldhari populations are mostly found in parts of Kutch, in north Kathiawar in Dwarka in Jamnagar district. Let us use the information collected from 54

such a settlement in southern part of Kutch.

water turns saline. Hence, the water becomes scarce and useless for the cattle.

Tuna wand was taken as a representative settlement of this category. This pastoral settlement is located to the south of a nonpastoralist settlement known as Tuna. Wand is a term particularly used in the context of pastoral and semi-permanent settlement. Its residents occupy the wand for a few specific months of the year. During the rest of the year, people migrate to other regions with their domestic herd, leaving behind nothing but the mundane residential structure. They return to the wand in the congenial months to bring life back for a few months again. While on their way to pastureland in the summer months, they camp at regular intervals. These mobile units of pastoral groups along with their belongings are known as Tanda. Tandas settle down at several places on their migration route for a few days to exploit the pasture available within the vicinity of the specific area.

Out of forty households of the Rabaris in Tuna wand, only one fourth of them keep cattle and others rear sheep and goat. The predominance of the sheep and goat pastoralism is a new phenomenon among them. The advanced technology in irrigation has revolutionized the agricultural prospects in this region. The lands, once considered being unfit for agriculture are now cultivated year round, irrespective of the rainfall. Thus, these lands, which were traditionally used by the pastoralists, are no more available to them. Hence, it is no more possible to rear and breed the large herds of cows. Thus the carrying capacity of the region has decreased. This is one of the reasons for changing composition of the herd, and shift from cattle to seep and goat. The variation in the herd profile of Rabaris is not a recent factor as even the old Rabari informants talk of existence of such variations in their times. The practice of rearing any specific animal need not be attached to the identity of any group, which may otherwise lead to a meaningless categorization of the community. The individual choice differs considerably in the matters of choice of species, as personal calculation about the profitability of any species depends upon their experience and skills. No cultural taboo is associated with the rearing of any species. This gives each of them enough freedom to experiment with their judgment of ecology and market to maximize their production efforts. Ultimately, the viability or profitability of any individual’s effort depends upon the resultant pressure of the whole community upon the carrying capacity of the common resource base. Thus, the variation in the species composition of a group of pastoralists exploiting a certain eco-base ensures the use of the variety of resources simultaneously and helps in the optimum use of the ecology for personal as well as group benefit. The species composition of the herds in Tuna wand confirms this proposition. The following table shows the

Tuna wand is situated in one of the most arid parts of Gujarat. It is located on the borders of little Ran of Kutch, which extends along eh shore of the Gulf of Kutch. The rainfall hits the region in the month of July, when the southwest monsoon arrives here. About 10 to 20 centimetres of rainfall is recorded in the month of July. The amount of rainfall decreases gradually between august to October. The average annual rainfall varies between 30 to 40 cms. Agriculture, thus solely depends upon the amount of rainfall received in the month of July. Jowar, bajri, and cotton are the major crops cultivated though on a limited areas. The probability of crop failure in this region is very high. But, the vast stretches of wastelands along the shoreline provide sufficient fodder for domestic animals. There are shallow ditches that are filled with water in the monsoon and get completely dried up in the middle of the winters. These depressions contain enough water to sustain the herds throughout their stay in the wand. As soon as the water level in these depressions subsides, the

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species composition of the herds owned by each household.

day, they go out with their herd to the pasture. The milking is primarily the responsibility of men, but women and children help the male members of the family. The preparation of tea and morning meal dominates the typical morning chore of women. With the stomach stuffed, male members along with the adolescent male members accompany the herd to the pasture. In the early monsoon months, they do not go far away from the settlement. In these days, they come back to the wand for their midday meal. However, as the adjacent pastures are exhausted, they need to move to far away places. Hence returning to the settlement for mid-day meal becomes impossible. In these days, the male members carry their meals along. They return to the settlement at the end of the day. When pastures become scarce within the daily commutable distance around the wand, the whole family relocates itself along with the herd.

Table 2.2: The species composition of the herd owned by Rabaris in Tuna Wand. Name of the Species

No. of Families

Range in Herd Size

Cattle

11

80-160

Sheep

08

150-200

Goat

17

100-150

Sheep/ Goat

04

150-200

The practice of sheep and goat rearing is found among three-fourth of the total households in Tuna Wand. Only four households maintain a mixed herd of sheep and goat. Cattle-keeping is confined to one-fourth of the village. The size of the herd keeps on changing due to several factors upon which the pastoral economy depends. In general their herding units vary from 80 to 160. Mostly, the cattle herd consists of cows and a few immature bulls. The bullocks are sold to the agriculturists when they are fully grown up. The Hindu cultivators solely depend on the pastoralists for the supply of the bullock as they consider it a sin to castrate the cattle to make bullocks. The pastoralists do this castration in the adolescence of the cattle. The bullocks are reared in the herd till they are strong enough to receive the appreciation of the cultivator. This trading of the bullocks is done in special cattle markets.

This is the time to shift to the Tanda mode. The wand is divided into small herding groups, which stays together for the rest of the year. These smaller mobile groups, as was mentioned earlier, are known as Tandas. The periodicity of their transhumance to and out of the wand is regulated by the commencement of the rain. Hence, the migration schedule primarily depends on the ecological situation and the corroboratory factor of requirement of the herd. The cattle keepers migrate to the summer camps earlier than the sheep goat keepers do. Generally, the cattle keepers start migrating in groups in the beginning of November. They migrate in a group of three to five families together. Each Tanda of cattle keepers consists not more than 350 to 400 cattle. Likewise, a Tanda of sheep and goat keepers consists of 1000 to 1500 sheep/goats. This is believed to be the optimum herd size per Tanda for easy manageability. The memory of some of the older members of the wand recalls a past when Tandas used to be much larger than the present. Due to the agricultural intrusion to the traditional pasturelands, a herd above this optimum level exhausts

Thus, the life cycle of the pastoralists of Tuna wand oscillates between their wands in Kutch and their Tandas in Mehsana and Nalakantha. Generally, the rainy days are spent in the wand. They return to the wand in the last week of June from their summer province. With the first monsoon shower, the grasses fill up the landscape with greenery. The wasteland around the wand provides enough pasturage for cattle. The herding is considered as a male domain while the household in entrusted to female members of the family. Men take their herds to the pasture in two shifts. Early in the morning, after the first meal of the 56

time. Once the stables are exhausted in a particular village, the Tanda moves to another village. Thus, they tour several villages for grazing their herd on the vegetation residues from the agriculture. In the areas where the second crop of the year is taken within a gap of a month or so, the fields are prepared for Rabi crops. So, the pastoralists are required to vacate the area soon. In general, the pastoralists move out of the agricultural tract of North Gujarat Plain and choose a tract of pastureland where water is available in plenty to spend the driest months of approaching summer. The Tandas either move into the forests of Panchmahal or to the banks of Nal Lake. Here they put up a camp for a longer duration. Towards the month of March, the areas that are used by the pastoralists as their summer province, receive an influx of several Tandas. They settle there together and graze their cattle on the adjacent grasslands for the rest of the summer. These camps last until the arrival of the monsoon. Their summer camps almost resemble a small village without any permanent structure. In these camps, again the daily schedule of the wand is followed. In nutshell, the herd is the domain of male members and the household is the domain of women.

the pastures quickly and forces them to migrate out of the region quicker. This affects the overall scheduling of the migratory circle. The agricultural population often raises objections in allowing the pastoralists to camp in the pastureland near the village if the herd size is large. Tandas move towards the summer province slow and steadily. The general direction of movement of Tandas remains the same every year, but the routes followed by a particular Tanda may differ. Tandas camp at all available pasturelands on their way. The duration of these transitcamps, vary from an overnight stay to a weeklong encampment. The duration of the stay depends upon three factors: the size of the pastureland, the size of the herd and exploitable water resource in the area. The division of the labour within the family remains the same. Women in the Tandas cook the food early in the morning. After male members walk out of the camp with their herds, they finish the household chores, and pack the tent along with other belongings. They load it on their pack animals and then move to the next destination. The decision to relocate the camp though is taken by the leader (Mukhi) of the group, the responsibility to shift the camp primarily rests on women; and children help their mothers in this.

The division of labour within the family thus is relatively simple in this case. We need to delve into the labour management principles followed by these pastoralists in the larger context of subsistence strategy of the community. Like any other pastoral communities found elsewhere in the world, the pastoral communities in Gujarat are also a cohesive unit having their own religio-political structure to administer the community matters within themselves. Mostly, the pastoralist communities here are organized under some religious leaders who enjoy considerable power in civic and economic domains. They act with close alliance with the headmen of a number of wands who form his clientele for magicoreligious services. The power structure of the community is further broken up into smaller units during the transit days when the leadership of the Tanda is vested in Mukhi. The labour management principles

The wands in the Kutch generally move to Mehsana and Panchmahal hills in summer. Some of them even move further to Malwa. They reach the agricultural tract of the north Gujarat towards the end of December or by the beginning of January. The agricultural fields during this time lie vacant without crops. The pastoralists use the stables left on the field as fodder for the cattle. They pay to the owner of the field to allow their cattle to feed on their lands. Sometimes mutual understanding is made to exchange the dung with the stables. In such a case, the animals are penned in the night on the field and the animal droppings are used as manure for the next crop. The available stables in a particular agricultural village are not enough to sustain the animals for a long

57

is assured. When there is a dearth of adolescent male members within the family, labour need to be hired from outside of the family. In such occasions, poorer members of the community within the wand or from other wands are arranged to divide the herding responsibility of a growing herd size. The headman of the wand plays an active role in such a bid to satisfy the need for more labour by a household. The terms and conditions of service are worked out with the intervention of the headman of the wand who takes benefits of both the sides into account. In case of the violation of the agreement, thus it becomes easier for the headman to pass the verdict. This kind of a mutual understanding helps the redistribution of the herd and the labour within the community. The members, who have lost their animals due to some calamity, thus get the chance to rebuild their herd within a few years. On the other hand, the man whose herd has grown out of the proportion to the available working members within the family gets a chance to manage a larger herd and maximizes the return in such a situation.

within the community are enforced through a set of norms that is strongly embedded within the cultural practices of the group. Some of the cultural norms that have direct or indirect bearing on the labour management are discussed below. The division of labour across the sex and age-sets is outlined above. The major subsistence responsibilities rest on the shoulder of elder male members of the family. The socialization and training of children and adolescent members is done in accordance to this norm. Male adolescent members accompany the elders with the herds and learn the requisite skills as they grow into adulthood in the process. Similarly, girls are trained by the elder women in the family and in the group, in the matters related to the household responsibilities. At the economic front, thus, the elders and adolescent members constitute the labour force. The availability of the primary labour is sought within the family. Individual families manage the herds. The growth and loss of the herd directly affects the household economy. The viability of the household economy depends on the experience and calibre of the male members of the family. The families are mostly nuclear families headed by the eldest member of the household; other adolescent and matured members form an integral part of the household economy. When adolescent members mature to attain adulthood, they part with a few animals from the patriarch’s herd to establish independent unit. The formation of independent herding units becomes complete after the marriage. Though in most of the cases, the independent herding unit is formed only after the marriage of the adult male member, there are few exceptional cases where unmarried adult members are seen to raise their independent herding unit, functioning within the joint family.

The relationship between the employee and the employed in the above arrangement is contractual. The employee in such a situation is free to write off the contract without extending the contract once the contract period is over. The employee is rewarded with a fixed number of animals each year during this period of service. Once he feels that the number of animals he owns is sufficient for an independent herd of his own, he walks out with his share of animals. As contractual arrangements work within a period, rearrangement needs to be made when the situation demands. Another way to arrange the labour for a household is through marital relationship. The practice of bride price is found among these pastoralist groups. Generally, the bride price is paid either in livestock or in cash. The payment of bride price in cash is a recent phenomenon, while payment by livestock is an age-old practice. The patriarch who owns a proportionately larger herd that he along with his family

The household economy thus depends on the number of male members within the family. The growth and prosperity of the herd depends upon the adequate care of the animals. When sufficient work force is available to look after the herd, the growth

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members can manage has an unmarried girl, he looks for a perspective groom who is not in a position to pay the bride price at that moment. Then he enters into a contract with the parents of the perspective groom and accepts the fixed price through service. In such a situation, the groom lives with the bride’s family and handles the herding responsibility. In such an arrangement the groom not only pays the bride price through service, he also accumulates sufficient number of animals of his own to start an independent unit after the marriage. This kind of arrangement works more or less in the same line as that of the contractual arrangement, but an agreement on a marital relationship in the future forms an additional conditionality.

(I) The Pastoral Specialists within the Agrarian set-up: It is difficult to say whether due to compulsion or due to compatibility pastoral population has been attracted towards the agricultural population. It seems that a combination of confrontation and convergence of interests work incessantly to define the premise of symbiosis between the agricultural and pastoral population. While the mode of land use becomes the point for confrontation, the mutuality in the economic advantage brings both the groups to the bargaining platform that decides the nature of interaction between agricultural and pastoral population. The existence of such an ideal symbiotic relationship is hardly noticed anywhere. Wherever the coexistence of pastoralists and agriculturists is noticed, the balancing of confrontation and convergence of interests is a continuing process. The principles of social and economic interaction are often slandered and realigned in accordance to the group dynamics. In the context of marginal ecologies, such a situation is the most natural out come wherever both pastoralists and agriculturists share the eco-niche. In Gujarat, the Bharwads and Charans are the most numerous pastoral communities who have accepted this as their life-style. Goalas, in the east and central India may be cited here as a known parallel. The detail of a case study of a typical village, Takhalgarh in south Kathiawar, is discussed below to throw some further light.

The Contemporary Maldhari Life-Styles: The Contextual adaptations In the previous chapter, we have discussed two important factors responsible for the changed context within which we locate the pastoralist communities in Gujarat today. On one hand, the on-going agricultural expansion for centuries has shrunk the available pastureland for sustaining a large pastoralist population, on the other hand responding to the situation of shrinking pasturelands a section of the pastoralist population has settled down. In this context of the changing scenario, the life-style of most of the pastoral population has undergone some necessary changes. In spite of the disparities in the lifestyle adopted by them, the domestic animals form the hub of their life, a necessary parameter for establishing the integrity of Maldhari identity. Let us now discuss the subsistence practices in these contemporary forms of pastoralism in Gujarat.

Takhalgarh is a village on the seashore near Talaja in Bhavnagar district. This village is situated close to the seashore. Coastal sand dunes and babul forest on the shoreline separates the village from the sea. Agricultural fields from the rest of the three directions surround the village. The coastal sandy alluvium deposit is quite fertile for agriculture. Rice, jowar, bajra, wheat, groundnut and cotton are the major crops raised by the agricultural population. The region receives rainfall from the southwest monsoon. The rains trigger in 59

the month of June and continue till September. In the month of June, the expected rainfall is generally 20 to 30 cms. The amount of rainfall decreases in the month of august and varies between 10 to 20 cms. In the last month of the rainy season, the rainfall further decreases to less than 5cms. The rainfall in the remaining months of the year is uncertain; even if it rains, the amount is negligible. The Kharif crop is totally dependent upon the rains, whereas the Rabi crops are raised by very few people and are dependent on lift irrigation.

Rajputs and Kathis together with other caste groups form the majority of the population. The Rajputs own most of the land around village, followed closely by the Kathis, a known cultivator caste in the region. We find six Bharwad families in this village occupying one end of the settlement. None of these Bharwad families own land except the plot on which their residential structure stands. They primarily earn their livelihood from raising herds of domestic animals. Due to the constraint of availability of adequate pastureland in the vicinity, they mostly keep sheep and goats. The herd composition of the Bharwad families living in Takhalgarh is given below:

Ownership breakup(*)

Cattle

50

10(5)+2

Table 2.4: The composition of the herding units in Takhalgarh.

Responsible Household

Herd size

I

Species

Herding Unit

Table 2.3: The herd composition among the Bharwads of Takhalgarh

Household

Sheep

Goat

Cattle

1

160

070

28

2

100

040

17

3

120

040

20

7(2)+04

4

150

020

04

(4)

5

140

040

10

6

040

100

20

Total

710

310

99

No.

6

0(6)+20 (3) II

III

Cattle

Goat

49

150

28(1)+1

70(1)+4

1

2

0(2)+40 (5) IV

Goat

160

100(6)+

Though they are mostly sheep/goat keepers, almost all families have some cattle to fulfil the milk requirement of the household. Though all of them own multispecies herds, it is unusual to notice any Bharwad driving a multi-species herd to the pasture. The responsibility of managing the herd is distributed among the members of the community. The total number of sheep, goats, and cattle belonging to the Bharwad families are 710, 310 and 99 respectively. The total livestock of Bharwads is divided into eight herding units. These herding units consist of single species; hence, the fulfilment of specific requirement of each species becomes easier. The species composition of these herding units are given below:

3

40(3)+2 0(4) V

Sheep

180

140(5)+

5

40(6) VI

Sheep

250

150(4)+

4

100(2) VII

Sheep

160

160(1)

1

VIII

Sheep

120

120(3)

2

(*) The digits within the bracket indicate the number of household holding the ownership.

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This total livestock is divided into two herding units of cattle, two herding units of goats, and four herding units of sheep. The size of the cattle herd is 50 cattle per unit. The herd size of the goat-herd varies in the range of 150 to 200 while that of the sheep varies within 120 to 250. In this arrangement, the benefits are distributed among the owners in proportion to the number of animals they own. Thus, this mutuality provides flexibility to manage the herds to get the advantage of multispecies pastoralism. The table indicates an intricate economic relationship between the families for managing herds. The mutual dependence here assures them maximum production by employing minimum labour. The mutuality notice in the herd management is represented in the following table.

right of the goat or sheep always rests with the owner of the animal. The milk is also shared among the partners. Thus, the mutuality gives a flexible framework to manage the livestock owned by the Bharwads. The responsibilities of managing the herd are divided among the family members. The children in the Bharwad community grow up with animals and at the age of ten, they are capable of extending valuable assistance to the elderly members of the family. Usually, when the boy is twelve, he is expected to take the flock of sheep and goats to the pasture. He acquires his further training from the elder members of the community. The smaller animals like sheep and goats are kept in the courtyard. However, cattle are penned outside the settlement. Only the calves are kept under the supervision of the female members of the family in the courtyard when their mothers are being taken out for grazing. The cattle penning area is simply a temporarily fenced premise outside the settlement where the cattle are penned at night and one of the family members is made to sleep there to keep a guard against any mishap.

Table 2.5: Mutuality in Herd management among pastoral households in Takhalgarh village. H.H. No 1 2 3 4 5 6

1

2

3

√ √

4

5

6

√ √

√ √

√

√

The Bharwad men and women usually get up early in the morning. Women finish their household chores in the early part of the day whereas men go out for milking and inspecting the herd. Soon after consuming their morning meals, they head towards the pasture with their herds. Those who keep sheep and goat take the animals out from their courtyard and start directly to the pasture. In fact, the herds of the sheep and goats are taken to the pasture earlier than those of the cattle. Those who herd the cattle come to the cattle-pen at the periphery of the village and open the gate of the pen. The herdsman signals the cattle to follow him to the pasture. The cows are so obsequious that none of them even attempts to stray out of the group or tries to escape into the cultivated fields. After the herdsman reaches the pasture, he lets his cattle disperse to browse in the fields. After directing the herd to a non-controversial

√ √

√

(√ Indicates the existence of mutuality) The mutuality in the management of the livestock is purely decided from the economic point of view. Only the household number 2 and 3; and, 4 and 5 are related by descent. But the economic relationships are cutting across the families with no lineage ties. Mostly, these arrangements are made, keeping the available trained manpower in a specific family unit. Such mutuality thus ensures economic security to the members of the group. The distribution of benefits is done in a mutually agreed- upon manner. In case of sheep, the wool yielded, is shared in proportion to the number of sheep owned by the family. The selling

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zone, he steals some time to himself to rest under the shade of a nearby tree. He keeps a watch on his cows and guards their movements.

In the rainy season, only the adult men migrate to distant pastures. They generally commute to the hilly terrain of Amreli district. They camp on the hill slopes where there are less chances of water logging. They try to keep their cattle away from the water logging to avoid the infection in the hoofs of the cattle. In the early days of monsoon, a hut is set up. They migrate with the minimum possible baggage and utensils, just enough to satisfy their minimum needs. They also carry the food ingredients with them. A wooden box serves as the storage of all required items of the camping life. They migrate in groups of three to five and choose a place to settle down. As women do not migrate with men, the cooking responsibility also falls upon them. They graze the herd and prepare their own meals. In the morning, they cook some crude bread and eat it with pickles. A bowl of milk supplements the meagre diet in these hard days of camping life. They take the herd to the pasture after the meal. The pasture in this season is full of green grass, so the herders do not need to go far away from their huts. They take rest and keep a vigil over the cattle as the herd grazes nearby. When the men feel hungry, they collect milk from the herd and consume it with the bread that they had made in the morning. Thus, milk forms one of the major component of their diet in these days. In the evening, all of them come back and share a community life in the camp. When they cook their evening meals in the hut, they talk to each other and often spent the evenings by singing songs. The milk yield of the cattle increases in the rainy season, which enables them to prepare ghee and store it for future use.

Towards the middle of the day, he comes back to the settlement with the herd. On his way back, he waters the cows in the common village pond. Only the village pastoralists are availed such privileges. This is an advantage that the village based Bharwads derive from the common village resource. Then, the herd is brought to the penning area where they rest for a while. In the mean time, the herdsman goes home and takes his mid-day meal. He takes some rest on the cot (Charpoy) lying on the verandah and fags a leisurely smoke. After an hour or so, he gets set to take the herd again to the pasture. Before the day breaks, he allows the cattle to drink water before he brings them back to the pen. He goes back home to have a cup of tea and comes back with a vessel to the pen for milking the cows. He collects the milk and closes the gate of the pen properly to ensure that none of the cattle escapes from the pen in his absence. During the fair weather days, he returns to the pen to sleep. During the rains, however, he does not come back to sleep in the cattle-pen outside the settlement. In the rainy days, the calves are brought home to the sheds, or else are penned under the open sky. The whole responsibility of the household rests with the women. Young girls help their mothers in the household chores. The elder child, be it a boy or a girl, attends to the children in the family. Boys generally accompany the father or the elders to the pasture. While the Bharwad men are away in the pasture herding the cattle, women churn the milk and prepare butter out of it. Part of the butter is used in the cooking of vegetables and the rest of it is clarified to prepare ghee. The calves and rams are attended by the women and children in the sheds attached to the house. Boys and girls, along with the old members or women, collect twigs and tender grass to feed the calves and rams.

The economic life of Bharwads of Takhalgarh thus oscillates between their permanent residence in the village and the monsoon camps. When they are at the village, the archetypical division of labour is strictly followed. However, when they are in the monsoon camps, the norms of traditional division of labour between sexes is ignored, as women do not migrate to these camps with them. The effective

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bullock in the agricultural population is more than the cow. Among the pastoral population who own no land, milk becomes the most valued product. As the Bharwads do not consume meat, the value of an adult bullock is almost negligible to them. Hence, it is noticed that the Bharwads generally provide bullocks of good breed to the agricultural population. Likewise, the pastoralists exchange dung for manure and ghee to supplement their requirement of grains from them. This kind of mutual dependency is a universal phenomenon.

management of available workforce is achieved through internal arrangement of herding units. It is important for each family to raise a multi-species herd to provide flexibility to their economy. In the given ecological context, a multi-species herd cannot be grazed together as cattle primarily depend on grazing while sheep/goats depend on top feeds. Another difficulty in raising a multi-species herd individually by a particular family is lack of enough labour within the household. At one hand, the ecological condition puts constraints against herding together large and small animals, and on the other hand, none of the families has enough members to graze large and small animals separately. In such a conflicting situation, distribution of the large and small animals possessed by different households to form single species herding units and then the allocation of available labour is a brilliant solution. The Bharwad families here function as a cooperative, where the domestic animals and the available labour are managed effectively through mutual understanding.

There are some extended relationships between the pastoralists and agricultural population too, due to their close and permanent existence in the village. This relation is obvious between the agricultural population and the Bharwads who look after the cattle. The sheep and goats use the babul forest around the village as fodder. The surrounding forest is sufficient for the management of the total number of sheep and goats owned by them, and they hardly require taking the sheep and goat far-off from the village. If needs compel, they take their herds to as far as the coastal sand ridge. However, they do not go farther than twenty kilometres from the village.

As they are found close to the agricultural population, the exchange of labour between them is also noticed. The Bharwad women work in the fields of village cultivators at the time of sowing, weeding, and harvest as daily labour. Bharwad men take the herding responsibility of non-lactating cows and immature bullocks of the agricultural population. Local cultivators do not prefer to feed the non-lactating cows and immature bullocks because of their economic redundancy. Thus, agricultural population hires the skilled labour from local Bharwads to support these animals until they become economically useful. Such an arrangement brings additional payment for pastoralists. Nonetheless, it helps them assuming a space in the overall scheme of mutual dependency of different sections of professionally specialised groups in the village.

The families rearing cows generally feel a shortage of fodder during the summer months. They also need to keep the cows away from the cultivated fields, particularly for the period when a crop stands in the field. During the cultivable seasons, the herds of the cattle are driven to the Amreli district. As soon as the crops are harvested, the Bharwads return to the village around January to feed their cattle on the stables left over in the fields. The stables and the grassland around the village sustain the cattle for not more than three months, after which they need to move their herd to the forests along the ridgeline of the coastal sand dunes. During their seasonal migration in the rainy season and in summers, they take along the non-milking cows and the young bullocks owned by the agricultural

The traction of cattle is one of the indispensable requirements of the agricultural population. So, the value of a

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responsibility of the herding unit of the cattle.

population. This arrangement works well for both the communities. The cattle of the agriculturists are availed a better fodder in these lean seasons. In return to this, the pastoralists procure some amount of the grains cultivated by the village peasants. The non-lactating cows of the villagers remain in the herd of the village Bharwads during their migration seasons. This helps in providing a space to the pastoralists in the scheme of mutual dependency of the different sections of professionally specialised groups in the village. Besides getting the grains from the peasants, the pastoralists procure craft items from the village artisans.

(II) Pastoralists involved in Agriculture: The Pastroagriculturism In the previous section, we have illustrated the scope of pastoralism as a specialised occupation within the agrarian economy. In a marginal ecology, animal husbandry forms an indispensable component of agricultural economy. The animal husbandry has serious limitation of growth within the agrarian economy, especially in the eco-niche where though agriculture is dependable to some degree, yet the supply of fodder and water is limited to sustain a large number of animals. The mobility of the pastoral component gives option to drive the domestic animals to far off pastures in the lean months of the year. Hence, the presence of a section of pastoral population proves beneficiary to the agricultural population. In such a situation, the pastoralists attached to an agricultural settlement are assimilated into the local caste structure.

The sex composition of the cattle herd managed by the Bharwads indicates that they do not keep adult bullocks. The sex composition of the cattle owned by different Bharwad households in Takhalgarh is given below.

H.H. No.

Bull

Bullock

Cows in Lactation

Cows not in Lactation

Total

Table 2.6: Sex composition of the cattle herd in Takhalgarh village.

1 2 3 4 5 6 Total

1 0 0 0 0 1 2

3 4 4 0 2 4 17

4 2 5 1 3 5 20

20 11 11 3 5 10 58

28 17 20 4 10 20 99

One of the inherent problems in the social and cultural assimilation process is the political subjugation of the minority community. Hence, any confrontation with dominant community has serious consequences for the pastoral community living in such a context. There is limitation to the growth of the pastoral component in this context, as only a limited number of animals can be sustained in the given ecology. The exchange relationships will only be profitable to the pastoralists if the internal competition is minimal. The regular confrontations, the threat of subjugation, and the ecological limitation of the growth of pastoralism as a component within the agrarian universe provides imperative to establish exclusive pastoral settlements away from the pastoral settlements. There are several such settlements in peninsular Gujarat. These settlements are found in the regions where the agriculture is less

The bullocks owned by the Bharwads are 17 in number, but none of them are matured enough to fetch a good cost from the peasant. As soon as the bullocks grow strong and attractive, the pastoralists sell them to the peasants. Only two bulls are found in the total cattle population of 99. Sometimes, the herd owner chooses an attractive and strong male calf to get it made to a stud. Not more than one bull is kept in a single herding unit. Also, it is seen that the owner of the bull takes full

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depth of the soil in most of the places is shallow. The soul suitable for cultivation is only found in the mountain valleys of the Sayala range. The irrigation facilities in the area are almost negligible. The topmost layers of the mountains of the Sayala range is covered by a white concord soil, which sustains a luxurious grass growth and scanty trees and shrubs. The area is sparsely populated and the villages are located wide apart from each other. This leaves enough open spaces for the grazing of domestic animals.

dependable. The settlement density of these regions is low and plenty of pastureland available around the settlement. Though, some of the settlements are heterogeneous, still pastoral population forms the majority. Pastoralism though is the mainstay of their economy, yet they are involved in limited cultivation for producing a part of their grain requirement. In such a situation, the confrontation is rare and provides a greater political autonomy to pastoral communities. Let us consider a case study of such a village from the central Kathiawar to look into further details.

There are four stone pillars on top of a hill close to the settlement. This place is popularly known as ‘Beda’ of Resamia. There is a local myth that explains the purpose behind the erection of these four carved stone pillars on the top of the hill. People in the village believe that there was an Ahir settlement prior to their settlement. The old people who constitute the third generation at present are the ones who came and settled here. So, the present settlement must be approximately 60 to 70 years old. The Ahir settlement here belonged to a group of Ahirs whose surname was ‘Beda’. As the story narrates, one of the Ahirs had given away the hand of his sister in marriage to a resident of Kutch. A drought broke out in the area for a long time that compelled people to abandon their settlements. So, people migrated to their relatives’ places wherever the conditions were conducive. The Ahir who had given his sister in Kutch (popularly called as ‘Beda’ in the myth) migrated to Kutch. He stayed with his sister for a few years and when the situation in his village improved, came back to his original village. But before parting from his sister’s house, he expressed his gratitude to her for her help and extended his invitation for coming to his place, if at all she were to face any drought situation in Kutch. Years passed by, and the Kutch region faced an equally bad drought. Beda’s sister remembered the invitation of Beda and decided to approach him. She travelled towards Resamia with all her herds and belongings. On her way to Resamia, she found many families migrating out. The

The Resamia is a village comprised of Bharwads and Rabaris while Rajputs constitute only 5% of the total population. It is located in Sayala taluka in Surendranagar district. The village is located eight kms away from Chotila, a religious centre on the PorbandarAhmedabad National Highway. The village is located on top of a gently sloping hill in the middle of a valley enclosed by mountains of medium height. A seasonal stream is present in the northern periphery of the village. A well and a tube well dug on the bank of this stream cater the water requirement of the villagers. Cultivated fields are scattered all around the settlement in the valley. The mountains that form a backdrop to the horizon are potential pasturelands. The area receives the bulk of its rainfall from the southwest monsoon. The monsoon arrives here towards the second week of June. The rainy season lasts for four months, beginning from June till September. In the peak seasons of the monsoon, i.e., the moths of June and July, the region gets 10 to 20 cms of rainfall. Though the rainfall continues till august and September, the amount reduces to almost half of the previous two months. In other seasons, the rainfall is erratic and the amount is almost negligible. In most of the cultivated areas, Bajri is cultivated as the Kharif crop, groundnut, Jowar, and cotton are also grown. The area is marginalized from the agricultural point of view. The soil is light brown or grey in colour. The

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to 30. Most of the families keep a mixed herd of buffalo and cows. This is particularly for the reason that they want to mix the buffalo’s milk with the cow’s milk in order to attain the required fat level prescribed by the dairies.

year was also bad in the region around Resamia. This spectacle added to her botherations, making her more upset and many apprehensions began to hunt her mind. No sooner than she passed the mountain range surrounding Resamia, she encountered her brother Beda but failed to recognise him, as a considerable span of time had elapsed since she had seen him last. She inquired about the Beda of Resamia. Beda, who had already recognised her, answered rather tacitly that Beda had died long back. Moreover, he lied to her that none of his family members now lived in that village. Beda’s sister found herself in a difficult situation. Also, her husband had died a year before. Torn by the misfortune, she thus committed suicide at that spot. When Beda got to know about this later, he felt remorse and held himself responsible for the unfortunate demise of his sister. He went without food for some days and starved himself to death. The stone pillars stand as a memorial to him and in the mountain where Beda’s sister committed suicide, a Sati stone was erected.

Most of the families own lands in the valley surrounding the settlement. Bajri and Jowar are the main crops grown by them. Majority of the families are engaged in both farming as well as pastoralism. The annual productivity of the crops varies from year to year. Years of consecutive droughts are very common in the area. Therefore, the practice of pastoralism is in no way less significant to them. Their life revolves around their herds rather than being rooted in their land holding. The flat lands in the valley and the surrounding pasturelands provide them the choice of farming as well as pastoralism. The accumulative experience of uncertainties in agriculture supports the rationality of putting more emphasis on the pastoral aspect of their economy. The division of labour in the community is the basic premise that reflects this cultural ethos in the crudest form. Let us have a look at the organization of labour both within the family and within larger economic units, for a better delineation of this point.

A few years later, all the Ahir families abandoned the settlement. A new settlement was built-up by the Rabaris on the ruins of the Ahir settlement at Resamia. Gradually the settlement grew, as more and more people came and settled here. At present, the village comprises of seventy Rabari families, twenty Bharwad families, four Rajput families and one family of potter. The settlement of the Bharwads and the Rabaris are found in the same locality whereas the Rajput households are found at a little distance from the main settlement.

Before we discuss the division of labour, it is pre-emptive to shed some light on the role of land holding in the economy as it forms an integral part of the economy. The land and herds are the two valuable property items for the pastoralists in Resamia. Nuclear families are of common occurrence. The land holding is never divided among the brothers until the patriarch is alive. The land remains as a joint property among the brothers; but each adult sibling raises herds individually. Each of them gets an equal share in the herd owned by their father. After the division, each of them takes care of their respective herds and holds the earnings from it separately.

The Bharwads in Resamia rear sheep and goats. A few of them have recently taken the loans from the dairies to raise cattle. The cattle-keepers outnumber the sheep and goat keepers among the Rabaris. The herd size for the sheep and goat varies from 100 to 200 heads. The herd size of the cows and buffaloes is comparatively smaller than that of the sheep and goats. The size of the buffalo herds lies between 15 and 25 and that of cows varies from 20

In the month of June after the first rains of the monsoon, the land is prepared for

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regular intervals, the herdsmen come closer and smoke tobacco with a delightful content. Before the day breaks, they ward off their herd towards the camp. While on their way back, they water their herd once again. As soon as they reach the camp, the cows are milked. Some portion of the milk is kept in store for the evening consumption and the rest of it is stocked in a vessel. The milk stored on the previous evening is taken out for churning. Butter is extracted from it and stored separately.

growing Kharif crops (Bajri or Jowar). The land is manured, ploughed and levelled and is sown in the middle of June. As soon as the crops come up in the fields, the men take the herds away from the settlement to the surrounding pasture. There they camp with their herd until the harvest. The men generally abstain from going to places far-off from the village for the rainy season camps. They shift to these camps leaving behind their children, women, and old people in the village. After the sowing is over, no hard work is required in the field. The women, children, and old people of the family do the weeding operation collectively. In the mean- time, men take care of the herd in their rainy season camps. As the pasture is covered with green grass, there is no need to drive the herd to far off places. As the herd remains away from the cultivated fields, the chances of the destruction of crops by the domestic herds decrease.

Men pass their days in the rainy season camps amidst their busy schedule. At home, the rest of the family members take care of the fields. The crops grow and ripe under the care and supervision of the women and old people. The children extend a great help to the elders in this task. While the crops grow in the field, men in the camp spend their time pondering with apprehension and anxiety over the success or failure of the crops in that particular year. The evening discussions mostly revolve around their calculations and forecasts about the yield from their fields. The women sometimes visit the camp where their husbands lead a hardy life. They come regularly to the camp with essential foodstuffs and news about the village.

Life in the rainy season camps begins early in the morning. The men get up to prepare the days meal. The food prepared by men is very simple and generally constitute a few breads of Jowar or Bajri. A bowl of Dal generally supplements the meals. They even carry the homemade pickles with them. A couple of loafs of bread with pickle or Dal is consumed in the morning before they take their herd out to the pastures for grazing. The rest of the bread are wrapped in a cloth and are carried to the pasture. As the water is muddy in the rainy season, they carry the buttermilk prepared in the previous evening with them. The vessels containing the buttermilk and the breads wrapped in the cloth are tied to one end of the long stick and are carried on the shoulders. Towards the middle of the day, when the herd has grazed to its satisfaction, they are taken to one of the water resources for watering. After drinking the water, the herd rests at a place. The masters now gather in a group and open their meals wrapped in the cloth. They enjoy the meals gregariously, sharing each other’s food. After a while, they again proceed with their herds towards the pastures and wander the rest of the day with them. At

As the crops ripe in the fields, the time to reap them and bring it to the granaries draws closer. The harvest season requires a lot of work force. Therefore, men are required at home once again to carry out this hard task. To avail themselves to the village for reaping and harvesting the crops, men now change their schedule of herding. The harvest season begins in the month of October. The rainfall in the month of October is almost negligible. The sky becomes clear and the moon shines brightly on the pastures. They take their herd to the pasture for the second shift at night. The herd is taken to the pasture before midnight to the adjacent hills from the camp. The animals graze in the pasture until late at night. After a few hours of grazing, when the animals are fully stuffed, they settle down at a place. The herdsman then makes the herd to

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of families ready to migrate to different areas. The village headman plays a major role in deciding upon the groups and sending them to different areas. They generally migrate in small groups of four to five families together. Once the group is finalised they approach the owner of the ‘Vid’ to settle the amount for the lease for a period of four to five months. The group collects the contribution from all the members and pays the settled sum to the owner of the pasture unit known as ‘Vid’. Once these formalities are over, the whole family moves to the summer camp. Sometimes old people are left in the house with few cows and enough grains for their consumption, and they look after the household in the absence of other family members.

settle around the fireplace beside which he takes a few minutes of nap. He gets up at the dusk and brings the herd back to the camp. On his way back, he waters the herd at the nearest water point and fixes the enclosure of the temporary cattle pen at the camp to forbid the chance of any animal straying away from the camp in his absence. While the animals are in the camp, the responsibility to supervise all the penned animals in the camp is handed over to one of them, and the rest hurry to the village for harvesting the crop. He keeps a watch over the herds in the daytime until the other members of the camp return from the village. This is done in rotation to allow each of them to attend to their requirements in the harvest. The crops are reaped and piled in the field. Once the crops are cut and piles are made in the field, the rainy season camp is abandoned. The herds are brought back to the village and are penned in the field. Men then follow their usual schedule of herding and in the leisure time, the crops are harvested. After each day’s of harvest, the grains are carried home to be stored in the granary. It takes only a few days to complete the harvesting of the crops. The grains are carried home and the hay and other by-products are piled in the field.

The summer camps are enjoyable for the men who get good food cooked by the women in the camp. They give their sole attention to herding. The division of the labour in the camp is now evenly distributed between both the sexes. Women cook and take care of the young calves. The children who have come up age accompany their father or the elder members of the family to the pasture. Here they get their practical lessons in the art of herding animals in the pasture. As the children and women attend the camp, the range of the activities in the summer camp covers a lot more varieties than the simple rainy camp events of cooking and eating. At the leisure, women engage themselves in stitching clothes and decorating it by embroidery works. The old people engage themselves in rope making. Children play throughout the day in and around the camp. Sometimes the herds of calves are sent to the pasture in the supervision of the adolescent boys and girls. They always keep the herd of the calves away from the main herd to prevent the calves to run to their mother and drink the milk. After a few hours of grazing when the calves are satisfied, they are brought back to the camp. In their mobility pattern, the village serves as the anchor from which their whole subsistence activity is monitored. The social and cultural event of their life is always linked with the village.

The cattle graze on the stables left out in the fields after the crops are harvested. The peripheries of the valley and the foothills of the surrounding mountain ranges are found impregnated with thick patches of grass. The cows are given the hay to supplement their grazing. The whole family lives together in the house happily for a couple of months. They celebrate several festivals and arrange marriages in this season. After the grasslands and the agricultural byproducts close to the village are worn out, they are ready once again for shifting to the summer camps. Migration to the summer camps is a major event in their annual life cycle. The goddess Momai is propitiated for their protection and good luck. The whole village is then divided into several groups

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the labour is deputed to the harvest. This is ascertained by shifting the grazing schedule to the moonlit night. Thus, the daytime is freed from the herding responsibility. When the animals rest in the camp during the daytime, there is no other work than keeping a vigil over the herd. One or two members of the camp can do this work and the rest of the labour are available for deputation to the harvest operation. With the mutual understanding, the rescheduling of the herding and simultaneous deputation of labour to harvest continues until the harvest of all the members in the group is over.

In the beginning of this section, the contextual specificities are explained. It essentially differs from both the abovementioned pastoral way of life. Agriculture as a supplementary component in their economy brings some of its inherent constraints into the pastoral way of life. One of the notable impacts is a relatively more permanent settlement with well-built house structures. In case of such a dual economy, we find a new equation in the labour management. Their involvement in dry farming puts an additional demand on the existing labour in the cultivating season. Hence, we notice a change in the division of labour and a convenient scheduling of herding and agricultural operation to meet the demand. Men handle the additional responsibility of cooking in the monsoon camps which otherwise falls outside of the prevalent division of labour between the sexes. In the same vein, women handle the additional responsibility of a part of the agricultural operation along with their traditional domain of house keeping.

The Mobility Pattern Of Maldharis In Gujarat: The discussion on the above three different adaptational strategies adopted by the pastoralists, has emphasised strongly the necessity of migration in the pastoral mode of life. The extent and nature of migration in these groups differs from each other. The basic factor which induces migration among the pastoralists is the non-availability of resources on which the pastoral production system relies- i.e., water and fodder. Both these resources depend, in turn, upon the landform and rainfall pattern of the region.

Such an adjustment of division of labour within the sexes is not sufficient. When crops mature on the field, it requires a large amount of labour to harvest them quickly before they fall to the ground. Labour from outside may be hired for meeting the demand, but it is unaffordable. Hence, to employ the available workforce within the family is the only option. In case the available work force within the family is not sufficient, mutual arrangements are made to meet the demands of labour. As the whole of the workforce in a viable pastoral economy is fully employed in raising livestock, a temporary withdrawal of labour from the pastoral sector is inevitable. However, deputation of labour is considered as absolutely necessary, at the same time the herding requirements cannot be fully ignored. Cattle are grazed usually in two sessions, one in the morning and the other in the afternoon. The minimum herding requirement for cattle is a major grazing session with adequate amount of drinking water. This minimum herding requirements need to be attended before

Rainfall is the chief source of water for all living beings. On the other hand, the nature of landform decides the extent to which it can store rainwater. A stiff slope in the landform helps in the rapid drainage of water to the lower reaches. As a consequence, the area does not hold up enough water to be used for the rest of the year. The depressions in the landscape help in the storage of rainwater that in turn is used by the pastoralists. It is observed that the natural lakes and river basins are the most conducive places to sustain the pastoral mode of life. Pastoralists generally do not exploit the ground water on their own efforts. There is a tendency among the pastoralists to use the surface water for their subsistence production. This is one of the major factors accounting

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population. The agricultural population requires a cultivable tract of fertile land for their survival, whereas, a rich grassland is the need of the pastoralists. The landscapes promising a good cultivable fertile land and those having sustainable grasslands can be demarcated easily. The distribution of water source in each of these landscapes, thus defines the carrying capacity of these zones for pastoral or agricultural usage. Apart from the large lakes and rivers, the perennial water sources are very limited and most of them hold water only for a particular period of the year. The water availability in these sources depends upon: the rainfall which in fact is the primary source of surface water; the rate of seepage, which depends on the nature of the soil; the landscape; the rate of evaporation, which depends upon the temperature and the climate; and finally, upon the extent to and the intensity with which it is brought into use. This peculiar character of these minor water sources thus holds the key to the marginalisation of the landscapes for the agricultural or pastoral purposes. Land can be cultivated wherever water is available and for the rest of the year it may be left unused. But, in case of the pastoral mode of production, the herds have to be shifted to a water available resource to keep them alive and moving. This limitation can only be overcome by migrating elsewhere to access the important raw material available.

for the induction of migratory habits among the pastoralists. The nature of landscape is also one of the decisive factors so far as the vegetation growth on it is concerned The growth of grass over a particular landform depends entirely upon the fertility of the soil and the rainfall pattern. The water holding capacity of the soil determines the species of the grass and their respective rate of growth. Pastoralists are the secondary consumers of the vegetation on the landform, which is primarily used by their livestock that in turn produce milk and meat products for the consumption of their keepers. It is noticed that the water requirement of the pastoralists is much less as compared to that of their herds and is usually satisfied through the milk and buttermilk that they produce in surplus. Hence, the availability of water for their herds is a crucial factor for stimulating transhumance. The pastoral production system and the socio-cultural life of the pastoral communities heavily depend upon the availability and distribution of pastures. A pasture from a pastoralist’s point of view must essentially include good grass coverage together with a plentiful supply of sweet water. The availability of good grass and the perennial supply of water thus determine the carrying capacity of the pasture. The sustainability of a pastoral group on a pasture also depends upon the number of animals and the human population in the community. A small community with an optimum number of domestic animals can sustain itself throughout the year in a particular pasture without exhausting its carrying capacity. As these ideal conditions do not prevail, migration turns out to be the only alternative of survival for the pastoralists.

The erratic nature of rainfall dictates the degree of marginalisation of any landscape both from the pastoral and the agricultural point of view. In such a landscape, a combination of both the pastoral and agricultural modes of production provides a better grossproduction per annum. This type of combination is achieved by the involvement of a group in both these modes of production as we have noticed in Resamia, or else by establishing a set of symbiotic relationship between two different groups practicing agriculture and pastoralism separately.

Looking at the landscape, one can locate several such regions where the grasslands are found in plenty, but the supply of water is assured only for a specific season of the year. The perennial water source, thus, is a common requirement for both the agricultural as well as pastoral

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The symbiotic synergy between the pastoral and agricultural production is best noticed in the synchronisation of their migration movements and the mutual relationships existing between them. Kutch, Kathiawar and to some extent, northern Gujarat are the marginalized areas so far as pastoralism and agriculture are concerned. The existence of agropastoralism or a symbiotic relationship between the pastoralists and agriculturists is a pre-requisite to the optimum use of local resource base for maximising the returns received from the subsistence efforts. The sporadic rainfall in the region and lack of irrigation facilities put agriculture at a secondary position to pastoralism. Pastoral economy rests largely upon the exploitation of resources in a much wider region.

summers. The mobility pattern of pastoralists in Gujarat is shown in Map 2.1.

Transhumance in the Rainy Season: The chief characteristic of the rainy season transhumance is that it takes place in a direction far-off from the agricultural area. Pastoral specialists, who are settled in the agricultural settlements, take their herds away from the cultivated fields of their fellow villagers. The pastor-agriculturists, who own the agricultural lands, take their herds to the nearby pastures to protect the crops in their own fields and to exploit the congenial conditions in the marginal pasturelands that contain enough grass and water during the rainy season. Similarly, semi-nomadic pastoralists, who neither own a land nor share a close social relationship with the agriculturists, come back to their marginal eco-niches that store the best of the resources for their herds in this season.

It is argued above that the ideal zones for agriculture in Gujarat are highly restricted Most of the territory is marginalized both from the point of view of agriculture as well as pastoralism. To discuss the transhumance pattern in Gujarat, we need to identify the marginal pastoral zones. The transhumance among the pastoral population emanates from the insufficient ecological matrix of these zones and works in perfect synchronisation with the remaining marginal and ideal agricultural zones. The scarcity of water during summers is the most common characteristic feature of these zones, due to which, and also owing to their hilly landscapes, the expansion of agriculture in these areas is almost negligible.

The rainy season camps are found scattered all over the major and minor grasslands in Kutch and Kathiawar. Banni, Lakhpat, Khadir, Rappar and the extension of the Little Ran of Kutch along the seacoast in the southern part of Kutch are the potential areas for rainy season camps. In Kutch, these rainy season camps resemble the semi-permanent villages as the houses are built of mud with thatched roofs to protect them from rains. These wands are considered to be their home provinces where they stay sedentary for a greater part of the year. Though a little less time is spent in the summer camps, the lack of well-built houses does not give them the homely comfort that is derived in their wands in Kutch.

Major Routes and Places of Transhumance: The limitations posed by the landscape, as discussed above, force the pastoralists to indulge in the practice of transhumance twice a year. The distance and the duration of transhumance depend upon the ecological and socio-cultural milieu of the region inhabited by the pastoralists. The annual transhumance of the pastoralists can be envisaged in two seasonal circuits, one in the rainy season and the other in

Before the onset of the rainy season, they abandoned their summer camps in the Banas and Sabarmati river basins and come back to their wands. The migration at this time is rapid and almost incessant to ensure the fullest exploitation of the pastures lying on their route. The distance

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from the Nal lake basin to Lakhpat, the longest route for the Kutch pastoralists, is covered in a period of seven to ten days. Those who cross the state boundary and go to Malwa and Rajpipla hills take more time to reach their wands. In the rainy season, the transhumance pastoralists follow the most straightforward route to shorten their time in transit.

population from Rajkot and other adjoining areas of the Jamnagar district. Apart from this inter-regional transhumance, the group-B pastoralists, who inhabit the valleys of the mountainous areas like Junagarh, Barada and Mandav hills, show a radial pattern in their transhumance within the region.

The pastoralists of Mehsana district in North Gujarat migrate to the islands like Alia Bet in the Little Ran of Kutch or make a passage to the Panchmahal hilltracts. Some of them enter to Malwa through Panchmahal hills and ChotaUdaipur. The number of pastoralists in Southern Gujarat is less. They migrate to Rajpipla hills, Satpura Ranges or to the Dang forest. Some of them even travel a long distance to enter the northern Maharashtra through Satpura Ranges.

The Gir forest, the Barada hills, the Coastal tract of Dwarka, and the Bhal and Mandav hills are densely populated by the pastoral communities. The pastoral communities from the Bhal region either migrate inwards to the hilly tracts around Amreli or to the Rajpipla, Satpura and Dangs. The pastoral communities in the southern coastal villages take their herds to the Gir forest. Similarly, the pastoralists of Dwarka region set their camps in and around the Barada hills. The Mandav hill tract receives the influx of pastoral

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Map 2.1 Routes and pattern of migration of different pastoral nomads in Gujarat.

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their destination. Every transhumant group appoints a ‘Mukhi’, or a group leader who decides the course of their transhumance and settles the economic deals with the agricultural population. He is the spokes person for the whole group and bears their full responsibility as a group leader. He also takes a leading role in settling down the conflicts between both, the members as well as the nonmembers of the group.

Transhumance in summer: At the end of the rainy season, both the pastoral specialists and pastoragriculturists return to their home provinces for a brief span of time. The pastoral specialists get the stubble in the fields of the cultivators with whom they stay. Apart from grazing their herd on the stubble left in fields, their return to home is governed by two more factors First, to receive their share of harvest from the agriculturists; and secondly, in order to provide the milk products and manure to the agricultural population.

Conflicts with agricultural populations are a common occurrence amongst the groups during the course of their transit. Sometimes such conflicts lead to bitter confrontations too. Hence when the camps are installed in the proximity of a village, all precautionary measures are taken to avoid any damage to the herdsmen and their flock of herd. Each night, a strict vigilance is kept on the camps to avoid theft of animals and other belongings.

It is necessary for the pastor-agriculturists to come back to their respective villages in order to extend their help to the other family members for harvesting the crops grown in their fields. The herds are brought back and penned in the fields to graze on the stubble and the hay left out in the fields in the cultivation process. The fields are also manured by penning the cattle in the field.

The pastoral specialists and pastoragriculturists begin to migrate soon after the supply of fodder in the village gets over. Their movements to the destined summer pastures are direct and they rarely wander from place to place in search of water and fodder. Since a lesser time is spent in the process of migration to the summer camps, they usually start late from their village and reach the destination in the same amount of time as taken by the group-C pastoralists.

The semi-nomadic pastoralists stay in the rainy season camps for a longer duration than the other two groups. They fully exploit the resources around the rainy season camp, and start migrating out once the herds devour the pasture and can no more be sustained in the area. They exploit the available pastures on their route to the summer camp. On their way, they graze their cattle on the stubble left out in the fields by the agriculturists. The relationship of the semi-nomadic pastoralists with the agricultural population is purely economic. The commodities of mutual requirements are interchanged between them. The pastoralists sell manure, milk products and bullocks to the cultivators and receive food grains, craft items, fodder and water from them.

The pastoralists in Kutch reach Mehsana, crossing the whole width of the Kutch district. They exploit the stubble in the fields of the agricultural population and then make a move to either Banas or Sabarmati basin. Some of them also visit the Bhal region for camping during summers. The local population in the hilly tracts of Kathiawar acquires the ‘Vids’ on lease from the government and shifts to it for the whole summer. Those who are not able to acquire a ‘Vid’ migrate to the river basins towards the North or South Gujarat, as none of the rivers in

The transhumance to the summer pastures by the semi-nomadic pastoralists is a slow process. They try to utilise the maximum available resources falling on their way before making a further move. This takes a longer time for them to reach 74

some of the earlier preferred areas according to the information collected by them.

Kathiawar are perennial. The pastoralists from the Dwarka region cross the whole of the Mandav hills to reach Viramgam. They then disperse to other potential areas in Dholka, Dhanduka and Khambat region.

The information sharing about the pasture conditions, or the prevalence of diseases, or the political factors of different regions is quite common among the pastoralists. The Bharwads and Rabaris use their kinship network for collection and propagation of important information, which has some bearing on the livestock rearing. Even when two unknown Rabaris meet each other, they share the information about the pasture condition and up-to-date their knowledge about the market cost of the pastoral products in different areas. This information management among pastoral groups helps them in scheduling and directing the movements to take the advantage of the favourable conditions. The Bharwads and Rabaris move in small groups of four to five families. In each of the group, the leader who usually take the decision of the pattern and schedule of the movement is generally an experienced pastoralist who is respected and obeyed for his practical knowledge on the availability of pasture, water; and for his understanding of the political and social situation of other areas; and so also on his ability to guide the group members in the market conditions.

The Gir forest and the Barada hills again serve as their summer camp refuges due to the water points that contain water even in summers. The rest of the pastoral population remains in the coastal sand dunes and exploits the mangrove forest on the coast. The water requirement is procured from the local agricultural population by making a payment or through the exchange of milk products and manure. The spatial mobility of the pastoralists is not haphazard or chaotic. The resource appropriation for maximizing the production at a given point of time is the prime objective of the pastoral mobility. The differential allocation of the important resources within a particular geographical zone and the availability of a particular resource at a given point of time in that region are two most important factors to decide the direction and the schedule of the pastoral mobility. Yet again, the movement depends on the information about the resource availability in the targeted eco-zone. For example, the Dhangars started migrating to Konkan in a very recent past. The information about the grazing resources of Konkan came as a chance encounter when a trader assigned the job of driving of a herd of sheep to Konkan to a Dhangar (Sontheimer 1975).

A. B. Bose (1975) reports a similar kind of mobility pattern followed by the pastoral communities in the western Rajasthan. “In Jaisalmer and Malani tract in the western Rajasthan, the usual pattern is to utilize the grazing in the rangelands near the village. After these have been exhausted families with smaller herds return to stay in the village and graze their livestock on the cultivated fields which by then being harvested. Those with larger herds move with their stock to favourable areas up to a distance of even 450 kms out side the boundaries of the state.” (Bose1975). This reveals an interesting correlation of mobility pattern and the herd size maintained by the pastoralists. The specialised breeders who generally maintain a large herd of

Therefore, the pattern of the pastoral mobility is associated with the traditional knowledge of the pastoral group. If a pastoral community felt the scarcity of resources in its known eco-zones, then purposeful scouting for better and new pasturelands might not be ruled out. In general, the pastoral societies plan their mobility in accordance to the traditional knowledge, which passes on from one generation to other. Pastoralists periodically add new areas and omit

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the forage for their domestic herd. It is important to note here that the pastoral mobility here is not due to ecological contingency; rather it is a product of the managerial planning of the livestock rearing.

animals often take long migratory circles shifting from one area to another to satisfy the fodder and water requirement of their herd. Breeders from other areas also follow a similar pattern. The Dhangars of Maharashtra who occupy the rain-shadow area of Western Ghats migrate to Konkan. The Dhangar population who are found to the east of this rain shadow area generally visit the valley of Wardha river for grazing on harvested fields and folding their livestock on the lands of farmers in exchange for some small payment in kind (Sontheimer 1975). Breeder from Andhra Pradesh (Adilabad, Karimnagar, and Warangal) also follows a similar pattern (Bose 1975).

In the occasion of recurring droughts in a given region the change of the migration routes occur. Sometimes this temporary change in the migration pattern gets stabilized in the process of time, and a distinct pattern of migratory circle emerges. Such a change in the traditional migration pattern is known as migratory drift. Kavoori (1991) reports such a migratory drift among the pastoralists of western Rajasthan. Pastoralists of western Rajasthan traditionally migrated to the Aravalis in the southeastern part of Rajasthan in the end of the rainy season. They used to exploit the pasturelands in the Aravalis during the winter and then moved into the Malwa in the spring to graze their animals on the harvested fields. A migratory drift is noticed among them in last three decades. “The first stage of this migratory drift involves two developments: minor shifts in the routes of migration, and elongation of the cycles of migration. As is well known a common response to the extreme drought situation is the opportunistic modification of the migration route and an extension of the duration of the migration cycle. Thus flocks coming to Malwa and the Aravalis would not return for an extra year, maintaining instead a localized cycle of movement. Over a period of time, however, this became an increasingly frequent practice, especially among the owners of the large flocks whose grazing requirements were the heaviest. Thus a pattern emerged whereby flocks stopped returning to their village bases for increasingly longer period, and finally to a situation where they stopped returning altogether.” (Kavoori 1991: 262)

Palmieri (1982) in his attempt to categorize the migration pattern of Indian pastoralists classified them into three patterns, viz., 1. Radial, 2. Circular, 3. Vertical. We have already discussed the first two categories. The third category is found among the pastoralists who occupy the high lands of the Himalayan range in the northern most part of India. Bhotia, Pahari, Gaddi, Kinnaura, and Bakarwals can be included in this category. These communities take advantage of the vegetation change along the altitude. They move between the summer camps in high altitude pastures and the winter camps in the mountain valleys. The Nuer in East Africa occupy a similar environmental condition, practice horticulture along with herding practices in their homestead gardens in the high lands (Evans-Pritchard 1940). Barfield gives a similar kind of account regarding the mobility pattern of Drokba pastoralists of Tibet. Drokbas inhibit a more homogenous eco-zone where one pasture is very much like another. Barfield (1993:187) observes that Drokbas “shift camps not to take advantage of difference between ecological zones, but to exploit more distant pastures in order to preserve the supply of grass around their home base”. Hence, the mobility in Drokbas case is an outcome of the careful provisioning of

Though pastoral communities follow different strategies in their mobility pattern, yet a few of the governing factors can be chalked out. The scheduling of the migration plays an important role in

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pastoral mobility. It depends primarily on the rainfall regime that a pastoral community inhabits. The germination of the grass and other fodder species depend on the timing and intensity of the rainfall (Lahiri and Kharbanda 1962: 124). Another study has revealed that the development of the grasses depend entirely on the precarious soil-moisture relationship (Dabarghao et al 1962: 163). Pastoralists’ traditional knowledge in the predictability of the productivity of particular grassland plays a significant role in the decision-making regarding the mobility pattern of that particular year. The inconsistency in the rainfall and different biotic interference changes the grassland conditions. The biotic interference in the past must have been minimal. The increasing population pressure and technological development in irrigation has changed the marginal status of many of the grasslands to be potential areas for agricultural expansion. Thus, the rainfall pattern, the soil productivity and nutritive quality of the vegetation are important factors for deciding the mobility pattern of the pastoralists.

and in case of shallow reservoirs this can be a large fraction of the total quantity of the water stored.” (Shukla et al. 1962: 127). Compounded with the fluctuation in rainfall, these areas become inhospitable for pure agricultural population. The pastoral communities thus traditionally hold these areas as their home province. The temporal increase in the humidity results in a lusty growth of grass cover on the shallow soils on the top of the hilly landscape and creates several shallow water pools in the territory. Though temporarily, the terrain becomes the most suitable eco-zone for the pastoralists. The milk yield of the domestic herd is reported to increase in manifold in this season. Pastoralists often build some structures in suitable places to provide them shelter in the rainy days. These home provinces are sometimes regarded as the identity markers among the pastoralist groups; for example, the internal division of the Rabari population in Gujarat is found to have a strong correlation to this fact. For studying the mobility pattern, then these home provinces can be considered as the anchor points.

There is a tendency noticed among pastoralists that they exploit the temporary water sources in the rainy season. In the end of the dry season the pastoralists move to the areas, which do not contain permanent water holes in rest of the year, but may contain enough water in the rainy season. These dry areas in the rainy season turn to humid to subhumid climatic zones on a temporary basis. Mostly these areas are considered as the home frontier for the pastoralists as the claim on these lands by agricultural communities are apparently nonexistent. The water points here are primarily found in the form of open-air reservoirs, small pools and lakes. It has been found out that water from the storage tanks in these marginal areas is continuously lost through seepage as well as by evaporation. “Depending on the climatic conditions and location of the reservoirs, as much as eight to ten feet of water is lost through evaporation alone annually;

With the rainy season well under way pastoralists exploit different pasture areas in their home province. A particular settlement then held as a base camp. The mobility of the pastoral groups then takes a radial pattern, and mostly confines to the pasturelands around this settlement. Gradually, the orbit of the daily mobility increases as the grazing lands around the settlement are exhausted. The pastures in the vicinity of the settlement is often found to be preserved for the calves and young individuals in the herd. Towards the end of the rainy season, when the shallow water points rapidly loose the water content due to increase in the atmospheric temperature, pastoralists start preparing for moving into other areas. The old animals are either sacrificed or sold to the butchers, primarily for the fact that may not sustain the strain of the movement. The large concentration of pastoralists in the rainy season now breaks into small units. The

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decision sometimes is taken in the community on the basis of mutual agreement and the area of migration is roughly allocated to these small migratory units.

Material Culture Of Maldharis In Gujarat: The material culture of the Bharwads and Rabaris shows some traits of striking similarity to each other. The differences between both the communities are more apparent in their dressing pattern and other cultural aspects. The household items and the use of spaces within their houses constitute a common material culture of both the communities. The use of the domestic space and the details of the materials used in the household are given below.

The pastoral groups, who are engaged in dry land farming, harvest their crops at the end of the rainy season. The fodder left on the agricultural field is used as forage for the domestic livestock for a few days. As the herd size of these pastoral groups is small, the fodder for their domestic herd lasts longer. The agricultural products at the home reduce the dependability of the pastoral products in these months. In few instances wells are utilized for watering the domestic herd. The duration of the dependency on the well depends upon the amount of rainfall in that region and the capacity of the underground aquifers to hold water. However, as the dry months approach they also feel the need to shift the herd to a more congenial eco-niche. The accumulated pastoral products are exchanged with agricultural population to buy other requirements before they set out to the summer pastures.

1. Paniyarun: This is a composite unit in the household where the drinking water is kept. The place is kept clean all the time. In the houses, a permanent place is built on one the side of hearth where the water container and the glass for drawing the water are kept. An earthen vessel with a lid to cover it is often used for storing water. A washing platform is found below the paniyarun. This platform is usually made up of stone with a channel

As the dry months approach, the pastoralists gradually move towards the permanent water source. The stubble left on the agricultural fields supply the fodder to the domestic animals. Pastoralists enter into mutual agreement with the cultivators, and the dung of the domestic herd is exchanged with the stubble on the field. As soon as the fodder becomes scarce in these areas, they move to the summer pastures located generally around a permanent water source. They live the whole length of the dry season in this area. The migration towards the home province in the beginning of the rainy season completes the transhumance cycle. Most of the pastoralists in the arid and semiarid zones of India follow this pattern of transhumance.

to throw the washed off water out. In the camps, a wooden stand is used to place the water vessel. The washing platform is not found in the camps. Washing is usually carried out a little away from the tent. In some huts the paniyarun is built

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by digging three stumps into the ground, which support the water container. The Paniyarun is always found next to the hearth.

Damchiyun together constitute a single unit both in the permanent houses as well as in the tents.

2. Valgani/ Abharai: The clothes of daily use are hanged on a piece of string in the living room, which stretches between the walls facing each other. The valgani is found close to the wall facing the entrance of the living room. In the houses, nails are fixed to tie this rope. In the camps, two poles are dug firmly into the ground to take the load of the clothes. Sometimes a horizontal bar is fixed between two barbed poles rooted deeply into the soil. The position of the valgaini remains the same in the tents and the temporary huts as in their houses.

5. Charpai: The houses have several cots made up of wood. 6. Ghodiyun: This is a swing for the child to lure him to sleep while the mother is busy carrying out her household chores. Two curved iron rods are used to spread a wide piece of cloth in all the four corners and the child is made to sleep on it. In the ghodiyun used in the house, these two pieces of curved rods are hung from two poles or the inner walls. But while on their way to migration, they two stumps are carried with a horizontal bar in the middle to provide the anchorage to the curved rods. This is an essential item in all the households having a child.

3. Majudun: This serves as the storehouse for the family and all essential items are stored here. The Majudun is divided into several cabinets for keeping different items separately. But in tents and the huts, a multipurpose wooden box is used for storing varieties of items.

Material culture Related to Food Processing: Apart from the above articles used in the Rabari and Bharwad household, the rest of it are associated with the processing and preparation of food.

4. Damchiyon: It is the place where the mattresses and blankets are piled. They are taken out every night to be used while sleeping and are kept back in the morning. In the houses, the top of the Majundun is used as Damchiyon. But in the tents and the huts, a separate platform is built at an elevation to keep the mattresses and the blankets. For this purpose, four barbed poles are fixed in the soil, supported by two sturdy sticks; the twigs are kept across the two horizontal sticks to form a table like structure. The space under the Damchiyun is used to keep the Majudun. On the whole, the Majudun and the

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introduction in their household items. They use Ghada (Water pot), Kalasa (Small globular pot) and Pyali (Bowl) made up of brass. The use of Thali (Plate) is found very rarely in their households.

1. Ghanti/Ghantlo: One of the most important items in the food preparation process is Ghanti. Ghanti is made up of two heavy and rounded stone slabs. The base has a wooden stump fixed in the centre. The top slab has two holes, one in the centre and the other at a few inches away from it. The stump fixed to the base holds the top slab and allows it to rotate on the top. The grains are poured into the thala, which has a spouted channel through which the flour is collected. A much smaller and portable variety is carried to the camps and is known as Ghantlo. The thala is not attached to the ghantlo to maintain it lightness and precision.

Thick Coarse Gray

Deep Basin

Thick fine Grey

Globu lar Pot

Red Ware

To store drinking water.

Globu lar Pot

Thick Grey Ware

Wide mouth ed Pot

Thick Grey Ware

Lid

Thick Grey and Red Ware

To churn the milk and to store the butter, butter milk and ghee. To make curry and to clarify ghee from butter. To cover the mouth of various pots

Patiyon Dhankni

3. Utensils: The use of metallic utensils by the Bharwads and Rabaris is a recent

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Function

Name of the Ware

Frying Plate

Kalasa

2. Chulah: The next most important requirement in food preparation is the fireplace or the hearth. In the houses, sometimes, multiple hearths are found. The hearths used in the camps are different from those built in the houses. Often, the hearths in the camps are found with an additional feature of a windshield. A thin wall encircling two sides of the hearth is constructed in mud to allow a smooth burning of the firewood in the chamber. In their transit camps cooking is sometimes done on three pieces of stones.

English Equivalent

Ghada

Kundu

Tavdi

Local Name

They use earthen utensils for various purposes. The details of the pottery items and their usage are given in the table below.

To prepare rotla made of Bajri and Jowar

The cooked food and milk and other milk products are hung in the house by the roof through the sinka made up of ropes.

Very few utensils are used in the household. The brass bowls are used for drinking milk and consuming curry.

Conclusion: In the previous chapter, the sedentarisation of pastoral communities in peninsular Gujarat is shown as a contiguous cultural process. Some of the Rajputs who claim a Yadav descent and Gohils claiming an Ahir descent are a few illustrative examples among others to illustrate a story of successful sedentarisation and occupational transition. In most of these examples, though the process of occupational transition can be inferred, working out details of such socio-economic change is a challenging proposition. The detailed historical documentation of such changes does not exist; even if it exists, so far it has not seen the light of academic discourse. Following points can be derived from the consultation of all the historical information:

Almost all the food items are taken in the bowl except the rotla. Plates are not used for eating purpose.

1. The well known past pastoral communities have lost their pastoral identities and are either transformed or assimilated into the caste society. More archaic the history of a community more is the difficulty in the identification and reconstruction of the process of change. Some of the contemporary pastoral communities trace their descent from Yadavas and Ahirs, two most powerful 81

required skill in transition needs a separate treatment. We will confine the discussion here on the role of labour management in both the assimilation and acculturation process.

pastoral lineages in the distant past. The structure of the myths depicting such ‘a past’ is so confusing that it seems to be an attempt of cultural validation than true representation of their history. If the assertion on their descent is true, the change in their ethnic name and the loss of the pastoral identity of the main stock needs to be explained.

The assimilation is a more probable situation in the context of subjugation of a minority population by a majority population. The pastoral population that is drawn closer to the agricultural population for exploiting the possibilities of mutual advantages is the natural prey to the assimilation process. The constraints to the growth of the pastoral mode of production at a close proximity to the agrarian economy are initially countered by making adjustments in the labour management. As we have seen above in case of the Bharwads in Takhalgarh, the labour management follows more of a cooperative policy. This can be held as a contrast to the individual orientation of the labour management policy in case of their archetypical life-style. The viability of such a cooperative effort to maximize the productivity starts falling apart when the number of pastoralists crosses the threshold.

2. The etymological meanings of the ethnic names of pastoral communities are sobriquets of the characteristics of these communities as was perceived by the dominant population in the recent past (Etymological meaning of Rabari and Bharwad is outsider; and Charan means the grazer). A comparison between the two sets of names of pastoral communities clearly suggests a more recent date to this lopsided perspective on the nomenclature of the present pastoral communities. It is difficult to comment here on this disparity in the ethnic nomenclature; nonetheless, it is evident that the socio-political context within which these two sets of ethnic names was different. 3. A comparison of these two sociopolitical contexts within which the past and the contemporary ethnic names emerge, suggests that the polarity towards sedentarisation has increased in a relatively recent past. The recent ethnic names are perceived as polar opposite to the agriculture and settled life within this context.

Beyond this threshold, the economy becomes unstable and non-sustainable. A homeostasis can be maintained only by ascertaining a critical number of pastoralists in a particular settlement. The rest of the pastoral population needs to migrate to other settlements or take to some different means of livelihood. Due to the political subjugation and increasing reliance on the dominant population, the options to keep a distinct cultural identity become narrower. Pastoralists gradually inculcate cultural values of the dominant population and ultimately give in to the pressure of culture change. As the cultural distinction diminishes, they are

This complexity in apprehending the culture process of sedentarisation and occupational transition can be simplified if we align the aforementioned case studies in a rational order in the light of above historical information. Assimilation and acculturation can be perceived as two distinct culture processes within the overall process of occupational transition. The required skill and effective management of work force are two important aspect of any particular economy. Hence, the process of transition brings far-reaching effects on both these aspects. The process of acquisition of

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population may exercise its option to restrict its involvement either in cultivation or in pastoralism.

accepted as a component of the occupational structure of the village. Finally, they form one of the lower rungs of the existing social structure. Hence, the cooperative effort in the labour management holds a critical importance to determine the direction of change. It acts as the inertia to the transition. In the second case, the pastoral population though maintains a distance from the agricultural population it establishes a lethal contact with agriculture. The contact is considered lethal as it is seen as the first step in the acculturation process of pastoral population. Their involvement in agriculture puts severe constraints on their migration circuit. This indirectly affects the herd size. The constraint in the mobility and growth of the herd defines the limitation of the pastoral economy. The gains from the agricultural sector to some extent neutralize the loss. In a semisedentary existence such as this, one cannot increase the herd size beyond a critical level, as the migratory circuit is smaller. Hence, involvement in agriculture becomes essential. The production in both the agriculture and pastoral sector can be maximized only through the scheduling of the agriculture and pastoral operations and simultaneously deputing the work force to the harvest. Such a labour management is possible if pastoralists work in a cooperative spirit. It is important here to distinguish between the 'social cooperation' that exists in their archetypical life-style and the 'cooperative management of labour' in the present context. Tandas are small groups of pastoralists who though accompany each other in the migration circuit, herding responsibility is usually held individually. There is hardly any mutual exchange of workforce within the group. In case of shortage of the work force, the labour is usually hired on contract. Thus, the cooperative management of labour provides the cutting edge in the mixed economy. In a lack of cooperation, it will be impossible to cultivate the crop and raise the herd. In such a case, the

In both cases, the present form of labour management can be argued to hold the inertia for the change. Any imbalance in this inertia will definitely lead to occupational transitions. The process of occupational transition whether in the past or in the present can be accrued to such contextual changes in the labour management principles setting forth a cascading effect through out the universe.

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CHAPTER-III STUDYING THE INVISIBLE: The Archaeological Remnants of Pastoralists Possehl explains the lack of the pastoral sites in the inventory of the Harappan settlements due to two factors- (1) the lack of special effort to locate the pastoral sites; and (2) the fragility of the pastoral aspect in the archaeological record. Leshnik (1972: 151) lists a few of the obstacles on the archaeological recognition of pastoral communities as follows: “the non-specific nature of the nomads’ artefacts, their likely origin with village artisans, sometimes close physical co-existence of peasants and nomads, the possible practice of supplementary agriculture or hunting, and the expectedly thin trace of their habitational remains.” As pointed out by Leshnik, the lack of any characteristic artefact is a major hindrance in the recognition of pastoral sector in the total population.

Introduction: “Pastoralists are not likely to leave many vestiges by which the archaeologist could recognize their presence. They tend to use vessels of leather and basketry instead of pots, to live in tents instead of excavated shelters or huts supported by short timber posts or walls of stone or brick. Leather vessels and baskets have as a rule no chance of surviving. Tents need not even leave deep postholes to mark where they once stood.” – Childe 1936: 81 “Nomads need not be archaeologically invisible. At the same time, they do not constitute an archaeological culture in the Childean sense. Paradoxically therefore, though the artefacts and the campsites used by the ancient nomads need not lie beyond the capacity of the modern archaeology, there may be no simple means by which these are distinguishable from the productions of more settled communities.” –Crib 1991: 65.

If pastoralists lived in the same settlement together with agriculturists and other artisan groups, there was a high possibility of missing them to identify. As the substantial architecture remains are held unmitigated to the settled population; and the presumption that the whole population in a settled village is sedentary, the pastoral sector of the village population is hardly identified. Wherever isolated single hut or a constellation of huts was encountered in archaeological record, what immediately struck to our mind is the possibility of some kind of temporary occupation of the site. In such a situation, either it was levelled as seasonal farmstead, or it was associated with temporary occupation of peripheral communities such as huntergatherers and nomadic pastoralists. Such rendition depended on the cultural artefacts and architectural features of the site. As there are no distinctive artefact types related to pastoralists, their recognition became all the more difficult. In spite of these difficulties, there are few

The archaeological investigation of the nomads in general and pastoral nomads in particular from 1930s through 1990s has cantered just about the issue of invisibility and identification of archaeological assemblages related to the pastoral nomads. As we have noticed in these two quotes above, the views regarding the possibility of archaeological study of the pastoral communities have undergone a radical change. 84

the mobility of pastoral communities. Once pastoralism and nomadism are received as two distinct analytical categories instead of treating them as mutually inherent units, it pre-empts the overemphasis on mobility of the pastoral mode of production (Ingold 1986: 165169; Scheider 1965: 78). It is important to keep in mind that neither all pastoralists are absolute nomads, nor all nomads are pastoralists. This belief may usher a ray of optimism among archaeologists to further the research on pastoralism in archaeology. As per the contemporary trends of research, the study of pastoralism in archaeology is considered rather a complicated matter, if not an impossible task. The present effort is an attempt to investigate new facets of pastoralism, those so far has remained indistinct, within the civilizational premise of Indus civilization, to be more particular in peninsular Gujarat. This disposition, as is argued in the foregoing paragraphs, is based on two postulations. The first, the material culture of the pastoralists within a civilizational context differs from their elemental counterparts within a non-civilizational context. Within the context of a civilization, some degree of sharing of relevant part of material culture between the agricultural, pastoral and others can be anticipated. This postulation is a circumflex to Leshnik’s observations on pastoralist communities in south Asia three decades ago, which the academia has failed to assimilate. The second, pastoralists do not build ephemeral structures only; in circumstances, they also build substantial architectural units comparable to that of the small agricultural settlements. If small villages are preserved in the archaeological record of the concerned region, then such pastoral settlements will also have their representation. As it has been stated elsewhere, pastoralists, at least those within a context of civilization, do leave traces back; now our task is to obtain the right clue to their identity.

instances where archaeologists’ speculation has caught the possibility of pastoral link of the site. Such inferences almost depended on the evidence of round hut structures or of postholes as remnants of once existent tents. As a practice, the tents and huts as distinct architectural forms are suggestive of pastoralism; and more elaborate architectures, such as house structures are associated with agricultural economy. Kohler-Rollefson (1992) observes in Trans-Jordan plateau: “…many of the permanently settled inhabitants had pitched tents along their stone houses and used these for entertaining guests and for performing certain household duties in the traditional Bedouin way. Thus we have a paradoxical association of typically nomadic habitations with permanent residence and permanent habitation types with nomadic residence patterns!” Further, he mentions that 40% of the buildings in Suweimra (a village of Marraie, a Huweitat sub-tribe in southern Jordan) belonged to pastoral specialists who were tent dwellers during the entire year, and use these buildings only for keeping the harvesting equipment and barn. Thus, the architectural styles should not be taken as the diagnostic feature to suggest the subsistence level of any site. A relatively slow progress in the study of pastoralism in archaeology owes to a low visibility of architectural remains amongst the pastoralists. Most of the archaeologists believe that nomads do not construct any worthwhile architectural units, which would survive the ravage of ecological forces to be later on discovered by the archaeologists. Some of them assumed that the frugal architectural remains of the nomads who mostly dwell in tents and ephemeral huts if at all can be recovered in archaeological context, one has to wait for a chance encounter. A systematic effort to bring them into the archaeological record is almost impossible (refer to Musson 1970 and Bradley 1970 for such a view point among British archaeologists). Inherent in such a view was an overemphasis on

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called as kitchen activities. Depending on the procedure of the food preparation different sub-units is designed within the kitchen.

Understanding Architecture: Pastoralists’ Need for ‘Shelter’ The architectural units are primarily functional in nature. Man needs shelter to protect himself and his belongings from the ecological elements. The nature of the shelter thus depends on the ecological condition of the region. As the ecological factor that determines the nature of the shelter changes in different seasons, so also changes human response. Adaptation strategies for such changing ecological factors in different seasons are different in settled agricultural population and pastoral population. In the settled village communities, the prime factors of their production regime are immovable. Thus, agricultural population stays at one place through out the year, hence investment in a more durable house is logical. When a cultivator requires a temporary shelter in the field, he builds ephemeral structures like any other nomadic community.

Apart from the kitchen activities, other functional units of a household are storage units and sleeping spaces. Both ingredients and processed food items are stored within the household. Apart from the food item, other materials such as furniture, implements, clothes, and other valuables are kept within a household. The rest of the space within the household structure is used for sleeping, sitting, and ritual purposes. The arrangement of space for all these activities manifests in the architectural design of the household unit. The outlay or the structure of the domestic space depends how ‘spaces’ are defined or demarcated and arranged within a household. The architectural features sometimes give a clear demarcation of these activity areas. Nonetheless, it is common to find a total absence of architectural features in such demarcation. The demarcation in such a case is achieved at such an abstract level that it is impossible to define them in the archaeological record. There are other instances where the demarcation of these activity areas is achieved by the use of perishable materials such as existing vegetal components, screens made out of reeds, bamboo, and other plant parts or by using clothes. In such cases, they leave either little or at times no trace for their archaeological retrieval.

In another sense, the architectural units are designed to facilitate domestic, social, and cultural activities. Any architectural unit thus can be studied in terms of activities that it facilitated. As we are primarily concerned with the subsistence activities, the discussion will accept that as a limit. The subsistence activities primarily deal with the production of food items, though some of the necessary material culture is also produced along with it. Both agriculture and pastoralism follow different modes to produce the food items. In agriculture, the grains are produced in the field and are brought home for the processing. Thus, processing activities mostly take place within the household structure. We are well versed in the functional aspects of the architectural features in an agricultural household. In pastoralism, the herd comprising either a single species or multiple species is the production base. As we have seen earlier, grains are an integral part of the pastoralists diet. Thus for food preparation, both the processing grains and animal products are chief activities of a household unit and more specifically

In the archaeological study of pastoralism, the trace of the architectural remains thus becomes a major hindrance. This essay hence will focus on the architectural activities of the pastoralist communities, to gain some insight on this fundamental problem in the study of pastoralism in archaeology.

Pastoralists of Gujarat: ‘Shelter’ and Architecture The concentrations of the pastoralist communities are noticed in North Gujarat, Kathiawar, and Kutch. The 86

in the archaeological record. Following paragraphs give a detail account of both ephemeral and substantial architectural features noticed among the pastoralist communities of Gujarat.

whole of Kutch, Mehsana district in North Gujarat, and Rajkot, Surendranagar, and Jamnagar district in Kathiawar peninsula has a sizable pastoral population. The pastoral communities at present found with varying degree of symbiotic relationship with the agricultural and artisan population. In another sense, they are found now within the present Civilizational milieu, which may give us some meaningful insight to understand the role of pastoralists in Harappan context. I would like to spell a word of caution to employ strict rational control in extrapolating generalized postulates from the present to the Harappan times, as these are two distinct forms of civilizations. Even though these two Civilizational contexts differ from one another, the social and cultural understanding can be premised in the common essential tenements, as is defined by Childe.

Pastoral Mobility and Ephemeral Architecture: The water and fodder are two critical elements in the pastoral production system. Availability of water plays the most crucial one, as everything else is dependent on water. Thus, the distribution of the water resource in a region plays the determining role in the land use pattern. Apart from large lakes and rivers, the perennial water sources are limited and most of the non-perennial water bodies hold water only temporarily. Nonetheless, the water availability in these sources depends on: the rainfall which in fact is the primary source of surface water; the rate of seepage, which depends on the nature of the soil; the landscape; the rate of evaporation, which depends on the temperature and the climate; and finally on the extent to and the intensity with which it is used. This peculiar character of these minor water sources holds the key to the marginalisation of the landscapes for the agricultural or pastoral purposes. Land can be cultivated wherever the water is available during the growing season of the crops, and for the rest of the year the water requirement is only confined to the human requirements. But, for pastoralism, the herds have to be shifted to an available water source to keep them alive. This ecological limitation in pastoralism is overcome by transhumance. The erratic nature of rainfall dictates the degree of marginalisation of any landscape both from the pastoral and the agricultural point of view. In such a landscape, a combination of both the pastoral and agricultural modes of production provides a better gross-production per annum. This type of combination is achieved by the involvement of a group in both these modes of production, or else by establishing a set of symbiotic

After a primary survey in Kathiawar and Kutch, pastoralists were identified within three different social constellations. They are: 1) pastoral communities who are engaged mainly in the pastoral activities, but are attached to agricultural settlements or pastoral specialists; 2) pastoral communities who earn their livelihood from both pastoralism and agriculture or pastro-agriculturists; 3) pastoral communities who solely depend on livestock rearing and live in separate settlements of their own or semi-nomadic pastoralists. The architectural elements in the economic and as well as in the life cycle of these three variations were probed from perspective outlined above. Pastoralists use different eco-zones at different seasons; hence, their household units need to shift from one place to other. Though they practice transhumance, they use the marginal ecozones as their home bases. The architectural features both in the migration and in the home bases were observed. The pastoral camps, though were found to be ephemeral, the architectures in the home bases were substantial enough to find their versions

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relationship between two different groups practicing agriculture and pastoralism separately.

demarcation to the penning areas, and the animals spent their nights in front of their masters’ tents. Despite the lack of territorial marker for the penning areas, the distribution of dung on the surface revealed five different penning units. Close to each penning unit one could trace out the dung heaps, where the dung were accumulated separately from each herd. These accumulated dung were sold to the local peasants before the camp was dislocated.

Some pastoral groups of Gujarat cross the state border and visit Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. One of the rainy season camps of such long distance transhumant group from Bhal area of Gujarat was studied near Alephata, in Maharashtra. The group comprised five families of Bharwads from the village Talpara in Bhavnagar district. All of them were cattle keepers with medium-size herds (30 to 50 cattle). The camp was set up at a gentle slope, which slowly ascended to a mountain range on the western side. The camp was pitched close to one of the major drainage lines of this mountain range. The major water channel, which ran on the western border of the camp, has a substantial bond to facilitate storage of rainwater. This is the nearest water point from the site. A satellite agricultural settlement is found within a distance of three kilometres, which has a well and a water reservoir. The pastoralists, however, reported that they never used any water source other than the one near the camp. The camp was set up early in the month of August when the rain was in plenty and the nearby stream had enough water; and was vacated in the month of November as the water channel becomes dry.

The size of the family units in the camp varied from one another. The group comprised of nuclear, joint as well as extended family units. The size and nature of the family unit depended on the herd ownership. Let us take a brief overview of these five household units of this campsite (Fig 3.1). Family-1 (F1): It occupied the northwestern part of the camp. The family had pitched two tents, both facing to the north. Privacy of each of the tent was secured by pitching one at the back of the other. Tent-1 (T1) had a hearth at one of the corners at the entrance of the tent. The floor of T1 had few potsherds, presumably belonging to a single pot, which might have broken while packing the kitchen items. T2 was the other tent own by this family. There was no hearth inside this tent. The most important architectural feature of this tent was the presence of a storing unit. The storage unit could only be identified from four stones aligned in a rectangle. This was used as a platform to place the wooden box of the family, which contained almost all the valued possessions of the nomadic life. The identification of the storing units in the deserted site was possible only due to an adequate prior knowledge about the campsite. Other items found in this deserted tent were: a small empty medicine bottle, pieces of clothes and torn gunny bags, fragments of ropes and a few glass beads. It seems that the requirement of the other tent was felt due to the presence of adolescent members in the family.

The camp was located at a proximity to the Nasik-Pune highway. The location was well drained as it sloped gently to all directions to pour out the rainwater into the surrounding drainage lines. A ridgeline running north south of the campsite bifurcated the place into three unequal parts. The eastern part accommodated three families. The other two families occupied the western and northwestern raised lands. In the southwestern corner and along the bifurcated ridgeline, two small pools were formed which must have contained water during the months of down pour. The tents and penning areas were situated at higher elevations. There was no clear

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Fig 3.1: An abandoned Bharwad Camp, (a) The landscape of the camp, (b) The details of the abandoned camp and material remains.

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Family-4 (F4): The family-4 occupied the northwestern corner. This was a nuclear family constituting children and adolescents. The family used two tents pitched side-by-side facing to the east. The ridge in the middle blocked the vision to provide adequate privacy to the two tents. T6 seemed to have been used as the main tent where the household valuables were kept. Few pieces of potsherds were found in one corner of T6. Other regular features such as stones for storage platform and postholes were also noticed. One of the interesting artefacts from this tent was a wooden mortar. T7 also had a stone platform used for keeping the wooden box above the ground level. Perhaps some of the kitchen materials were stored in this tent. The hearth was located at one of the corners near the entrance. A plenty of broken toy pieces and small pieces of ropes were scattered over the place around both the tents. Another important item found in front of T6 was a pair of leather shoes.

Family-2 (F2): This family unit comprised two married brothers, neither of who had kids. Both herded their cattle in a joint venture, but in the domestic front, there were strict divisions in the household items. Their respective wives possessed the household items individually. T3 belonged to the elder brother and T4 to the younger. The former opened to the south, and the latter to the north, but as they were not pitched face to face, the possibility of seeing through each other’s tent remained minimal. Both the tents had hearths inside, which also indicated that both the households did cooking separately. Both the tents had storage platforms, which affirmed the fact that they held household items separately. Very few cultural items were found on the floor of both of these tents. A broken sickle was found lying outside T3. Other material evidences obtained from the tent floor included a necklace, a few pieces of bangle, and a torn gunny bag. The floor of T4 had apparently no material remains except a few polythene packets.

Family-5 (F5): The size of this family was the largest among all; a joint family consisting of old parents and their married and unmarried children. The family pitched three tents to accommodate all the members of the family. The tents were arranged in a linear fashion facing to the east. The middle ridgeline blocked the vision from other tents. T8 was the largest tent, which differed from others in the organization of the inner space. In most of the tents, the storage platform was found at the back of the tent close to the flap. In this case, the storage platform wad found in the middle of the tent dividing it into two sections. This internal division segregated the adolescent girls of the family from other adult male members of the house. T9 was the most ephemeral among these tents, perhaps it was used as a meeting place for the women, and children used it for playing. Many broken toys were found on the floor. The other tent (T10) was most probably used as the kitchen of the household. In all probability, this was also used as the domestic unit of the married son. Material remains recovered

Family-3 (F3): This family occupied the southwestern corner of the campsite. They lived in a single tent that faced to the west ensuring the privacy. The family unit comprised of a married couple and their children, so there was hardly any need to have a separate tent. The tent provided a multipurpose space for all range of household duties, the tent did not have any stone platform that, as seen in other tents, was used as a platform to place their wooden boxes. Instead, the tent had six postholes at the distant end of the tent. These postholes supported six barbed wooden poles, and the barbs supported a few strong wooden sticks to form a platform above the ground. This was used as platform where the clothes and the wooden box were kept. The hearth was located near the entrance. The material remains found on the floor of the T5 were: an intact bangle (perhaps discarded as the other piece of the pair was broken), torn pieces of gunny bag, rope fragments, and some broken potsherds.

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they pitch their camp at a vacant plot. The nature of the architectural features depends on the duration of the stay. If the duration of the stay is more than a week, they decide to pitch their tents, otherwise, the charpoy covered with a piece of cloth or by a piece of plastic sheet is used as wind shield which protects the domestic hearth. The men folk stay away from the camp as they supervise the herd in grazing. The women and children generally spend their day under the shade of a nearby tree. Therefore, the camp is usually found where a tree with substantial shade is available. The night is spent under the open sky. In the winters, they pitch their tents even in their transit camps to protect them from the cold wind. The architectural requirements of the pastoralists are found changing with the season and the duration of their stay at any given place.

from this tent were: torn pieces of gunny bags, fragments of ropes, broken ornaments, polythenes and some broken potsherds. Such a site hardly has a chance of being preserved in the archaeological record. Most of the cultural items found in the site are perishable items. A few postholes and stones used for the storage platform and domestic hearths would not stand long before the ecological forces. In fact, the chance of reoccupation of this site is also very low. It was observed that neither the same group nor any other group of pastoralists used this place in the following year. In fact, the site had lost almost all the features within a single year. In the very next year, grass and small shrubs covered the place. The stones used for storage platform were removed from their original context loosing their alignments and post-holes were covered up with topsoil washed out by the rain. With a careful examination, however, the potsherds could be located, but had lost their previous alignment. These kinds of campsites are often tossed up to support the ephemeral characteristic of the pastoralist camps.

The need for protection against climatic factors is greater in two seasons, i.e., in the winters and in the rains. Pastoralists return to their home bases in the rainy season where they maintain structures that are more substantial round the year. Either they spend the winter in the agricultural areas where they graze their animals on the stubble, or they use fixed pasture ranges taken in lease such as several vids in Kathiawar. In such places, they erect huts of different kinds to protect themselves from cold. We will take two representative examples of such huts. The pastoralists who migrate to the agricultural areas pitch their camp away from the village settlement. The camp is located roughly equidistant to all the villages to which the pastoralist is tied up in reciprocal relationship. Usually three to five families camp together, but in few instances even a single household camp at the periphery of a small village. In such cases, they erect huts by using the local vegetal material and clay. The clay is used for smoothening the floor of the hut and often a windshield is made to protect the fire in the domestic hearth.

The ephemeral nature of the pastoral sites is primarily due to the use of the tents and disintegrable hut structures. A variation was noticed among pastoralists of Gujarat in their preference for different kinds of temporal dwellings. One of the most commonly used temporary dwellings is made up of tarpaulin or a sheet of polythene stretched over a horizontal bar. In the one-night transit camps, the pastoralists hardly even pitch their tents. When they move into the agricultural areas for grazing the herd on the stubble,

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One of the interesting dwelling units for some of the pastoralists such as Charan and Ahirs in Kathiawar is a half-barrel shaped hut (Fig. 3.2). The twigs and branches of locally available trees are used in the construction of this kind of hut. The stalks are fixed firmly in the ground along a rectangular plan. A strong horizontal bar is used in the middle to add strength to the structure. Sometimes this horizontal bar is supported by number of poles sunk in the floor of the hut. The number of these support poles depends on the length of the hut. The top of these stalks along the rectangular border of the hut floor are bent and tied to each other to form a wooden skeleton of half-barrel shape. This wooden structure is then covered either by plastic sheets or by gunny bags stitched to one another. A small entrance is kept at one side while the same material seals the other end. Such a tent was studied in the periphery of Rajkot city. The tent was five meters in length and three meter in width. The height of the hut in the middle was 1.75 meter. There were two central poles, which supported the horizontal bar in the

middle. The structure was covered up with gunny bags. This allowed free passage of air in the daytime and kept the hut warm in the night. A standby plastic sheet was found in the household, which was kept to be used in the emergency conditions such as during an unexpected rain in the winter season. The same sheet of plastic was also used to prevent the cold wind from entering into the hut in the days of severe cold. The hearth was located inside the tent. The cooking activity in the evening helped in raising the internal temperature of the hut. In the days of severe cold arrangement for a separate fireplace was made inside the tent to maintain the temperature throughout the night. The members slept in the hut around the fireplace. Some of the winter camps in the vids located in central Kathiawar were studied. Most of them consisted of five to seven families. The number of household units in each of these camps depended upon the collective herd size of the group.

Fig 3.2: A Sketch of Charan barrel-vaulted tent in Rajkot region, Kathiawar. (a) View form Outside, (b) The use of inner space and furniture and articles

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The use of heavy stones is quite limited. Hence, the chance of even a partial preservation of these dwelling units seems quite gloomy. The regular debris in the camp is often found rejected in the dung heap. The food residues, the byproducts of the food processing, the broken potsherds and other discarded materials are swept from the floor of the huts and then dumped in the dung heap. These material remains thus get displaced along with the dung. If the dung heap is sold to the peasant, then most of the discarded material culture expected to form some archaeological assemblage at the campsite is transported to other localities. At the end of the occupancy, the site hardly contains any material or architectural evidence. Some of the abandoned sites evidenced nothing except a few potsherds and those materials, which were discarded at the end of the occupancy before they deserted the camp. Therefore, archaeological recovery of these small campsites comprising three to five families can genuinely be doubted.

The groups depending on their fodder requirement take the lease of the vid. They camp in these vids and graze their herd within the limit of the vid, which is taken by them in lease. Mostly they choose the foothills or well-drained hilltops as their camping sites. The top of the hills gives them clearer view of the pasture area, so that if at all needed, the grazing herds can be monitored from the camp itself. The huts are generally set in a single line (Fig 3.2a). The space in front of the hut is used as the penning area. They hardly use any kind of fencing for the pens. The calves and small stocks if any are kept in a separate pen. The pen is often nothing but a hedge made out of twigs of thorny plants. The huts are also made of locally available woods. The rectangular superstructure is made out of the braches collected from the nearby trees. It is then covered with grass or leaves. A doorway is left at the front, which is covered with a piece of cloth at night. The roof of the hut is flat and is covered with grass or leaves. The place for the camp is selected keeping the direction of the wind in mind. The natural gradients are used in the slopes of the landscape to minimize the effect of the cold wind in their huts. The extreme end of the hut is used for storing the household items and clothes. A charpoy is kept along one of the walls of the hut. Thus, it helps in creating enough space inside the hut to conduct the household duties. Often a windshield made of mud is found encircling the hearth. The cooking utensils and other ingredients are kept around the hearth (Fig.3.2b). The washing is done outside the tent. The construction of a washing platform around the hut is optional. The floor is made of by rammed clay and is periodically repaired during the stay. No substantial material, which can be preserved in the archaeological record, was used in the construction of these dwellings. The materials used for the construction of these huts are mostly derived from the local environment. The other parts of the dwelling unit such as plastic sheets or gunny bags are portable, hence are carried from one camp to other.

There is a danger here in making an effort to generalize such a scenario. The seasonal camps of the pastoralists may not be essentially ephemeral. Toda, Rendile, Karimajong, and Nuer do construct substantial structural units in their seasonal pastures; and take advantage of them seasonally in each succeeding year. The migration cycle in these communities involved some fixed places for a long period. The recurrence of the same land use or resource exploitation pattern makes the investment on more substantial architecture a rational step towards provisioning shelters. Therefore, the preservation of the studied campsites from different parts of Gujarat though is without a solution, but it does not rule out the possibility that the pastoralists in the archaeological past did build some substantial structural units. Their presence or absence can only be ascertained after conducting a detailed exploration.

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made up of stones with cement plastering, other structures being built in mud. The tilted roof slopes to both the sides from the middle of the living room, thus covering the verandah. The floor is made out of well-rammed clay collected from the nearby ponds, and at rare occasions, is covered with stone slabs. The houses of Bharwads though differ in the plan from other community of the village, yet they are as substantial as any other house in the village. The material used in the construction is same in both the cases.

Shelters in Pastoral Home base: Substantial Architectures Though most part of the year is spent either in the tents or in the huts, Bharwads and Rabaris have their semipermanent to permanent dwellings at some place, which is considered as their home base. Let us now discuss the substantial architectural features that are found associated with pastoral communities of Gujarat.

The Bharwads occupy a single lane in the village Takhalgarh, where the rest of the population is agriculturist. The houses of Bharwads are located in the southeastern periphery of the settlement. All the houses faced towards east. A narrow lane overlooking the agricultural fields at the boundary of the settlement joins the entrances of the individual Bharwad houses. Their houses are built almost on the same plan, on a narrow plot measuring 10 meter in width and 20meters in length. The living rooms are found on the extreme back of the plot leaving the rest of the area to be used as a courtyard. Individual houses, in general, consist of only one living room (5m by 3.5m). The verandah (2.5m by 5m) runs across the length of the living room; and is used as a multipurpose space. The right corner of the verandah is used as kitchen, where domestic hearth and an elevated platform for storing water are found. A mud boundary wall surrounds the courtyard. The entrance door to the whole complex is located either in the middle or to one side of the boundary wall. A low roofed shed, for keeping rams and calves is found on one side of the courtyard. The shed is open from three sides and the boundary wall provides coverage from the fourth side. The living rooms are

Now let us take into account the architectural features of Resamia. The village is primarily a Rabari village, but Bharwads and few other artisans also live in the village. The plan of the houses is almost same in every case. The houses are generally single room structures with verandah in the front. It opens to a large courtyard, which is found enclosed by a boundary wall. A separate house unit is constructed for each married brother within the same compound. If the herd size is large, the herd is penned outside the settlement on the fields or in the plots owned by the household in the periphery of the settlement. The calves are brought home and kept within the compound wall. In few instances, a separate shed is constructed for them.

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water logging around the wand. An addition of cow dung is made to the soil and pestled to increase its binding capacity. After preparing the soil, the platform is raised to a height of 30 to 40 cms. The ground plan of the Kuba is circular. The walls of the Kuba are raised over this platform about 1.5 meters in elevation. The extension of the raised platform in front of the Kuba is used for sitting. The walls are made up of mud and no use of the stone or brick is made in the construction.

One of the notable features of the construction of the houses is that they lack any under ground foundation. The settlement is located on a stony ground where digging a sub-ground foundation is difficult. The base of the wall is wide and slowly tapers to the top. Heavy stones are used at the base and the size of the stones used towards the top diminishes gradually. This gives the wall the requisite strength and stability. It was noted in most of the wall that the inner face is kept straight while the outer face slants in varying angles to the ground. The degree of inclination of the outer face depends on the width of the base of the wall.

The roof of the Kuba, resting upon a circular wall and a centre pole takes a conical shape. The central pole, a strong wooden shaft firmly dug into the floor, holds the centre of the gravity of the roof. The wooden bars rest on this central pole at one end and the other end rests on the walls of the Kuba. The bars are firmly tied to each other to impart strength to the roof. On the skeleton of this wooden structure the Kuba is thatched with grass or palm leaves. The stiff inclination of the roof ensures an easy drainage of the rainwater.

The evidence of another distinct type of house structure comes from Tuna Wand, a village from the southern Kutch. This is an exclusive settlement of Rabaris who spend their rainy season here. The rest of the year this settlement either is abandoned fully or is partially occupied by a section of the population. The settlement over looks the seashore, which forms a part of the Nakti creek. It is built on sandy stretch of land along the shoreline where no definite plan in the organization of houses in noticed. There are no planed streets in the settlement. The open space existing between the houses serves as the common access to every house. Mostly the houses occur in clusters of three to five.

The Kuba thus provides a single room shelter to be used for multiple purposed. The internal decoration of the Kuba is carefully done to match the taste of the resident. In general, a wardrobe made of mud, faces the entrance of the Kuba. The wardrobe stands on multiple legs, the number of legs being based upon the size of the wardrobe. The wardrobe usually consists of three cabinets; the cabinet in the middle is larger than the other two. This central cabinet is used for keeping the clothes and generally has a frontal opening. A doubly bifurcated door covers the opening of the cloth cabinet. Both the sides of the cabinets are used for storing

The houses found in the wands are different from those of the agricultural communities. These houses are known as Kuba. The Kuba is built over a raised platform made up of compact mud. The fine sedimentary soil is collected from the shore of the creek and from other

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grains and other household articles. On the top of the cloth cabinet, the mattress and blankets are piled.

communities in India, such as Gaddis and Bakarwals have permanent settlements that they consider as their original homeland. Maiti (1994: 109) gives the following account of Bakarwal homestead: “These are made of mud and have a rectangular form and upper portions are thatched by straw with the help of bamboo and wooden sticks as beams and rafters. There is no separate kitchen in the room… roofs of the new houses are flat and covered by mud and grass. Wooden bars are kept on the wall in a parallel way as rafters and then hard clay and grasses are placed on them. They do repair their houses after one year when they return from their summer pastures. There are several holes made in each side of the wall with an intention to keep the room airy. Only one door is kept for each room. The same room is used for various purposes…within the room one side is used for cooking purposes and another portion is kept for domestic animals. Almost half portion is used for sleeping and other household purposes.” These permanent house structures are not the only type of architectural feature among Bakarwals. They either construct huts or use tiny portable tents while they are on the move. They build their huts with the leaves of popler and woods under the tree shade. The kitchen is located either inside or outside the tent/hut. The huts are destroyed as the strings and wooden poles are collected to be used for laying down new huts.

The left hand side of the Kuba is generally used as the cooking area. The hearth is built over a slightly raised platform. Provision for a small window is found on the wall facing the hearth for quick passage of smoke. There is a special cabinet for the food items and utensils to the right hand side of the hearth. The uppermost shelves of the kitchen cabinet are closed and used for storing the cooking ingredients and cooked food. The shelf below is kept open for accommodating the utensils of daily use. In between the kitchen shelf and the hearth, a platform is found for storage purpose. This platform is attached to the wall of the Kuba from one side and to the wall of the kitchen cabinet from the other side. A leg is constructed to extend support to the platform in the diametrically opposite corner demarcated by the intersection of the wall of the Kuba and the wall of the kitchen cabinet. Thus, the space below the storage platform provides accommodation for storing dry twigs to be used as fuel for cooking. As soon as the men return from their migrated place, they clean and repair the interior of the Kuba to make it liveable. An elaborate decoration of the wardrobe and the kitchen cabinet is made to impart it an aesthetic look. Myriad floral and graphic designs adorning the frontal face of the cabinets are executed by appliqué and pinching methods. Mirrors fixed on the wall of the cabinets give a dazzling look to the designs made on it.

Todas of Nilgiri reside in a typical barrelvaulted hut. There are several hamlets of Todas in Nilgiri; some hamlets are regularly occupied while others are used only for short periods each year to maintain ritual continuity or to serve as a base during the dry season migration of buffaloes to better pastures. A typical Toda settlement comprises one to five dwelling huts, one to three dairy buildings, at least one buffalo pen, one or more calf-sheds. The dwellings are habitually built next to each other, and are usually surrounded by a fence with an entrance wide enough to admit a man not a buffalo. The construction of the

Substantial Architecture: Other Indian Pastoral Communities Several scholars make an analogous observation on different pastoral groups in Indian sub-continent. Following paragraphs compile these observations on the architectures of these pastoral groups to get a wider perspective on this particular issue. Himalayan pastoral 96

against wolves, which must have been a big threat formerly. The sheep of those families who have no vadas are kept in a huge flock in a square in the middle of the vadi. In general they use stone walled huts with the canvas as the roof.” (Ibid)

traditional Toda hut is of special interest to us. Walker gives the following description: “The designs of the traditional dwelling hut and dairy building is barrel vaulted, with the half barrel shaped roof and side walls projecting little distance beyond the front and rear walls. The round part of the roof is made of rattan, supported by cross poles of hard wood or bamboo, and grass is used for thatching… The front and rear walls of these buildings are formed by a line of heavy wooden planks, tallest in the middle, sunk vertically into the ground. Formerly these wall planks were hewn from shoal trees, which the Toda felled with axes, split with wedges and smoothed with adzes; today acacia and eucalyptus timber as well as the indigenous wood is used. Although the old way of preparing the house planks has not been abandoned entirely, few people who still put up traditional houses now mostly buy sawn planks, while stone slabs are often used in the end walls of dairies. Gaps are filled with mixture of wood chips, clay and buffalo dung. A doorway is made in the right or left centre plank of the front wall, so small that a person might be on hands and knees to enter or leave the building… Outside the hut to the left and right of the entrance and sheltered by the projecting roof, are two sitting platforms of clay.” (Walker 1986: 47)

Substantial Architecture: More Examples We can further extend the investigation to other pastoral communities in African and Asian contexts. Audonze and Jarrige (1991) give a good description of Pathan tents that are partly made of mud construction, hence a chance of being preserved in archaeological record. “Pathan tents are fabric tents of army type, erected on low mud walls similar to the walls often used for auxiliary buildings in the sedentary villages. The walls are round one meter high except in the rear of the tent where they can reach 1.5 meter though the living space is functionally organized, there is no construction inside portion, only two squares, 1m wide in the centre (in the middle of which is put a fire-pan) and the other in a corner with a pavement of pebbles used for washing. Poor families cannot afford to won a fabric tent. They build higher walls around a smaller rectangular space and can be compared to cruder building technique of sedentary villages.” Features of archaeological importance in a Pathan household unit are: wall foundations, hearths, floors beaten of earth, the base of clay boxes and silos, and stones on which the bins rest. The pens for the family herd are set up at the side of the tent so that they can be easily watched.

Dhangars in Maharashtra also have fixed home bases known as Vadis. The composition of these vadis differ from one another; “some vadis are part of a village, that is, they are situated at the out skirt of a village inhabited by other communities; some vadis are entirely inhabited by Dhangars, though some inhabitants devote themselves to agriculture; and other vadis, however, are still entirely populated by nomadic Dhangars. (Sontheimer 1975). “The rainy season brings cold and gusty winds and therefore some Dhangar families have vadas, enclosure of undressed stones, piled up without the use of mortar, about 2 m high and crowned with thorny bushes (babul). These also serve as protection

Banning and Rollefson (1992) express optimism for possibility of survival of the pastoral sites in their study in Beidha region in southern Jordan. They report: “In contrast to the exceptions of many archaeologists who view pastoral camps as ephemeral sites without substantial traces that would enter the archaeological record, most of the tent sites we surveyed boasted a wealth of architectural features. While these generally hastily constructed, 97

cloth. These huts are called rondehuise. The more complicated method, and that used for more long-term camps, is to weave the pole structure. This is known as dwarshuis. Traditionally cyperus mats are laid on the top of the pole structure. However, today many of those huts have only pieces of hessian or plastic covering. In fact, another camp type, even less formal, was a simple semi-circular windbreak made from Galensis africana or Euphobia shrub about a meter high.”

and are rarely more than two stones in height, the fact that the stone employed in construction are quite large makes them difficult to eradicate from the archaeological landscape as most other rural sites.” (Ibid: 195). The idea of mobile pastoralists without portable shelters and large baggage animals seems quite strange in the near east and Steppe region. Nevertheless, to those who are more familiar to African conditions, it sounds quite unusual. The risk from the predatory animals in Africa is much more than these two regions. Hence, the provision for security to the domestic herd becomes the focal point in the architectural designs of African pastoralists. African pastoralists use several fenced compounds as fixed bases in their transhumant life, they are known as cattle Kraals. “From African perspective, tents are useless if you can not protect your animals, and without tents there is no need to maintain a herd of baggage animals beyond a few donkeys” (Barfield 1993: 22). The cattle Kraals are substantial architectural features that can be hoped to form an archaeological database.

Himbas of Namibia are reported to use special beehive shaped huts. “The semipermanent houses of this group are made from small saplings stuck in the ground in a bee-hive form, and then plastered with a mixture of mud and dung” (Smith 1992: 189). Kinahan (1986) reports prehistoric pastoral sites around the Brandberg and on the Skeleton coast. The region is a rocky region and is suitable for pastoral exploitation. He found rocks used in building windbreaks around the hut structures. He could recover the complete lay out of the camp, due to the use of heavy stones that have high survival possibility. Very little in the way of cultural material was found associated with these structures. This was limited to a few pieces of pottery, some flakes, and ostrich egg shell.

Cattle Kraal however is not a universal feature among African pastoralists. For example, Khois do not construct Kraals; instead, their camp is enclosed with a great round fence of thorn with gateways. Within this fence, round the circumference are their huts. In the great open space in the centre, the cattle are herded at night. Special enclosure is made for the calves and lambs. The adult animals just lie in front of the owner’s hut at night. Smith (1992) gives the following account of Khoi hut: “They are typically a framework of bent poles shaped by wetting the wood, then allowing it to dry between pegs hammered into the ground and trees. Holes are dug in the ground in a circular pattern and then the poles are placed in these and tied together. Two methods of forming the pole structure are used. The simplest is just the poles laid over each other and tied together with strips of

Western and Dunne (1977) studied the Masais in Ambroseli basin Kenya. They write: “ Massai homesteads are a collection of substantial oval dwellings with the top and side coated with a mixture of dung and mud. These are meant to last for a long time and upto seven or eight years are not uncommon. They are positioned around the inside perimeter of a thorn bush fence that is designed to keep predators out and herd animals in.” The ethnographic study of the present pastoral settlements in Gujarat has revealed the following facts: 1. The pastoralists are quite an adaptive group to both the cultural and ecological conditions prevailing at any given time

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Their presence, absence, or separate existence elsewhere from the rainy season home base shelters depends on the herding requirement in a particular year.

horizon. The ecological adaptation is manifested by their mobility from a constrained eco-zone to a more suitable eco-zone. The extreme form of ecological adaptation is found in change of herd composition, in both number of the domestic animals kept and the species composition of the herd. Inclusion of agriculture to their pastoral activities in supplementary capacity further defines another milieu in their adaptational strategy. Their co-existence with the agricultural population within a settlement exposes another set of adaptational modification both in subsistence as well as in cultural level for survival.

6. It has been observed that the rainy season camps are strategically located on the foothills or in sandy surfaces where the rainwater does not form a water logging. This is done to secure the domestic animals from getting infection in their hoofs. The hoofs show swelling in this disease, which affects the mobility of the affected animals. The particular disease is known as Khavda in vernacular. The animals are kept out of mud in the monsoon to prevent this disease. The implications being, the ‘home lands’ of the pastoralists are located either on the hill-slopes in stony out crops of mountainous areas, or in the coastal sand dunes where such condition is obtainable.

2. The pastoralists who stay in the agricultural village settlements have their permanent houses. In the rainy season, the young and able male members migrate to the hilly agriculturally excluded areas with their herds. They set up a temporary camp there to stay for the rainy season. However, the old people, women, and children take a comfortable shelter in their households in the village.

7. The pastro-agricultural population, which primarily clings to a vast stretch of pastureland, nonetheless, exploits the available patches of cultivable land in the flat valleys; strategically locate their settlements on an alleviated landscape. This provides them clear visibility over the surrounding landscape and leaves more space in the valley to be covered in agriculture. The quick drainage of the rainwater from the area prevents water logging in the area, which provides safe penning space for the domestic herds. Hence, their settlements are to be expected in the foothills of the mountainous regions, which provide enough pastures too.

3. The pastoralists who are indulged in the agricultural activity in supplementary capacity also follow the same strategy in the rainy season. Only the adult members migrate to the rainy season camps leaving behind the women and old people back at the settlement to look after the household and agricultural fields. In their case too the rainy season camps are temporary in nature. 4. The pastoralist groups who exist in relative isolation from the agricultural settlements and do not practice agriculture are back to their ‘home land’ in the rainy season. Here they possess houses made of mud-bricks and mudwalls for sheltering their women, old and children.

8. It is thus safe to conclude that the orientation of the pastoral settlements is diametrically opposite to the factors that govern the location of the agricultural settlements. The agricultural settlements are found along a perennial water source, viz., along the river basins or on the bank of natural or artificially created lakes/ponds. Thus, the agricultural settlements avoid the upper reaches or catchments areas of a river where the availability of water is seasonal only. To

5. To be concise, pastoralists in all these three variations of adaptational strategy ensure a climatic protection to the old, women and children in the rainy season. Adult men took the responsibility of herd.

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The human requirement of water is not given precedence, as the human requirement is too less that the water requirement of the herd. The water needed in the camp as well can be transported to the camp by the pack animal. Most of the water requirement of the human body is satisfied by the consumption of milk and buttermilk by pastoralists.

the contrary, the vast open forest and pasturelands in the mountainous catchments areas are potential eco-zones for pastoralists. Their mobility helps them to overcome the seasonal shortage of the water in these areas. So, the pastoral settlements show an obvious orientation towards the pasturelands. It is important to note that explorations in Mehsana by Bhan (1989) has revealed innumerous small sites in predominantly pasture areas in the eastern border of Little Ran of Kutch. The excavations in some of the sites have already established the pastoral nature of these settlements. Walking ahead in the direction pointed out by Bhan (1989) and with the present knowledge derived from the ethnographic study, following questions can be asked.

Spooner (1975: 175) reports from Baluchistan that “very often the camp will be situated on the terrace some 50 to 100 feets above a torrent bed which at that stretch of its course, and at that particular time, because of the shallowness of the gravel left over the bedrock of the last flood, happens to carry running water.” The same phenomenon of locating the camp higher up in the slope is also noticed among the Masais by Banning and Kohler-Rollefson (1992). “The farther down slope a Masai pitched his camp, the greater would be the impact of sheet wash during the rainy season. During rainstorms the volume of runoff on the lower slopes would be much greater than higher up, and a camp on the lower slopes would become a quagmire of mud and dung. (Banning and Kohler-Rollefson 1992)”. Western and Dunne (1979: 88) provides further explanation for the location of the pastoral camps in highlands: “Not only this is difficult to walk through for cattle in poor condition after a long dry season, but it leads to out breaks of fleas”. Lawrence (1926: 72) reports the Bedouin choice of pitching their camps on “some swelling dunes of weedy sand in an elbow of the valley where they would keep above the damp remnants of winter rain”. Pastoral camps in the region of Beidha in southern Jordan are reported to have some correlation with the soil type. Pastoralists of the south Jordan “try to avoid light-coloured, specially white soils, because these lighter soils are colder at night and because the lower temperature cause considerable stress and reduces the milk yields”. In a dry climate like that of southern Jordan the chances of the dust storms in the small-grained

1. Whether archaeological sites exist in the predominant pasture zones in the catchment areas? 2. If archaeological sites in these areas exist, does their location follow the same relationship to their landscape as suggested by the ethnographic study? Before we discuss the details of this exploration, let us stretch out our working hypothesis. In this exercise, we will use the ethnographic understanding of the location of the campsites and settlements of different pastoral communities. The availability of water and pasture for the domestic herd is the most important consideration in selecting a place for camping or in establishing a semipermanent settlement. The forage and water requirement of the herd depends on the species composition of the herd. In case of Bedouins who keep camels, the camp can be located several kilometres away form the water point. But, the cattle herd is kept close to the water source as their water requirement is more and they need to be watered more frequently than any other domestic animals. If cattle have to walk a long distance for water, then in their return they will spend a lot of energy through a dehydration process, which may affect the yield of the milk.

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light soil is more. This is another reason for avoiding the lighter soils for pitching the camps on such locations.

direction. This region is covered by mountain ranges, which vary from 700 to 1100 feets. The highest peak of this mountain range is situated at Chotila whose height is 1127 feets. The region is extremely hilly in the western part with very small valleys within the hill ranges. The eastern part is rather open with wider valleys and has a gentler slope to the east. The northern part is covered by a mountain range known as Mandav range. The northern slope of this range serves as the catchment for river Bambhan and Phulka, whereas, the southern slope has an extension to the region under consideration here. The drainage lines of this southern slope of the Mandav range passes through the gentle slopes of wide valleys and joins the river Bhogava which flows to the east. Stiffer hills in the northern portion of the region are the catchment for river Beti. The southwestern part of the region is primarily drains the water to west flowing Bhadar. Similarly, the southeastern part of the region is the catchment zone for the east flowing Keri River.

Todas of Nilgiri use the natural gradients of the mountain slope to provide security to their buffalo pens (Walker 1986). To sum up, the choice of the camp location depends on health, security, productive, and reproductive capabilities of the livestock (please refer Krader 1959, Barth 1961, Marx 1977, McHugh 1974, Matthews 1978, Crib 1984, and Johnson 1969 for more examples). Pastoralists of the Harappan times must have responded to these general concerns in locating camps and settlements. Hence, these parameters should be taken into account in the explorations to find out the sites. The sites in such locations will have greater probability of pastoral linkage. Once such sites are explored and recorded, it is only then possible to investigate into their pastoral identity. Hence, exploration of sites in such landscape is the primary and the most crucial step in the study of pastoral communities in archaeological record.

The western part of this region gets relatively more rainfall than the eastern portion. The western part receives 60 cms average rainfall annually. The rainfall in eastern part varies within a range from 45 to 55 cms annually. The region however receives the highest rainfall in the months of July and August. Almost around two third of the annual rainfall occurs in these two months. In other months of the year, the region almost remains dry. Irrigation facilities in this region are almost negligible. Bajra is the chief crop cultivated in this region. Groundnut and Jowar are also cultivated in this region in a limited extent. The eastern part of the region, the cotton is cultivated in 10-30 % of the total cultivable area. (Govt. Of India 1976)

Thus, the objective of the exploration conducted in the mountainous regions of central Kathiawar is to provide answer to the aforementioned questions. The central part of Kathiawar is the catchment zone for five important river systems, viz., the Bhogava, the east flowing Bhadar, Keri, west flowing Bhadar, and river Beti. A test exploration was conducted in this area to identify sites belonging to different periods in this zone. The size of these settlements was estimated and the surrounding landscape was noted.

The Region Explored: Ecology Before we deal with the results of the exploration, let us discuss the overall ecological condition of the area covered in the exploration. The region is called as “Panchal” in the locality. This forms a cultural identity of the people inhabited in this zone. The area extends from 22o 30’ 00’’ N to 22o 00’ 00’’ N co-ordinates in north-south direction; and from 71o 30’ 00’’ E to 71o 00’ 00’’ E in east-west

Report of the Exploration Following are the sites discovered during the exploration expedition in the abovementioned region. The details of the location of the site along with the pottery 101

repertories obtained by the random sampling of the surface of the site is provided primarily to ascertain the cultural phases represented in the site. The size of these sites was recorded as an approximate value wherever the sites were found disturbed.

Red Slipped ware: the ware is made of an admixture of clay and sand. A thin layer of red slip on the outer surface is the distinctive feature of this ware. The ware is wheel made, but no painting was noticed on any of the potsherds. Micaceous Red Ware: The fabric is coarse and the mica content is pretty noticeable in the core and in the surface of the pottery. It is wheel made and well fired.

a. Kantharia: Coordinates: 22o 12’ 30’’N & 71o 11’ 00’’ Kantharia lays four-kilometre southwest to Anandpur. The ancient site is close to the village known as Kantharia. It lies on the uppermost catchment area of river Beti. A hill range extends in northwest direction to the west of Anandpur. The ancient site of Kantharia lies on the foothills of this hill range. There are numerous water channels around the site, which carries off the rainwater to the major drainage line of river Beti. The tableland on the top of the nearby hill range provides grassland with sparsely distributed shrub vegetation. The cultivable lands are found scattered around Anandpur; while the vast area to the west of the site is hilly and a potential pastureland to sustain a sizable herd of domestic animals.

Harappan Red Ware: A single rim sherd was identified as Harappan red ware. It is evident from its distinctive characters. The sherd is well fired and made of well-levigated clay. The surface id treated with red slip. Thin Red slipped Ware: It is made of well-levigated clay and is very well fired. The slip is quite evenly imparted on the surface, particularly on the external surface and in the rim portion. In all probability the inner side of these vessels do not seem to be slipped.

b. Kalasar: Co-ordinates: 22o 04’ 30’’N & 71o 20’ 15’’E The ancient site lies one kilometre south of the village Kalasar. The site lies on a tableland with a gentle slope towards west. The west flowing Bhadar collects water from innumerous small streams from this tableland. The extent of the agricultural land around is limited to a radius of one kilometre; beyond it lays the pastureland on the hill slopes surrounding it.

Ceramics: Black-and-Red Ware: The porous section of this ware suggests that the fabric of this ware is made of an admixture of sand and clay. The outer surface is treated with red slip; and the inner side is black in colour and devoid of slip. Majority of the black and red ware sherds are wheel-made; but a single piece uneven in thickness seems to be hand modelled. The slip on the surface is highly damaged due to rolling and weathering.

Ceramics: Grey Ware: the grey ware is made of coarse sandy material and mostly found in thick variety. Some of them show burnishing on their external surface. Incision designs are found on some of the potsherds. Mostly, the sherds seem to be parts of pots or flat ‘tavas’.

Grey/Black ware: the grey/black ware is represented by a single rim sherd. It is made of clay with a considerable amount of admixture of sand in it. The section is uniformly fired, but limited sample of this ware prevents from making any further remarks.

Red Ware: It is made out of coarse material with a lot of tampering material

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Fine Grey Ware: this is represented in the sample by a single sherd only. It is made of well-levigated clay. It is well fired and produces a metallic sound. Incised vertical lines are found as decorative elements in the neck and shoulder portion. The outer surface shows better finishing than the inner surface.

added to it. The ware is wheel made and incised designs are also found on some of the sherds. A channel spout recovered belongs to this ware. Red Slipped Ware: The fabric is coarse due to admixture of sand in the clay. The slip is generally found on the outer surface of the pots. The black streak in the section indicates a poor firing condition.

d. Rathapana: Co-ordinates: 22o 19’ 00’’N & 71o 11’ 00’’E

Burnished Red Ware: It is made of coarse fabric; the distinctive feature is that its external surface is burnished.

The ancient site of Rathapana is situated on a mountain top flat tableland providing a good view of the landscape around. The terrain is extremely mountainous and soil depth is quite shallow to allow any sort of agricultural activity. Drainage lines, descending down the tableland merge to the Jamburi River, which ultimately joins river Beti.

c. Khandahar Hadmatia: Co-ordinates: 22o 04’ 00’’N & 71o 18’ 30’’E Khandahar Hadmatia is located five kilometres west to the village Kalasar. Unlike Kalasar, it is situated on the hill slope and is closer to the hill range. There are small streams around the site, which collect rainwater and drain it to the west flowing Bhadar. Agricultural lands are only limited to the eastern side; on the three other sides vast expanse of pastureland is found.

Ceramics: Grey Ware: It occurs both in thick and thin varieties. It is made of coarse material added with impurities. Nonetheless, it is well fired and the outer surface is smooth. Incised vertical slashes are found as decorative items on the outer surface in the shoulder portion.

Ceramics: Red Ware: It is made of coarse material with a lot of admixture of clay sand and other tampering materials. Perhaps due to high rolling condition the slip is lost from the surface. The ware is wheel made and the core does not suggest a good firing condition in which it is baked.

Red Ware: Made of coarse fabric with sand and other impurities. Mostly it is medium thick and devoid of slip. Red Slipped Ware: the fabric is coarse, but a thick layer of slip is found on the external surface. Some of the sherds contain black painting on the red slipped background.

Red Slipped Ware: the ware is wheel made and made of coarse material. It occurs in both thick and thin varieties. The thicker variety has more impurities than the thinner variety. The slip is found on the external portion, the rim portion in the internal side is also applied with slip.

Black-and-Red Ware: A thick variety of black and red ware is found which is made of coarse material added with sand and other tampering materials.

Grey Ware: it is made of coarse material with a lot of sand in it. The ware is wheel made and devoid of any slip. One of the thinner sherds seems to have slip/burnishing on its outer surface.

e. Samadhiala: Co-ordinates: 22o 03’ 30’’N & 71o 08’ 30’’E The ancient site is located six kilometres north of village Samadhiala. The village 103

Samadhiala lies in the centre of a large valley. But, the ancient site is found on the northern periphery of the valley on the hill slope. Agricultural expansion is stretched in the whole of the valley. But, the northern hill range, on which foothill the ancient site is located, is suitable for pastures. There are innumerable drainage lines, which descend from this hill range; running through the valley join either the drainage channel of Karmar river that falls into Bhadar or directly join the later.

found on the outer surface only. It occurs in both thick and thin varieties. They are highly rolled and most of the sherds are heavily encrusted which prevents from making out of other characteristics of this ware.

Ceramics:

g. Udna:

Red Ware: this ware is coarse in fabric and occasionally found to be treated with a red wash on its outer surface.

Co-ordinates: 22o 27’ 30’’N & 71o 14’ 00’’E

Buff Ware: this is also made of welllevigated clay and is well fired. The surface is treated with a buff colour slip on which paintings in black colour is found.

The ancient site Udna is located onekilometre southwest of the village Rupavati. The site is located in the base of a valley, which is irregularly interspersed with small hillocks. Northern and western periphery of the valley within a distance of four kilometres gradually takes a lift to merge with a gently sloping hill range. The hill range provides a vast stretch of pastureland with shrub vegetation. The rainwater from these hill range and hillocks drains out to the Bhogava river system through the valley.

Red Slipped Ware: the fabric is coarse and mixed with sand. The ware is made in poor baking conditions, as it is evident from the unoxidised core of the section. White paintings are administered over a thick layer of red slip. Grey Ware: this occurs both in thick and thin varieties. The fabric is coarse and wheel made. Some of the sherds show burnishing on the surface. Fine Grey Ware: this is made of fine levigated clay and is wheel made. The outer surface is smoothened by application of a thin layer of slip uniformly on it.

Ceramics: Red Ware: the fabric is coarse and contains a lot of sand in it. Occasionally the external surface is found treated with red colour wash. It occurs in thick to medium thick varieties. Paintings either in black or in white colour are noticed on it.

f. Kundanpur: Co-ordinates: 22o 07’ 15’’N & 71o 13’ 30’’E The ancient site of Kundanpur lies three kilometres west of the village Parvela. The site is found on an alleviated surface in an undulating landscape. The hill range around the site emerges from this undulating landscape within a distance of few kilometres. The site has an access to a vast stretch of pastureland around. The drainage lines take the run off rainwater to the river Bhadar.

Red Slipped Ware: it is made of clay mixed with sand. The surface is treated with a thick layer of red slip. It occurs in medium thick variety. Grey Ware: It is made of coarse material with a lot of sand component in it. Incised designs on the neck and shoulder portion in noticed.

Ceramics: Harappan Red Ware: this is made of well-levigated clay and is wheel made. The potteries are well fired and the slip is 104

h. Devpur:

j. Reshamia-I: o

’

’’

o

’

Co-ordinates: 22o 21’ 00’’N & 71o 12’ 30’’E

Co-ordinates: 22 06 00 N & 71 16 00’’E The ancient site of Devpur is located on the bank of a small stream, which forms a part of Bhadar river system. Habitation deposit is found on both side of the stream, which divides the narrow valley into two equal halves. Except the southern side, a hill range in three other sides encloses the valley. The southern opening of the valley gives passage to the stream to join river Bhadar. The hill range holds a good grass cover along with a thin shrub forest.

The present village Resamia stands on the top of the ancient habitation. The site is located on the top of a gently slopping hillock in the middle of a flat valley surrounded by hill ranges. It was difficult to make out the extent of the ancient habitation, due to the presence of modern buildings on the top of it. However, the ancient potteries were found out only from the southern periphery of the present settlement. The extent of the site will not measure more than 100m in width and 150m in length. The surrounding mountain range contains a good grass cover and a shrub forest, which is distributed on it in patches. The drainage lines passes out of this valley in a narrow gap between two hillocks in the north. Flowing to the north it joins the river Beti.

Ceramics: Red Ware: The fabric is coarse and contains sand and other tampering materials. A red wash is often found on the external surface. Grey Ware: It is found in thick to medium thick varieties. The fabric is exceedingly coarse and contains sand in a greater proportion. Slip is found on some of the sherds in the external surface.

Ceramics: As the present Rabari settlement is found on the top of the ancient habitation, surface collection from the site was not possible. A small trial pit was taken in the courtyard of one of the household in the southern part of the settlement. This trial trench revealed 0.37 m thick habitation deposit, which rests upon virgin level of white concord soil. The stratigraphy in this pit shows three distinct layers. The layer (1), the top-most layer is thin and hardly 0.06 m in thickness. The next layer, layer (2), starting from the depth of 0.07m continues up to 0.18 m. The third layer, layer (3) continues up to 0.37 m, down below is the white concord soil that is found around the settlement. The ceramics related to these layers are given below.

i. Bhojpura: Co-ordinates: 22o 16’ 30’’N & 71o 12’ 15’’E The ancient site of Bhojpura is situated on the flat top of a hillock. The surrounding area is a hilly terrain with a very limited agricultural expansion. The area can be considered as primarily pastureland with few shrubs growing in patches. The region forms the primary catchment zone for river Jamburi that joins river Beti.

Ceramics: Red Ware: This ware is made of coarse fabric. Some of the sherds show burnishing on their surface.

Layer (1): Red Ware: Red ware of coarse fabric was recovered from this top layer. There are white paintings on some of the body sherds. A pale red coloured pottery with white paintings on its body and neck portion is also noticed. Pots, deep basins

Grey Ware: The fabric is coarse and it occurs in thick to medium thick varieties. Some of the sherds show burnishing on their surface.

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and flat frying pans (tava) are some of the shapes more prominent in this ware.

k. Resamia-II (Kholakpar): Co-ordinates: 22o 21’ 30’’N & 71o 12’ 30’’E One kilometre to the north of Resamia lie ruins of an ancient settlement locally known as Kholakpar. Piles of stones are found on a gently sloping surface; a close examination of which gives distinct plans of huts made of stone foundation. The extent of the site was estimated to be 200m in north-south and roughly 100m in east-west direction. The elevated land on which the site is found slopes to the east and then merges to the flat land of the valley. The rainwater drains out of the valley in shallow rain-gullies and finally pours the water into the main drainage line of Bhadar River.

Grey Ware: This ware is also made of coarse fabric and devoid of any slip. Most of them are parts of frying pans, which is used to make Chapati. This is the only shape noticed in this ware.

Ceramics:

Layer (2): Red Ware: It is made of coarse fabric and ill fired. The surface is devoid of any kind of wash or slip. The sherds were found in highly fragmented condition; hence it is not possible to reconstruct any shape in this ware.

Red Ware: The fabric is coarse. The unoxidised core suggests that it was made in poor firing conditions. Some of the sherds contain a black band on it. Grey ware: It occurs in both thick to medium thick varieties. The thicker variety is made of a coarse fabric with large granular sand particles, but the thinner one is added with comparatively finer grains of sand. In both the cases slip is found on the external surface. Incised designs are found in the body and neck portion of the pot.

Grey Ware: It is made of an admixture of clay and fine sand particles. Unlike the grey ware of layer (1), it is comparatively well fired. The outer surface is smooth and incised designs are found on it. Harappan Red Ware: Some sherds of fine red ware of Harappan kind is also found in this layer.

Thin Red slipped Ware: the ware is made of fine well-levigated clay and is well baked. A uniform, but thin layer of red slip is found on the external surface of this ware.

Layer (3): Harappan Red Ware: This lowest level of the habitation deposit here produces a single variety of ceramic. The ware is made of well-levigated clay and is well fired. The sherds are heavily weathered and in most of the cases the slip is lost. Only a few of the sherds show a range of shades in red slip applied to this ceramic type. The variation in the thickness is found from thin to medium thick varieties. A few of the rim sherds recovered from this trial pit suggest that small pots and bowls are the major shapes found in this site.

l. Hadmatia: Co-ordinates: 22o 14’ 00’’N & 71o 14’ 00’’E The ancient site is located three kilometres southwest to the village Hadmatia. The site is located on the top of an isolated hillock within a valley. The drainage lines pass through the valley collecting water from the hill range, which lies in the west. The western hill ranges contain a good coverage of pasturelands and the valley could sustain

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hillocks. Considering the positive result of this test exploration, efforts should be made to find out more sites in these marginal areas.

the agricultural activity in a limited extent.

Ceramics: Harappan Red Ware: Both thick and thin varieties are found in this ware. It is made of well-levigated clay and is well fired. The surface of the potsherds is found in heavily encrusted condition and seems to be highly rolled too. This fact prevents from commenting on other features of this ceramic form.

The Harappan linkage of four of these sites is been suggested by the presence of characteristic pottery i.e., Harappan Red Ware. Only in one site the Buff ware is recovered. The potsherds of the Harappan Red Ware were found in heavily weathered condition. The sites like Hadmatia, and Kundanpur have only cultural deposit belonging to Harappan period. But, the evidence from Resamia is quite interesting. A pastro-agricultural community presently inhabits the site. The evidence of the Harappan Red ware from this site comes from the lowest layer (3) in the test pit dug in the courtyard of a household in this village.

Result of the exploration Out of these twelve sites explored in this region, four sites bear evidence of the Harappan phase (Map 3.1). Apart from the Harappan characters, the inventory of the archaeological material obtained from this exploration suggests that the region has been constantly occupied. Let me remind you that we had got the reference from the historical sources that this region was under the control of pastoral chiefs at least up to the rise of Solankis in twelfth century.

Thus, it provides us the indication that sites like Resamia have remained occupied since Harappan times, though temporal gaps between two phases of human occupation is not ruled out. A detailed excavation of such a site would shed further light on the nature of subsistence practice and way of life of these ancient pastoral people.

The location of the sites here also confirms the hypothesis that the pastoral sites in mountain regions are found either on the hill slopes or on the top of the

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Map 3.1: Explored region and the location of archaeological sites.

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domestic space, or in the plan and lay out of their architectural units, the shape and size of the pots used. Such differences, which are more related to the specific needs of the subsistence-life, should be used for establishing their identity. Accordingly, we need to follow a different strategy for exploration and excavation of these sites so that these parameters are recovered, recorded, and used in the reconstruction. The exploration and excavation in this new perspective should be conducted in this region. These in the long run will help us in reconstructing the lifeways of the ancient societies in this region with more accuracy and details. As such efforts would take time, we will start with reexamining the existing archaeological database.

Conclusion: In the beginning of this chapter we discussed the methodological drift in the study of pastorals in archaeology. The ethnographic study of the ‘shelters’ of pastoral communities reveals that pastorals like other communities too indulge in constructing architectural units. The range of architectural units used and constructed by them varies from open air or temporary camps to substantial architectural units like any other communities. Thus pastoralists like any other subsistence groups have fair chance to be represented in the archaeological record. The challenge is to locate these archaeological remains and to study them in detail. The ethno-archaeological lessons on the preferred location of the pastoral settlements were used to know more probable locations of the archaeological material of the ancient pastoral communities. The exploration in such locations was rewarding. It resulted in locating pastoral settlements belonging to different time frames. Significantly, some of the sites also produced Harappan pottery. Hence, the pastoral activities now need not be presumed to exist, especially in the interstices of the settlement grid. Their archaeological materials can be located. Again, they may also be present within the supposed permanent settlements. Some of the rural small settlements may also belong to pastorals. The task now is to identify the pastoral remains, and segregate them from remains of the other subsistence groups. We need to study the subsistence life of the particular site and the region to establish criterions that will help us in segregation. It is natural that different subsistence groups will have similarity in their material culture. For example, all of them would use same kind of material for constructing their house and use the pots made by the same group of potters. However, they may differ in use of 109

CHAPTER-IV Pastoralists in Proto-historic Gujarat: Understanding the Cultural Milieu animals came to the limelight quite late. In the absence of such evidence, the emergence of the Indus civilisation was explained in diffusionist framework. The early literature on Harappan Civilisation by Marshall (1931), Wheeler (1953, 1966), Piggott (1950), Subbarao (1958), Sankalia (1960, 1974), Allchins (1968) and Fairservice (1971) are just a few important ones to reckon the emphasis on diffusion process from West-Asia to the Indus valley. However the recent workers (Gupta 1979, 1996; Bisht 1991, Mughal 1979) have emphasised on a distinct pattern of cultural growth in the Indus valley than West Asia. A detail exposition covering issues related to beginning of the Indus civilisation by Possehl (1999) provides a critical analysis of the vast gamut of data-base gathered from almost 200 sites in the Indus valley and its adjacent areas. As a result, the chronology and the periodisation of the proto-historic cultural phases have received a new format. The calibrated C14 dates in the recent past have changed the earlier chronological brackets of all the cultural complexes in the sub-continent. In a recent publication S.P. Gupta (1996) has summarized the result of the calibrated dates. Possehl (1999) provides a more detailed chronology based on calibrated C14 dates. The details of Possehl’s chronology is given below:

Introduction: The Fertile Crescent was believed to be the ‘core’ area where domestication of animal and plant took place. The Neolithic revolution thus commenced in the earliest date in the Fertile Crescent and in subsequent period it diffused to Central Asia, West Asia and then to South Asia. Archaeological investigations in the middle of the twentieth century were intensified all over the world. As new evidences were obtained from different regions about the domestication process of the plants and animals, the sole importance attached to the Fertile Crescent as the ‘cradle of Civilisation’ was refuted. These views in stead identified numerous core areas where the domestication of the plants and animals started almost contemporaneously. Numerous sites belonging to the Lithic Age indicating human existence in Pleistocene were discovered from all over the Indian sub-continent. The cultural sequence from the Lower Palaeolithic to Neolithic was well substantiated by the lithic tools that technologically matched other such evidences recovered elsewhere in the world. Though the pre-historic occupation of the sub-continent was proved beyond any doubt, the written history available for the sub-continent started from the Mauryas. Though, the cultural antiquity of the sub-continent was pushed back to the third millennium BC after the discovery of Harappan Civilisation, yet, the hiatus between the Lithic-Age and Harappans remained a speculative arena which endorsed hypotheses regarding the prehistoric migrations from West and Central Asia to the frontier areas of the sub-continent.

Stage one: Beginning of village farming communities and pastoral camps Kili Ghul Mohammad phase 7000-5000 BC Burj Basket marked phase 5000-4300 BC Stage two: Developed village farming communities and pastoral societies Togau Phase 4300-3800 BC

Archaeological evidences in the subcontinent suggesting change from Mesolithic hunting gathering subsistence to Neolithic domestication of plants and 110

Kechi Beg Phase

Lustrous Red Ware Phase 1600-1300 BC Cemetery H Phase

3800-3200 BC

1900-

Stage Three: Early Harappan four phases thought to have been generally contemporaneous

1500 BC Swat Valley Period IV 1650-1300 BC Late Harappan Phase in Haryana and western UP 1900-1300 BC Late Harappan Painted Grey Ware Overlap Phase 1300-1000 BC Early Gandhara Grave Culture Phase 1700-1000 BC

Amri-Nal Phase 3200-2600 BC Kot Dijian Phase 3200-2600 BC Sothi-Siswal Phase 3200-2600 BC Damb Sadat Phase 3200-2600 BC Stage Four: The Harappan Transition

Early-Mature

Stage Seven: Early Iron Age of northern India and Pakistan

Early-Mature Harappan Transition 2600-2500 BC

Late Pirak 1000-700 BC Painted Grey Ware 1100-500 BC Late Gandharan Grave Culture 1000-600 BC

Stage Five: Mature Harappan Five Phases thought to have been generally contemporaneous Sindhi Harappan Phase 2500-1900 BC Kulli Harappan Phase 2500-1900 BC Sorath Harappan Phase 2500-1900 BC Punjabi Harappan Phase 2500-1900 BC Eastern Harappan Phase 2500-1900 BC

THE GENESIS: Domestication of Plants and Animals: The domestication of the plants and animals receives a phenomenal importance in the study of social and cultural development of human beings as it redefined the man and nature relationship. The domestication process starts with the identification of potential domesticate animal and plant species in the eco-niche; and in a subsequent period, the human intervention in their life-cycle brings a genotypic change to make them distinct from their wild counterpart. “Animal domestication, in case of food species, can be defined as being a selective diachronic process of change in human animal relationships involving at the very least, a shift of focus from the dead to the living animal and, more particularly, from obtaining and distributing the products of the dead animal to securing and selectively maintaining the most important product

Two related Phases in adjacent regions thought to be generally contemporaneous with the Mature Harappan Phase Quetta Phase 2500-1900 BC Late Kot Diji Phase 2500-1900 BC Stage Six: Post-urban Harappan Phase Jhukar Phase 1900-1800 BC Early Pirak Phase 1800-1000 BC Late Sorath Harappan Phase 1900-1600 BC

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of the living animal(Meadow 1992).”

its

domestic characteristics. Thus, presence of the remains of wild, domestic, and transitional forms at a site is good evidence for local domestication (Bokonyi 1969). “Using these criteria, an assemblage can be considered as a whole so long as one can accept the assumption that variation in the material, in fact, reflects a temporal sequence telescoped into a single horizon. Such “time averaging” procedures are unavoidable when working with archaeological materials that often must be grouped in order to create statistically usable assemblages. A more dynamic approach, however, is to deal with the material by level, period, or other meaningful temporal unit and to attempt to discern trends over the course of time.” (Meadow 1992)

progeny

Similarly, the plant domestication can be perceived as an extension of the gathering activities of the early human beings. The early man gathered the seeds and fruits when they were ready for the consumption. His relationship with the plant was only confined to the productive phase of the life cycle of the concerned plant species. Gradually the man-plant relation changed from the temporary interest of collecting the fully-grown seeds in the productive phase to a more extended relationship that closely associated human beings in the whole life cycle of the plant. The degree of man’s interference in the life cycle of the domesticated plant gradually increased from the incipient agriculture to advance irrigated agricultural practice. Consequently, man invested more time and energy to secure an unhindered growth rate to the domesticated plant species. A more permanent interest in the plants, thus, might have induced the need to settle down at a particular place.

It seems that there is some relationship between the domestication of animals and the beginning of agriculture. It has been concluded that the domestication of bovid and pigs in the Middle East took place in the context of cereal crop cultivation and settled village life (Mellart 1975, Redman 1978, Bar-Yosef 1981, 1982, 1987, Hole 1987, Henry 1989). So, the effect of the domestication of the plants and animals should not be studied in isolation to each other. The simultaneous domestication of the plants and animals by human being is conjectural or mutual, however, remains a moot point.

The existence of domesticated plants and animals are concluded from the morphological study of the plant and faunal remains recovered from an archaeological site. But, the evidence for the process of the domestication in the archaeological record is hard to establish. As the process of domestication is a gradual transition over a long time span, the man-plant/animal relationship undergoes a series of change. The reflections of these changes might be sought in the cultural assemblage of the man, and in the morphological features of the concerned species. The cultural assemblage related to the domestication process thus would change from seasonal frugal structural activity to more elaborate and permanent house structures; or from simple tools used in the food gathering to specific implements designed for the agricultural needs. The plant and faunal assemblage may reveal a gradual morphological change from their wild characteristics to more evolved

As stated above, the trends of the emergence and spread of the pastoral component in the Indus valley and in its adjacent areas are the primary concern here. In congruity to the argument made above, the event of domestication of both animals and crops will be dealt within the context of associated cultural phases. The relative importance of plant or animal food in the dietary habit is a hard task to establish in archaeology. Keeping in mind the variation in the probability of deposition and preservation of animal and plant remains, the role of any comparative statistical projection to prove the prevalence of one or the other production system is treated here as of

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mere suggestive rather than being inferential in nature. The juxtaposition of the animal and plant remains from the excavation report here is merely an attempt to show the presence of two different production systems within a definite time horizon. Their trends in the temporal axis punctuated by different cultural phases may suggest an aggregate change in the emphasis of a particular production system or the other in the subsistence practice. Let us now try to figure out the trends in different production systems over a relatively larger time span (from the beginning of domestication of animals and plants to the emergence of the Mature phase in Indus Civilisation), without indulging in establishing the relative significance of them in a particular temporal division represented by a cultural phase.

The exploration led by Sankalia was concentrated in the Gujarat mainland, more specifically to the Sabarmati and Mahi basin. The evidences from Kutch and Saurashtra are meagre and not conclusive. Numerous Microlithic sites were explored in the prehistoric expedition by Sankalia et.al. (1941-42). Two of them were excavated in the subsequent years. They are: Langhnaj and Hirpura. Three trenches were laid in Hirpura mound up to a depth of six feet. The top three feet of deposit evidenced pottery, though in small quantity; and microliths and bone tools were found up to five feet and six inches. Below this was the virgin soil, consisting of a few shells and kankar. The cultural materials recovered from the excavation are reported in six levels (D-1 to D-6), arbitrarily defined by dividing the total depth of the deposit into six equal units. The major cultural repertoires from the excavation are microliths and pottery. In the absence of the temporal horizon of these arbitrarily defined levels, let us make an attempt to understand the sequence of these artefacts as it occurs in the depth of the trenches dug at Hirpura.

The evidence for beginning of the domestication of plants and animals is satisfactorily identified only in Mehrgarh. If we avoid the complexities of the origin of the domestication and try to understand the lifeways of the people who exploited domesticated animals and plants for their survival, the database looks wide. The ‘Neolithic’ and Chalcolithic sites are found scattered all over the sub-continent. A brief review of these antecedent cultures to the Mature phase of Harappan civilisation in Gujarat is produced below.

The Microlithic industry at Hirpura is reported from all the levels. Microliths from first two levels are qualitatively poor. Most of them are broken pieces of blades or scrapers. In the third level though the microliths become numerous, yet, no qualitative change in the artefact type is discernible. In the fourth level one encounters a long blade like core, discoid cores and a lunette shaped blade. The other Microlithic types such as points, triangles and scrapers continue to occur. In the fifth level the quartz pieces become numerous. The finest blades from the site come from this level. The last level is almost sterile except a small piece of mottled fleshy chert, quadrant or triangular and sharp on one side.

Gujarat: The Microlithic-Neolithic Phase Gujarat so far has not produced any evidence to conclude that the domestication of animal and plant species. The evidence from Mehrgarh and other Baluchistan and Sind are the oldest evidence to suggest the domestication process. However, the Microlithic sites reported by Foote (1889) and Sankalia et.al, (1941-42) needs a mention here to throw light on the Mesolithic-Neolithic cultural complex in Gujarat.

The occurrence of pottery is reported from first three levels, i.e., from D-1 to D-3. The potteries from the top most

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existed. The stray occurrence of the microliths further down may be attributed to the burrowing activity of the rodents like rats and squirrels which abound in these mounds and/or to the natural sinking of the material through porous sandy soil.” (Ibid: 31)

level (D-1) is of two types: red and black. In the next level (D-2) the black ware continues without any change, but five different variations are noticed in red ware. D-3 only produces three pottery pieces; two of them are thin, coarse and brown in colour, the other is a tiny piece of red ware. “The majority of the red ware pottery seems to be hand-made”, but “the black pottery is definitely wheelmade” (Sankalia 1946: 138).

The evidence of the pottery is quantitatively less from the Langnaj excavation. The pottery is only limited to the upper levels, though the tiny potsherds were found down up to 5 feet or so, their number is negligible, hence can be considered as later intrusions from the above strata. To sum up, the occurrence of pottery in the earliest levels of Langhnaj is rare and infrequent, though not totally absent. The clay used in these potteries is sandy, full of quartz particles and gritty. As most of the potsherds are small, one faces problem to draw conclusion about the potting methods adopted to make these pots. On closer examination, a few potsherds do show striation marks; hence, at least some of them were wheel-made. Unlike Langhnaj, potteries recovered from Akhaj are better preserved. “There is definite evidence of use of wheel in some top level pottery. Lower down, while selected potsherds do show thin, scooping strokes marked by a fine regularity, there is no positive evidence of wheel. Two sherds with fine black burnished surfaces inside and red slipped exteriors provide better evidence of such a pottery towards the close of the Microlithic culture. One sherd bear signs of potting with hand.” (Ibid: 45)

The site of Langhnaj has produced microliths, bones, and potsherds along with a series of human burials. Due to the difficulty in identifying layers in the sandy loam, which contains these archaeological materials, no clear stratigraphy was established (for details of this issue please see Sankalia 1965: 12-15). However, the cultural materials obtained from this site can be grouped into two periods; i.e., Microlithic culture which might be dated to a period before 2500 BC, and the later phase belonged to a metal using population, around 2000 BC or after. The later phase is identified through the discovery of an iron arrowhead and a copper blade might have come to the site through the encampment of people using these materials. Hence, these evidences in the later phase are less significant. The Microlithic culture and the human burials belong to the same horizon as it is established by Zeuner and Kennedy. No remains of houses were recovered from Langnaj excavation. This has lead Sankalia to believe that the houses “were nothing but wind screens made of reeds and thickets of babul tied with some kind of natural fibre or stalked together and not of wattle-and-daub so that no traces have been left in the soil or in the debris of their other remains as lumps of mud or as disintegrated and different coloured earth” (Sankalia 1965: 7). The microlithics were scattered all around except the central portion of the mound that might have been used for the residential area. “When the mound was some three feet lower down than it is today, the principal Microlithic habitation

The existence of potsherds, a few remains of domesticated animals like the goat, the ox and the buffalo, and also that three Neolithic-like polished ‘needles’ are definitely indication of a MicrolithicNeolithic culture at Langhnaj. The lack of carbon sample from the site obstructs the absolute dating of the site. The hunting is believed to be the major subsistence practice at the site. However, multiple use of the site by other nomadic groups such as pastoralists cannot be ruled out. Whatever phraseology we may apply to

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is made on a slow turntable, the thinner variety is thrown on wheel.

this cultural complex, the existence of a group of people living in the landscape of Langhnaj and its nearby locality, who hunted the wild fauna from the surrounding forest; manufactured and used microliths; used ceramics in a limited way; and lived their life in huts made of reed and grass, can not be disputed.

The pink slipped painted ware is also a wheel made ceramic. It is made from an admixture of fine sand and clay. The unoxidised core may suggest that the ceramic type was not subjected to uniform firing in high temperature. The outer surface is treated with pink slip over which is executed geometric motifs in black pigment.

Gujarat: Chalcolithic Cultures (3500-3000B.C.)

The white lustrous ware has a white slip on the outer surface and a red slip in the inner surface. The ceramic is wheel thrown and well fired. Globular pots predominates the shapes of this ware.

Padri-III and Loteswar can be taken as two earliest reported cultural complexes in Gujarat. Padri-III in south Kathiawar is dated to c. 3636 BC (PRL-1787). This cultural phase is contemporaneous to Mehrgarh-III in Afghanistan; Kile Gul Mohammad-III & IV and Jalilpur in Baluchistan; and Kot Diji-I and Amri-I in Sind. Each of these sites represents a culture complex that is unique in their own context. The details of Padri-III and Loteswar are given below.

“The bicrome ware is crude and coarse in fabric; it is treated with slip of two different colours, red, and white or pink. The ware appears to have been made on a slow turntable and is not well fired as the unoxidised core indicates (Shinde 1998:179)”.

The lowest level of Padri (Padri-III) is dated between c.3600 and 2900 BC. The habitation deposit of this period is 60 cm thick. The habitation deposit of this period is found on the top of the virgin black cotton soil. The ‘Padri Culture’ is characterised by the presence of Padri ware, Pink slipped painted ware, white lustrous ware, bicrome ware, red painted ware, plain handmade ware and white painted ware.

“The red painted ware can be divided into two broad categories, the slightly coarse painted and the fine, which is occasionally painted. Both the varieties are wheel-made but the former is medium thick, slightly coarse in fabric and illfired. It is treated with thick light red slip, over which are found painted decoration in black pigment.... The fine variety in this ware is extremely thin in section and made from very fine levigated clay, which is temper free. It is very well fired as the brick red core indicates. This variety is treated with a red wash.” (Ibid: 179)

The Padri ware can be divided into two varieties according to their relative thickness; i.e., thick and thin. The thicker variety is made from coarser clay to which a considerable amount of sand is added as a tampering material. The wares are treated with a thick slip on their surface (for a detail description of Padri ware see Shinde and Kar 1992). The thin variety of the Padri ware is made from finer clay that contains fine sand as tampering material. The core is fully oxidised revealing a better firing condition. Unlike the thicker variety that

“Plain handmade ware is represented only by a couple of sherds of miniature pots. It is hand modelled but has a fine fabric. The ware has a smooth surface, which is devoid of any slip or painting.” (Ibid: 179) White painted ware is “slightly coarse in fabric and treated with dark brown slip. The painted decorations are executed in white” (ibid: 179-180).

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shapes like dish-on-stand and perforated jars were imitated in this ceramic. These vessels are either treated with a normal red slip of different hue or with a thin wash of the slip. Irregular smearing of a chocolate slip on bowls and small jars is also common. The vessels are painted with different shades of black and red on a white cream background, thereby producing a bicrome effect. White was also used as pigment to decorate the pottery. The decorative patterns on the vessels include sets of simple horizontal, vertical and wavy lines, latticed circles and squares and intersecting loops or a combination of all these executed around the rim, shoulder and body, especially in the case of pots. In case of the bowls the paintings are set in panels confined to the rim. In general vessels have a clumsy appearance even after the application of the slip and decoration. Many of the above features are found to be similar to the Padri ware.”

The fauna of Padri-III was mostly of domestic mammalian type, with solitary marine fish bone and two marine gastropod shells”. The mammalian species identified in these levels are Bos indicus, Bubalus bubalis and Capra/ Ovis. The proportion of domestic mammals has remained almost similar in subsequent cultural phases (87 to 92%). “Among the domestic animals, proportion of buffalo bones has remained more or less unchanged throughout the layers at Padri. Padri-III has cattle, sheep/goat and buffalo as domestic species. The Mature Harappan phase (Padri-II) has dog and pig as additional species, of which the former was nonfood species.” (Joglekar 1996-97) The cultural materials retrieved from Loteswar can be divided into two periods, viz. Period-I: the underlying microlithic deposit belonging to Mesolithic; PeriodII: the Chalcolithic deposit. Two C14 dates are available for period-II; 2921 (PRL 1564) and 3698 (PRL 1565) cal. BC. Except a few clay plaster structures with reed impressions there are no other remains indicating structural features at Loteswar. The ceramic assemblage of Loteswar shows a series of non-Harappan pottery type. Four distinctive pottery types are recognised which show no resemblance to the Harappan pottery tradition, they are: Gritty Red Ware, Fine Red Ware, Burnished Red Ware and Burnished Grey/Black Ware. Sonawane and Ajitha Prasad (1994) give the following details of the different pottery type recovered from Loteswar excavation.

“The Fine Red Ware, which is the second most prominent type in the regional pottery types, is made of well elutriated clay which contained a fair quantity of mica particles. It is similar to Gritty Red Ware in other features like vessel shape and decoration. The Burnished Red Ware and Burnished Grey/Black Ware are represented only by small or medium sized pots/jars with a smooth burnished surface. The Burnished Red Ware is painted with a parallel and wavy lines using a white or bluish grey pigment on a black background over a bright red slip. The Burnished Grey/Black Ware is painted with a fugitive white colour. In addition to these, from the beginning of the deposit incorporates a well-produced Black-and-Red Ware, which is represented generally by bowls. Many of the Black-and-Red Ware bowls have stud-handles similar to the stud-handled bowls of Saurashtran Harappan sites.”

“In case of Gritty Red Ware, the vessels are either hand modelled or made on a slow turn-table. The clay used in their production was insufficiently elutriated and contained a lot of sand and other tempering material. Bowls with straight or convex sides with slightly incurved rims, basins with a thick flaring rim, small and medium sized pots/jars with a flaring rim, constricted neck and bulbous body and large pots are the important shapes in this category. Often Harappan

“All the above pottery types, excepting the Black-and-Red Ware, have common vessel shapes and share common features of decoration and pattern suggesting that they belong to a single pottery tradition.

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coarse. The forms represented are mostly wide mouthed jars and very rarely a dish. The incised red ware is also crude and coarse in fabric; it is not treated with any slip and the surface varies from drab red to grey. The incised designs, which broadly consist of bold strokes, were probably executed by a rather blunt instrument. The shapes include mostly basins, either deep or shallow. The blackand-red ware is perhaps the most interesting ceramic on account of its fabric and surface treatment. The vessels were black in their interior and fully red in exterior. The fabric, as compared to that of other wares, is fine and the surface is treated with a red or orange slip. The exterior is highly burnished and has incipient horizontal or oblique ribs. The internal surface is also quite smooth. The grey ware is quite crude and is moulded by hand. This ceramic does not have a consistently greyish surface and also come across vessels that are drab red in colour. This obviously is the effect of peculiar conditions of firing. The shapes include dishes, wide mouthed jars. There are couple of specimens of jars of smaller mouths and some of the vessels have flat bases.” (Dhavalikar and Possehl 1992: 73)

It is not only had a far and wide distribution in north Gujarat, but is also associated with the different phases of Harappan culture, for example with Mature Phase, with so called LateHarappan Phase, and even with Lustrous Red Ware Phase. However, at a few sites the above pottery is associated neither with the Harappan nor with the LateHarappan assemblage, thereby also indicating an independent existence for this ceramic tradition in north Gujarat, as distinct from the Harappan and Sorath Harappan pottery. Hence, it is named the ‘Anarta tradition’ after the traditional name of north Gujarat.” (Sonawane and Ajitha Prasad 1994)

Gujarat: Early Period (3000-2600 B.C.) The early period that gradually evolved to the Mature Harappan phase in Gujarat is represented by early layers of Dholavaira, Surkotada, Prabhas Patan and Nagwada. However, the relationship of the Chalcolithic cultures of mid fourth millennium BC and early period is not known at the moment. The earliest cultural phase at Nagwada is dated between 3000 and 2600BC on the basis of comparison of the ‘formal stylistic characteristics’ of the ceramic assemblage. This cultural level was identified from the associated cultural material of a cenotaph. The characteristic ware of Nagwada is fine pink to red in colour with high featureless rims, shortnecked bulbous vessels, dish on stand etc. (Hegde 1989). The ceramics show a striking resemblance to the Amrian ware in Sind.

The other cultural materials obtained from this level are a few chalcedony blades, beads of faience and steatite. The fragment of a wall plaster with reed impressions suggests the presence of ‘wattle-and-daub’ architecture. The cultural assemblage thus forms a distinct identity at Prabhas-I, which does not bear any correlation with the contemporary Sind or any other region. The earliest level of Surkotada (Period IA) has few non-Harappan characteristics that led the excavator to believe that “the earliest occupants of Surkotada were Harappans having some affiliation with antecedent culture”. Though the excavator recognises three structural phases in this period (IA), the details of these structural phases are not known. The non-Harappan features of this period was recognised by the presence of a few

The lowest level of Prabhas Patan evidences a distinct cultural assemblage which dates back to c. 3000-2800 BC. The cultural deposits of this period are found on the top of marine sand. This cultural phase is characterised by four ceramic wares; viz., red ware, incised red ware, black-and-red ware and grey ware. “The red ware is hand made and has a smooth surface; the fabric however is

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Period-IA at Surkotada is dated to 2300 BC. These non-Harappan traits in periodIA were thought as the result of the colonisation of Kutch by the Harappans along with a few early Harappans from Sind or Western Rajasthan. Joshi (1990) writes: “It appears that the movements of Harappans to Kutch took place at an early stage by circa 2300 B.C. and Surkotada was established and the waning preHarappans or early-Harappan folks of the Sindh and the western Rajasthan region, of course, came in small number with Harappans and colonised Kutch.” The migration of a few ‘early-Harappan folks’ with Harappans seems highly improbable as by 2300 BC Sind and Western Rajasthan had already developed the Mature Harappan traits and the transitive phase from pre/early-Harappans to Mature phase was much earlier in these areas. However, the evidence of nonHarappan characters in this level suggests that the ‘antecedent local cultures’ were still in existence as late as 2300 BC. In the absence of other sites representing the same non-Harappan culture traits, it is hard to believe that these people were local inhabitants before the Harappans reached and established the township at Surkotada. If we believe that these nonHarappan traits diffused to Kutch along with Harappans, then these earlier traits existed in Sind or Rajasthan in or around 2300 BC. Then, it will be prudent to seek for the correlation of these traits in Ahar culture in south Rajasthan.

slow wheel-thrown fabrics along with the typical black-on-red pottery of Harappans. The ceramics which differed from the Harappan pottery are: “(i) a red slipped polychrome ware having narrow or wide mouthed vases with long concave necks or short out-turned rims, sometimes with a slightly carinated profile, convex sided bowls with inturned rims decorated in black to purple and white, with designs comprising of horizontal rim bands, multiple horizontal or vertical bands filled with latticed patterns or wavy lines, hanging multiples straight or wavy tassels, consecutive arches having latticed props and pillars filled in with vertical wavy lines, topsyturvy triangles on a line within a band having empty spaces sometimes filled in with lattices, pendant triangles with apexes joined by double wavy lines, chain patterns and lattice joined by single or multiple horizontal lines drawn across them within bands; (ii) a polytone creamslipped ware having vases with a long or short concave necks, wide mouthed jars with short out-turned rims, basins and bowls with in-curved rims and bowls with externally thickened and bevelled rims and dishes and dish-on-stand including one which looks more like a broad based tumbler with the design repertoire painted in shades varying from sepia to dark black consisting, in addition to those mentioned above, oblique slashes within borders, meandering lattice ovals, chequer-board pattern with alternating hollows and solid squares filled in with wavy lines, latticed circles, circles enclosing a solid one; (iii) a reserved slipped ware, comparable to that found only in the earliest levels of Mahenjodaro and Lothal... decorated with horizontal bands and/or wavy patterns in bluish, or sometimes reddish, hue; the forms reconstructed for the first time include hole-mouthed globular bottles, concave necked vases and basins with incurved rims and dish-on-stand; (iv) a deep Amber Red slipped ware of a waxy touch is represented by a few fragmentary sherds of a dish-on-stand and concave necked vases.” (Joshi 1990: 22-23)

The animal bones reported from the Surkotada-IA include the following species: fish, river turtle, fowl, jackal, dog, horse, cattle, ass, goat, sheep, deer, camel, pig and rat. The cattle bones form a major section of the faunal material of this period (39.2%). the next most important position in the list of animal bones of this period is occupied by sheep/goats (20.16%). There is no phase wise analysis of the plant remains in the excavation report of the site. So, it is impossible to examine the plant related subsistence activity at the site in Surkotada-IA. However, the

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of the residential houses as well, a common practice witnessed in the village-houses even now since it is not only cheap and quick to do it, it also leaves behind a very neat and smooth surface. It also protects the mud-bricks against the vagaries of nature and keeps the house cool in hot sun. Pottery and industrial items further multiplied, bringing refinement in copper smelting, bead making, shell cutting and making of wheel-turned pottery, a thin dull red ware with paintings in black and white, generally geometric in design.” (Ibid: 8384)

overall plant assemblage reveals the following information: “The discovery of an overwhelming majority of seeds of several plant species including grasses, sedges and the others with a sprinkling of grains of two cultivars in a pot is highly suggestive of two facts that the Harappans during the occupation of Surkotada had practiced farming as well as gathering of seeds of wild plants. The evidence of the cultivars is limited to two millets only namely Setaria italica and Eleusine coracana.” (Vishnu Mittre 1990: 391) The early levels of Dholavira (layer 7 to 10) bring to light a cultural assemblage that predates the Harappan phase. There is no defensive wall found around the early settlement at Dholavira, but “an enclosure wall today concealed underneath the later one can not be ruled out” (Bisht 1989-90: 76). The first fortification is evidenced in the layer 6 and 5. The layers from 4 to 1 exhibit the Mature Harappan characters. The antiquities recovered from this level are primarily the craft products using shell, steatite, semi-precious stones and copper. The chalcedony blades and bladelets are among the stone artefacts collected from these layers. “Plain pots, including perforated jars, ladle handled bowls and globular jars as well as painted pottery with decorations, recalling designs and motifs present on the pottery from the early levels (II B) of Amri, a site in southern Sind. This is noteworthy since it establishes the fact that the first settlers of Dholavira may have included a fair number of people from lower Indus basin.” (Gupta 1996: 82)

Gujarat: Transitional Phase The transitional phase from the Early to Mature Harappan phase is recorded minutely in recently excavated site of Dholavira in Khadir Island in the middle of the Ran of Kutch. A synopsis of the transitional phase recorded at this site is provided here. Bisht (1991) describes this cultural phase as the stage-III in the cultural chronology of Dholavira. The transition to the Mature Phase is recorded in the changes in the artefactual assemblage that leads to a near perfection in their individual evolution from the Formative stage to Mature stage. Even the transition is apparent in the additional features in the settlement organisation and town planning. Gupta (1996: 68) summarises the architectural changes in the town planning of Dholavira as follows: “During this period we see the birth of a large and elaborate structural complex, fully fortified, and located on the west of citadel to serve as the headquarters of the administrator of the commercial activities largely concentrated in this area. During the same period, towards the north, common man’s residential area was greatly enlarged and fresh fortifications were added. It was also during this period that we see the birth of elaborate water management system in the form of a series of water interconnected reservoirs.”

The next structural phase is identified from the broadening of the fortification wall. “The fortification wall was thus broadened from inside by at least 3m but this was done with the use of mud-bricks of the earlier size, the face being plastered again and again with white to pink colour of lime, over a period of time; at least 13 such layers of plaster have been encountered. The same plaster was used in finishing the walls and floors

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The other cultural traits, which are more advanced than the Early Harappan phase but different from the Mature Phase may further be taken into consideration to understand the cultural dynamism that led to the peak of the Urbanity in the site of Dholavira. Potteries of Kot Dijian or Amri type show the intermediate developmental stage which finally culminates in the pure Mature Harappan ceramics such as S-shaped jars, perforated jars, goblets, etc. The evidence of weights and rudimentary characters resembling the Harappan script becomes more profuse.

topography was different than what it is today and had significantly large tract of arable land, the lack of any material evidence linked to the agricultural practice rules out the practice of agriculture. As Sankalia suggests it, hunting and gathering must have been the subsistence mode of these people. The wild life in the open shrub forest must have provided enough games for the sustenance of hunters and gatherers of the region. As potteries are recovered in the context of nomadic or semi-nomadic situation from elsewhere in the world, the occurrence of the potteries cannot be taken as an indicator of the settled way of life (Sankalia 1946). It might as well be presumed that these microlithic populations were nomadic or seminomadic, as it is suggested by the absence of any kind of house structure. “Except for the mongoos skeleton and the remains of Canis (lupus pallipes), the bones and teeth are all the remains of animals killed for food. The charring of the bones suggests that cooking was done over an open fire” (Clutton-Brock 1965: 37). The lack of domestic animals in the faunal record from Langhnaj sites rules out the possibility of pastoral mode of life. In fact, the region is ecologically one of the best summer camping localities for the pastoralists even now.

Subsistence Practices in Gujarat: Precedence to Mature Phase (25002000BC) Now let us make an attempt to collate the evidences suggesting a particular subsistence practice or the other. Langhnaj-Hirpura cultural complex is the earliest known culture complex of Holocene in Gujarat. The microlithic tradition along with the crude potteries and lack of house structures are indicative of nomadic or semi-nomadic subsistence strategies of this period. The practice of agriculture definitely was not practiced, as none of the suggestive evidences are recovered from the excavation. The environmental reconstruction of the area is not possible, as the pollens are not preserved in the soil due to its calcareous nature. Most probably the area was lightly forested, primarily with shrub vegetation comprising of babul (Acacia arabica), bor (Zizyphus jujuba), and a number of other wild plants. The wild species such as wild boar (Sus scrofa), Nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus), deers must have been found in this forest. The region today with well irrigation grows fruit trees; and several kinds of Indian millets (Jowar and Bajri), wheat and even rice are cultivated (Sankalia 1965: 6-7). The low-lying areas in this region today remains under water in the rainy season, which makes the agricultural operation impossible. Even if the proto-historic

The evidence for the Chalcolithic phase comes from Padri in south Kathiawar and Loteswar in North Gujarat. The analysis of the faunal materials of Padri-III reveals mostly domestic mammalian bones (91.50%); wild mammalian remains being negligible (5.69%). This suggests that the exploitation of the domestic animals for food was greater than that of the wild animals. Among the domestic mammalian species cattle bones constitute 59% of the total collection. The next largest section of animal bones belongs to sheep/goat (37%). Buffaloes only constitute 4% of the total sample. The details of the plant remains from the site are not available to know the details of the cultivated crops at the site.

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So, our knowledge of the subsistence of the antecedent period is quite patchy and insufficient to draw a clear picture. Nonetheless, it draws our attention to the existence of a combination of different modes of subsistence practices such as agriculture, pastoralism and huntinggathering simultaneously. The interface of these distinct modes of productions is yet to be resolved by further research. The detail analysis of the excavated materials and some fresh excavations in the sites pre-dating the Harappan culture may help to improve our understanding. If we treat the urban centres where the subsistence activity only holds a marginal concern of the people separately, in the context of other minor sites the agriculture definitely was not the only mode of subsistence. The other subsistence practices such as hunting gathering, fishing and pastoralism were incorporated in the overall subsistence effort of the people. The relative significance of each of these modes of production might have varied in each regional context. The fluctuation of the climatic factors must have influenced the degree of reliance on any mode of production along the temporal axis.

The details of the early Harappan phase at Nagwada are not known as the evidence was only obtained from a cenotaph. Prabhas Patan from the southern Kathiawar again produces early Harappan characters in the earliest levels. It produces wattle-and-daub structures along with a distinct pottery type. The information regarding the plant remains obtained from Surkotada shows that gathering of wild plants was one of the subsistence activities. The faunal remains suggest that the cattle bone were more numerous than sheep/ goat bones in the early period. Most probably the settlement was fortified with a defensive wall made of mud-bricks and mud rubbles. The fortification encircled the citadel and residential area. The houses in the residential area were most probably built up by rubble masonry. The drainage system and other sanitary arrangements were also found. Thus the architectural detail of the site indicates an urban status of the settlement. But the plant and animal remains portray a contra-urban subsistence activity. It is very difficult to answer this enigmatic incompatibility of the evidence at the present state of knowledge. However, it can be stressed here that agriculture definitely did not form the major subsistence activity at the site. The population living at Surkotada either practiced gathering of wild plants for food or probably were also engaged in cattle and sheep/goat rearing; or they consumed these items procured from others.

However, the practice of pastoralism can be perceived as an important corroboratory production system along with agriculture. The subsistence indicators in the archaeological record should be collected and analysed carefully. As the subsistence indicators in the archaeological investigations have not got their due importance, the assessment of relative position of a particular subsistence practice vis-à-vis other contemporaneous subsistence strategies followed by the same group of people till then should be avoided.

The most important and the biggest city of the Harappan times was Dholavira in Khadir Island of Kutch. The early Harappan level in this Harappan metropolis also evidences a fortified settlement with a planned early-township. The residential houses were built by mud-bricks and were plastered. The faunal and the paleobotanical remains of Dholavira are yet to be studied in detail. The interim report by Ajitha Patel (1997), however, finds the Mature Harappan subsistence at the site to be predominantly pastoral in nature.

Understanding the Civilization Pastoralists lived within: Gujarat between 2500-2000BC The analysis of the antecedent period shows that agriculture was definitely not the only mode of subsistence practiced in the non-urban sites. People mixed 121

Harappan townships among several others in Pakistan as well. The series of the urban centres dispersed in the vast geographical territory of Indus civilization gives us ample idea about the pattern of urbanisation in the middle of the second millennium BC. Several attempts have been made to understand the strategic location of these urban centres over the landmass to perceive several aspects related to the cultural dynamism. Let us discuss them in brief to understand the important urban aspect, which over-arched the culture process of the rural Harappans.

different strategies to create the most suitable portfolio that would suit to their ecology and culture. Hence, there were definitely more than one modes of subsistence existing side by side. It is evident from the biological remains in the archaeological database that pastoral production system definitely existed. Its existence can be traced back at least to the Chalcolithic phase (Padri-III). The continuity of the pastoral practice can be inferred from the faunal remains in the early Harappan phases in multiple sites in Gujarat. Hence, pastoral practices continued even in the Mature phase. Though the practice of pastoralism continued through different cultural phases that the region witnessed, its character differed in each of these cultural phases. Before we proceed to reconstruct the nature of pastoralism in the Mature Harappan phase in Gujarat, it is important for us to understand the civilization milieu within which they existed and with which they interacted. We will be discussing only some selected characteristics that are relevant from the point of view of understanding the pastoral practices.

Several scholars have studied the location of Harappa and have established its strategic location for trade and commerce (Ratnagar 1982, Fentres 1982, Possehl 1982). “Harappa is found on a minor geomorphologic anomaly within the catchment of Ravi. This feature is a finger of high ground that juts into the valley near the alluvium. The settlement was both close to cultivable land and more or less safe from floods.” (Possehl 1982: 17). It is presumed that all the agricultural sites were situated on the bars in order to occupy a safer place to avoid the vagaries of the mighty rivers. The commercial significance of Harappa lies in its strategic location to collect a wide range of materials from Hindu Kush, Northern Baluchistan, and to some extent even Afghanistan.

Strategic location of Urban Centres: Significance of trade in Urbanisation The urban facets in Indus civilization were projected in the initial years of investigation by the simultaneous excavation of Harappa and Mohenjodaro. They were believed to be twin cities of Indus valley. As more sites manifested the characteristics of city life, the number of urban centres increased in several multitudes. At the present state of knowledge, the important urban centres are: Kalibangan in Haryana (India), Harappa in Punjab (Pakistan), Guneriwala in Bahawalpur (Pakistan), Mohenjodaro in Sind (Pakistan), and Dholavira in Gujarat (India). Lothal, Surkotada, Banawali, Rakshigadi are few others to name which reveal the characteristic features to be levelled as

Mohenjodaro similarly is advantageously located over the resources of Baluchistan region. Most probably the resources of Rajasthan must have flowed into Mohenjodaro, and thence it must have been traded out of the Indus civilization. The Larkana food plains must have provided the food requirements of the population of this region. It is interesting to note that the surrounding areas except the fertile plain of Larkana do not yield many sites. Nomadic pastoralism is attributed to the absence of settlement in this region. Guneriwala is another urban centre located just southeast of Panchnad, where

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urban centres which procured the essential material from its surrounding catchment area. Thus, 1. Kalibangan in eastern domain; 2. Harappa in northern domain; 3. Ganweriwala in central domain; 4. Mohenjodaro in southern domain; 5. Kulli sites in western domain; and 6. Dholavira and Lothal in southerneastern domain formed distinct economic units within the broader economy of Harappan civilization. Previous section of this chapter has already dealt with the importance of the internal trade in the homogenous distribution of the utilitarian objects in the territories of Harappan civilization. In the light of this fact, the econo-cultural division of the Harappan civilization into these six domains will be helpful ‘to sense something of the internal structure of the Harappan cultural landscape’.

five great rivers meet to form a single channel of drainage. The location of Ganweriwala is “precisely midway between Mohenjodaro and Harappa would seem to figure prominently in the Harappan urban geography, not only as an intermediate settlement between classic city sites, but as a place through which the Harappans may have been drawing on the resources of Rajasthan and possibly places like the important copper-producing site of Ganeswar” (Possehl 1982). The Harappan site of Kalibangan is situated in the eastern part in the left bank of the dry riverbed of Saraswati, otherwise known as Ghagar. The river Saraswati (Ghagar-Hakra-Nara) is believed to be mighty Perennial River in Harappan times that ran parallel to river Indus and fell into the Ran of Kutch. The commercial importance of Kalibangan is not clearly dealt in any of the available literature. The site reveals a ritual complex with fire altars is suggestive of the ritual significance of this urban centre along with its commercial importance. Kalibangan along with sites such as Banawali and Rakshigari represent a regional variant of Harappan culture in the eastern domain.

The economic and cultural landscape of the southeastern domain (i.e. Gujarat) can be understood through locational analysis of the important urban, and trade related sites in Gujarat. As it is mentioned earlier, Dholavira is the most important site in this domain in terms of its size and monumental character of the architectural remains. The site of Dholavira is situated in an area that is the poorest in terms of rainfall (262 mm per annum). The availability of water in the site is the most enigmatic point in the choice of Harappans to build such a large urban centre. “The soil is, however, rich and fertile sandy loam but not available plentiful for cultivation as it is largely restricted to a narrow strip running along the Ran from north-west through south to south-east or to a few patches in an otherwise rocky terrain intersected by numerous torrents which radiate from the hills in the north” (Bisht 1989-90). The forest cover is also sparse and more so in the slopes of the hills. Perhaps the environmental condition of the city is the most non-congenial among all the urban centres known in the Harappan territory. Kutch as a region is also treated as a marginal area from agricultural point of view. There is no significant deposit of any raw material that can be considered

Gujarat forms the southeastern part of the Harappan civilization. Dholavira, the most important urban centre in this region, is located on the island of Khadir surrounded by the Ran of Kutch. Its precarious existence within the Ran is one of the most interesting features of its location. It is postulated that the site accentuated the southern trade network with Gujarat hinterland, and thus formed a corridor to Sind. Lothal, interpreted as a port town lies in the head of the Gulf of Cambay was procurement centre for resources peculiar to Deccan and southern Rajasthan. Possehl (1982: 20) in his attempt to study the economic geography of Harappan civilization divided the whole landscape of Harappan civilization into six ‘domains’ centred around respective

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the long coastline of Gujarat again cannot be underestimated. The cultural and economic landscape of the province then would depend upon the tenacity of these two alternate hypotheses. If majority of the trade activity were monitored through Dholavira, then one would expect a wellknit procurement strategy covering the whole region. The alternative to it, concomitant to the possibility of independent significance of multiple trade posts or port-towns, then, would split the procurement channels. In such a situation each of the trade posts would be specialized in certain aspect of the trade. Such specialized commercial activities would define their hinterlands or catchments in economic and cultural life of the whole region. The probabilities of such cultural and economic scenario are numerous; more investigations to fix the inter-site relationship are needed to avoid these ambiguities.

as valuable in Harappan economy. All these negative aspects of this site may be seen as indication to some specific cultural, economic, or political process that worked in the background of the emergence of this huge urban centre. In the absence of any positive evidence of the available resource base in its vicinity, it is argued that the site was a node to the southern trade with Kathiawar or southern Gujarat. The details of the commercial significance of Dholavira are yet to be understood in detail. Surkotada is another important urban centre in this domain. It is located in the southern fringe of the Ran of Kutch in the eastern part of Kutch district in Gujarat. Desalpur, another trade-post to the west of Surkotada, is important enough to mention. If both of these formed a part of the internal trade network with Sind, then it is prudent to believe that there were two alternate routes of communication with Sind. However, the existence of a land route between Sind and Kutch is a disputed fact. Whatever may be the mode of transportation, the significance of the commercial activity of these sites is beyond any doubt. Sites such as Kuntasi and Bet Dwaraka along the northern coastline of Kathiawar peninsula are other important trade-posts to be included in the trade network of the region.

The Trade, Polity, and Culture: Was there any nexus? The inter-site relationship, more specifically the relationship between the commercial centres or urban centres in the sphere of economics and other cultural fronts would depend upon the nature of urban polity. Several scholars have addressed the political aspect of the Harappan civilization. As there is no direct evidence for the existence of a particular political system or the other, the possible nature of the polity is evaluated on the basis of a set of diagnostic features that fits better to a particular proposition that the other. The archaeological limitation in dealing with the political aspect is best articulated by Ratnagar (1991: 20): “Archaeology can not produce check-lists of material culture criteria for aspects of political organisation… what we can hope to achieve… is not a total picture of political structure showing how individual elements articulate, rather to work out the range of possibilities to suggest, for example, that surplus mobilization, land tenure, the mode of political expansion, could have taken

The commercial significance of the porttown Lothal in the head of Gulf of Cambay is the southern most urban centre. Its commercial significance and its supposed west-Asian trade contact are dealt in several literatures and need not be repeated here (Rao 1979). What is significant here to note is the urban centres are located in strategic points of communication. Looking at the dimension of the city of Dholavira, one can imagine the volume of the trade through it. However, it is a testable hypothesis to presume that most of the southern trade routes merged in Dholavira that monitored the overall trade and commerce of this southeastern domain. However, independent significance of multiple trade posts along

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Harappan period as: “The city outside the citadel was painstakingly built by tradesmen as a civic centre, with cultural amenities, topographical advantages and spiritual sidelights. In fact, srenis might have been directly in charge of these civic centres. Then with increasing political might, they were taken over by political overlords… The religious trend, it would seem, reached these cities, in a significant way, at about the beginning of the second millennium BC, and growing in momentum, upset the Harappan secular, urban, consumer oriented, agriculture exploiting economy of the middle of that millennium.” (Ibid: 71). These attempts to ameliorate the emphasis on the theocratic nature of Harappan polity, however, did not altogether succeeded in rejection of the political role of the priest. Lal (1984) reiterated the traditional view and supported the ‘priest dominated rule’ during the Harappan period. Jacobson (1986: 163) pursued the debate further in favour of ‘early state’ and concluded: “That despite its vast geographic extent of the civilization may have been organized as ‘an early state’; the following traits seem to bear witness: a sovereign (or sovereigns) closely linked to a mythical character and seen as benevolent; a military component lacking the dominance characteristic of more mature states; and weekly developed economic stratification.”

some particular forms, but not certain other forms.” Early propositions (Mackay 1938; Piggot 1950, 1952; Wheeler 1966, 1968) about the nature of the political organisations of Harappans were based upon limited database. These attempts concluded the presence of some kind of ‘theocratic state’, though the perceived nature of the theocratic state in each of their work varied from one another. Mackay (1938) believed that the citadel of Mohenjodaro as the residence of a high official, possibly the high priest. Piggot (1950) further elaborated the nature of the theocracy as perceived by Mackay by suggesting that the monotonous homogeneity of the Harappan empire is the manifestation of a rigid traditionalism ‘enforced by religious sanctions’. Several archaeologists questioned these earliest interpretations in the late sixties and seventies of this century on the basis of a relatively broader database. Malik (1968) argued that the Mature Harappan phase of the Harappan civilization does not give an impression of a full-fledged state organisation, but as an organisation transitional to the state. Fairservis (1971) reacting to the view propounding existence of a ‘strong centralised administration’ expressed that on a long process, which achieved the urbanity through their organised economy, and the cultural background in terms of ritualistic traditions, lend a moral basis to it. Though he turned down the possible rule of a priest or priests over the entire territory of Harappan civilization, the role of the religion in the formation of the civilization in the background, however, is undeniable. Gupta (1974) also rejected the idea of centralised administration and favoured the idea of existence of several city-states within the broader cultural identity.

Ratnagar’s (1991) ‘Inquiries into the political organization of Harappan society’ is rather the most voluminous analysis of the evidences suggestive of several aspects of political dynamism in Harappan society. She argues in favour of ‘political unification under one state’, nevertheless denies the possibility of any ‘ideological unification’ under the banner of any sort of ritual or religion. She expresses a great confidence on the existence of an ‘unified state’ while leaving scope for the possible variation in the details of the political dynamism within this ‘veritable Harappan empire’ depending on the ‘emulation and replication process’ as indicated in the

Sunderajan (1982) on the other hand stressed on the secular character of the Harappan cities. It seems he believed that the cities came up due to intensification of trade activity. He further elaborates on the cultural dynamism of Mature

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in Gujarat has been the source of debate for counting them as Harappan sites which definitely show some typical elements of Harappan culture as it is defined in the ‘core area’. Possehl’s use of a separate terminology to explain these differences in the name of ‘Sorath Harappans’ does not require an elaboration here.

‘rich and varied anthropological and historical data’. Thus, existence of a ‘theocratic state’ is viciously challenged and any perceptible relationship between religion and political organisation is clearly discounted. As the trade network can best explain the homogeneity in the utilitarian objects, unless we attribute political motive in the expansion or intensification of the trade, a formation process of unified state is inconceivable. If there was a political motive in the expansion and intensification of the trade, Sundarajan’s proposition should be considered here. The trade with an implicit political force might have governed the process of urbanisation and related cultural modules. Whatever the case may be, the trade (both internal and external) held significance in the Harappan society. We need to be careful in giving trade an upper hand over the other cultural and political aspects, as it may significantly bias our interpretation. Perhaps, Jacobson’s observations can be invoked here to provide few clarifications about the nature of political organisation within an overtly manifested commercial concern of the Harappan society. As presumed by Jacobson, the nature of the Harappan polity must have been benevolent. The military component in Harappan civilization does not manifest in a prominent way, as it should be in a mature state. Whether unified or fragmented, the Harappan polity definitely had not achieved a full-fledged state status. The argument in favour of Harappan society as an early state fits better than the others.

In the varied mosaic of the Harappan civilization, however, whether the core is to be understood from the perspectives of the ‘periphery’ or the vice-versa is definitely open for a rigorous debate. The social and political nature of the ‘core’ area gives quite a politically benevolent picture and several authors have emphasized that Harappan culture spreaded from its core areas and integrated the neighbouring cultural groups in such a peaceful manner that no other ancient civilization has achieved. This makes the cultural and social dynamism of Harappan civilization and unique phenomenon in the world. Considering this unique nature of the ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ relationship in Harappan civilization an attempt to understand the varied cultural mosaic of the Indus civilization from the periphery will be remarkable. Dhavalikar (1995) suggests that it was not the political conquest responsible for Harappanisation of Gujarat, rather a process of ‘cultural imperialism’ worked in the integration process of Gujarat into the cultural realm of Harappans. His example of the British imperialism in India gives a clear explanation to the sort of cultural upheaval that Gujarat must have experienced under the ‘Harappan imperials’. Some sort of political subjugation might have accompanied the ‘cultural imperialism’.

An outright extrapolation of the inferences drawn from the observation in the Indus valley sites may set an erroneous premise to understand an outlying region like Gujarat. It is more so when the affiliations of the proto-historic sites in Gujarat with the Harappan sites are so ill defined. There is more than one set of independent characteristics present in the ill-called Harappan sites of Gujarat. These variations in the material inventory

The cultural scenario in the middle of the third millennium seems to vary within Gujarat itself. The Kutch, Saurashtra, and north-Gujarat, each of them exhibit, though not exclusively different characteristics, yet some independent culture traits were definitely defining

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37

28

Jamnagar

69

31

Junagarh

01

00

Rajkot

41

13

Surendranagar

19

06

184 03 35 14 20

79 03 07 09 12

72 07 06

31 02 02

13

04

Banaskanta Mehsana Ahmedabad

Total

Broach Surat

0.0-0.9 1.0-1.9 2.0-2.9 3.0-3.9 4.0-4.9 5.0-5.9 6.0-6.9 7.0-9.9 10.0-14.9 15.0-19.9 20.0-24.9 25.0-29.9 30.0-34.9 35.0-100.0

0 3 0 1 0 1 0 2 0 0 1 0 1 1

16 19 14 6 5 7 2 6 6 1 2 0 1 1

4 4 4 1 3 1 3 3 1 0 0 0 0 0

0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

Thus, most of the sites are small. It seems majority of the sites in Gujarat would reveal non-urban characteristic. In north Gujarat, the largest site being 13.5 ha in size, there are no other sites of considerable size that can be presumed to be even a large village settlement. In south Gujarat there are only 13 known sites of Harappan allegiance, but none of them are beyond 15 ha in size. In Kathiawar peninsula, there are only three sites falling within 20 to 30 ha in terms of size. Kutch region with the exceptional case of Dholavira also reveals the same scenario. Dholavira in Kutch, as a contrast to the whole scenario, is the only site that approaches 100 ha mark. This exceptionally large size of the site needs a suitable explanation as all the hinterland sites of this urban centre are way back in terms of the size. But, it is interesting to note that even small sites such as Surkotada and Kuntasi give us evidence of both citadel and lower towns. So it is hard to guess the character of the sites by considering the size only. Presuming majority of the sites to be rural, the subsistence activity along with crafts based on the locally available raw

Kheda Total South Gujarat

South Gujarat

Bhavnagar

North Gujarat

10 10 11

Kathiawar

Amreli

40 40 17

Kutch

Kutch

Size Known

Total North Gujarat

No of Sites

Kutch Total Kathiawar

Districts

Zones

Table 4.1: The regional distribution of the Mature Harappan sites in Gujarat.

Size in Hectares

Table 4.2: Regional variation of the size of the Harappan sites in Gujarat.

their cultural domains. There must have been interactions within them in economic and/or cultural level. It seems north Gujarat was under some degree of influence of the contemporary south Rajasthan traditions. Similarly, the evidence of impact of ‘Sind Harappans’ over their counterparts in Kutch is quite revealing. The situation in Saurashtra neither differed much.

The evidence of the Harappan sites found mostly in Kutch, Kathiawar, and north Gujarat. Most of the sites come from Kathiawar peninsula only. In north Gujarat sites are mostly found concentrated in Mehsana district and are clustered along the river basin of Rupen and Banas. Let us consider the variation in the size of the sites in each zone.

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material would define the range of economic activities of the region.

and large settlements are quite rare phenomenon in this area.

The environment in a particular craft production or in subsistence production, viz., hunting-gathering, agriculture, pastoralism and their various combinations must have defined the social status of the inhabitants of this region. In such a predominantly subsistence based lifestyle, the political organizations were definitely have been rudimentary. Perhaps, the intervention of the political force might have a decisive effect upon the nature of the political dynamism in this region. The schisms of the mundane life must have revolved around the merchants and the seasonal cycle of the productive regime of their respective mode of production.

The condition in south Gujarat does not need an elaboration here as only a few sites have been found and the details of these sites are not available for any comment. Does small size of these sites and low population concentration in one settlement unit indicate anything about their political organization? A relatively few urban and large sites in this region suggests that the political situation in the Middle of third millennium in Gujarat was different than other cultural and economic domain of Harappan civilization.

As is pointed out elsewhere in this thesis, the region of Kutch ecologically a marginal area of agriculture. The erratic nature and the meagre amount of the rainfall allow agriculture to be practiced in a few restricted pockets only. The situation in Kathiawar peninsula neither is conducive for agriculture. The historical records put a strong case for the dominance of the pastoralists in this region at least up to twelfth century. It is only in the subsequent years agricultural expansion took place; hence, the present spread of agricultural practice in this region is too deceptive to give an idea about the proto-historic scenario of the region. The rivers of Kathiawar are small; and their hydraulic potentiality in the months other than rainy season definitely casts a doubt on the scale in which they might have sustained a pure agricultural production system. However, the lower reaches of the rivers must have given the proto-historic man an ample scope to practice agriculture in the rich sandy alluvium along the coast line, often interspersed with black cotton soil. In north Gujarat plain, the sites are located along the river basin of Rupen and Banas. The smallness of all these sites definitely indicates that the proto-historic population was living in small groups;

The aforementioned discussion on the evolution of the urban life has emphasized the role of trade in the social and political aspects of Mature Harappan. Possehl (1999) identifies three areas in the Early Harappan culture complexes, viz., social stratification, craft and career specialization, and political and ideological institutions that radically differed from the Mature Harappan phase. The concluding remarks of his voluminous exposition on Early Harappan- “There seems to have been a minimum of development of social stratification, craft and career specialization and little evolution of the political and ideological institutions that produce public architecture” (Possehl 1999: 724)- clearly explains the importance of the craft production in the Harappan economy. The career specialization and the social stratification might be attributed as a product of the intensification of the craft and trade in Harappan economy. “These sociocultural features are in marked contrast to levels of developments inferred for the Mature Harappan and must be used to shape perceptions of the nature of Mature Harappan society, its institutions and the historical, development process that took it from the early Harappan stage to urbanization” (Possehl 1999).

Subsistence, Craft Production and Trade:

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artisans who were full-time or part time practitioners. In specialised technologies different stages of production are often carried out by different persons working together under the direction of one or more master artisans. Whereas specific aspects of production can be undertaken by any dexterous person, the ability to consistently produce a range of culturally prescribed objects is determined by the select group of master artisans or specialists. A final aspect of specialised technologies is that the objects produced are produced primarily for use by persons other than the producers.”

Harappans used metals and various kinds of semi-precious stones as raw materials to produce a wide range of craft items. The marine shells consisting of different species were used for manufacturing bangles. Pottery making was the most widely prevalent craft product and is a very common item in the Harappan inventory. Apart from these durable objects that are better represented in the archaeological record, the use of perishable items like wool, hide and cotton may be added to the list of raw materials used for craft production. Harappans artefact inventory points out use of eight metals, viz., copper, tin, arsenic, gold, silver, electrum, antimony and lead.

The availability of the raw material and the technological know how are the two most important variable on which the craft production depends. What is most significant about these two variables is that they are definable in the archaeological record. Considering these two parameters Kenoyer (1991) classifies the Harappan craft production into four categories:

Carnelian, chert, Alabaster, steatite, and marble are the chief raw materials available in Gujarat. Tin and copper might also have procured from Khetri belt that lies to its north and must have transported to Sind through Gujarat. Along with the exploitation of these metals and mineral sources, salt extraction (Shinde 1992) must have been another specialized craft production. The use of wool and hide, in the craft production can be presumed on the basis of their prevalence in the local subsistence. The forest produces such as ivory and timber must have an important place in the craft activities of Harappans. The involvement of Harappans in the manufacture of the shell bangles proves that shells were another important marine product that had a significant place in the Harappan society. Taking all these into account, it is safe to conclude that Gujarat as a region contained important sources which might have supported the craft activities in a broader scale.

1.

2.

3.

4.

The craft seems to have had a significant place in the social and economic life of Harappans in Gujarat. Before we venture into the implications of the craft production in defining the overall scenario, let us define the term ‘craft specialization’. Kenoyer (1989) gives following definition: “The specialised technology is one that is limited to skilled

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Those involved in the processing of locally available materials with relatively simple technologies- wood carving, terra-cotta ceramic production, house building, etc. Those involved in the processing of non-local materials using relatively simple technologies- stone working, shipped stone, ground and pecked stone. Those involved with more complex production processes using local raw materialsstoneware bangle manufacture, elaborate painted and specialised ceramics, inlaid woodwork etc. Those involved with more complex production using nonlocal materials- agate bead manufacture, seal production, copper bronze metal working, precious metal working, shell working, faience manufacture, etc.

vicinity of the raw material source, the energy and time requirement for procurement is minimal. Perhaps this factor of the economics of craft production had resulted in careful selection of spots that are strategic for procurement of raw material in Harappan civilization. This is more specifically applicable to the crafts whose raw materials were found concentrated so densely at one place that artisans did not depend on any other extraneous source. This ideal situation may not hold true to all the craft centres. In such situations, the procurement of raw material must have warranted a well devised social mechanism to exploit the widely dispersed source from which the artisan derived his required raw material. It might then be presumed that some sections of the population must have been involved in the procurement strategy. Moreover, the involvement of some specific group in procurement of raw material would ensure a better management of time and energy of the artisan. The involvement of the itinerant and nomadic population then becomes a natural choice considering their greater mobility than any other group. These groups might have proved invaluable to the artisan to locate the source, as these nomadic people were more conversant with the terrain covering a wider orbit.

Considering the availability of raw materials, the stone bead, copper, bronze and the shell industry have distinct source areas from which raw materials are procured and processed. In the context of Gujarat, various stone industries and shell industries are located to exploit the locally available raw material required. As is expected, the shell working evidences comes from the coastal sites like Nageswar, Nagwada, and Lothal. The long coastline of Saurashtra must have provided many more such industrial centres banking upon availability of shells. Beads, bangles, ladles, bowls, earstuds, gamesman, knives, burnishers, needles, and various minor objects are made from shell. Similar range of products is found associated with the stone industry. The Khambat ethnoarchaeological study of the stone bead industry revealed that the production of specific items is also dependent upon the culture specific demands to which artisans responds. Thus the cultural factors are also important to affect the craft production along with the technological knowledge and availability of raw materials. On the basis of this observation, the centralised control of the craft production in the Harappan society is challenged. The social control of the dispersion of the technological knowledge and unity of the kin groups of specific craft sometimes define the independent existence of the artisans even within a decentralised polity. Thus, the similarity in the craft products may not necessarily consider as a product of centralised control. Further, the variation in the artefact styles is generally the result of consumer requirements. In such a case, the technology, procurement and processing of the raw materials remains the same. So, the procurement of the raw material to process them within the technological know-how to produce culturally prescribed objects and to sell them in the local market defines the domain of craft production activity.

The technological aspect of the craft production seems to be a special knowledge and the most crucial aspect of craft production. This knowledge and skill is the significant feature of an artisan and this sets him apart from others. This knowledge must have passed from one generation to other along a kin line and it is not quite improbable that the dispersion of this knowledge must have been enviously guarded to retain their social identity and economic viability. This control must be quite rigid in case of all the specialized craft items that had some luxury value. The complex technologies such as metallurgy, shell working, pottery making, metal working involving costly and rare metals can be included in this category. The

The procurement of raw material is the initial stage in the craft production. If the production centre is situated in the

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relationship shapes the overall cultural and economic scenario.

involvement of any other group can almost be ruled out in this sphere of craft production.

Craft production activities are reported from a large number of sites that include both large metropolitan cities and rural settlements. Both Mohenjodaro and Harappa produces evidence for different craft activities, but not all the required craft items were manufactured locally. This shows the interdependence of cities and other small craft production centres such as Balakot and Chanudaro. Some distant craft production centres may as well be named such as Lothal, Kuntasi, or Nageswar that must have been looped into the economic network of the city. It is noticed that the heavy industries such as brick making, pottery making and metalworking were consciously excluded from the core of the city perhaps because of the constraint of the space. However, within the cities we find groups of specialised artisans involved in the production of very sophisticated luxury items. Vidale (1989) concludes that in case of most of the craft activities found in the cities, pyrotechnology had a major role and the large urban centres depended upon the regional centres for specific type of commodities such as long barrel shaped carnelian beads, specific types of bangles, ladles and many such objects. The movement of the craft items from the peripheral regional centres to the urban centres lying at various distances is ascertained quite satisfactorily. But, there is an uncertainty prevails over whether any craft items moved from cities to peripheries. In the lack of such evidence the mode of transportation and the economic relationship of cities and regional craft production centres becomes a point to ponder over.

The next component of the craft production activity is to sell or to exchange the craft product within or outside of the kin group to procure other material requirement of an artisan’s life. In this sphere of activity, involvement of some outside group is a valid probability. The long distance trades might have conducted by some specific groups who had access to some mode of transport. The involvement of the specialised craftsmen in this endeavour will be minimal. This again might have given the artisan more time to concentrate on the production that definitely was a time consuming job. The time constraints and the lack of specific transportation infrastructure not only have compelled the artisan not to involve himself in the marketing of the products in a far off market, it must have increased the rate of production giving him more economic benefits. There are two possible mode of transportation, either by the land route or by the sea. The sea-faring communities who knew that specific skill must have dominated the long distance sea routes. The trade and transport of the production must have involved pack animals to carry loads from one place to other. The examples of Banjaras, and Kathis may be cited in this context. The involvement of pastoral and other nomadic groups in these activities is thus a viable presumption. To sum up, the probability of the involvement of pastoral and other nomadic groups in the procurement of the raw materials and transportation and trading of the craft products can not be ruled out. However, such an inference rests on a logical ground supported by the economics of the craft production. Apart from the economic aspect of craft production, there is a specific social and cultural dynamism. To penetrate the possible depths of social complexity, we need to consider the interdependence of different communities. This multifaceted

Leaving this point to be solved by further research, let us return back to the local scenario where the craft production took place. Irrespective of reverse flow of craft products from cities to rural craft production centres, it can be assumed that there was greater communication between different craft production centres. This may account for the

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such commodity flows will not involve an urban centre. Such exchange relationships as a matter of fact would depend upon the relative distance between one community and the other.

presence of several craft items in rural settlements that were definitely not produced in the workshop of the local artisans. Then, what was the role of the urban centres? Did cities have any economic significance? It is probable that they played the role of intermediary in the movement of the craft items from one place to the other. Granting the nodal role to the urban centres for long distance trades may not altogether rule out the possibility of local marketing covering a few miles of distance around the craft production centre. Neither it can be presumed that the local artisan groups totally depended upon the urban centres for producing other material requirements of their life. So, the local markets and exchange networks must have played an equally important role in the life of the artisans. This must have resulted in a greater social and cultural integration of the artisans with other groups of people who occupied the same territory.

A lot more of the social and economic interrelationship of the artisans vis-à-vis other communities would depend upon whether the artisan is involved in the particular craft production on a part time or on a full time basis. If we consider the four categories of the craft productions in Harappan civilization as defined by Kenoyer (1991), only the fourth category can be believed to have demanded the full-time involvement. This category deals with a more complex technological knowledge and depends upon distant raw material sources. Even with the involvement of corroboratory social groups in the procurement and transportation, the time and the technological complicity must have not allowed the artisan to indulge in any other activity. In such a scenario the fulltime involvement of the artisan seems enviable.

Thus, the involvement of other groups in two corollary activity of the craft production, i.e., the procurement of raw material and transportation of the craft products to distant markets must have defined the pattern of social and cultural symbiosis between artisans and other communities in the non-economic spheres. At one hand we see the craft specialization consolidating the social and economic relationship within a specific artisan group, on the other it defined a more important milieu of social and economic interdependence in a wider platform, independent of the economic over-indulgence. Is this non-economic interaction of the artisan population with the rest of the population, or with a selective section of it, reflected in the settlement organization? It is clear from the foregoing discussion that the social and economic relationship of the artisan groups would depend upon their dependence on other groups for mutual benefit. The food grains and other craft products are some of the material requirements of living. These necessities of life would be exchanged in the local level, and what is more important is that

The ethno-archaeological study of the Khambat bead industry project has revealed the opposite. The long processing requirements and the complex technological knowledge involved in the production of the beads is distributed among the artisans in terms of specific phases in the production process. The internal work division enables a particular person to deal with a specific job that constitutes only a part of the whole process. Such work division allows a person to improve his efficiency and accuracy to increase the rate of quality production. Thus, the production becomes a community effort than being a personal effort of the artisan. Such intensive production by internal work division requires a steady demand for the product in the market. A dwindled demand situation then will force the artisan to reduce the intensity of the production. In such scenario, involvement in other activities cannot be ruled out.

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regional portfolio of economic activities thus would include these all.

Let us now consider the other three categories. The first two involve relatively simple technologies. The second though depends upon the procurement of the raw material from non-local sources; yet assuming help extended to him by other groups in procuring, the part-time involvement may suffice to meet the requirement of a limited market. The third category again exploits the locally available resource base, but the production process is complex. As it is mentioned earlier that the complex process of manufacture sometimes be resolved by internal division of labour within the community which in return has an additional benefit in increasing the rate of production. The part-time or full-time involvement of the artisans thus heavily depends upon the demand. If we consider the demand for a certain commodity remained constant and did not fluctuate in a short cycle then it may create a definite working pattern among the involved artisan group. But to define the demand-supply ratio in archaeology to infer full-time or part time involvement of the artisans is a difficult proposition.

Food is the basic requirement of all sections of the society. Though the exact nature of the craft specialization in Harappan society is yet to be defined, the existence of some sort of specialization in all the craft and subsistence production regimes is beyond any doubt. It is still debatable whether a strict career specialization defined rigid social and economic units within Harappan civilization; or several possible combinations of production regimes within a flexible social and economic stratification, provided better adaptability of Harappans to withstand subsistence production hazards. An increased specialization creates more interdependency and disturbance in any one sphere of activity permeates the shock to the other spheres creating a disorder in the whole of it. Specialization in each sphere of craft production units and in each distinct subsistence strategy would thus create innumerable production units, isolated in their own context but interdependent in a regional scale. The regulation of such an extensive interdependence in a regional scale thus would require a higher form of social organization that can control the flow of goods. The discussion on the political aspect of the Harappan society gives no such indication of a strong centralized polity that was involved in the regulation of the commodity flow and its distribution in its constituting components. Hence, flexibility in the occupational mobility and combination of economic strategies for a better adaptability must have been the notion of social and economic organization of Harappans.

Whether it is a part-time or full-time engagement for artisan, the craftsman cannot exist in social isolation. The parttime craft involvement however will allow the artisan to spread his economic risk over diverse economic activities. Thus, a variety of combinations of craft activity with other seasonal subsistence activities would emerge. In such a situation the involvement of pastoral population in some kind of part-time craft activities, particularly for utilizing the raw materials like wool and hide is not improbable. Further, the division of labour in a pastoral community along the age and sex would create enough space to support endeavours in craft production. Thus, the diversity in their economic pursuits, and utilizing different components of the society for a variety of specialised activities would have given them more security against the fluctuation of demand in the market as well as against subsistence hazards. The

Consuming Food: Production and/or Procurement: Now let us come to the food production system. The practice of agriculture varied in scale and seasonality over different

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was their primary activity not hunting. Similarly, the interface between other communities must have depended on the compatibility of each other’s requirement. The procurement of food items in such an interface must have a primary objective for those who did not produce these specific food items. The hunter-gatherers must have procured food grains in exchange of forest products and meat of wild animals; pastoralists must have also preferred to add grains to its diet; the cultivation must have collected the supply of milk and other milk products to supplement their diet; and, other non-food producing communities such as traders and craftsmen might have as well exchanged the craft items to procure both grains and milk products.

parts of Harappan civilization in accordance to the ecological conditions. The Great Plains along the large perennial rivers was exploited both for Rabi as well as Kharif crops. In the rest of the areas where the agriculture was primarily rain-fed, the agricultural activities were only limited to one season, especially to the Kharif season. The cropping pattern thus varied from one region to the other. The details of the agricultural practice are discussed in a separate chapter). Pastoralism, which exploited the grasslands, was practiced in the open non-cultivated areas. More particularly the areas considered to be marginalized for the agricultural purposes were thought to have supported the pastoral activities. Possehl (1982) had proposed that the interstices of the agricultural settlements might have provided space for the nomadic groups to practice pastoralism. Similarly, the hunting-gathering population also existed in the forested areas where the games were plenty. The Langhnaj is often quoted to exemplify the existence of hunting-gathering component in the Harappan civilization.

The biological survival of a population unit depends on the supply of food. So, the maximum precaution is taken to produce or procure food items. The procurement of food items from other groups involved a complex networking of both social and economic relations. The alternative is to produce the food items to the extent that the ecology permits. Such an endeavour is taken in its supplementary capacity to the main occupational activity of a specific group. Thus one sees the combination of agriculture and animal husbandry, pastoralism with dry farming, craft production with agriculture in a limited way, and many more. Thus, absolutely non-food producing community in Harappan society must be very few. Perhaps the full-time traders, craftsmen involved in mass production of certain types of craft items whose demand in the society was paramount, administrators, and ritual leaders (!) were the only people to be grouped in this category.

There is no doubt that the pristine categories of these subsistence strategies were practiced, but interfaces among these categories and combinations of more than one strategy was also an interesting feature of the Harappan subsistence practice. Possehl and Kennedy have shown the interface of the hunting-gathering population of Langhnaj with the urban population of Lothal. Such interfaces might be suggested between other components such as pastoralists, craftsmen, and traders. These interfaces must have been defined by the mutual needs of the involved components. As noted in case of LothalLanghnaj interface, the hunting-gathering population collected its food grains from Lothal merchants (!) and supplied them with forest products. Thus in a true sense, the Langhnaj population depended more on supply of grain than on the hunting of wild animals for its food; and gathering

The archaeological sites represent a single settlement unit. Did the subsistence strategy of different units of a particular settlement vary from each other? The interdependence of different components of the settlement is sometimes undermined in the process of drawing inference about the social and

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nature. The man’s effort for the optimal use of the ecological condition for production in a given eco-zone works in harmony with nature. Such harmonious relationship if not governs his life-style, definitely put a significant impact on the production regime. If we accept that man existed in harmony with ecology for food production, the ecological study then should provide us information regarding the range of possibilities in modes of food production.

economic life of the past communities. Without knowing the specific functions of each constituting components of a settlement, the means through which the goods have flown into the social and economic life of the settlement is impossible to perceive. In the lack of such an effort we are sometimes compelled to make generalised statements like ‘a combination of agriculture and pastoralism must have been the subsistence of the people’. The scientific analysis of the faunal and paleobotanical remains is indicators of the ‘net-consumed’ food items; moreover, such evidences necessarily need not be considered as the ‘netproduced’ items in a particular settlement or at a site. A series of procuring strategies may involve including a range of non-local elements that the local population never produced. The evidence of the grains is often considered as the indication of the agricultural production. Considering the difference in preservation possibilities linked to the survival of several food items in the archaeological record we need to be cautious. Similarly, the bones of the domestic animals are considered as the by-product of pastoralism. It is true that grains are product of agriculture and bones of domestic animals are byproducts of pastoralism, but what is important for us to know is whether they were produced or procured. An agricultural village may procure the meat of domestic animals from the pastoralists; and a pastoral settlement would produce grains from the cultivators either from the vicinity or from far off villages of cultivators. A lack of understanding of the procurement strategy thus may seriously mess up our inference about the subsistence practice of a particular site. The procurement of food grains and other craft products are regulated by several complicated economic and social relationship. But the local food production is primarily determined by the ecological factors. The human effort and choice is instrumental to extract a specific type of food ingredients from

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CHAPTER-V The Nature Of Pastoralism In Gujarat (2500-2000 BC): Ecology, Settlement Pattern, and Bio-Archaeology Then we will take the help of studies conducted to reconstruct the paleoenvironment of Mature Harappa phase and use these ethnographic insights to draw inferences.

Introduction: In this final chapter we will focus on the lifeways of pastoralists in the Mature Harappa phase of Indus Civilization. The methodological difficulties in reconstructing the pastoral lifeways are thoroughly dealt elsewhere in this book. There is a need to make necessary changes in the archaeological methods in order to expand the horizon of interpretation and gain deeper understanding of ancient pastoral lifeways. Here, in this chapter however, we will concentrate on the existing archaeological database to draw inferences. We will take help of ethnoarchaeological insights discussed in the previous chapters to reconstruct different aspects of their life.

In the next section we will use the database of the archaeological sites carefully compiled from different exploration efforts in the last five decades. We will study the location of the archaeological sites in relation to other ecological factors to draw inference on the possible subsistence strategies, and their economic life. Thus, the archaeological sites will be meaningfully located in the ecological space. If the subsistence activity changes in a locality, then the location of the settlements should also go through some changes. In this section, we therefore study the dynamics of settlement location in Kathiawar and Kutch in the last one millennium. During the last one millennium, the region has experienced expansion of agricultural activities. Hence, such settlement location dynamics can be seen in the light of this known process of subsistence and social change. The inferences drawn from this exercise is then used to interpret the Harappan settlement grid in Gujarat.

The archaeological database up on which our interpretation will be based include the site inventory prepared by efforts of different explorers; the excavated assemblages of pottery and other cultural artefacts; bio-archaeological material such as bones and botanical remains; and ecofacts which helps to reconstruct the past environment. The ecological matrix of a particular region, if it does not determine the kind of subsistence strategy, definitely suggests the range of possible subsistence activities (Harris 1977). Archaeologists to reconstruct the economic activities of a particular site often conduct the site catchments studies. Higgs and Vitafinzii (1972) has demonstrated how the study of area exploited by a particular site (constructed in terms of the work distance) can help us to asses the range of potential resource exploitation from a given site. In the first section of this chapter we will deal with the relationship of pastoralism with ecology. We will take the help of ethnographic studies on different pastoral communities to draw our inferences.

The third section in this chapter deals with the bio-archaeological database. The information used in this chapter is compiled from different archaeological excavation reports, essays and articles published in different journals. The available information on the faunal and botanical remains is interpreted in various types of settlements. The trends of the bio-archaeological information are studied in the urban sites, permanent sites, and small rural settlements. Such differentiation helps in understanding the role of subsistence production at different levels of Harappan society. 136

economy and the ecology does not bear a direct correlation. However, specialized economies that function within the total system exist in a close relationship with ecological resources. As the technology is well defined in the context of specialized economies, the range of the possible ecological resources exploited for subsistence is predictable. This predictability of the resource base for any specialized economy gives us the advantage of demarcating the eco-niches that would sustain a particular specialized economy.

The fourth and the last section of this chapter elucidate further nuances of complexities of social systems. The probable links of the pastoralists with other communities who lived along side and participated in the Civilizational dynamics and achievement is described in the light of anthropological knowledge. As, the existing archaeological database is inadequate to infer details of the interface; the discussion in this section indicates only probable scenario. We need to wait for some detailed archaeological work on some of small sites and sites belonged to pastorals to fine tune our perception.

Can pastoralism be defined as a specialized economy? Pastoralism is a technological category that deals with intensive exploitation of domestic livestock. So, this technological parameter adopted here may justify our selection of pastoral mode of production as an analytical category. Agriculture, though in a supplementary capacity, is often found associated with the practice of livestock raising. The association of agriculture does not antagonize the selection of pastoralism as an analytical category; rather it provides an additional analytical category in our inquiry. Hence, the relationship of ecology with both of these subsistence systems should be studied separately and then can be combined together to get a complete picture of the adaptation strategy of a given human group at any given time.

I Pastoral Production System and Ecology: The subsistence activities are often understood as acts of appropriating energy from the natural sources for human consumption. The production of food items though is the central principle of any subsistence activity; production of a range of other material requirement is also associated with it. So, the role of subsistence activities need to be understood in terms of their viability of satisfying different needs of human being. Mutuality among human groups gives them access to the benefits of a wide range of material and food items, which they cannot produce for themselves. Hence, Flannery’s (1968) broad-spectrum resource utilization can be seen through interactions of different specialized economies. The reciprocal social and economic relationships between different group of human population, thus enables each of them to use a wider range of ecological resources extensively. As a result the economy of the complex societies, where different social groups are weaved together in complex social and economic relationships, the linkage between the

Methodologically, the study of the relationship of pastoralism and ecology thus would help us in demarcating the possible eco-niches for pastoral way of life. These possible eco-niches then can be studied in detail to reveal the nature of the pastoral production. The identification of the micro eco-zones for exploring the sites related to pastoral mode of production is already been tested in chapter-III. This section includes some broad pattern in the relationship of the pastoralists with the eco-niches that sustain them. Different pastoral groups from Africa, and Eurasia landmass will be taken into consideration here. As our prime objective is to find out the

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ecological factors that affect the geographical patterning of the pastoral population only relevant cases that exemplifies the relevance of deterministic factors for environmental possibility of pastoralism will be elaborated here.

The steppe zone of central Eurasia is another important pastoral environment. “Severely cold winter in the steppe, short growing season and relatively low average rainfall has made agriculture less dependable than pastoralism. Therefore, except along the flood plains of major rivers or in sheltered valleys, permanent farming communities were rare. Even in those regions, farming villages were particularly vulnerable to destructive raids by their nomadic neighbours many were abandoned in times of political disorder and not established for many generations, if ever (Barfield 1993: 137)”. Thus, it is clear that the social and political factors further restrict the environmental possibility to determine the actual mode of production practiced in any given eco-zone.

There are large numbers of pastoral communities in African continent. Tuareg, Fulani, and Zaghawa in west Africa; Neur, Rendile, Sambhuru, Karimajong and Jie in East Africa; Ngwato and Herero in South Africa are some of the important pastoral communities who occupy the tropical and sub-tropical environments of Africa. In West Africa pastoral production cycle revolves around the desert environment of Sahara, and the Savannah grasslands known as Sahel. Inconsistency in rainfall affects the movement of the pastoral groups in these eco-zones. Comparing to West Africa, eastern part of the African continent shows greater variability in the soil type and in the resultant vegetation cover. The most important ecological feature of the Eastern Africa is the variability in the altitudes, which creates great many pastoral environments. “The main pastoral production areas in Africa are related to rainfall, vegetation cover and various disease, as well as the distribution of the tseste flies, which are vectors of trypanosomiasis fatal to the cattle and small stock.” (Smith 1992: 128). Pastoral population irrespective of a favourable rainfall and vegetation cover in these areas avoids the tseste fly infected areas. Another factor, which decides the pastoral production, is the nutritional content of the soil. Smith (1992) reports that there are several grassland areas in southern Africa, which one would expect them to be prime cattle keeping areas, but the low nutritional content of the soil, produce inferior forage, considered sub-standard for any domestic animal. Hence, the carrying capacity of any grassland is one of the important factors to be considered for judging the suitability of pastoral production of any grassland.

“Baluchistan within West Pakistan is similarly sharply broken into environmentally distinct regions, while Baluchistan in Afghanistan is divided between two extremes: vast desert and semi-desert plains and ribbon cultivation along either side of the Helmand river which flows through them (Spooner 1975)”. The Persian grasslands on the other hand “lies on the borders of the influence of the Mediterranean and Monsoon climatic regime. It may not rain for several years in succession (Spooner 1975)”. This variability in the environmental conditions is well reflected in the subsistence strategy of the people in Baluchistan. One finds numerous combinations of agriculture and pastoralism in the area. Considerable variability is also noticed within the pastoral communities in their herd size and composition. The situation in the Indian peninsula differs from the above-mentioned regions. Whyte (1975) is of the opinion that there is no steppe or range type grassland climax in India. He further writes: “the typical Savannah type grassland which is thought to occur as a climatic climax in other parts of the tropics and sub-tropics is apparently absent in India (see also Champion 1935

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harbours a number of palatable browse.” (Malhotra and Gadgil 1984)

and Sankarnarayan 1962). The closed deciduous forest grades into thorn forest without an intermediate open park-like stage, which might be regarded as Savannah (Whyte 1975: 220).” In the absence of climax type of grassland, pastoralism in India exemplifies a distinct adaptive strategy. The domestic herds are found to be more dependent on the browse than grazing. Interestingly enough, some of the pastoral population in India occupy the dry deciduous forests. Rodgers (1991:200) explains the Indian scenario in following words: “The severe nine month dry season typical of Deccan and western Ghats in peninsular India can not produce a grass cover of sufficient palatability to maintain medium sized herbivores. Browse becomes an essential part of the diet. Browse consists of palatable herbs, often legumes, shrubs such as ber (Zizyphus species) and fallen tree litter. These browse components, grass and standing crops are more abundant in open wooded communities than under closed forests. The dense moist deciduous forest have little fodder at ground and shrub layer levels, and their carrying capacity for terrestrial mammals is low compared to open thorn bush and dry deciduous communities. It is probably feasible, therefore, to imagine pastoralist people in India’s forests.”

Unlike the cattle keeping Gavlis, the Dhangars who keep sheep and goats occupy the ecological zones with lower isohyets. To the east of the Western Ghats the rainfall drops drastically to 400 to 600 mm per annum. Due to the low and irregular rainfall, the area is considered marginalized for agriculture. Sontheimer (1975) traces that even Marathas and Kunbis who are known agricultural communities of Maharashtra when came to this area followed pastoral pursuits rather than regular plough cultivation. The availability of water is one of the major factor is one of the major factor in the practice of the pastoralism in this zone. A similar picture is also portrayed for Rajasthan and Gujarat by Whyte (1975). He Writes: “A great part of the western and north-western Rajasthan and of western Gujarat (Saurashtra and Kutch) is more pastoral than agricultural. The rainfall is low and often uncertain, there are periods of scarcity of grazing and fodder in cycles of five or six years. The movements are not always due to the scarcity of available pasturage alone, but more to the scarcity of water.” The living pastoral communities in Gujarat are mostly confined to the arid part of Kutch and semi-arid zone of Kathiawar peninsula and to some extent in the north Gujarat. The Sindhi Musalmans occupy the Banni area in Kutch. The eastern part of the Kutch is inhabited by the Rabaris. “The vegetation of Kutch is chiefly dominated by thorny shrubs of forests. Several degraded stages of scrubby vegetation are also seen in over-grazed areas. In certain protected and moister areas like valleys of hills of Dhinodar, Kala-Dungar, Motadhola, vegetation tends to develop into deciduous type of forests like that of Deccan trap with species like Sterculia urens roxb, Lannea coromandelica Merr., Bauhinia racemosa Lam., Ehretia laevis roxb., Bombax ceiba L., Cordia spp., and Moringa oleifera Lam. etc. The grassland

The position of Todas in Nilgiri hills and the Gavlis in Western Ghats of Maharashtra and northern Karnataka may justify Rodger’s assertion. “In Maharashtra, the Gavlis are restricted to the rainfall zone of 2000 to 6000 mm, whereas in Karnataka the live in the rainfall zone of 800 to 1500 mm offers the best habitat for buffalo and cattle under climax conditions. The moist deciduous forest in the rainfall zone of 1500 to 2500 mm with an open country canopy has excellent grass and bamboo growth. The tree growth on the Karnataka Western Ghats has been largely preserved, except for extraction of larger trees and the slight opening of the canopy that has created ideal conditions for Gavli animals in the deciduous forest zone of 800 to 2500 mm rainfall. The forest also

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impossible. In the marginal areas agriculture and pastoralism generally play complementary roles. Porter (1965) writes: “the greater the frequency of crop failure the higher the ration of livestock to people, and conversely, the more dependable the agriculture the less important animal husbandry become.”

of Kutch are found two types of habitats, viz., (1) plains formed by old and young alluvium including coastal sands and sandy habitats with deep soils; (2) rugged hilly projection and general formation with shallow soils.” (Rao 1969). Apart from the grasses, the top-feed species of shrubs serves as supplementary fodder to the livestock. The leaves of Accacia nilotica L., Del. Ssp. Indica (Benth) Brenan, Proposis spicigera L., Salvadora oleoides Decne., S. Persica L., Zizyphus nummularia Roxb. are quite palatable whereas leaves of Accacia senegal wild., Albizia lebbeck Benth, Anogeissus pendula Edgw., Calligonum polygonides L. are moderately palatable. (Ganguli et al 1964)

Now let us summarize the discussion made above about the relationship between the pastoralists and the ecology. Following points are relevant for an ethno-archaeological perspective: 1.

There are some 70 species of grasses (about 20 species of excellent nutritive value) and 50 species of legumes (about 15 species of very high fodder value) that forms the main source of fodder in semiarid zone of Kutch. The Banni grasslands of Kutch are renowned for cattle health and productivity. Forage grasses like Chenchrus ciliaris, C. Setigerus, Pacincum antodotale, Chrysopogon fulvus and a few others have been found to be most nutritious, bringing about higher yield of milk when judiciously mixed up with legume species of Alysicarpus, Desmodium and Indigofera which supplement the protein deficiency in the diet of the cattle. “It is not correct to relate the pastoral system too closely to the arid and semi-arid zones, nor to the natural grasslands alone. The geographical location, extent and limits of the arid and semi-arid regions vary widely according to the seasons, and therefore so also does the type of land use. For instance, in the Kharif or wet monsoon season in the drier parts of India, much of the country is temporary sub-humid to humid. In the Rabi crops or dry winter season, the greater part is semi-arid or arid.” (Whyte 1975)

2.

3.

The rainfall pattern, vegetation cover particularly the grass and other fodder plants, the soil type are some of the ecological parameters which can be used to determine the possibility of pastoralism in any given area. In Indian context, dry deciduous forest, thorn forests provide adequate palatable sources to browse on, and thus making pastoral practice possible. The disease infected areas, the grasslands containing the nonpalatable grasses, and the areas that are considered to be unsafe for social and political reasons are consciously avoided by the pastoralists. The seasonal variation in the climatic conditions may make some of the areas suitable for pastoral exploitation in a specific period of the year. In the rest of the year, it may be inhospitable for the pastoralists. So, while assessing the suitability of any eco-zone for pastoral mode of production, the seasonal variability in the ecotone must be considered.

At the present state of knowledge, it is not possible to comment on whether any social and political factors influenced the pastoralists of the Harappan period to choose a particular eco-niche than any other. Using the aforementioned ecological parameters, the whole of Kutch, hilly areas of Kathiawar peninsula and the eastern part of the North Gujarat can be identified as regions having

The foregoing discussion suggests that pastoralism forms the predominant mode of production in the areas where agriculture is not dependable if not

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potentiality for pastoral production during Harappan period. Whether these areas were also had the same potentiality for the pastoral production at the time of Mature Harappan phase needs to be assessed. We will take the help of scientific studies that reflects on the paleo-environment of Indus valley in general and Gujarat in particular.

were among some others to agree on this viewpoint. It is now believed that the Ran of Kutch was a shallow bay of the sea in the pre- and proto-historic times. “The change form a shallow bay to the present dry stage could be attributed to the dry phase which broke down the fluvial process operating into the Great Ran and by a combination of tectonic and eustatic process. Eustatic lowering of sea levels and the rise of land due to tectonic enabled sea to retreat further, leaving the Great Ran with the present configuration.” (Roy and Merh 1977: 199)

Reconstructing Paleo-environment of Gujarat In the southern province of the Indus Civilization, the Rans are believed to be the most important environmental features that have undergone a considerable change since the pre-historic times. On the basis of the sedimentological, geological and palynological evidence, the paleo-history of the Rans is thoroughly studied and examined. The environmental studies in the Indus valley were mostly concerned about the evolution and devolution of Indus Civilization; likewise, the environmental investigations in Gujarat were pivoted towards two major archaeological problems: first, the question of Harappan expansion in Gujarat; and second, the emergence and decline of the coastal trade ports. In addition to it, at a later date, the understandings of the environmental factors become significant to know the centre-periphery relationship between Sind and Gujarat.

S. K. Gupta (1972) studied the sedimentation process in the Little Ran of Kutch and reached a similar conclusion. “The average rate of sedimentation in Little Ran of Kutch, during Holocene, has been about 2mm per year, ranging from 1.5mm to 3mm per year at different locations. This, in the absence of any evidence for tectonic instability of the region during Holocene, implies that even as late as 2000 years ago Little Ran was about 4m deep and thus was inundated throughout the year” (Gupta 1972). Hence, the existence of Kutch as an island in the proto-historic times is a common opinion among most of the scholars (Rao 1973, Gupta and Pandya 1980), while a few others (Joshi 1977) believe that the Ran was crossable by land routes during the period of Indus Civilization. Joshi’s firm belief in the existence of the land route from Sind to Kutch is based on two points: first, the land route is the shortest route of communication, so the human endowment to select this over the lengthy sea-faring weighs heavily in the logistic scale; and the second, the existence of the Harappan site Luna at a height 3.6m above the sea level, is a definitive proof that the Ran of Kutch in the Harappan period was shallow enough to allow human thoroughfare by land, if not for the whole year, at least seasonally. This enigmatic evidence of Luna amidst the Ran of Kutch, which is believed as a shallow bay by several scientists, seems

According to Vishnu-Mittre the environmental conditions of the coastal and inland riverine zone of Gujarat has changed very little since Holocene. However, the position of the Ran of Kutch is still a bone of contention between several scholars. Roy and Merh (1977) in their study of the geomorphology of the Kutch region found the presence of oyster beds, swash marks, and fossils beaches about 8 meters above the present surface level. This surely indicates that the sea occupied a higher position in the geologic past. Rogers (1870), Fadden (1884), Oldham (1893), Wadia (1926), and Pascoe (1964) 141

much interesting as it mocks at the painstakingly derived scientific inferences. Further investigation and the exact chronological position may help in clearing up this confusion. However, as there is no easy and immediate solution available to solve this puzzle.

Vishnu-Mittre (1979) made an attempt to reconstruct the environmental conditions of Gujarat by studying the pollen profile collected from Nal Lake and Oxbow lake at Malvan. He found a striking similarity between both the pollen profiles. “The Holocene vegetation history in both begins with the grassland Chenopod Savannah with Acacia and members of Leguminosae comprising trees. Chenopods together with some, if not all, grasses had occupied saline habitats. The vegetations of the riverine habitat comprised Holoptelea integrifolia and Myrtaceae. Ailanthus in the vicinity of Nal occurred on sandy soils. An increase in dry deciduous forest is noted between 2200 BC and 5000 BC. Holoptelea integrifolia occurs in wet arid climates in the country and as a member of the primary sere in riverine successions, its occurrence is governed by the repeated deposition of fresh silt by the flooded rivers and the development of the climax vegetation of a particular climate prevailing taking place much later. Hence, this increase in riverine community is suggestive of intense fluvial activity resulting from environmental changes near sources of the river and not locally. Subsequent to 2000 BC the riverine vegetation declined. The forest development of the climax type is arrested at this first seral stage. The grassland Chenopodiaceae at Malvan than at Nal owing to the continued prevalence of estuarine conditions.” (Ibid: 43)

The Kathiawar peninsula was also perhaps cut-off from the mainland Gujarat. “Although the Saurashtra peninsula is now joined to the mainland, the process is still not complete as is evident from the presence of innumerable lakes of which the largest is the Nal, lying midway between the Little Ran in the north and the gulf of Cambay in the south. It has been observed that the land bridge connecting Saurashtra with mainland of Gujarat was flooded for about six months in year till 1813 AD. This is natural because the Nal-Bhal region is a low-lying area and as such is subject to extensive floods. Saurashtra therefore seems to have been semi-insular as late as 18th century” (Dhavalikar 1995: 14). It has been recorded that the earthquake of 1819 AD that accounted for a local elevation of 6 meters to the north of the Ran may have succeeded in joining the island of Saurashtra to the mainland. (Allchin, Gowdie and Hegde 1978: 7). “Geomorphologic information shows a big wide channel interlinking the Little Ran of Kutch with the Gulf of Cambay. Even today excess water of the Ran empties into the gulf through this channel.” (Pandya 1980) In the initial years of Harappan study, Marshall and Wheeler’s hypothesis of the wet climate was extended to Gujarat. A fresh investigation on the environmental conditions of Gujarat triggered along with the study of environmental changes in Sind and Rajasthan. Gurudip Singh proposed that the aridity in phase IVb (1800-1500 BC) had marginal affect in Gujarat and Himalaya region. This more congenial environmental condition in Gujarat was believed to be the reason for expansion of Indus Civilization to the interiors of Gujarat.

Vishnu-Mittre’s observation on environmental conditions of the coastal region of Gujarat is as follows: “In the coastal region of Gujarat there occurred an environment of dry deciduous Savannah riverine forest possibly during the early and mid part of Holocene. The dry deciduous riverine forest declined about 2000 BC giving rise to arid steppe conditions. During the dry deciduous forest phase between 4000-2000 BC, the eustatic rise of sea level had inundated the coastal areas of Gujarat and as far as Nal lake 40 kms north of Ahmedabad. Evidence has also been found of the

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determined by time-distance factor in the resource exploitation strategies in different subsistence strategies. Vitafinzii and Higgs depended on the calculation of the time-distance factor recorded by Lee (1969) in his study among the Kung Bushmen for hunting and gathering, and a similar study by Chisholm (1962) for the agricultural mode of subsistence. Hence, the determination of the site catchments area depends primarily on the subsistence strategy followed.

marine inundation of the lake prior to 5000 BC. After the eustatic rise in the sea level the marine incursions were confined only to the coastal Gujarat but failed to influence the Nal Lake until 160 years BP corresponding to the historical inundation caused by the earth quake in 1819.” (Ibid: 53) Thus, the macro features of the environmental conditions in the Mature Harappan time was broadly the same as at present at least in the central part of Kathiawar and Kutch. The coastal region has undergone eustatic and tectonic changes. It is most probable that the Kutch and Kathiawar at that time were detached from the mainland Gujarat. Thus, it is prudent to believe that the central mountainous part of Kathiawar and Kutch which is covered by dry deciduous or thorn forests with a considerable thick grass cover as under growths existed even at the time of Mature Harappan phase. The ecological condition in the riverine micro niches observed particularly in the lower end of the major rivers in Kutch and Kathiawar might be slightly different. Accordingly, we will interpret the grid of archaeological sites so far explored and reported by several archaeologists.

However, the kind of the subsistence production system followed at a particular site can only be ascertained through the excavation. The subsistence production of a particular archaeological site is sometimes inferred by the use of the ecological parameters and the size of the site. To elaborate: the most likely subsistence activity of a site found on a tract of good alluvial land and close to a water resource will be agriculture; similarly, the sites located in the marginal areas where no agriculture is possible and has ample pastureland, the primary subsistence mode will be pastoral. Thus the site’s function and site location are correlated, and that inference can be made about function from the knowledge of location. When, shifts in subsistence strategy occur in a region, the location of the settlements also changes. The functional reasons for locating the pastoral camps and semipermanent settlement in a particular landscape is already been mentioned elsewhere in this book. Even the archaeological exploration of such landscapes have rewarded in terms of locating archaeological sites. In our scrutiny of historical information we have learnt that the Kathiawar and Kutch had a more pastoral past than today. The agricultural expansion in these regions has been taking place for centuries. The political power of pastoral kings is observed to recede vis-à-vis the agrarian chieftains and kings in the eleventh and twelfth century AD. We also notice a distinct cultural process of Rajputization

II In this section we are primarily concerned with what can be inferred from the location of the archaeological sites that has been discovered so far. The study of the location of the archaeological sites for understanding the man-nature interaction was popularised by VitaFinzii and Higgs in their study of the Prehistoric economy in the Mount Carmel area. The site catchments study is “the study of the relationships between technology and those natural resources lying within economic range of individual sites.” (Ibid.). The catchments of the archaeological sites can be

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of the erstwhile pastoral clans in the early medieval and medieval times. Hence, this shift in the subsistence strategy from pastoralism to agriculture should be reflected in the location of the settlements. We will make an attempt here to study this phenomenon of change in settlement location occurring in the last millennium. Is it possible?

part. This may suggest a shift of emphasis from pastoralism to dry land agriculture. The situation in Kathiawar peninsula is not significantly different from the Kutch. The concentration of the deserted settlements in Kathiawar is noticed in the northern part in comparison to the southern part of the peninsula. The concentrations of these sites stretch the whole length of the hilly landscape in the northern part. It is important to note here that the presence of major drainage lines like Bhogava, Bhadar, Keri, Ghelo, Kalubar in the eastern part and the Satrunji and Machundri in the south prove congenial to the agricultural operation in these areas with variable success. The landscape of the Kathiawar peninsula constitutes two series of mountains, i.e., the northern series and the southern series. The northern series includes the Barada hills near Porbandar in the west coast, the Mandav range running east-west in the north along the coast of Gulf of Kutch, and the Thanga chain to the south of Mandav range. The southern series includes the greater and the lesser Gir. These two belts of hill that cross the breadth of the Kathiawar constitute two distinct water partings, and as well form a narrow stretch of table land, which occupies the centre. The major drainage lines in the eastern and southeastern part of the Kathiawar collect the water from these hill ranges. The tableland in the centre interspersed with hill ranges along with the river valley support the agricultural life style depending on the intensity of the rainfall. It is interesting to note that the distribution of the deserted sites leave out all these areas where agriculture is a distinct possibility. The distribution of these deserted sites more or less matches the distribution of the grasslands in the northern part. In the southern part, the deserted sites are located on the foothills in the outskirts of the forest.

A detailed geographical survey in Gujarat was conducted towards the end of the nineteenth century by the department of Survey of India (undivided). The 1inch = 1mile topographical sheets of this Survey, record the exact location of the deserted settlements/ruins in Kathiawar and Kutch region. Such a feature is absent in the topo-sheets of mainland Gujarat. This also provides the original name of the deserted settlements/ruins wherever it is available. The name of these deserted settlements and their respective geographical coordinates are compiled from these topo-sheets to prepare a catalogue (Appendix-II). These sites were then plotted on a map (Map-5.1). The locational analysis of these sites throws some important aspects of settlement reorganization. These sites are confined to the Kutch and Kathiawar peninsula only. These sites are more or less evenly distributed in the Kutch region. These sites in Kutch are located either in the hilly regions or deep in the widespread grasslands of this region. A comparison with the present settlement pattern of the Kutch shows that the abandonment of these sites has given way to the small agricultural settlements nested within the available small pockets of cultivable land. The primary analysis of the location of these deserted sites hardly suggests any agricultural possibility in these locations. The concentrations of these deserted sites are more in the western grassland zones in Kutch in comparison to the eastern

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Mota to a particular settlement name. It is a general practice in the region to add Nana at the end of the original settlement name for a new breakaway settlement of the original one. The nomenclature in case of more than one breakaway settlement from an original settlement is little different. The new settlements in such a case take a descriptive prefix to the original settlement name. For example, four affiliated settlements of the original settlement Bara in western Kutch take a prefix according to the direction of their location: Vachla, Athamna, Ugamna, and Dakshna. There are several such sets of descriptive prefix used for naming the new settlements. The relocation of settlements is also encountered. The relocation may be complete or partial, depending on the magnitude of the participation of the concerned population in such an event. In case of complete relocation, the old site is found in ruins, which is referred as the Old (Juna) settlement. The new settlement is called with Nava as a prefix or suffix to the original name of the settlement. In case of partial relocation of the settlement, both the old and the new settlements are occupied, and they are addressed, just as the Mota and Nana, with prefix Nava or Juna. A few cases of settlement relocation by merger are also noticed. In such a case, two or more small settlements were abandoned to form a fresh settlement in a new location. For example, the Chhala-Jodhpur in northern Kathiawar is a new settlement formed by the merger of the Chhala and Jodhpur, two erstwhile small settlements now found in ruins within a few kilometres radius of the present location of the settlement. Thus, the study of the nomenclature of the settlements suggests three kinds of changes in the settlement organization, viz., split, relocation and merger.

Another interesting feature of these settlement sites is their location in the upper reaches of their associated drainage lines. The northern concentration is found in the catchments of river Und, Susa, Phuljhar, Beti, and their numerous tributaries. Similarly, the southern concentration can be associated with river Hadali, Machundri, Dantavar, and their tributaries. A large majority of these sites is strategically located on a well-drained elevated landscape overlooking the surrounding grasslands. These features match the settlement location strategy of the pastoral communities. The size of these settlements varies from 0.5 to 1.5 hectors. The depth of the habitational deposit in these sites in general is shallow ranging in between 20 to 80cms. One can make out the plan of the settlement and each of the constituting households out of the eroded boulder conglomerates. Along with these eroded building materials, a small amount of ceramics forms the archaeological assemblage of these sites. The ceramics thus becomes the only artefact to suggest the antiquity of these sites. Based on the ceramics, some of the sites can be dated to the early historic period, while others can be safely assigned to the medieval and more recent times. The exact temporal variation of these sites awaits a detailed study of these sites to reveal more information on the settlement history of this region. Whatever may be the bottom of the temporal horizon of these sites, the most recent abandonment of these sites can be dated back to the last part of the nineteenth century. Another important aspect of the recent changes in the settlement pattern is the multiplicity of some of the settlements either due to internal growth or due to merger and relocation of settlements. The inferences about the fission, merger, and relocation of the settlements are reconstructed by a detail study of the settlement names in this region. The growth and multiplicity of the settlement was inferred from the suffix Nana or

The cases for settlement mergers are very few and mostly confined to the northern part of the Kathiawar. This is particularly noticed in the northern slopes of the Mandav hill range where new settlements have emerged due to merger of two or

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more small settlements. The old abandoned sites are in general located in the foothills of the upper reaches of the local drainage line. To the contrast, the new site now is located down the stream in the plateau. The plateau unlike the surrounding hills has a better soil depth; hence used for agriculture. The surrounding hills are used as the grassland to sustain the domestic herd. As the access to the grasslands is important in their economy, the relocation of the settlement never exceeds a daily commutable range. Similarly, the phenomenon of complete relocation as is discussed above also reflects this strategic shift of emphasis from the pastoralism to a mixed economy. The cases for complete relocation of the settlements are noticed in the north, northeastern, and central part of the Kathiawar peninsula.

As it is mentioned earlier, the gradual effort for agricultural expansion stretched for a millennium with a sustained and successful political agenda to promote sedentarism in Kutch and Kathiawar has brought some invincible effects in the lifeways. By means of the political support to the construction of the irrigation infrastructure, the ecological possibility of agricultural mode of production has been transformed to a socio-economic reality. The water conservation and water harvesting has supplemented the water requirement for agricultural operations in the river valleys and tablelands. In the background of this technological innovation and sociopolitical dynamics, let us juxtapose these two sets of information, viz., the distribution of the abandoned settlements and the recent settlement growth and relocation.

The split or the fission of a settlement is the most prominent and noticed almost universally. This is an entirely different phenomenon. The difference lies in the choice of the location by the breakaway group in establishing the new settlement. In general, same parameters are employed to choose the new location in the establishment of the new settlement. Hence, this phenomenon is linked with the internal growth of the population at a particular settlement. Once the population growth threatens the carrying capacity of the particular locale, a resizing of the population helps in restoring the ecological balance to sustain a particular subsistence production. This phenomenon is thus noticed in case of eco zones sustaining the agricultural mode of production as well as that of the mixed economy. A close look at this phenomenon suggests that the lower reaches of the river valleys in the eastern part of Kathiawar have successfully supported the agricultural mode of production. Similarly, more arid and hilly regions in Kutch, north, and western part of the Kathiawar go well with the mixed economy.

The result of the efforts of the agricultural expansion is most visible in the eastern part of the Kutch. In the western part of the Kutch, the numerous abandoned sites and the relocation of the settlements to the more congenial locales for agricultural operation indicates the shift of the economy from pastoralism to either mixed economy or in a few occasion to agriculture. The existence of several pastoral settlements (wands) in this region further suggests that a section of the population still follow the pastoral mode of life. Hence, the agricultural expansion in Kutch has remained partial. The situation in north Kathiawar is similar to the Kutch. The agenda of agricultural expansion though has realigned the settlements to favour a limited agricultural activity; the pastoral component is not fully abandoned due to ecological constraints of frequent droughts. This situation as well can be held true to the southeastern part of Kathiawar peninsula. The settlements in the foothills of the Girnar were abandoned and relocated in the plains available along the river valleys and the coast. The situation changes towards the eastern part of the Kathiawar peninsula. Numerous major drainage lines in the

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east and the tableland between the north and south series of hills provide enough cultivable land. The irrigation facilities such as tanks, reservoirs, wells, and borewells provide the crucial support in the dry months and in the case of monsoon failure. This area therefore is devoid of abandoned settlements. The only change in the settlement pattern is due to the split or fission of some settlements due to natural internal growth.

of Kutch. The central part of the Kathiawar peninsula is another extensive pastureland, which covers the Mandav range in the north and the Thanga chain in south. Mostly, the concentration of the grasslands in Kathiawar and Kutch is higher than the mainland Gujarat. The distribution of the sites is not uniform. The distribution of the sites in Kutch is highly dispersed leaving huge gaps in between. The sites are mainly found along the border of the Ran of Kutch. In the north Gujarat sites are found to the north of river Banas. Some of the sites are found close to the adjacent pasturelands on the coast of Ran of Kutch.

Now let us examine the site inventory of the proto-historic period in Gujarat. Though there are Neolithic and Chalcolithic culture complexes in the region, the available information on their settlement pattern is inadequate. The complete site inventory of the Mature Harappan phase is available as a result of several explorations conducted throughout the region. The sites belonging to the Mature Harappan phase are plotted on a map. It was found out that coordinates of some of the reported sites are not mentioned in the report. Such sites are excluded form the analysis here for convenience. The sites are plotted along with the potential land use pattern of the region (Map 5.2). The land use pattern of the region is conceived in terms of forest, pasture, and wasteland/saltpans. The major forest cover is found in the eastern boundary of the mainland Gujarat. Kutch does not have any significant forest cover while in Kathiawar, the forest cover is only limited to the Gir forests in the south and Barada forests in northeast. The Ran of Kutch is classified as wasteland along with the coastal saltpans in Kathiawar and southern Gujarat. The grasslands form another important variation in the ecological diversity of Gujarat. The whole of the Banni peninsula and northwestern part of the Kutch is primarily grassland with little arable land dispersed in few pockets. Similarly, the foothills of the Aravalis in north Gujarat contain excellent pastures. The pasturelands continue from the foothills of the Aravalis to the border of Little Ran

In the mainland Gujarat, a cluster of sites is located in between the river Sabarmati and Mahi. The sites are mostly found away from the river basin and are not linear in their distribution. It seems that the sites in this cluster were carefully located to take the advantage of the fertile alluvial tract between these two mighty river basins. In Kathiawar peninsula there are two major clusters of sites in the east. One of the clusters is found in the lower reaches of the Bhogavas while the other is found on the banks of the Bhadar, Keri, Ghello, and Kalubar. There is another small cluster of sites close to the seacoast in the bank of Satrunji River. In the western part of the peninsula, the sites are dispersed and in most of the cases do not show any great preference to the river basins. The location of the sites rather shows a greater orientation to the pasturelands in their vicinity. The size of the archaeological sites is believed to indicate the rank of the sites in the regional settlement system. The size of the site depends on the productivity of the catchments. The size of the catchments in turn depends on the technology and the availability of the key resources.

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Map 5.2: The distribution of Mature Harappan sites in Gujarat and its correlation with potential land-use pattern.

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settlements with permanent bases, the locales of main seasonal settlements remain permanently unchanged. In condition where the ecological potential of particular locale is exhausted and the occupants are unable to restore it, the locales of the various seasonal settlements (particularly main sites of occupation) keep changing after one year’s or several years’ occupancy thus results in transient bases. At the other extreme, where the ecological potential of the whole region is exhausted the occupants need to change its habitation from one annual subsistence region to another resulting temporary seasonal settlements. The size of the archaeological sites can be taken here to indicate the relative permanency of the sites.

In a highly heterogeneous and complex society, the subsistence concerns of some of the sites would be less due to the existence of the exchange network, which helps in the procurement of the necessities rather than producing them. For example, the industrial and craft specialised activities at a particular site may sustain a large population in an area where the raw material is available, but the carrying capacity of the surrounding land from the subsistence consideration may posit an anomaly. Side racking such exceptions, the carrying capacity of the catchments area in general bears a correlation to the size of the site. K. C. Chang (1972) has classified the subsistence-based settlements into two broad categories: year-round settlement and seasonal settlement. The year-round settlement is the one, where the annual cycle of the main subsistence activities of occupants can be completed. This can further be divided into two subcategories: the permanent settlement, where the occupants occupy a locale permanently; and the semi-permanent settlement, where the occupants occupy a locale permanently; and the semipermanent settlement, which is abandoned after one year’s or several years’ occupancy because (among other factors) the ecological potential of the locale is exhausted and occupants are unable to restore it. Seasonal settlements form a network distributed within the confines of an annual subsistence region, which are occupied by a group of people in turn in different seasons of the year. There can be further categorisation of seasonal settlements depending on relative permanency of the annual subsistence region. The annual subsistence region of a group either remains unchanged or changed after one year or after several years depending on the ecological potential of the locale of the settlement occupied by a group. In the case where the annual subsistence region remains unchanged, it gives rise to sedentary seasonal settlements with permanent bases or with transient bases. In the case of sedentary seasonal

The size of the archaeological sites in Gujarat varies from decimal fraction of a hector to hundred hectors. The range of the variation in the size can be taken here to forecast the rank of these sites in the settlement system of Gujarat during Mature Harappan times. The table below gives the size of the site and the associated most probable rank of the site.

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with all varieties of sites and thus form an integral part of the cluster found in both Kathiawar and north Gujarat. Nagwada in north Gujarat; Vagad in the Bhoagava cluster; Mahadevio, Malgan, Pasegam, Vaharvo, Hanumano Timbo and Vaharvo in the Keri-Ghelo-Kalubar cluster; Dard in the small cluster of sites along Satrunji river are some of the important sites of this category. Kaj in northern Kathiawar is surprisingly not found associated with any cluster of sties, evokes some special interest in this context.

Table 5.1: Ranking of the Mature Harappan sites according to their size variations. Size of the site 0.01 to 2.00 ha

2.01 to 4.99 ha 5.00 to 9.99 ha 10.0 to 19.99 ha 20.0 ha and above

Probable rank of the site Seasonal settlements including (1) seasonal settlements with permanent base, (2) seasonal settlement with transient base, and (3) temporary seasonal settlements. Semi-permanent settlements

Smaller permanent settlements (5.0 to 9.9 ha) along with these large permanent settlements form another important category in the site hierarchy of these clusters. Gomsarono Timbo in the north Gujarat cluster; Adatala, Lolina, Khanderio among others in Keri-GheloKalubar cluster; Padri in Satrunji river cluster are some of the examples. It is interesting to note that there is a heavy concentration of this category of sites in the cluster of sites lying between Sabaramati and Mahi. Kanewal, Adeva, Padra, Jafrabad and Nar are some of the important sites belonging to this cluster of sites. Other sites of this category are found distributed both in Kutch and rest of the Kathiawar peninsula. Khambodar, Mulpadar, Vegadi, Rojdi, and Thebachada in Kathiawar peninsula and Lakhpar, Jhangar, and Shikarpur in Kutch are important sites of this type.

Small permanent settlements Large permanent settlements with some special importance in the regional economy. Larger settlements most probably the townships and cities.

Following above classificatory scheme, the mature Harappan sites are plotted in Map 5.3. There are six sites, which can be considered here as townships or cities. It is hard to predict whether these sites were urban in nature, but they must have played significant role in the social and economic life of Mature Harappan phase in Gujarat, which may account for their growth in size. The site of Dholavira in Khadir Island of Kutch is only known metropolitan centre in Gujarat. The other major settlements classified in this category are Kerasi in Kutch, Budhel and Taraghada in the central Kathiawar, Devalio and Tarana respectively in the eastern and northern Kathiawar. The mainland Gujarat does not have any large sites of this status.

Semi-permanent sites (2.1 to 4.9 ha) have a wider distribution. Most of the sites in Bhogava cluster fall into this category. In all other clusters, a significant number of sites belong to this category. There are others in this category found dispersed all over the western part of Kathiawar. These semi-permanent sites in the most of the cases are found associated with other smaller sites presumed to be seasonal settlements.

The large permanent settlements (10.0 to 19.9 ha) are primarily distributed in the eastern part of the Kathiawar peninsula. These settlements are found surrounded

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Map 5.3: Size Variation in Mature Harappan sites and their Distribution pattern.

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The seasonal settlements (0.1 to 2.0 ha) that include seasonal settlements with permanent base, seasonal settlement with transient base, and temporary seasonal settlements are of the widest distribution. They are found both along with the clusters and independently. Their distribution in north Gujarat and in northwestern part of the Kathiawar peninsula is pretty noticeable.

western part of Kathiawar, Tarana in north and Taraghada in south are two major sites stand in comparative isolation from any clustering. It will be out of the way to presume that numerous small presumably seasonal settlements along with some of the semi-permanent settlement of this region must have played a significant role in the evolution and functioning of these major sites.

The study of the variation of size and their spatial distribution of the Mature Harappan sites in Gujarat indicates variation in the site hierarchy and their grouping in different regions. Though the sites tend to cluster at few localities, the nature of these clusters varies from one another. The north Gujarat cluster comprises mostly of seasonal settlements with a sprinkling of semi-permanent sites. However, the presence of sites like Nagwada, Fatepura, and Gomsarono Timbo in this cluster might be taken as of some indication of organization of this settlement cluster in the economic and social milieu. To the contrast, the cluster of sites lying between Sabarmati and Mahi in the inter riverine fertile tract contains more number of permanent settlements than any other cluster. Smaller settlements, which are presumed to be of seasonal in nature, are also found to be associated with permanent settlements. The nature of the association of these smaller settlements with large permanent settlements thus needs to be worked out. The Bhogava cluster has more semi-permanent settlements than any other cluster. This cluster includes the site of Devalio, one of the major sites in Gujarat. Except Devalio and Vagad, the rest of the sites are either semipermanent or seasonal in nature.

The condition in Kutch seems not quite different than the condition in western Kathiawar. The most significant aspect of the settlement system of Kutch is the presence of the metropolitan centre Dholavira. Another important site of this region is Kerasi. Along with these large sites there are quite a number of small settlements well dispersed over the region. The significance of the settlement system of Kutch can only be perceived if the locational advantage of Kutch is taken into consideration. Kutch lies to the immediate south to the Sind domain. The material culture as is reported from the excavations shows greater degree of resemblance of these sites with the Sind material culture. Looking at the site category and their pattern of dispersal in the landscape, it seems the trade had overshadowed the subsistence life in this region. The smaller sites close to the abundant pasturelands must have relied more on the pastoral practice than agriculture. It is difficult to explain these differences in the settlement system in Gujarat at the present stage of the knowledge. One may take the following factors into consideration to explain these differences: 1. Different parts of Gujarat perhaps were subjected to different evolutionary trajectory in consideration to their relative cultural stages before the Mature Harappan phase started in each of these regions. It is hard to speculate further as the antedating cultural phases in Gujarat though has been identified, but the details are yet

Keri-Ghelo-Kalubar cluster is the largest cluster among all the clusters. This cluster is mostly comprised of large permanent settlements, though it is not totally devoid of smaller settlements. Surprisingly this cluster does not contain any major settlement of the size more than 20 ha. But, Budhel, one of the six major sites, lies west to this cluster. In the

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2.

3.

4.

to be worked out. The process of urbanization might be taken as one of the factor for their relative growth that is eminent from the settlement system. If we take the trade and craft production as one of the major force for the process of urbanization of Gujarat, the proximity and the availability of the crucial raw material might have played an important role in determining the economic relevance of a particular part than the other. Some of the regions would have enjoyed more advantageous position than other in consideration to the transport facility that is crucial for the trade networking. All the more, it will be important to consider the ecological potentiality of a region to evaluate its chance of urbanization and growth.

cms) is recorded in the month of September. The rainfall in the rest of the year is insignificant. The whole of the Kutch and the northwestern tip of Kathiawar peninsula come under this zone. The elevation of the zone is below 150 masl. In two taluks of Bhuj and Nakhatarana, however, the maximum elevation ranges from 300 to 400 masl. The coastal belt consists of coastal or deltoid alluvium soil. Deep or medium black soils and saline and alkaline soils predominate over the rest of the area. Most of the land is barren and the extent of agricultural land is only restricted to few pockets. The principal crops of this zone are Bajra, Jowar (Kharif), fodder, other pulses, cotton and groundnut. The yield of pulses and Jowar is low while the yield of cotton and groundnut is good. So considering this low yielding capacity and availability of the arable soul in this zone, the agricultural practice in this region will be insignificant. Corroborating to this ecological condition, the sites in this region are either seasonal or semi-permanent. The larger sites in Kutch may be held accountable to their non-subsistence significance, either for their advantage for trade or for their military and administrative functions. The rainfall zone II comes under the influence of monsoon rains in the month of June. It receives 10 to 20 cms rainfall in the month of June and intensity of rainfall decreases in the rest of the rainy season. The zone constitutes Savarkundla and Gariadhar taluks of Bhavnagar district; and Liliya, Lathi, Khambha, Dhari, Amreli, and Babra taluks of Amreli district. Deep black soil predominate the zone. Bajra, Jowar (Kharif) and groundnuts are main crops of this zone. The yield of Bajra is excellent while Kharif Jowar is low enough better than in zone-I. Archaeologically this zone evidences very few sites. Budhel, one of the six Harappan sites falls in this zone.

Site Hierarchy and Settlement Pattern: Relationship with Rainfall Pattern As we are primarily concerned about the subsistence life of Mature Harappan period, the ecological factors in determining the nature of settlement pattern seems to be the most important among the range of other possible factors. To ascertain the ecological potentiality of different parts of Gujarat, let us include the rainfall pattern of the region to have some more insight into the differences noticed in the settlement system of Mature Harappan period in Gujarat. For this purpose the site distribution map of Mature Harappan sites in Gujarat is juxtaposed with different rainfall zones (Map 5.4). Mature Harappan sites lay in the rainfall zones I, II, III, IV, V, and VI. The rainfall zone-I is the driest zone that receives minimum of the rainfall. The monsoon rains start late in August (5 to 10 cms) and the highest rainfall (10 to 20

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Map 5.4: The Harappan Settlement System Vis-à-vis Rainfall zones and land-use pattern.

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Though in both these clusters the rainfall pattern is same, yet the type of soil and its nutritional content varies. This results in difference in the settlement system in both these clusters. The Keri-GheloKalubar cluster contains more large permanent settlements that the Bhogava cluster. Due to the low nutritional value of the soils around the Bhogava cluster of sites, the yield of Bajri and Kharif Jowar is low in this area. This may satisfactorily explain the greater concentration of the seasonal settlements in this cluster.

The rainfall zone III constitutes of Chanasama, Harji and Sami talukas of Mehsana district; Jodiya taluka of Jamnagar district; Vav, Tharad, Deodar, Santalpur, Dhanera, Radhanpur and Kankrej talukas of Banaskanta district. The monsoon begins in this zone in the month of June. The rainfall decreases in the month of August and in the month of September the effect of monsoon is almost negligible. Bajri, Kharif Jowar, wheat and cotton are the major crops in this zone. The yield of wheat and cotton is good while the yield of Jowar is bad. The yield of Bajri in Mehsana district is excellent while the yield in Banaskanta is below the average. The archaeological evidences correspond to these ecological parameters to a significant extent. The sites in Banaskanta region are mostly small and widely scattered over the area. As a contrast to this sites in Mehsana district are clustered in the river valley of Rupen. Though the cluster registers a large number of small sites, yet it is not completely devoid of larger settlements.

Rainfall zone-V is the second largest zone covering 41 talukas of district of Jamnagar, Surendranagar, Amreli, Rajkot, Junagarh, Mehsana, Banaskanta, and Ahmedabad. The average annual rainfall of this zone is 60 cms. The rainfall is the heaviest in the month of June and gradually decreases over the rest of the monsoonal months. Soils in Jamnagar, Junagad, Amreli, and Rajkot districts are coastal alluvium black mostly except for a patch of red and black soils in northern portion of Junagadh. In other parts of the zone, the soils are grey brown. The principal crops of this zone are groundnut, Bajra, Jowar, and cotton. Bajri is grown through out the zone, but excepting in Amreli, Mehsana and Surendranagar where the area under Bajra cultivation is small. The areas where the Jowar is cultivated as a Kharif crop except Surendranagar and Mehsana district is small. Jowar is cultivated in the Rabi season in Porbandar and Kutiyana talukas. The average yield of Jowar as a Kharif crop is the lowest; on the other hand the Rabi Jowar yield is high in the areas where it is grown. Bajri yields are on the whole high except in Surendranagar district. The spatial orientations of the archaeological sites now can be seen in this ecological background. It is interesting to note that the orientation of the large sites is found to be governed by the suitability of the soils for important crops. Tarana, one of the major sites in this zone is found in the northern border of the Kathiawar peninsula close to the coast of the Gulf of Kutch. Tarana along with Kunatasi in this

Rainfall zone-IV consists of Sayala, Dasada, Limbdi, and Wadhwan talukas of Surendranagar district; and Muli, Umrala, Gadhada, Sehor and Vallabhipur talukas of Bhavnagar district. The monsoon starts in June and continues up to September. The rainfall though is not high in this zone (45-55 cms per annum), yet it is well distributed over all the four months of rainy season. The month of July receives the highest rainfall. The soils in Surendranagar district are deep or medium black and grey brown, and Bhavnagar district deep black and coastal alluvium. The main crops are cotton, Bajri, Jowar, groundnut and wheat to a small extent. The yield of cotton is high in this zone while the yield of other crops in general is low. The yield of Bajri is low in Surendranagar and very high in Bhavnagar district. The yield of Jowar (Kharif) is extremely low. Archaeologically this zone gives us some important insights. The Keri-GheloKalubar cluster of sites falls in this zone. Apart from this part of the Bhogava cluster also comes under this zone.

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identified from several parts of Gujarat, which shows continuity from late or postHarappan phase. This culture is named after a distinct pottery type called Lustrous Red Ware (LRW). This particular cultural phase continued from 1900 to 1300 BC. Now let us consider the change in the settlement pattern in these subsequent phases. For this purpose, information on different cultural phases present in the explored sites was compiled and then it was plotted in a map (Map 5.5).

locality are situated on the coastal alluvium. Mulapadar, and Khambodar are some of the important permanent settlements found to be in Porbandar and Kutiyana taluka where the yield of Rabi Jowar is high. As it was pointed out before, most of the sites in this zone are small seasonal or semi-permanent sites. The availability of the grasslands is highest in this zone. The Bajri emerges as the most reliable crop of the zone with a relatively higher yield index. The rainfall zone VI comprise of seventeen talukas in Ahmedabad, Gandhinagar, Mehsana, Bhavnagar, Vadodra, and Kheda districts. This is a zone of moderate rainfall. June is the month of maximum rainfall. The average annual rainfall varies from 60 to 70 cms. The soil of Ahmedabad, Mehsana, and Gandhinagar areas are grey-brown. The soils of Bhavnagar patch of this zone are deep black soil and coastal alluvium. The soil of Kheda and Vadodara districts are deep medium black soil and coastal alluvium. The principal crops of the zone are Bajri, Wheat, cotton, Jowar, and groundnut. Except the rice and Jowar, the relative yield index of all other crops is normal or very high. The rice is only cultivated in the lands which has some irrigation facility, as the average rainfall is insufficient for rice cultivation. The cluster of sites between the Sabarmati and Mahi comes under this rainfall zone. Considering the fertility of the soil and moderate rainfall, it is not unexpected to find large number of permanent settlements in this area. There is another small cluster of sites at the mouth of Satrunji River situated on the coastal alluvium. It is interesting to note that in spite of its relative suitability to agriculture, there are a good number of small settlements in each of these clusters.

The three subsequent cultural phases, i.e., Mature Harappa, Late or Post Harappa, and Lustrous Red Ware phase, are not represented in many of the sites. This indicates the settlement dynamics in the region corroborating the changes in the cultural phases. Contrary to the earlier belief, the number of Mature Harappan sites is far greater than the number of post-Harappan sites. In the preceding paragraph, it is argued that pastoralism played a considerable role in the subsistence life of the rural Harappans. The practice of pastoralism was an integral part of the Harappan culture in Gujarat, though the intensity of the practice varied from region to region. Could the reduction in the number of sites from Mature to Late or postHarappan phase in Gujarat be related to changing pattern of nomadism in the subsistence practice? The increase in the degree of nomadism may further be substantiated by the fact that the resource base tapped in the post-Harappan phase is much wider than the Mature phase. A closer examination of the changes in the settlement pattern in different regions will throw more light on this issue. The sites of the latter period in Kutch also remain highly dispersed. Mostly in this sub region, townships like Surkotada and Pabhumath continued their existence. The rest of the small settlements are found only along the border of the Ran of Kutch. The sites in the central highland of Kutch reduced to a great extent. This shift of the semi-permanent settlements to the lowland areas is pretty well noticed.

The decline of the Harappan civilization is another recognized turning point in proto-historic Gujarat. This cultural phase is known as late or post Harappan phase, which dated between 1900 and 1600 BC. Another distinct cultural phase is

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In north-Gujarat, to the contrast many of the sites show the continuity up to LRW phase. Though the settlement pattern in this sub-region retains the cluster formation, the density of the settlements decreases. Hence, in this sub region, the changes are less apparent. The changes in Sabarmati-Mahi Doab are more apparent. The cultural continuity is found in less number of sites and the size of the settlements also decreases.

abandoned to locate the new settlements in a location, which will suit the changed needs of the current subsistence life. The following paragraphs examine the changes in the settlement organisation in these sub-regions and draws possible inference about shifts in subsistence life in different phases of the proto-historic period. Kutch can be identified as one of the subregions. Here the shift of the settlements in the last millennium has occurred from the northwestern grasslands to the southern hill slopes, where small patches of arable land are available. The seminomadic pastoral groups though still inhabit the western grasslands and coastal sand dunes, the central highland and the southern slopes have shifted to pastroagricultural mode. Now let us have a look at the shifts in the proto-historic settlement pattern in this region. The mature Harappan sites are quite dispersed all over the region. The region has some of the largest known settlements of Harappan civilisation in Gujarat. Apart from Dholavira, and Kerasi, several townships are located in the eastern part of Kutch. Interestingly these urban sites are located along the present migration route of the pastoralists. Hence the subsistence in Kutch in Mature Harappan phase was mainly pastoral while trade played a major role in the cultural evolution of the region. In the later phases of proto-historic period we do not notice any major change in the settlement pattern. Though the number of the sites reduced, they are as dispersed as Mature Harappan phase. The townships and urban centres continued in the later period, but effect of the trade in the regional economy was marginalized. The only recognisable change in the settlement pattern is slight shift of the concentration of the settlements to the southern fringes along the coastal sand dune. Thus, the pastoral practices of the mature phase seem to continue in the later period with a greater degree of nomadism.

In Kathiawar peninsula changes are more remarkable. The extent of change is the maximum in the Keri-Gello-Kalubar cluster. Many of the sites here show continuity, though the density of the sites in this cluster reduces. The Bhogava cluster, where most of the sites were small semi-permanent settlements, changes are drastic. Only a few sites in this cluster continue to these latter phases. The continuity is only noticed in the lower reaches of Bhogava and the sites at the highlands are abandoned. In contrast, the settlement pattern in the central and eastern Kathiawar remains dispersed. These sites are either located in the coastal sand dunes or in the highlands in the central part. Though several Mature Harappan sites were abandoned, at least half of the settlements continued. There is hardly any site formation in new locations. This indicates the continuity of the same subsistence pattern though in much reduced scale. Let us now collate the learnings from the settlement dynamism in the last onemillennium in Gujarat to reflect on the settlement dynamism in the proto-historic period. For clarity we will divide Gujarat into sub-regions as marked by the settlement pattern in the proto-historic period. The location of the abandoned villages in the last millennium matches the observation on preference of the pastoralists to locate their settlements. Hence, it can be safely concluded that the pastoralists occupied most of these abandoned villages. Due to the change in the subsistence practice, these sites were

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Map 5.5: Distribution of archaeological sites and different cultural phases.

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occupation in many of the settlements. The reduction of the density of the settlements in the later phases however suggests the reduction on the reliability on agriculture. The continuity in the later phases is noticed more in the up-stream locations than down-stream location. This is a clear indication for shift in subsistence focus from agriculture to pastro-agrarian mode.

The situation in north Gujarat is noteworthy. The proto-historic settlements in this sub-region were primarily small seasonal settlements though a few large and small permanent settlements like Nagwada and Gomsarono-Timbo existed. In the later phases of proto-historic period, we find the continuity in habitation in majority of these small seasonal settlements. The only change noticed is the reduction in the density of the settlements in this region in the later phases. Hence, the subsistence life in this sub-region has continued in exclusion to the associated urban economic phenomena of the Mature Harappan phase.

The Bhogava-Bhadar region also experiences the same phenomenon in the last one millennium. The phenomena of split or fission of the settlements is more prominent here. The new settlements are moving to the up-stream location, which is suitable for the mixed economy. In the Mature Harappan phase, most of the sites in this cluster were semi-permanent settlements. In the later phases of protohistoric period the region shows continuity in only a few settlements. Hence, one may infer that in later period these semi-permanent settlements became less dependent on agricultural component and shifted the focus to pastoral mode of production.

The Sabaramati-Mahi Doab, where the small permanent settlements formed a heavy concentration in Mature Harappa phase, shows far-reaching changes. Many of the settlements in the later phase were not occupied and the settlement size also reduced. Hence, there was a shift from agriculture to pastoralism in the later phases. It is probable that major portion of the population were forced to adopt non-agrarian life as agriculture became less dependable.

In central Kathiawar, the settlement dynamics in the last millennium is more apparent. The most noticeable change in the settlement reorganisation here is complete relocation of several settlements. This corroborates to our historical information that this region has recently shifted from pastoralism to agriculture. Hence there are several settlement locations, which were suitable for pastoral activity is abandoned and shifted to locations where agriculture will be possible, though in a limited scale. In Mature Harappan phase one finds widely dispersed settlements in this sub-region. Most of these Harappan sites were seasonal and semi-permanent settlements. In the later phases of proto-historic period, many of the small seasonal sites were abandoned. Another notable feature in the later phases is that no new sites were formed in this period. Hence, the shift of subsistence seems less probable. Hence, one may safely conclude that the pastoral mode of subsistence though

In Kathiawar peninsula, the changes are more prominent. The settlement reorganisation in the last millennium in this region points to internal growth in Keri-Ghello-Kalubar sub-region. The split or fission in the settlements is more prominent in this region in comparison to other parts. The new settlements are located in the upstream terrain where the depth of the soil is comparatively less. The settlements are forced to shift to the highlands as the downstream locations are already occupied. The sedentarisation process has increased the density of the population in this sub-region and due to internal growth of population; the additional population is forced to select upstream locations and shift. In the protohistoric period this region housed more number of large permanent settlements suggesting a greater reliance on agriculture. In the later phases of protohistory one finds the continuation of the

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village communities must have been a regular feature of Harappan phase. At the backdrop of such an inference, a spectrum of possible social interaction with the landscape, not only in the vicinity of a particular site, but also in a wider regional context can be perceived.

continued, but the strength of the economy reduced to a great extent. Northern part of the Kathiawar also shows similar trend. The settlement dynamism in the last millennium shows the movement of the settlements from highland to the down-stream locations. The merger of settlements is another interesting phenomenon noticed in this region. Several settlements in the terrain north to Mandav range shift to lower reaches of the local streams where depth of the soil is more. The distance of the relocated sites is never more than the daily commutable distance. This supports the current pastro-agrarian lifestyle of the people. In the mature Harappan phase, the region held at least one major Harappan settlement, i.e., Tarana. Most of the sites in the Mature Harappan phase were seasonal settlements. In the later phase of the proto-historic period most of these seasonal settlements were abandoned. Hence like central Kathiawar, the subsistence life in this region continued to be pastoral with greater degree of nomadism.

Gujarat is considered as the frontier zone where filtration of a more adaptive subsistence practice entered to the economic and cultural life of the west central India and then to Deccan peninsula at the end of the third millennium BC. The introduction of African millets in Gujarat towards the end of the third millennium BC brought the ‘Kharif crop revolution’ (Possehl 1986, 1996). The practice of rainfed farming of millets in the dry zones such as Gujarat stands contrast to the emphasis of the Rabi crops in the greater Indus valley. The de-urbanisation of the Indus valley records a shift from the Rabi cultivation (Meadows 1989, 1996 and Possehl and Raval 1991). The urban phenomenon in Gujarat is limited to a few urban centres and port towns, while the rest are presumably rural in nature. The subsistence practice in Mature Harappan Gujarat, the matrix, which bore seeds of the Kharif crop revolution, will be enlightening.

III

It will not be quite out of way to presume that the Kharif crop revolution at the end of the third millennium BC must have occurred in Gujarat context. Therefore, the regional matrix of the interactive production regimes must have had a role to play in creating an impetus to Kharif season millet cultivation along with the ecological factors, if any. Here my attempt will be to elaborate the nature of the subsistence practices of the Harappans in Gujarat by collating the agricultural and pastoral mode of production. Both faunal and plant remains from the excavated sites in Gujarat will be examined here in their ecological and cultural context. The prime factors of the subsistence production such as landscape, soil, pasture, and water, vis-à-vis the cultural

The bio-archaeological evidence in recent years is used extensively for reconstructing the cultural ecology and symbiotic dimension of culture. The faunal and botanical remains are considered as the residue of selectively preserved biotic features of the behavioural practices of subsistence productions. The subsistence base of the Harappan civilization is viewed in terms of intricate interaction of different production regimes that provides the cumulative advantage of exploitation of a wide spectrum of ecological resources. The interaction of transhumant pastoralists and even of the hunting gathering population (Possehl and Kennedy 1979) with the urban and settled

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site is under analysis, however, an interim report of the faunal remains is available (Patel 1997). The faunal record suggests that four domestic animals, e.g., cattle, buffalo, sheep, and goat played a major role in the dietary of the people here. The evidence of buffalo in this site evokes a special interest. In all probability, the buffaloes were kept in the city itself where the reservoirs of Dholavira would have provided a reliable source for water for soaking their hides. While the buffaloes were local to Dholavira, “it is possible that some of the sheep, goat, and cattle needed for provisioning the city could have been obtained from more mobile pastoral populations outside of the city in exchange for agricultural products or other goods.” (Ibid.). Bones of pigs are also found in considerable amount, though it is not clear whether it is domestic or wild. Among wild animals, remains of gazelle, black buck, deer, and wild ass have been identified. Bones of birds, fish, and rodents have all been documented in small numbers.

milieu of the site will be taken into consideration. Before we start the elaboration on the bio-archaeological database of Gujarat, it is required to confess that the nature of the data available from most of the sites, if not all, are constricted due to several methodological factors (please refer Dorian 1996 for a general discussion on the problems of the bio-archaeological research in Indian context). Recovery problems, poor preservation conditions, identification problems due to poor preservation and lack of comparative specimens, lack of laboratory infrastructure for detailed study, lack of emphasis on the context of the occurrence of such faunal and botanical remains are some to the inherent problems with the bio-archaeological research in India. Due to these factors what we often find is an incomplete database that is reducible to species checklist of presence/absence type. In the absence of an elaborate database, it is impossible to venture into more specific questions about the subsistence practice of Harappans in Gujarat. The bioarchaeological remains from urban and port towns will be treated separately from the relatively rural settlements in order to gain an insight into the possible interaction of urban centres and their hinterlands.

There is a noticeable difference in the faunal repertoire of Bailey and Middle Town. “In both Bailey and Middle Town the pattern of kill-ff for bovines is similar. Almost all animals survive age stage-III; some are killed off before age stage-IV (the time at which the growth is slowing down), and the rest mostly survive into full adulthood (beyond age stage-VI). This pattern is consistent with the use of animals for traction (ploughing, hauling and transport) as opposed to use for meat in which case one would except higher kill off in younger age-stages.” (Ibid.)

Urban Centres The site of Dholavira in Kutch is the largest Harappan urban centre in Gujarat. Its location within the Ran of Kutch might suggest its role in the trade network with the greater Indus constellation of Harappan site. The site contains all the urban features such as elaborate fortification, public architecture, a distinct division of the settlement into Bailey and Middle Town. There is only a limited patch of cultivable land around the site. The immediate hinterland portrays an ecological scenario that is more supportive of pastoral production regime than agriculture. The bio-archaeological evidences from this

“In case of caprines also, the kill-off in the Bailey appears to have taken place earlier than in the Middle Town. Between age-stage-II and III, kill-off is quite similar in the two areas. The anomalously low value for age-stage-IV in the Middle Town can probably accounted for by the very small sample of the six bones for that group. In both areas survivorship is more than 40% through the last age-

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less numerous (4.5%), yet their presence in the faunal record is significant. Like Dholavira at Lothal we find a similar dependence on four domestic animals. The analysis is preliminary in nature. Hence it is hard to find out any details on the use of the animals in the site of Lothal. But, most likely Lothal must have dependent on the supply of some of these animals by the hinterland pastoralists. The interdependence of huntinggathering population of Lothal and Langhnaj is supported by anthropological studies (Possehl and Kennedy 1979). Similar attempt to explore the connection of the pastoralists and urban populations might not go un-rewarded. As the NalBhal tract is use by the pastoralists for their summer camp, a regular seasonal interaction of pastoral population with Lothal is quite probable. The swampy hinterland and abundant non-arable pasturelands may support this hypothesis. However, this remains to be tested by further research.

stage. This survivorship indicates maintenance of breeding stock, particularly females well into adulthood. Older caprines could also have been used during life for secondary products such as milk and specially wool and hair. The early kill-off in the Bailey could be due to demand for meat from younger animals. This would indicate differential access to animals in the two areas and confirm what is suggested by the taxonomic abundance data.” (Ibid.). For suines, the infants were consumed by the population at Bailey, while in the Middle Town the kill-off appears to be later during the juvenile phase (between agestage I and II). After that the animals appear to have survived into full adulthood. Though the results of this study is derived from the study of a selected sample, it points at some important aspects of the use of the domestic animals in the dietary of the urban population at Dholavira. There is a need to integrate the faunal data with the results of architectural and artefactual studies. Patel, though not sure, but foresees the role of a differentiated social organization that might have played a role to produce both pastoral and agricultural elements in the food habit of Dholavira population. The hinterland of Dholavira ecologically is more suitable for pastoral production than agriculture. Thus, regular interaction of the hinterland pastoralists and the urban population cannot be denied.

Kuntasi is another important Harappan port town in the northern Kathiawar. The faunal material of Kuntasi is studied in a greater detail (Thomas et al 1996). The ratio of the domestic animals to wild animals is estimated as 4:1. Cattle and buffalo bones are taken together dominate the faunal assemblage (65%). Sheep and goat bones are the next most numerous constituent (11%). Like any other site, pig bones though less numerous (3%), but, form an important component of the total assemblage. Gazelle and deer species are the most significant among the wild animals. The aquatic and avian faunal remains constitute 5% of the total bone assemblage. Three phases have been identified in this site. Phase-A and B are dated to the Mature phase and phase-C to the Late-Harappan phase. The pattern of the animal exploitation remains almost consistent in all phases and periods of Kuntasi. The layer wise distribution of the species was studied. The distribution of different species in different layers shows that a few animal species were represented between layers 14 to 19

Bholanath and Rao (1985) provide a preliminary analysis of the faunal remains from Lothal. The analysis of the faunal material is quite elementary. The report gives a broad classification of the identified species for all periods of occupations. The cattle bones at the site are most numerous compared to other domestic mammals. It constitutes 56.3% of the total bone assembly. The next most important domestic species is sheep/goat, which constitute 20.4% of the whole. Pigs are also reported to constitute a considerable part (18.2%) of the total assemblage. The buffalo bones though

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belonging to period IA. In the next phase (layer 9 to 13) within the mature Harappan period, a moderate increase in the number of exploited species is noticed. The late Harappan phase (PhaseIC) records the maximum representation of animal species. It is interesting to note that wide variety of wild fauna were included in the late Harappan phase only. This may suggest that the reliance on the wild fauna was minimum in mature Harappan phase. Mature Harappans depended rather on the meat from the domestic animals.

permanent settlements considered to be regional centres such as Rangpur, Rojdi, and Surkotada. These regional centres are considerably large settlements but lack the requisite characteristics of urban life. These settlements played an important role in the socio-economic life of the region. It is unfortunate that the faunal remains of these sites have not been studied in detail. The total faunal assemblage of Rangpur excavation comprised of 1847 bones, out of which only 79 bones belonged to Phase II A (Mature Harappan). Considering this small sample size and lack of any contextual recording of the material collected, it is impossible to know the details of the subsistence practice of the site. Bholanath (1963) reports the faunal assemblage of Rangpur II A as follows: cattle 68.3%, sheep/goat 19%, pig 5.1%, and buffalo 7.6%. The pattern of exploitation of domestic animals seems to be similar to other site.

The epiphyseal fusion of the bone and the tooth eruption was studied to determine the age at the time of the death of the animal. “A majority of cattle and buffalo lived up to age of 3-8 years before they fell pray to humans. Keeping these animals for longer period of time suggest that the secondary products as well as the animal power were significant in Harappan economy at Kuntasi. Sheep, goat, and pigs were killed at relatively younger age, spanning between 6 months to the state of maturity which indicates that the domestication of these animals were purely for their meat. In case of hunted animals, this sort of age selection is not expected. However, a majority of them were adults.” (Thomas et al 1996: 303).

The evidence of botanical remains from Rangpur is equally meagre. Ghosh and Krishna Lal (1963) report the presence of two cereals from the site, viz., (1) oryza sp. (rice) from period IIA, and (2) Pannisetum Typhoides (Pearl millet of Bajri) from period III. The rice is the only cereal reported from the Mature Phase. The evidence of rice is based on the impression of a rice husk in a mud plaster of a wall. It is important to note that apart from this single impression, there is no direct evidence of grain or spikelet of rice from the site. Though the use of the rice husk in the mud as a binding material may suggest the presence of rice in the vicinity of Rangpur, it may not be taken as the indication of the predominance of the practice of the rice cultivation in the region. The use of the rice husk as a binding material in the mud may be attributed to other possible reasons such as technological and cultural preference. As the systematic study of the botanical remains is lacking, it will be wise not to draw any generalised statement about the particular crop pattern at the site.

The plant remains of Kuntasi were studied by Kajale (1996). He identified 18 different species from the paleobotanical record of the site. Though barley and wheat is reported from the site, there was a greater reliance on the millets for their usual subsistence (Kajale 1996: 286). Another interesting feature of the botanical record of Kuntasi is the abundance of coix bead in all the level of occupation; hence in all probability it was included among other trade items from Kuntasi.

Bio-archaeological remains from Permanent settlements Another important category in the settlement hierarchy in Gujarat is large 164

first three categories are classified as millets. “These three are well suited to a variety of soils and for hot, dry conditions. They are all considered drought resistant, needing an annual rainfall of between 30 cm and 70 cm. Although they need little water to grow, and can produce some seeds in years of minimal rainfall, their growing season is associated with the summer monsoon weather system. Too much water may be harmful, and between two to four months to mature and provide nutritional seeds and fodder. Once again it is interesting to note that cultivated Chenopodium album is generally found growing in the spring time” (Ibid). The collection of the weeds and wild grains from near to or inside cultivated and fallow fields formed another important activity that might have supplemented the diet.

Rojdi, the other excavated village settlement is equally poor in the study of bio-archaeological aspects. Kane (1989) reports the faunal assemblage of the site. The analysis is based on the examination of total 804 identifiable bones. The faunal material is reported as a whole irrespective of any phase or period. Roughly, 75 to 80% of all bones identifiable to genus level were assigned to Bos species. Other domestic species were cervids (8 to 10%), suids (8 to 10%) and canidae (2 to 4%). The kill-off patterns of the cattle at Rojdi suggests that at least 50% of them survived up to maturity (above 4 years), and 20% were killed at the end of their growing stage (1.5 to 3 years), while only 5% were killed in their infancy (1 to 1.5 years) (Weber 1991). The kill-off patterns of sheep and goat are not known. However, their low presentation in the faunal record of Rojdi may suggest a low reliance on smaller stocks. In comparison to other sites, the practice of culling cattle at the end of their growing phase is more at Rojdi. Moreover, cattle seem to be killed after the growing period.

So, at Rojdi millet cultivation in the summer season (June and July) formed the major agricultural activity. This practice of the dry season or Kharif cultivation must have been the most popular practice in the whole of Gujarat leaving few pockets where the irrigation might have enabled to raise a second crop in winters. The Indus core regions, the Rabi crops or winter season crops were more popular among the flood plains of Indus (Jarrige 1984). There are few others who believe on multi-cropping pattern for Indus civilisation (Allchin 1969 and Fentress 1984). However, a regional variation can be noticed in the agricultural practices of Harappans. As Weber (1991) points out that the Harappan core areas depended more on the Rabi cultivation while the periphery areas such as Gujarat relied on the Kharif cultivars. The difference is to be understood as due to geographic and ecological factors than due to cultural reasons. “During Mature Harappan phase, regional difference appear more acute, with few fruits, oilseeds, or fibre found outside the core area, and rice, millets, and most legumes found more commonly in the peripheral regions (ibid)”.

Weber and Vishnu-Mittre (1989) report millets and pulses from the site of Rojdi. Sorghum, Echinochloa, Elusine, and Setaria panicum were the chief varieties of millets at Rojdi; and Phasedus, Pisum and Lens were the pulses. Apart from these there were other plant remains that included several wild plants. To sum up: “Food grains such as Setaria, Eleusine and Panicum appear with some frequency. Most, if not all, of these millets were probably being cultivated. The collection and use of wild plants was also significant. In fact, it is likely that most of the plants that were being with the human diet, animal fodder and nonsubsistence activities has not been determined.” (Ibid: 180). Weber (1991) provides a more elaborate analysis of the Rojdi plant remains. His detailed study of the Rojdi material enabled him to identify more than 80 plant species, comprising of 13 plant taxa or plant categories. Out of these 13 plant taxa, viz., Eleusine, Panicum, Setaria, and Chenopodium, the

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other hand the fortification and the plan of the settlement is highly indicative of its administrative role. Whatever may be the function of the site, it can however be safely presumed that the subsistence production was not the main activity at the site, it can however safely presumed that the subsistence production was not the main activity at the site. Mostly, some non-producers inhabited the site. The earliest phase at the site is dated to 2300 BC, which has evidenced some nonHarappan characteristic pottery types (Joshi 1990). The non-Harappan features of this period was recognised by the presence of a few slow wheel-thrown fabrics along with the typical black-onred pottery of Harappans. The ceramics which differed from the Harappan pottery are: (i) a red slipped polychrome ware, (ii) a polytone cream-slipped ware, (iii) a reserved slipped ware, comparable to that found only in the earliest levels of Mohenjodaro and Lothal, and (iv) a deep Amber Red slipped ware of a waxy touch.

Another important aspect of the Kharif cultivars in Gujarat is that none of the four predominant food plants need intensive human involvement. While irrigation manuring and weeding may enhance the yield, they are not necessary for a reasonable harvest. There is no indication to suggest that manuring and weeding was a common practice. All sites from Gujarat, wherever the paleobotanical remains have been studied in detail, evidence a large number of wild grains and weeds in association with the cultivated grains. This forms a background to believe that the weeding was not a very common practice. Integrating the result of the faunal analysis to the paleobotanical study of Rojdi, a correlation between the agricultural practice and cattle raising can be noticed. The labour was not intensively employed in the agricultural practice of Rojdi. Hence, there is a high probability of complementary practice of cattle pastoralism. The kill-off patterns of the cattle at Rojdi might suggest the people extracted the meat and milk from the domestic herd that supplemented their diet. As less labour was employed for maximizing the agricultural production, pastoral production might have claimed some part of the labour. The internal division of labour within the family, as we noticed among the Rabaris of Resamia, might have been adopted to meet the seasonal demands of the labour in agriculture and pastoral production. The sex determination of the faunal remains may provide us the preferential kill-off pattern of the cattle. The use of cattle resource in the traction and degree of reliance on the secondary products can be resolved by further study of faunal materials.

These non-Harappan traits in period-IA were thought as the result of the colonization of Kutch by the Harappan along with a few early Harappans from Sind or Western Rajasthan. Joshi (1990) writes: “It appears that the movements of Harappans to Kutch took place at an early stage by circa 2300 BC and Surkotada was established and the waning preHarappans or early-Harappan folks of the Sind and the western Rajasthan region, of course, came in small number with Harappans and colonized Kutch.” The migration of a few ‘early-Harappan folks’ with Harappans seems highly improbable as by 2300 BC Sind and western Rajasthan had already developed the Mature Harappan traits and the transitive phase from pre/early Harappan characters in this level suggests that the ‘antecedent local culture’ were still in existence as late as 2300 BC. In the absence of other sites representing the same non-Harappan culture traits, it is hard to believe that these people were local inhabitants before the Harappans reached and established the township at Surkotada. Rather, it will

Surkotada in Kutch is a fortified settlement. The function of the site is yet not clear, however, it might have played some role in the regional trade and administration. The location of Surkotada is suggestive of its role in the trade that linked the larger site Dholavira with Kathiawar and north Gujarat. On the

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production system. Hence, there are three probabilities: first, the population at Surkotada practiced a mixed economy where agriculture as well as pastoralism was practiced side by side; the second, some section of the population at Surkotada were pastoralists while others practiced agriculture, and the third, the people of Surkotada who were agriculturists came in regular contact with the outside pastoral communities and procured animals for meat. Unfortunately, we do not know the killoff pattern of the cattle at Surkotada, which would have helped us to assess the role of the cattle in the local economy and its sources. The percentage of the cattle bones in Surkotada is less in comparison to the subsistence-based settlements. The cattle bones increase in the last phase of the occupation of the site (phase IC) when the trade and the administrative role of the site diminished. As a consequence, the subsistence activities at the site must have increased. The elites or merchants of Surkotada then in phase-IA must have relied on the pastoralists to obtain their requirement of meat. The mode of procurement however must have depended on the relationship of the pastoralists with these traders or elites.

be prudent to seek correlation of these traits in Ahar culture in south Rajasthan. The animal bones reported from the Surkotada-IA include the following species: fish, river turtle, fowl, jackal, dog, horse, cattle, ass, goat, sheep, deer, camel, pig, and rat. The cattle bones form a major section of the faunal material of this period (39.2%). The next most important position in the list of animal bones of this period is occupied by sheep/goat (20.16%). Surprisingly, buffalo bones are absent in the faunal assemblage, but pigs constitute 3.2% of the total. Jackal, horse, ass and deers are among the wild animals. Avians constitute 5.2% of the total assemblage. A decrease in the cattle bones in the period IB is noticed. It drops down to 29.8%. There is a corresponding increase in the sheep/goat bones in this period (29.4%). Other species show consistency, while there is a reduction in the pig bones. The amount of the cattle bone reverts back to the prominence (45.6%) in the subsequent phase, i.e., phase-IC and again the sheep/goat bones drops down to 18.3%. Sharma (1990) concludes that some of the cattle were used for draft purposes. “The bony growth on third phalanx shows that the people were practicing a lot of agriculture that required the use of cattle. This is also corroborated by the presence of effects of achylosis in some specimen of cattle bones. Animals used for heavy traction or prolonged draft work are the common sufferers of this disease.” (Ibid: 377). The culling pattern as inferred by Sharma from the dental analysis and epiphyseal fusion of the sheep/goat bones suggest that these animals were slaughtered when young. At one hand there is evidence for the use of cattle for traction, and on the other the culling pattern of the sheep and goat suggest a pastoral production system. Perhaps the animals represented in the archaeological assemblage of Surkotada come partly from the traction animals and the rest coming from the pastoral

There is no phase wise analysis of the plant remains in the excavation report of the site. Vishnu-Mittre (1990) reports the paleobotanical remains coming from three charred lumps dated 1660 BC, discovered from an earthen pot, which belongs to period IC. The material consisted of millets of two species and a large number of grasses, sedges and other wild plants. The millet species were Setaria Italica and Elusine coracana. The amount of these two types of grains was quite less compared to the other wild grains, grasses and sedges. Though Vishnu-Mittre suggests at one hand that these two millets species were cultivated at the site, on the other he finds that many of the wild plant species identified do not occur in Kutch but are distributed in the southern and central Gujarat where climate is moister than in Kutch. Thus,

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the common context of these millets, which were presumed to have been cultivated at the site and the wild plant species procured from far off places, is quite enigmatic. The mode of procurement of these wild plants species, the purpose of common storage however remains unanswered.

Bio-archaeological Remains Small Rural Settlements:

primarily for their meat. The secondary products held a low preference for them. The use of cattle wealth for traction and food with supplementary meat consumption from the smaller stocks indicates a combined role of pastoralism and agriculture in the subsistence practice. Further elaboration might throw some more light on greater details of the organizational characteristics of this agro-pastoral system.

of

Nageswar is another Mature Harappan site situated at the northwestern corner of the Kathiawar peninsula. The acquisition of raw shell and production of the shell objects for trade was the main function of the site. Though it is an single culture site, yet on the basis of pottery it can be divided into two phases, viz., (1) Phase-a, typical Mature Harappan, and (2) Phaseb, though geometric decorative patterns are continued in this phase, natural or abstract motifs become much less and finally disappear in the upper levels of this phase, and one sees a tendency towards an increase in coarseness in the fabric of most of the representative pottery types.

Apart from these urban and regional centres, there are a large number of small rural settlements that form the next grade in the settlement hierarchy in Gujarat. One of such site is Sikarpur in Kutch. M. H. Raval excavated it from 1987 to 1990. The uppermost layers (layer 1 to 9) belong to Mature Harappan period. 47 species (23 mammals, 3 birds, 2 reptiles, 5 fish, 13 molluscs and one crustacea) were identified in the faunal assemblage of Sikarpur (Thomas et al 1995). The domestic mammalian species included cattle, buffalo, sheep/goat, horse, pig and dog, while the wild fauna consisted of wild buffalo, nilgai, chowsingha, black buck, gazelle, deer, wild pig, wild ass, jackal, horse and rhinoceros.

Cattle, buffalo, sheep/goat and pig are the important domestic species in both the periods. Chital, Sambar, Nilgai, Black buck, Chinkara and Hare are the most common wild species. The percentage of wild animals increases in the phase-b (37%) in comparison to phase-a (18%). In phase-a, the percentage of the domestic animals is as follows: cattle 49.87%, buffalo 11.43%, sheep/goat 20.0%, and pig 0.52%. There is a marked difference in the faunal assemblage of phase-b, the details are: cattle 34.01%, buffalo 3.24%, sheep/goat 24.10%, and pig 1.31%. The cattle and buffalo bones in phase-a show a considerable decrease while the sheep/goat bones along with the wild animals like cattle and buffalo in favour of smaller animals of sheep and goat and more exploitation of wild animals. Such a situation arises due to recurring droughts and famines” (Hegde et al 1990).

The cattle bones held an eminent position in the faunal assemblage in the Mature Harappan period constituting 77.84% of the total faunal assemblage at Sikarpur. The study of different age-groups of the animals based on epiphyseal fusion in long bones and tooth eruption suggests that “a majority of cattle and buffaloes lived up to the age of maturity (approximately 3 years) and were then culled at various stages till the age of 8 years. However, there is also evidence of these animals surviving beyond the age of 8 years and this suggests that they were additionally valued in the economy for secondary products as well as for draught purposes” (Thomas et al 1995). However, the percentage of the sheep/goat and pigs show a distinct character. Most of them were killed at a younger age, between 6 months to their respective age of maturity. This suggests that these animals were domesticated 168

deposit is hardly 1m thick and covers a large area, 450 by 300 meters. The architectural features of the site comprises of a few circular hut structures of different sizes.

The analysis of the tooth eruption and epiphyseal fusion suggests that the slaughtering age of cattle at Nageswar was between 2 to 3 years. This indicates that the cattle were slaughtered after they reached maturity. The paleobotanical remains of the site are not studied. Relying alone on the faunal analysis, it is evident that Nageswar depended on the cattle and sheep/goat for their supply of meat. In phase-a, the reliance on cattle for meat was greater as is suggested by the kill-off pattern of the cattle. The manufacturing of the shell objects, which was the main economic pursuit of Nageswar must have taken large portion of the available labour force at Nageswar. In such a scenario, the adjustment of the subsistence production with the industrial activities at the site attracts our attention. In phase-a, there is a greater reliance on the cattle than sheep/goat and wild animals for meat. It is interesting to note that cattle were killed here at an early age, at the end of their growing period. So the exploitation of cattle for traction and secondary products is minimal at the site. This is well in congruity to shell manufacturing activity at the site. In all probability, the subsistence activities at the site were peripheral to the industrial activity and its participation in external trade. Hence, the meat requirement of the site must have been obtained through exchange of the shell objects from pastoral communities. The artisans of Nageswar in all probability might have obtained young cattle (2 to 3 years) from the pastoralists to be killed and consumed. Small stocks which is the next major element in the faunal remains either was kept in small number at the site or were obtained in a similar manner from the pastoralists. The kill-off pattern and sex determination of the faunal material may help us in clearing some of these ambiguities.

Nesadi, a site situated one kilometre to the southwest of the present Vallabhipur is a well-known rural Harappan site, which was excavated by R. N. Mehta in 1980. The artefacts at the site were found unevenly scattered forming different constellations over an area measuring 200m by 200m and the thickness of the deposit was approximately 0.5m at the maximum. The excavation exposed two circular rammed earth floors. “The excavation also indicated the presence of Red ware, buff ware, black-and-red ware, crude red ware, perforated jars and other ceramics as well as scrapers of basalts and terra-cotta bulls” (Mehta 1984). Another excavated site in the Kathiawar peninsula is Padri, situated close to the southern seashore near Talaja in Bhavnagar district. The site played a major role in the salt manufacture and trade (Shinde 1992a, 1992b). However, this was not the full-time activity at the site. The subsistence activities at the site might include agriculture and to some extent pastoralism. The study of the faunal material reveals 5 domestic and 8 wild mammalian species. Cattle, sheep/goat and buffalo were prominent domestic animals at the site. The cattle bones hold a dominant position in the faunal record with 68% of the total assemblage. Sheep/goat bones comprise 28% while buffaloes with 2% share in the total assemblage. Sheep/goat bones comprise 28% while buffaloes with 2% share in the total assemblage make their presence felt. The age and sex at the death of these animals may further elaborate the role of the cattle and other animals in the subsistence.

In Kathiawar, juxtaposed to the large settlements like Rangpur and Rojdi, a number of small sites have been reported. One of such excavated sites is Vagad (Mehta and Sonawane 1983, Sonawane and Mehta 1985). The habitational

In the north Gujarat along the Banas and Saraswati basin, scattered mostly in the Mehsana district portray a rural character. These sites make a constellation suggesting a well-integrated village

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economy for this region. The sites are not only small in size and thin in terms of cultural deposits, some of them such as Zekda reveal that the domestic house units were scattered over a large area, rather than being concentrated at one locus. The site of Zekda measures 700 by 200 meters and with 90 cms as maximum thickness of the cultural deposit interspersed with natural soil at several places (Momin 1980). Architectural remains of the site are limited to circular hut floors with postholes along the circumference; and a few of the circular hut floors are found with a rectangular porch like extension.

of its suitability to agriculture, the lack of large permanent village communities in this region seems anomalous to our general understanding. The concentration of the sites decreases towards the Charottar tract in the eastern side. This region is still used as a summer pasture by a large number of pastoral groups from Kathiawar as well as Kutch. The ephemeral nature of these sites suggests that the pastoralists used this area in the Harappan times extensively in the summer. Here, they must have some to contact with the hunting gathering population inhabiting the eastern hill tracts.

A cluster of small settlements in the Kheda district was first brought to notice by Momin (1984). The Harappan sites discovered in this region are particularly small, hence presumably rural in nature. Most of the sites are concentrated in the southwestern part, a low-lying area that contains lakes formed by loessic dunes of varying height. Sites such as Kanewal, Khaksar, Padra, Khanpur are found in this area. Other sites such as Changa, Jafrabad, Budhej, Jinaj are situated along the source of a natural stream, now known as Alang canal. Most of these sites occupy 50 to 100 square meters, and the habitation deposit is also thin. There are some comparatively larger sites such as Kanewal, Gudel, Nar and Vadgam measuring about 300 metres.

There is a huge geographical gap in the settlement pattern of Harappan sites in southen Gujarat. The gap almost stretches from the cluster of small settlements in Kheda district to the Tapi basin. Jokha, six kilometres to the south of Tapi has evidenced some Harappan affiliation, and thus determines the southern boundary of the Harappan settlements. The faunal material of Jokha also suggests that cows were kept in large herds. Husk of paddy is found adhering to some of the potsherds. “It appears that main occupation of Jhoka might have been farming and cattle breeding” (Shah 1971). Now let us collate the inferences drawn from the scrutiny of the bioarchaeological materials. So far, we have no evidence to suggest the beginning of the domestication process in any part of Gujarat. But the identification of Microlithic-Neolithic culture and Langhnaj and Hirpura and Chalcolithic cultures such as Padri, Prabhas, and Anarta traditions indicate the existence of pastoralism and incipient agricultural practice in parts of Gujarat well before the Mature Harappan phase. The analysis of the faunal material from Padri indicates only a marginal variation in the percentage of domestic animal bones between early and Mature phase in which the bones of domestic cattle predominates. Both cattle and sheep/goat bones predominate in the faunal record of

Kanewal is one of the important sites in this region that was excavated by R.N. Mehta (Mehta et al 1980). Shah (1980) reports the result of the faunal studies from Kanewal: “The bones of cattle are the most predominant followed by in order of goat/sheep/deer, barasingha, chita, nilgai, pig, horse, rhino, camel, and bird. About 50% of animal remains belong to cattle.” So, the animal remains from Kanewal suggest that inhabitants of this place were engaged in cattle breeding and haunting. The role of the agriculture seems to be minimal as the size of most of the settlements suggest. It is interesting to note that the soil of this region is quite fertile for agricultural operation. In spite

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Surkotada in early Harappan phase. Dholavira, where the transition from the early to mature phase is recorded shows the gradual changes in the artefactual assemblage, settlement organisation and town planning, the presence of rudimentary script tells us the story of the evolution of the urban character in Gujarat.

We have discussed the pattern of urbanisation of the Harappan civilisation, which indicate that almost all the major cities had emerged due to their strategic significance in organising the trade activity of that particular region. In Gujarat, the location of Dholavira in the Khadir island of Kutch bears the testimony to this. The location of Budhel, one of the large sites in central Kathiawar invokes some special interest in this regard. The location of Budhel in an area that is agriculturally marginal and is surrounded by several rural settlements must have been the nodal place for organising trade in pastoral products. The existence of a large number of trade posts and port towns along the long coastline of Gujarat complicated the trade network in Gujarat. Whether, these trade posts functioned as specialised or specific centres which dominated the trade on a specific item; or they played a general role in facilitating the transport of a number of trade items simultaneously is to be worked out.

The bio-archaeological materials from urban centres, craft-based settlements, and other administrative and trade centres appear to be relying on procurement for the supply of meat. Small stocks such as sheep and goat were used primarily for the meat and use of their secondary products was less. However, the cattle were valued for meat, traction and other secondary products such as milk, manure, and hide. In permanent village settlements and regional centres in the rural hinterland, the subsistence effort included both pastoral and agricultural mode. The wild plants were also used for food, but mostly were procured from outside, sometimes even from far away places as in Surkotada. Evidences from Surkotada, which played a significant role in the administration and trade in the region, show that people relied on cattle more when administrative function of the site was less. In the mature phase, when the site played a significant role in nonsubsistence activities, the consumption of sheep and goat increased. Thus, it seems meat of sheep/goat was preferred from that of cattle. Cattle meat though was consumed, the secondary products of cattle were more valued than meat. In the rural settlements as well we find a similar practice. The small stock is raised mainly for meat and cattle was used both for meat and other allied secondary products. The small craft based settlements like Nageshwar show how the mixed strategy of craft production and subsistence system worked. It is unfortunate that the faunal and botanical remains collected from the excavations of these small sites are not analysed in details, which would have helped us to resolve many of the confusions.

The subsistence production though primarily depends on the availability and mobilisation of all resources crucial for the particular mode of production, yet rural life cannot be thought to have been totally isolated from the urban phenomenon. As we have discussed elsewhere, internal trade and distribution of the craft products must have resulted in a shared commonality between rural and urban population. We can expect similarity in the material inventory of pastoral and other groups, though some degree of functional variability cannot be ruled out.

IV In the previous sections we tried to reconstruct the lifeways of the pastoralists, the role they played in the trade and exchange network, and their involvement in other activities such as

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craft or agriculture. These interpretations based on available archaeological database. In several instances, it was felt that the archaeological materials that would help in reconstruction of pastoral lifeways or their relationship with others were either not collected or are not analysed yet. Hence, some of the important aspects of pastoral lifestyle remain outside of this commentary. In this last section of this final chapter we will comment on some of these aspects such as the position of pastoralism within the subsistence portfolio of a region practicing mixed economy and the social and economic ties in the interface of pastoral and other communities. We would draw wide generalisations depending on broad trends noticed in the archaeological database based on ethnoarchaeological observations of pastoral communities. Hence, the inferences would be suggestive and should be verified and corrected once the necessary dataset is available in future.

changes in the identity of pastoralists. At the other extreme, the example of Godalia Lohars explains how sudden change in the political scenario transformed a community of sedentary artisans into a community of roving ironsmiths (Misra 1975). Assessing the intensity of such drastic political factors in the pre-literate societies from the archaeological remains is difficult. Hence, in all probability such phenomena have a high chance to escape from our effort to chronicle cultural changes in pre-historic time. Perhaps, we need to keep aside such political upheavals that caused the transition at this stage of methodological competency of discipline of archaeology. But, all the transitions did not occur in such mutative manner. Due to the internal disparity in the economic condition of both pastoralists and agriculturalists, the affect of the unfavourable situation is not felt uniformly. Poor individuals are more susceptible to such conditions than the rich; as a result, the change occurs in the individual level rather than on a community level. Due to changes in the individual fortunes, the transition from one subsistence strategy to other becomes a more frequent affair in an overall scenario and sometimes even it occurs within the lifetime of an individual. The pit falls in the economic status thus becomes a regular feature in their lifestyle, sometimes both at different times, depending on the state of their personal fortunes.” (Smith 1992)

Subsistence Portfolio in Mixed Economies: The study of the culture change in History and Anthropology from 1950s through 1980s emphasized that there are innumerable intermediary categories in the sedentary-nomadic continuum. Pastoralism and Agriculture are not mutually exclusive categories, rather the porosity of their boundaries often encounter a regular thoroughfare. “The passageways between different subsistence strategies were open to movements in both directions- sedentary people could shift to nomadism and nomads could settle down in response to changes in the economic, political or environmental conditions (Lewis 1987)”. Studies in social and political history often deal with the dynamism of these subsistence categories. The sedentarisation of the nomadic communities in the recent past in post world war nation states in different parts of the world can be cited as examples to demonstrate how political motives and socio-cultural changes has brought rapid

It is hard to swallow that the might of the fortune is so great that it dictates its terms to the lonesome individual who has no other choice than to follow the diction. Though this appears to be the reality in some of the pastoral communities, there are others where the community as a collective unit has devised some mechanism through which such unfortunate individuals receive help from other members. This generous help from the community members put the affected man back again on the track of his traditional economic pursuits. Such

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production opportunities in any particular case. The mere existence of potential resources cannot be considered as the sufficient clue to presume their exploitation by human groups. The transformation of the resources to consumable products depends upon the technological and labour input. Labour as the primary factor in any production regime in turn depends upon the human prerogatives and upon its availability. The environmental constraints, compulsion of human needs, or higher pursuits to accumulate wealth and social status have a decisive say in the formulation of human prerogative; thus, decides the degree of intensity of the production effort. Whatever may be the motive, in the conditions when the need for extensive resource utilization is required, labour availability emerges as the key factor.

redressal mechanisms are part of their socio-political structure of the community. Wherever the social linkages remained neutral to the personal misfortunes (as found among Basseri), the individual gave primacy to the survival than to the value based cultural preference to follow any subsistence strategy. The social organization of west Asian nomads gives economic autonomy to its constituent members. Though the land is held as a common property resource, the herds are owned individually. The management of the personal property is considered as individual responsibility. Consequently, fortune and misfortune affects the individual herd owner than the whole community. Gunner Haland (1972: 169) finds that “the mechanism for choosing pastoralism over sedentary agriculture, or vice-versa, are not based upon a cultural ideology, rather, they appear to be a result, on the one hand, of the profit that can be obtained through cattle ownership, and, on the other, of the survival needs that can be more easily filled by agriculture when an individual does not have enough cattle for support.”

For the whole range of mixed economies, both the geographic patterning of potential resources and the labour organization of the productive units within a given society play a significant role. Along with the geographical distribution of the resources, the seasonal variability of the resource availability should also be considered. Hence, seasonal shift in the focus from one production regime to other is a common practice. The manner in which the labour is organized depends upon the kind of production unit that exists in a particular case. When the basic production unit is family, the division of labour within it is designed so as to meet the requirements. The family tries to take maximum advantage by efficiently managing labour available within it. The division of the labour within the family is usually done on the basis of age and sex structure of the members. Among Karimajong and in many other pastoral communities who engage themselves in agriculture, women and children are active participants in the agricultural sphere. Karimajong woman has exclusive right over her gardens. And crop among Karimajong, is believed to be the herd of women. Karimajong men take care of animals and hardly are associated

The human effort in general seems to approach a pragmatic end in stress conditions, rather than being swept by the aptness of the value system. Economic stress does not disengage individuals from the value system altogether. The stress conditions may just witness a temporal shift in the preference. If the pastoral value system ever existed as an universal category, then the combination of agriculture and pastoralism in different parts of the world would have not been that widespread as it is today. Almost universally, the pastoralists who profess pastoral way of life as an ideal may well spend significant portion of the year in agricultural pursuits. The tendency to optimise the production opportunities seems to have a greater plunge in human behaviour. Thus the combination of pastoralism and agriculture need to be understood within a premise of optimisation of the

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The pastoral communities often occupy the marginal areas. In marginal conditions the mixed strategy of pastoralism and agriculture is advantageous than either one of them. Agriculture in marginal areas has high chance of failure and pastoralism in such areas will be sustainable only in a particular part of the year. The combination gives a choice within a broad spectrum where the chance of failure in both the components at the same time is less. In a year of good rain, dependence on agricultural product may be more and the focus on the pastoral products will be less. In a bad year, when the rainfall is less and there is a crop failure, the reverse will be the case. The buoyancy of the pastoral sector in a mixed economy helps in achieving the maximum returns in marginalized areas. This is the reason why the mixed economy farmers are more prosperous than purely agricultural fellows. Swiddler (1973: 38) observes, “unlike the transhumants, who could shift between nomadic movement and cultivation in response to seasonal and yearly variations in precipitation, the new villager, as an incipient peasant, is caught in his village and in the larger economic community.” As a result, the complete sedentarisation by adopting agriculture in marginalized areas is not a lucrative choice for pastoralists. In western Rajasthan more than 90 percent of the pastoral households are reported to have agricultural holding and do some agriculture (Bose et al 1966). Kavoori (1991) describes the situation in western Rajasthan as follows: “The precariousness of the agricultural practice and low agricultural yield characteristic of the desert region have entailed the distribution of production risks between two subsistence techniques, agriculture and pastoralism. Thus, agriculture and pastoralism combine to support the regional rural economy; the utilization of large tracts of non-arable and marginal land, along with the use of seasonally fallow rain crop tracts, as pasture forms the primary basis of the success of transhumant system.” Barth (1973)

with agriculture. As we have seen among the Rabaris of Resamia, men do the hard labour required at the time of field preparation and harvest, whereas women and children do the weeding and watch the standing crop to protect it from the wild animals. Asen (1981) reports the following arrangement among Lakenhel in Narin area: “A fraternal joint family consists of two married brothers and their descendants. The first brother is fully sedentary and will spend all his time in agricultural activities while the second brother is devoted to the case of sheep.” There can be many more arrangements within a production unit whose prime objective is to maximise the production level. If the required labour is not available within the family, it is arranged from among the kins. Maiti (1994: 120) finds such an arrangement among the Bakarwals of Jammu and Kashmir. “Bakarwals are found to cultivate maize and paddy during winter in the lowland homesteads. A few of them may join together and cultivate cotton in a cooperative basis where the products are divided among the members equally. Some of the Bakarwals who have no additional manpower to cultivate the land give it to their own neighbours for sharecropping. Besides, the rich Bakarwals, who possesses more land holding, give lands to poor families for sharecropping. Affluent Bakarwals engage day labour to cultivate their land. Bakarwals do not engage labour from outside. Own community members are deployed for such purpose. Neighbours and kin members extend all kinds of cooperation. These are being done on an exchange basis.” The kinship reciprocal relationships that ensures the labour availability to the constituent primary production unit of a community, thus helps in extensive resource utilization. Another way to fulfil the labour requirement to a production unit may be to hire them from outside of the community. The intensity of the agricultural practice then would depend upon the availability of labour.

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noticed a stasis- the mixed economy which is though more profitable than any of their pure constituent categories, do not pursue growth relentlessly, but are happy to remain small farmers once a certain level is reached- which he calls this as ‘the Sahlin’s effect’. If ever such a homeostasis is achieved in mixed economies, however, remains a moot point. This view may explain the situation where the marginal areas exist in isolation. But, the scenario changes when the marginal areas exist in interface with arable tracts where the agricultural mode of life is sustainable. Kavoori’s (1991) study of the agro-pastoral system in western Rajasthan led him to believe that the regional inequalities usurped by the green revolution in the surrounding areas has an positive effect on the transhumant population of western Rajasthan. The expansion of agriculture has produced surplus fodder, which has increased the fodder availability for pastoral population in western Rajasthan.

population. Self-sufficiency of mixed economies in other arenas would certainly be an exaggeration. KohlerRollefson (1992) identifies the increase in population size in such mixed economies as an inherent factor in their diversification. He writes: “Selfsufficient settlements supporting themselves by a mixed economy could expand only up to a certain population size. To accommodate additional inhabitants, there existed two solutions. One way out of the dilemma would have been the formation of a satellite settlement at sufficient distance from the original sites, preferably in similarly productive ecological settings, i.e., on the same isohyets and in the same ecotone. The other solution would have been to capitalize on one of the advantages of animal over plant resources- their mobility- and seasonally remove animals from the vicinity of the settlements and cultivated fields.” (Kohller-rollefson 1992: 13)

The mixed economies involve some degree of sedentarisation. A. B. Smith holds the permanent homesteads responsible for the practice of mixed economy among Karimajong. He observes: “Because the Karimajong are involved in agricultural activity, there are permanent homesteads where this takes place. The cattle, therefore stay around these settlements during the wet season and men only take the animals to dry season pastures, with associated camps, during the rest of the year.” (Smith 1972: 176). It is important to note here that the permanent homesteads may not be considered as one of the necessary characteristic in the marginal areas for the existence of mixed economies. Todas and Gaddis in one hand and Rabaris in Tuna wand on the other are pastoralists, but are found to possess permanent homesteads.

Kohler-Rollefson’s first alternative deals with the geographical expansion of the same subsistence strategy, whereas the second alternative suggests a change in the subsistence strategy to adapt to the new resource areas. The seasonal removal of the animals from the vicinity of the settlement must have preserved the pasture at home-base. This as well would add new areas into the circle of the economic activity. For example, mixeconomy groups use numerous Bets (islands) in the Ran of Kutch as pasturelands. Agricultural possibility in such islands is exceedingly low. One common aspect noticed among these two alternatives is the need to expand the territorial base of the subsistence operation either fully, as in case of the first alternative, or partially, as the case in second alternative. The question of the homeostasis presumed for mixed economies can now be resolved. The continuation of the same subsistence strategy in the conditions of territorial expansion then would depend on the availability of a region with similar ecotone. In the absence of such an

Certain degree of self-sufficiency is noticed in the mixed economies. This is because in such a condition the pastoralists produce their grains, rather than being, dependent upon agricultural

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vassals, consists primarily of panicum sp. (Ishiban, which can further be separated into askasof and asral) and cenchrus biflorus, panicum is the most important wild grain because it is more abundant, is the first to ripen after the rains, requires very little preparation (pounding), and does not cause digestive upsets. It is harvested at three different stages in the ripening process: the first, beginning in August or September lasts only 10-15 days and involves cutting the heads from the standing grain. This harvest is especially important if the milk supply is low. The second follows in the mid September when the grain is ready to fall and is harvested by bending the stalks over a basket and beating the grains into it. This ishiban is considered the cleanest and is most preferred. The final harvest begins in October and lasts until the next rains in June or July and consists merely of sweeping of seeds that are fallen naturally after the straw has been cut, eaten by animals, or burned off. Grains gathered in the latter manner are considered of lowest quality since it requires considerable preparation before eating to remove the sand. After harvesting, the grain is dried and stored in leather sacks, mud-brick granaries rented in towns, or in holes in the sand lined with matting. Grain that is stored in this latter fashion is usually conserved for times of scarcity. When the first harvests come in, in September, these reserves are immediately replenished, whatever old grains remaining is either eaten or sold. The location of the holes is secret but often are placed near the wells frequented by the group, besides the stands of grain, or in the edge of a village” (S. E. Smith 1980: 471)

alternative, the use of distant pasturelands and intensification of pastoral production, at least by a section of the population, seems to be the most probable solution. It will not be out of the way to presume that “a wide variety of residence patterns and economic strategies may have existed within the same closely-knit kinship group” (Kohler Rollefson 1972: 15). This brings us back to the economic dynamism along the agriculturepastoralism continuum. The disturbance in the stasis of mixed economies in marginal areas, particularly in the situations when regions of the same ecotone are absent, provides opportunity for the emergence of intermediary categories. Barfield explains such an instance of subsistence mobility in Afghanistan. He studied the investment behaviour of the profit making families who followed mixed economy. “Those with substantial profits from animal husbandry often invest them in land and thereby become landlords as well as pastoralists. Once settled they abandoned their yurts for permanent houses, but most continued to migrate as usual, leaving some family members of hired workers to watch crops, because sheep raising is considered more profitable than agriculture.” (Barfield 1993: 100). A similar kind of investment behaviour is noticed among Luris. Black-Michaud (1986) reports “far from abandoning their pastoral assets, wealthy Luri landowners had continued to invest heavily in sheep raising by employing impoverished Luris as contract herders to oversee their flocks which were grazed on traditional tribal pastures.” This contract system among Luris has helped the pastoralists who lost their animals to remain as pastoralists, instead of taking agriculture, by herding other people’s livestock.

Pastoralists and other Occupations: The pastoral societies are often found involved with a range of other activities that either provides them additional income or allows them to exploit a range of other resources that fall out of the pastoral production system. Bakarwals, who occupy the mountain peaks of the Himalayan range in north India, are

S. E. Smith (1980) reports another kind of exploitation of grains among the pastoralists of Sahel in West Africa. They exploit the wild grains to supplement their diet form the pastoral products particularly in the dry seasons. “The wild grains, gathered by the slaves and poor

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in an area that is homogenous in its population, the market system is found to be underdeveloped as everybody produced almost the same variety of products. So, the interdependence of communities due to subsistence specialization in a particular region decides the intensity and character of the trade relationship of pastoralists. The accessibility of the market has played a major role in the pastoral politics in the Eurasia Steppes (Barfield 1989, 1981, and Watson 1961). On the other hand we find the pastoral communities of Arab who controlled the trade routes. They played an exclusive role in the trade as they had the monopoly over the supply of the transport animals required for the long distance trade. The bands of pastoralists were also employed by the merchants to give protection to the caravans on their way.

reported to be involved in hunting and fishing. Another important activity of Bakarwals is to collect medicinal herbs and roots for sale in urban areas. (Shasi 1979). “The pastoral people of Kinnaur in the north were primarily agriculturists and traders and the youngest son of the family usually looked after the flocks, alternating between pastures that lay higher up or lower down the mountains. What is of interest here is that livestock rearing was looked upon by them as an adjunct to trading which was of greater economic importance in the days when the Indian border with Tibet was open.” (Sen 1970). Hence, this may indicate the human behaviour to take maximum possible advantage of the available opportunities to optimise the returns. Their involvement in trade and exchange network gives them additional benefits, which are essential in pastoral economy. Their migratory cycle forms a loop between different important market towns. It keeps them in constant touch with the market, and ensures them regular supply of other necessary items required by them. The nature of the pastoral products, their demand in the market place and the need of the pastoralist are some of the factors that depend upon the frequency of the visit to the market place. Barfield (1993) mentions that the “pastoralists who raised sheep could find a ready market for wool, cheese, and live animals in any town or village, but the deep-desert Bedouins were dependent on large urban centres to market large number of expensive camels.”

The role of the pastoralists is often acknowledged in the transportation of goods for a long distance. The Kinnauras, Gaddi played a crucial role in the IndoTibetan trade. The Laman and Banjaras were engaged in the transportation of goods in the peninsular India. The Drokbas in Tibet were involved in the salt trade and supplied salt to the adjoining regions of Nepal, Bhutan, and Sikkim (Barfield 1993). Asen (1981) reports a high propensity for trade among Lakenkhels. The spatial mobility of the pastoralists gives them an edge over others in the involvement of trade and distance transport of the goods. Transhumant population forms a link between two regions. The goods peculiar to a region is traded into the other region though these yearly visits of these populations. In such a case, the trade and transportation exist as a component of their overall economy. But, employing large herds of pack animals for transportation of the goods between two far off places was a more specialised activity. Maintenance of these large herds of pack animals and their regulation along the trade route though requires some pastoral skills, the economic focus was not be linked to the pastoralism.

The trade relationships of the pastoralists with other communities to certain extent depend on the level of self-sufficiency in their community. The pure pastoralists are more dependent on the market and exchange network to produce their grain requirements. Whereas, the communities who do some agriculture to produce at least some part of their grain requirement will be less dependent on the market. The other material needs such as ornaments, utensils, implements, and weapons, are procured from the market whenever there is a need. If a pastoral community lived

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population of the region can be studied in terms of the following factors: “a) Ecological controls- Herd loses and other disasters leading to collapse of established control, or population growth leading to over-pressure and impoverishment. b) Internal Stratification- Process whereby wealth above a certain threshold is dissipated within the pastoral sector through feasting, warfare, and other elite consumption. c) Regional Stratification- Process whereby wealth, often in support of elite personnel, flows from the pastoral sector to the sedentary centres to sustain claims to rank in the larger cosmopolitan state. d) State Counter measures- Action to contain a local pastoral elite, to exploit it, to ordain its wealth, or to eliminate the group when the cost of controlling it are too high.” (Barth 1973: 19)

However, pastoralists get immense benefit from this, as they find a potential market for their surplus animals. The pastoralists do form a bridge between two or more regions during their annual migration cycle, but to consider trade as an essential part of their economy would certainly be an exaggeration. There is a high possibility of their involvement in the transportation and supply of some of the material required in different regions, but this does not rule out the role of other itinerant groups in the manufacture and supply of such items in a wider geographic region. The spread of common artefact along a known pastoral migratory tract should not be conclusive of the involvement of the pastoral group in the supply and spread of it, at least not without a thought about the involvement of other nomadic groups.

The nature of relationship between the nomadic pastoral communities with sedentary agricultural communities is often seen in terms of binary opposition to each other. Such an assumption is based on the study of the nomadic pastoral societies in the central Asian steppe region. Barfield, believes that the large-scale political organization among steppe nomads was designed to deal primarily with external relations. As the internal economy of the central Asian pastoralism was largely undiversified, it could have not supported a sophisticated state structure. “Rulers of the steppe empires therefore did not expect to support themselves by extracting revenue from their nomadic subjects, rather the reverse. They used the military might of their nomad followers to extract revenue from outsiders that could not only pay for administration of the empire, but also could be redistributed among the potentially rebellious component tribes to keep them happy. In the southern Russian steppe, the revenue came from the control of vital links in overland trade networks which supported such empires as Scythians, the Khazars, and the Golden Horde.” (Barfield 1993)

Pastoralists at the Interface: Control, Dependence, and Stratification The foregoing discussion has emphasized that the pastoral production regime does not exist in absolute isolation. Hence, there is the need to study the interfaces of the pastoral communities in a given region in a total system perspective. “The sedentary people and societies are part of this total environment, and nomads relations to them are revealed as part of an ecologic, economic, or political analysis” (Barth 1973:21). Consequently, different productive regimes in a region should be taken as participants in a common regional economy. Barth (1973) in his study of the pastoralism in the Middle East finds an internal dynamism where the agricultural component of the pastoral communities keeps on changing due to both internal and external factors. This dynamism decides the nature of the interface between different production regimes and in turn depends on the negative feedback from the pastoral sector of the population. The negative feedback of the pastoral sector of the total

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importance of sedentary peasant economy in the pastoral society and economy (Barfield 1993: 163).

The historical writings of Central Asia give a vivid description of the political hostility between the steppe and the agricultural areas around it. The political hostility of the steppe and the sown was primarily due to the mutual dependence in the regional economy. The steppe region, as is mentioned earlier, is a homogenous region and is more suitable for pastoral production rather than cultivation. “The steppe climate is not suited to cultivation; even in the 19th century it was undertaken chiefly along rivers and lakes, where irrigation was possible. The central Asian steppe had few settled communities until the period of Russian expansion. In the east Mongols came into contact with agricultural Chinese, in the west with the Iranian culture of Turkemenistan. In Siberia there were only hunters and reindeer breeders, and within the Steppe itself, only a thin chain of Caravansarai towns supporting the trade routes between east and the west.” (Bacon 1954: 60). Thus central Asian pastoralists had a few chance to interact with other population. This fact was responsible for the self-sufficiency of the pastoral communities of the steppe. Selfsufficiency of the central Asian nomads, in a long run proved to be the weakness of the pastoral economy of the region as a whole. This fact can be accounted for the rise of antagonistic attitude of the pastoral nomads towards the settled peasants is not a perennial characteristic of pastoral communities. The hostilities were stabilized periodically and symbiotic arrangements were achieved for mutual advantages. For example, the peasants were allowed to live in peace in China under the direct rule of Mongols. Ogodei, the son of Chingis Khan who took the direct responsibility of administration in China after the collapse of Jurchen in 1234 AD, changed the destructive Mongol policies towards agricultural production; brought stability to the Chinese peasantry and appropriated a large sum of revenue by establishing a mechanism for taxation of the Chinese peasants. And the successors in the Mongol empire did recognise the

Unlike the Central Asian Steppe, “within south-west Asian habitat, there are regions of great fertility eminently suitable to agriculture, interspersed with other regions where cultivation would be difficult if not impossible, but which may be profitably exploited by grazing. Some parts of the area may be utilised in either way, depending on the cultural interests and technological skill of the occupants.” (Bacon 1954: 52). This heterogeneity in the ecological matrix, and physical proximity of the nomadic pastoral population with the settled peasantry helped in the evolution of a symbiotic relationship between them. Thus different specialized communities existed in mutual dependence; and different production regimes were treated as specialised activities to exploit different resource bases of the area. The mutuality in the economic relationship was replicated in the socio-cultural milieu and the result being reduction in the hostilities between these production regimes. Leshnik (1975) gives a similar opinion for Indian context: “In India, the edge of the dichotomy is considerably blunted by a traditional social structure that institutionalises the cultural separateness of different groups. For Indian peasants, the pastoralist nomad of his region represents an occupational specialization much as do members of the fishermen or potter castes, whose ritual, social, dietary, dress, or speech practices might well be expected to differ from one’s own.” The dependency of the peasantry and pastoralism is seen all over the world. There is an important economic base to the relationship between pastoralists and peasants. The pastoralists need grain and other craft products from the settled peasant communities, the pastoral products such as meat, hide, wool, and other milk products are equally needed by the peasants. As pastoralists often filled up the interstices of the agricultural

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settlement and exploit the land that are least valued by the agricultural population, the realms of their production regimes seem to be complementary than being competitive. “But, herdsmen prefer to pasture their herds on good rain soaked land, furthermore, part of the pasture must always be of this type in order to maintain the herds at the end of the dry season. Therefore, the nomads are interested in controlling agricultural land or at least in exploiting under-populated agricultural areas” (Marx 1978). Owing largely to this fact, the relationship between the pastoralists and peasants is a function of several social, political and economic factors; and depends on the vectoral combinations of them at a given point of time. The change in the influencing factors occurs taking cues from the past processes; consequently the relationship shifts along a continuum stretched between symbiosis and competition as two end points. (See Smith 1974, Cohen 1992 and Khazanov 1989 for details). Barth (1973) suggests an explicitly symbiotic view (Barth includes the entire range of the categories of relationships in the symbiosiscompetition continuum under the general term ‘symbiosis’.) and seeks to analyse the interconnections of ‘nomads’ and ‘sedentary’ as prerequisites for their respective persistence. He emphasizes the need to adopt a common perspective to analyse the pastoral and peasant population of a given region and to see thereby the interrelationship of them in terms of dependence, dominance and stratification. (See also Cole 1973)

(1) Management of Land and Domestic Animals: The production regimes of agricultural and pastoralism deals primarily with the management of the landholding and domestic animals respectively. The agricultural production depends on the availability of a good arable tract judged in terms of fertility of the soil and reliability of the rainfall or upon the use of irrigation facilities. Thus, one may expect the agriculture to flourish along the bank of perennial water sources. The pastoralism, on the other hand depends on the availability of the fodder and water. Pastoralists used the grasslands in the marginalized areas (where the possibility of agriculture was low) in the rainy season, and gradually made a movement to the perennial water source towards the end of the dry season. They exploited the vegetal by-products of the cultivation to supplement the fodder requirement of the herd. The water emerges as the common resource, on which both the agriculture and pastoralism depends. In case of the mixed economies, the land and domestic animals are common resource bases; their joint management depended on the ecological condition. The pastoralists in the Middle East move into the cultivated areas in the height of summer, where the animals feed on stubble, drink from perennial water resources and in turn manure the owner’s fields. The nomads benefit from the cereal cultivation, which increases the plant cover, and agriculturists obtain some added income. This arrangement serves the interest of both parties, so that in many instances it continues undisturbed for many reasons. (Marx 1992 and Bates 1973). Swiddler (1973: 24) finds the purchase rights to stubble grazing on fallow fields as an integral part of the nomadic system in Baluchistan and southeastern Turkey, fulfilling the pasture requirements as well as providing village with necessary fertilizers.

Hence, the interrelationship can be studied under the following heads: (1) in the control and management of crucial factors in the subsistence production, (2) market relationship. Sometimes these relationships also transcend the economic and social sphere to occupy specific space in the religion and rituals of communities involved. At this stage of archaeological inquiry, we will keep the religion and ritual out of the purview of our quest.

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pastoralists. This exchange relationship thus increases the carrying capacity of land in turn maximizes the return in both the production regimes.

Frantz Charles (1978) discusses a range of agreements between grazers and farmers regarding dry season pasturage in Nigeria. He writes: “There is considerable variation in the management of dry-season stubble grazing- in some districts there is no fee charged to grazers by farmers, but more often Fulani pay either cash of cattle for the farmer’s crop residues. Yet in some areas, the farmer pays the Fulani for bringing a herd into his harvested fields. In Madagali, all these types of land use agreements occur. South-east of Yola, a Verre farmer does not pay the Fulani herd owner to bring his cattle to consume crop residues, but he provides tributes or gifts to the Fulani lineage or clan head and to the chief of the Emirate.”

The manure for agriculturists and fodder for pastoralists are important requirements for raising their respective production level. They occur as byproducts of these two respective production systems and hardly have any value within their production system. The exchange of these two items is thus truly symbiotic in nature. As a consequence of this exchange system, pastoralists and agricultural population come to each other’s contact, which creates a platform for other types of interactions. One of the major consequences of their interaction is to exchange their respective products. The pastoralists procure grains and agricultural population receives the surplus milk products that play an important part in their respective diet.

The pastoralists of Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Maharashtra in the peninsular India are also involved in such an exchange. Bose (1975) reports that the pastoralists of the Jaisalmer and Malani tract return to their village base to graze their livestock on the cultivated fields which by then been harvested. Pastoralists with larger herds migrate to the distant agricultural tracts to graze their animals on the agricultural residues. Dhangars in Maharashtra also migrate to Konkan and Marathawada to pen their sheep on the cultivated fields and in return procures grains (Sontheimer 1975). In Northern Gujarat, breeders from eastern Banaskantha and Mehsana district return from their wet season pastures in southeastern Rajasthan (Sanchor and Sirohi) return to their home base about December and graze their livestock on the harvested fields (Makhijani 1957). The pastoral communities of Kutch and Kathiawar Peninsula come to the Charotar tract for similar reason. Thus, exchange of fodder and manure between the pastoralists and agriculturists is one of the interactive facets. The pastoral supply of the dung to the cultivator increases the fertility of the land and thus helps in procuring a surplus to be exchanged. On the other hand, the intensive cultivation produces surplus vegetation to be used as fodder by the

The Bedouin camel raisers are dependent on sedentary population for their diet. The bulk of their foods consist of dates, bread, or rice and tea as standard beverage. The animal most commonly slaughtered for meat is sheep, which must be purchased from other nomads or from the urban markets. (Barfield 1993). The Drokbas in Tibet are exclusively pastoral. One finds an effort among Drokbas to maximize the pastoral production in order to produce enough to meet the household’s direct consumption needs along with a surplus for trade with sedentary communities, for without the grain supply they could not survive. (Barfield 1993: 189). Among Central Asian Arabs, Barfield (1981) notices a strong dependency of nomads on the grains as a part of their diet, which was procured from the agriculturists. Spooner (1975) found that the dates form an important food component among the pastoralists of Baluchistan particularly in the dry months. The date harvest (hamen) starts in July, reaches a peak in August, and trails off in September. This corroborates well with the seasonal fluctuation in the milk yield. Sontheimer

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communities is low reliance on the meat. The animals are not butchered in usual circumstances. The Bedouins rely on the supply of the small stock for meeting their meat requirement. Only in the ritual context, the camel is slaughtered and consumed. Smith (1992) also reports similar practice among the African pastoral communities. He writes: “It is true in Africa, as elsewhere, that a proportion of herdsman’s diet, i.e., domesticated grains, often comes in exchange from his sedentary neighbours. It is equally important to understand that the amount of animal protein in the cultivator’s diet may be wholly dependent on the exchange, and considering the low protein diet of many Africa’s sedentary agricultural propels, herdsman may well play a vital role in the quality of their survival.” (Smith 1992: 126).

(1975) reports a heavy dependence of grains in the dietary pattern of Dhangars, the food items consumed by them is more or less the same as the surrounding farmers. The peasants procure clarified butter and meat from the pastoralists. The pastoralists, who practice agriculture in a supplementary capacity, produce their own grain requirement. Due to the erratic nature of the rainfall in these marginal areas, the production level of the grain undergoes a fluctuation. In the bad years, they need to procure grain from other communities, whereas in good years they may produce a surplus. The pastoral population who are well integrated to the peasant society they show hardly any distinction in their dietary pattern. High dependency on the grains thus can be taken as the indicator of a high level interaction between pastoralists and peasants. Such interaction may not produce a cultural integration of both the parties. Though pastoralists include grains in their diets, the pastoral products form a major portion of their diet. The animals are used for dual purposes in pastoral system, i.e., as subsistence animals and as capital. As subsistence animals, they are used to produce the food items. The milk and meat are major food items produced by the domestic animals. The large animals produce more milk, hence used specifically as milch animals. The small stocks produce less milk, so they are not expected to produce a surplus. But the females in the herd often meet the domestic demand. The small stocks mature early; hence they are particularly preferred for the production of meat. Blood of the large animals are sometimes included in the diet. The Bedouins, Rendiles, and Todas along with many other pastoral communities are reported to consume blood of their domestic stock in a part of the year when the milk production is at the lowest. Hide and wool are used to make tents and clothes.

This is also a common feature among the Indian pastoral communities. Sontheimer (1975) finds mutton forming a negligible part in the Dhangar’s diet; the consumption of the mutton is restricted to the special occasion as at Dasara, at Jatras, or at marriages. The use of the meat only in the ritual context reduces the chances of undue depletion of the herds due to internal consumption. On the other hand, it helps in the increase of the herds. The number of the animals in a herd is equated to the possession of wealth due to their exchange value. Here, the animal is used as capital. The animals are sold or exchanged to procure other requirements of the household. More is the degree of self-sufficiency; the exploitation of animals as subsistence animals is greater. Conversely, the capital value of the animals is more among the pastoral communities who depend on other communities to procure other necessities who depend on other communities to procure other necessities of their life. The domestic herd is managed and exploited according to the overall cultural and economic context of the community.

Another curious fact observed in the dietary pattern of several pastoral

In pastoral communities, the wealth is not accumulated only in terms of animals;

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its own. Another type of contractual relationship is found among the Bakarwals. “Bakarwals take sheep, goats, and horses from other communities on yearly contract basis. Under such contract they will get 100 rupees per year for each animal, and also they get half of the product of the animal if it is female. After periodic return they hand over those animals to the individual owners and if possible they again make contract for coming year.” (Maiti 1994: 125). The institution of hed among Dhangars and farmers of Desh describes another milieu of interaction between farmers and pastoralists. “Farmers on the Desh entrust their sheep with Dhangars who drive them to Konkan and sell them on behalf of the farmers. The proceeds of the sale are brought back by the Dhangars who receive as commission an amount between Rs. 5/- and Rs. 15/- per sale of each sheep.” (Sontheimer 1975).

pastoralists invest in other forms of property too. It is more so for the pastoral communities who are better integrated to the overall regional economy. The accumulated cash from the sale of the surplus animals and their products are often invested in ornaments, utensils, and other prestige articles. Sometimes it is invested as bride price, and other social reciprocative mechanisms that ensure them economic security at the time of scarcity or at a crisis period. In few cases, one notices that pastoralists invest in the land and become proprietors. Thus, one sees an income flow from one production regime to the other. Accordingly, a range of combinations of agriculture and pastoral way of life emerges. In case of these mixed economies, the management of the land and animals requires adjustment in several spheres. In marginalized regions, the degree of emphasis on a particular mode of production keeps on changing not only as a response to the ecological condition, but also due to changes in the economic status within the community. As a result, a wide variety of interdependence is noticed in the management of land and animals among the population of the region.

Another important facet of the interaction between the pastoral and agricultural population is the interchanging of surplus labour in their respective communities. The Arab Bedouins work in the date fields in the harvest seasons. This gives then some additional income and the date farmers get the additional manpower required at the time of harvest. In Tibet, farmers’ work for Drokba nomads during the summer, particularly to tan hides and to construct storage buildings for which they are paid in sheep (Barfield 1993). “Dhangar boys work as shepherd boy in the nearby agricultural villages and earn Rs 300/- to Rs 400/- per annum plus a set of new clothes and free food. Besides, there are Marathas who derive their subsistence to a large extent from the sheep they own and to a lesser degree from their land. They employ red turbaned Dhangars who stay with their families on the sheep farm. These Dhangars do not have sheep of their own. The payment would be Rs 325/- per annum plus 32 seers (Kilos) of grain per month.” (Sontheimer 1975: 167). Malis and Kunbis help Dhangar in cultivating whatever little landholding they possess. The agricultural populations in

Swiddler (1973) reports from the Middle East the practice of placing animals with trusted friends in agricultural population by Brahuis. “By this practice the nomad quickly reduces his stock, while at the same time strengthening trade relations with particular villagers. The villagers enjoy the use of the animals for the tenure of agreement and share no responsibility for loss or injuries. There are of course, important implications in this practice for the development of shared cultural exception for it is one of the key points at which the nomad and sedentary systems articulate.” (Swiddler 1973: 29). Multifarious contractual relationships between the wealthy and impoverished nomads enter into contracts with the rich nomads who require more manpower to manage their large herds. The poor nomads in this process accumulate the wealth to form a herd of

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Maharashtra with whom Dhangars share the eco-niche also own a few sheep and goats. Dhangars enjoy the exclusive sheering rights of these animals in the local work division among different occupational groups. Sontheimer (1975) considers “sheering is not so much a source of income, but a means of maintaining good relations with the surrounding villages.”

(2) Market Relationships: The market holds an important position in pastoral economy. The milk products and surplus male animals are accumulated in pastoral economy over the time. Pastoral communities sell these items to the traders and peasants on their migration routes to generate cash. This cash is utilized in buying their other requirements, such as ornaments, utensils, clothes, and implements. The market place relationships fall outside of the reciprocative exchange network between the pastoralists and peasants. The law of supply and demand is the decisive factor in the price of the animals. Lakenkhels sell cattle on their caravan routes where they fetch a good price. The surplus livestock and clarified butter are purchased by the money-lenders-cumtraders in the villages and towns in Western Rajasthan (CAZRI: 1965). In Gujarat, Bharwads and Rabaris sell quality traction animals to the peasants on their annual migration routes. The other livestock products are exchanged or sold in the nearest market places at the end of the wet season. The accumulated clarified butter is sold to the local merchant before they start their annual migration towards the dry season pastures.

Thus, the extra labour force required in the agricultural communities comes from the impoverished pastoralists and from the surplus labour available seasonally among pastoralists. As Diggard (1978) argues, pastoralism is capital intensive, the increase in the herd size results in the increase of production. The manpower required in the pastoral mode of production is not a critical factor for optimising the pastoral production. This may be the reason for the availability of surplus labour in pastoral economy. To the contrary, agriculture is labour intensive, i.e., the production depends on the labour input to get the maximum return from a unit of land. The labour requirement of the agricultural operation sometimes cannot be met from the agricultural population. Therefore, agricultural populations need to employ additional labour at the time of need from other communities. The pastoral nomads of the region often meet this requirement.

In their selling bid, pastoralists need the information regarding the supply and demand in the market. As they stay away from the market for a long time, they are least informed about the fluctuations in the market price. Hence, as it is already discussed elsewhere, the information exchange about the current price trends in the market regularly takes place among them. Ahmed (1973) has recorded the nature of such marketplace between nomads and sedentary merchants. He finds that the socio-economic organization of the pastoral sector of the population plays an important role in such situation. Let us discuss a detail account of a transaction, taking place in a large sedentary village, where some members of nomadic people have settled

One of the unique aspects of the relationship between pastoralists and sedentary villagers in Tibet is the incorporation of a small but steady flow of farmers into pastoralism. “The farming families that send their surplus livestock to high pastures either contract with a pastoral household to do work or assign a son or brother to the task. Over time, as such a man picks up the necessary skills and begins to specialize in pastoral production, he may attach himself permanently to “Drokba society by marrying a nomad woman, eventually cutting his ties to his old extended family.” (Barfield 1993: 191).

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Most of the cattle markets are found in the North and south Gujarat. The Kutch where the pastoralism is the predominant mode of production does not have a single cattle market. As we come down to Kathiawar peninsula, there are only three cattle markets. Morvi, in north Kathiawar is situated on the confluence of several migration routes. Rajkot, to a little south is the central market place for those pastoralists who inhabit the central highlands of Kathiawar. Most of these pastoral population practice agriculture in supplementary capacity and very few of them are involved in long distance transhumance. Similarly, Gondal forms the nodal point for selling the surplus animals for pastoralists inhabiting the Gir and Barada hills. The pastoralists who are involved in transhumance to the distant summer pasture all trespass the Gujarat plain.

due to some reason. The proceedings of such a transaction may be as follows: A nomad coming into the village well before the transaction anticipates an unfair deal. Such sensitivity primarily rests on non-filial relationship with the villagers. Thus, the pastoralist arrives with a preset idea of the value of his animal. He in addition has an idea of the value of the items he wants according to his need for them. He is, as well, conscious about the difference in his assessment and that of the Merchant’s. This does not put off the deal, but leads to bargaining, where each hopes to reach a point where he thinks he is making a profit. To have a good bargaining position, a nomad needs information about the price before entering the transaction. The merchant and the butcher- who often are part of the same business enterprise- have the information he needs; but cannot give it to him because it is one of the assets in such a situation. Nomad’s alternative is to seek such information from his settled tribal elite. The nomad thus seeks the help of the settled elite to take a final decision in the bargaining.

In north Gujarat, Disa on the bank of river Banas is the northern most cattle market. To the south of Disa, one finds a cluster of cattle markets. This zone is fertile zone drained by both Banas and Saraswati river systems. The local pastoralists who occupy the fringe of the Little Ran of Kutch in the east frequent these market places. The transhumant populations who spend a considerable time in this zone in the dry months from Kutch and Kathiawar also sell their animals in these market places. Most of the Kathiawar and Kutch pastoralists use the Nal-Bhal tract as their summer pasture. Some of them also stay around Ahmedabad city. Dholka, Mehmedabad and Petlad are three important cattle markets that serve the need of this pastoral population.

The transactions in the cattle markets in Gujarat are somewhat of the same nature. The table given below gives the list of the names of the market place. Table 5.1: The regional distribution of cattle markets in Gujarat Name of the zone Kutch Kathiawar North Gujarat

South Gujarat

Name of the Marketplace -----------------Morvi, Rajkot, and Gondal Disa, Patan, Chanasma, Mahesana, Visnagar, Vijapur, Kadi, Viramgam, Dholka, Mehmedabad, and Petlad. Jhalod, Dahod, Devgad Baria, Kalol, Bharuch, Mandvi, and Vyara.

In south Gujarat there are a few cattle markets along the migration route leading to Malwa region in central India. Kalol, Devgad Baria, Dahod, and Jhalod are some of the important cattle markets, which the pastoral people visit during their migration to the Malwa region in the dry months. Similarly, a series of cattle markets are found along the southern migration route to Maharashtra.

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ethno-archaeological lessons. On the other hand, the ethno-archaeological observations were also used to decide and design archaeological methods. Another innovative step was to use a range of archaeological material belonging to the more recent or historical period such as memorial stones, or deserted settlements in the last one millennium. They were used to infer causal relationship between certain categories of archaeological material. Ethnographic literatures on different communities were consulted and wherever possible was used to understand the complexities of cultural processes.

The cattle markets in the southern part of this zone are found along the migration route that follows the Tapi valley and enters the north Maharashtra. Bharuch, Mandvi, and Vyara are three important market places in this section of the migration route. The distribution pattern of the cattle markets in Gujarat shows that most of them are found in the agricultural zones and are found along the migration routes. The Gujarat is known for better quality breeds; hence, traders from the far off places also visit these markets along with the local peasant population. As these markets are along the migration routes it helps the pastoralists to reduce the size of their herds before they go to their respective summer pastures. A particular family of Bharwads and Rabaris are found attached to specific peasant families in these areas. When, such a family requires the traction animals, the pastoralist attached to them provide the cattle as a part of the social and economic reciprocity. Otherwise, pastoralists sell their animals in these markets where law of demand and supply determines the price.

The ethno-archaeological approach here thus has used all possible information sources: contemporary pre-modern societies, colonial literature on some tribal groups, oral traditions and historical artefacts. This has helped to widen the vision to consider multiple possibilities. We need to create more specific and detailed archaeological database to eliminate the less probable and to choose the most appropriate interpretation. There are thousands of Harappan sites discovered both in Pakistan and India. The list of urban centres is also growing day by day. Excavations of these huge urban centres are producing new spectacle of urban architecture and splendid cultural artefacts. These may make Harappan Civilisation more glamorous and exotic, but we fail to be wiser. Archaeologists need to reconsider shifting their focus from crude display of splendour to make prudent statements on the social process that created these magnificent cities. The contribution of the majority of men who lived outside these cities, those who produced food, manufactured different craft and utilitarian objects, and were responsible to transport products one region to other should receive due significance. The social structure, economic system, and cultural composition, which contributed in this rare human achievement, should be understood. Individuals do not build

These markets fetch them good price as the traders from the cattle scarcity areas readily agree to a higher price than the local peasants. It is interesting to find some middlemen involved in the bargaining and finalizing the deal between pastoralists and traders. These middlemen are generally pastoral elite who now undertake agriculture and in the rest of the year they act as middlemen between the traders and their own castemen. He receives certain percentage of the deal as his commission.

Conclusion: Thus, we have used all possible source of information to reflect on the ancient lifestyle of the pastoral communities during the Harappan Civilization. The limitations of the archaeological database at some instances were minimised by

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civilizations. It is a product of a social system. To understand this system we need to deal with relationship of diverse components at different levels. Hence, pastoral aspect that undoubtedly a significant component needs attention. In fact, we need a dedicated effort to understand the non-glamorous and ordinary archaeological sites. Even these small sites have the potential to reveal noteworthy social behaviours, human relationships, and economic cooperation. They are the sites to explore human virtues and social values, though intangible but are foundation of all civilizations. “For cities may come and cities may go, But we go on for ever.” -Tennyson.

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Appendix- I The list of Memorial stones sites in Gujarat.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

20/44/10 20/47/30 20/47/40 20/47/50 20/46/40 20/49/10 20/49/20 20/51/40 20/56/20 20/56/10 20/56/40 20/56/40 20/57/20 20/58/00 20/55/30 20/57/30 20/57/50 20/58/50 20/53/30 20/55/10 20/47/00 20/55/10 20/54/40 21/45/30 21/45/30 21/46/00 21/48/30 21/50/00 21/49/20 21/50/30 21/50/00 21/51/20 21/51/10 21/51/00 21/50/30 21/51/40 21/52/40

70/48/30 70/59/00 70/55/10 70/48/40 70/47/20 70/50/30 70/00/00 70/50/30 70/52/20 70/48/00 70/48/10 70/48/20 70/48/10 70/48/30 70/45/40 7045/50 70/45/40 70/37/50 70/53/20 70/56/30 71/08/30 71/20/40 71/21/00 71/07/00 71/10/15 71/13/20 71/26/30 71/28/30 71/15/30 71/16/20 71/04/00 71/10/00 71/11/00 71/20/30 71/20/50 71/28/00 71/16/10

Sarkharia Sonari Lerkha Mitiaj Kadodra Fafni Nani Fafni Nani Vithalpur Serkan Nes Ghantwar Ghantwar Ghantwar Ghantwar Kansaria Nes Paoti Paoti Paoti Khanderi Alidhar Gadhra Dandi Dhahata Dholadari Devgaon Pipria Monpur Chavad Hirana Valardi Chamardi Vasavad Tramboda Piplia adrana Babra Babra Barvala Charkha

204

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

21/52/20 21/52/10 21/54/00 21/55/30 21/48/00 21/47/00 21/48/30 21/47/30 21/48/30 21/46/00 21/45/00 21/55/30 21/57/30 21/02/00 21/11/00

71/17/00 71/13/30 71/04/40 71/06/50 71/45/30 71/46/30 71/47/00 71/47/30 71/48/30 71/55/30 71/56/00 71/45/30 71/47/30 71/21/30 71/21/00

53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73

21/06/00 21/11/30 21/16/30 21/19/30 21/23/00 21/25/30 21/29/00 21/25/30 21/22/30 21/22/30 21/17/00 21/18/00 21/23/30 21/25/00 21/23/00 21/26/00 21/27/00 21/27/30 21/28/30 21/15/30 21/20/30

71/39/00 71/41/00 71/02/30 71/00/30 71/03/30 71/02/30 71/08/00 71/08/30 71/08/00 71/09/00 71/08/30 71/13/30 71/10/30 71/14/30 71/15/00 71/13/00 71/12/00 71/10/30 71/18/00 71/19/30 71/21/30

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

(Compiled from the 1878 Survey of India Map, Government of India)

Charkha Gurgrala Santhali Pipliu Waori Dhola Dhola Longala Pipradi Ukhorala Surka Nana Ramanka Kalatalav Samadhiala Amfaldi Moviana charank Khuntavada Kubarda Malhsika Bharad Hampur Medi Dhasa Manavav Morjhar Dolva Lakhapadar Rajkot Pania Ingorala Malida Malida Charia Lapalia Jikiali Sovar

21/30/00 21/28/00 21/20/00 21/25/30 21/20/30 21/20/30 21/20/30 21/16/00 21/16/00 21/27/30 21/21/30 21/22/00 21/21/30 21/25/30 21/35/00 21/39/00 21/39/00 21/40/00 21/42/00 21/33/00 21/42/00 21/32/00 21/30/00 21/32/30 21/35/30 21/36/00 21/41/30 21/39/00 21/40/30 21/42/30 21/42/30 23/33/30 23/31/30 23/32/30 23/32/30 23/32/30 23/32/30 23/36/00 23/36/00

71/21/30 71/24/30 71/25/00 71/25/00 71/27/30 71/30/00 71/28/30 71/26/30 71/29/30 71/35/00 71/38/30 71/42/30 71/45/00 71/51/30 71/00/30 71/03/00 71/03/00 71/05/30 71/09/00 71/06/00 71/21/30 71/24/30 71/26/00 71/28/00 71/26/00 71/26/00 71/33/30 71/36/00 71/40/30 71/44/30 71/45/00 71/30/30 71/39/30 71/38/00 71/38/30 71/39/00 71/39/00 71/40/00 71/40/00

113 114 115

23/35/30 23/37/30 23/32/00

71/40/30 71/43/30 71/44/00

Amba Krakoch Jhijudi Mota Jhijudi Mota Pitavadi Sejal Sejal Gadnagara Likhala Sarambhda Kantrodi Jesar Chiroda Bhandaria Vaghania Kunkavav Kunkavav Jhangar Luni Jhalia Jarkhia Lilia Mota Lilia Nana Sonaliya Antalia Antalia Damnagar Dhamal Mandivi Pipardi Pipardi Kordha Kuwar Kuwar Kuwar Kuwar Kuwar Tandia Tandia Chandur Rathori Dudkha Lolara

205

116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146

23/32/30 23/32/00 23/39/00 23/40/00 23/43/30 23/44/30 23/45/00 23/30/00 23/33/00 23/35/00 23/35/00 23/35/30 23/36/00 23/37/00 23/36/30 23/41/30 23/41/00 23/48/30 23/48/00 23/49/30 23/49/30 22/35/00 22/38/00 22/38/30 22/43/30 22/37/00 22/36/00 22/41/00 22/41/00 22/31/00 22/31/30

71/43/30 71/41/30 71/33/30 71/37/30 71/33/00 71/31/30 71/32/30 72/54/00 72/59/00 72/53/30 72/54/00 72/54/00 72/57/00 72/53/00 72/57/30 72/56/30 72/51/30 72/41/00 72/41/30 72/40/30 72/41/00 71/22/30 71/2230 71/23/00 71/20/00 71/17/30 71/15/00 71/15/00 71/15/00 71/10/00 71/10/00

147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157

22/37/30 22/37/30 22/31/00 22/31/00 22/44/00 22/35/30 22/36/00 22/35/30 22/58/30 22/57/00 22/55/00

71/07/30 71/05/00 71/03/30 71/02/30 71/02/00 71/04/00 71/02/30 71/02/00 71/13/00 71/15/00 71/12/00

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112

Lolara Sipur Ved Bhadrara Jagsar Gamru Gotarka Dantisara Tuwar Munjpur Munjpur Munjpur Ormana Palipur Vaghel Harij Shekshelar Sami Sami Sami Sami chorvira Rampur Palasan Khampalia Chandrelia Amrapur Ranipat Ranipat Pandal Rampura Gangia Vadar Sodharka Maika Koti Matel Bokadthamba

Lunsar Kerala Ranekpur Ghanshyampur

Golasan

22/53/00 22/54/00 22/48/00 22/50/00 22/00/00 22/00/00 22/54/00 22/54/00 22/54/00

71/12/00 71/14/30 71/13/00 71/22/00 71/25/30 71/26/00 71/26/30 71/29/30 71/29/30

167

22/50/00

71/29/30

168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198

22/30/30 22/40/30 22/40/30 22/41/00 22/42/30 22/39/00 22/34/00 22/31/00 22/33/00 22/32/00 22/07/00 22/10/00 22/10/30 22/03/30 22/04/00 22/14/00 22/14/00 22/10/00 22/13/30 22/07/00 22/11/00 22/15/00 22/14/00 22/06/00 22/06/00 22/00/30 22/05/00 22/13/30 22/03/30 22/11/00 22/00/30

71/30/00 71/31/00 71/35/00 71/37/00 71/50/00 71/48/30 71/44/30 71/43/00 71/41/30 71/40/30 72/59/00 72/54/00 72/52/30 72/59/00 72/47/00 72/46/30 71/44/00 71/42/30 71/41/00 71/40/30 71/39/30 71/40/00 71/38/00 71/01/00 71/01/00 71/05/00 71/05/30 71/05/30 71/06/30 71/08/30 71/08/30

Palasan Bhalgamda Valajal Rampura Soladi Soladi Gajanwao Bhechra Bhechra Ankevalia Mota Sudamra Dandalpur Naaka Kudala Limbdi Khajeli Samla Baldanu Bordana Varod Vastardi Dantretia Kundal Bela Sangavadar Sarvi Khas Alan Botad Aniali Jhotingra Hardar Kaniara Tardhara Harni Haripur Hamirpur Halenda Boghravadar Baldoi Bhadla Kharshia

206

199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210

22/02/00 22/02/30 22/03/00 22/13/30 22/14/30 22/09/00 22/08/30 22/03/00 22/03/30 22/02/00 22/04/00 22/06/00

71/09/00 71/09/30 71/11/30 71/12/30 71/17/00 71/17/00 71/19/00 71/18/00 71/18/00 71/25/30 71/25/00 71/23/00

211

22/10/00

71/26/30

212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239

22/10/30 22/12/00 22/12/30 22/12/30 22/13/30 22/13/30 22/46/30 22/50/00 22/49/30 22/52/30 22/45/30 22/53/30 22/53/00 22/53/00 22/55/00 22/54/00 22/52/00 22/50/30 22/54/00 22/56/00 22/52/00 22/55/30 22/49/30 22/47/00 22/19/00 22/16/30 22/15/30 22/21/00

71/26/30 71/27/30 71/28/00 71/25/30 71/22/00 71/22/30 71/31/30 71/33/00 71/35/30 71/38/00 71/37/00 71/34/00 71/34/00 71/32/00 71/33/00 71/36/30 71/49/30 71/59/00 71/58/00 71/56/00 71/56/00 71/50/00 71/41/30 71/41/30 71/01/30 71/12/00 71/15/00 71/12/30

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166

samdiala Samdiala Chitalia Anandpur Ajmir Madava Kaduka Hadmatia Hadmatia Malgad Somnath Phuljhar Kandhevalia Nana Kandhevalia Mota Rupavati Thoriali Vichhia Ori Ori Khodu Gujarvadi Devcharadi rajsitapur Chamraj Khambada Khambada Dholi Jatidar Hampur Lakhtar godthal Malika Olak Dervala Kesria Bhadreshi Bakarthali Magarvada Bhojpura Chobari Resamia

71/13/00 71/14/00 71/14/00 71/28/00 71/27/30 71/27/30 71/25/30 71/28/00 71/26/00 71/24/00 71/25/00 71/23/30 71/17/00 71/18/00 71/18/00 71/45/00 71/41/00 71/38/00 71/33/00 71/31/00 71/00/00 71/01/00 70/48/30

263 264 265 266 267 268

23/25/00 23/22/00 23/26/00 23/27/30 23/30/00 23/29/00

71/29/00 71/00/00 71/01/00 71/01/00 71/01/00 71/02/00

269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280

23/26/30 23/23/00 23/26/00 23/25/00 23/25/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/29/00 23/24/00 23/27/30 23/27/30 23/27/30

71/06/00 71/08/00 72/59/00 72/58/30 72/58/30 72/58/00 72/58/00 72/57/30 72/57/30 72/55/00 72/53/00 72/55/30

281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322

207

23/20/00 23/21/00 23/23/00 23/24/00 23/24/00 23/23/00 23/24/00 23/17/00 23/18/00 23/19/30 23/20/00 23/18/00 23/20/00 23/20/00 23/18/00 23/15/00 23/20/00 23/20/30 23/23/00 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/23/30 23/23/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/25/30 23/30/00 23/30/00 23/30/00 23/25/30 23/26/30 23/27/00 23/29/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/27/00 23/30/00 23/28/00

72/55/30 72/55/00 72/56/00 72/56/00 72/56/00 72/57/00 72/59/00 72/51/00 72/51/00 72/53/00 72/53/00 72/54/00 72/54/00 72/54/00 72/55/00 72/54/30 72/54/00 72/55/00 72/55/00 72/54/00 72/53/00 72/53/00 72/52/00 72/51/30 72/54/00 72/54/30 72/55/00 72/55/00 72/54/00 72/53/00 72/52/00 72/53/00 72/51/00 72/50/00 72/49/00 72/49/00 72/48/00 72/48/00 72/48/00 72/48/00 72/48/00 72/47/00

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

Resamia Udna Udna Gundiavada Sejakpur Sejakpur Damrasalu Goria Gongajal Dhondalpur Matra Mota Shekhod bhimora Mevasa Mevasa Aniali Umrala Nagadka Noli Rampara Podame Salt pans Patan Wasra Solanki Gon Gangasagar Gangasagar Lilapur Lilapur Varnu Wandh Mardakh Bet Vanod Fatehpur Fatehpur Vanod Vanod Gosana Gosana Sushiya Sushiya Sushiya

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

22/21/00 22/28/00 22/28/00 22/23/30 22/27/00 22/27/00 22/25/00 22/17/00 22/16/30 22/23/30 22/16/00 22/16/30 22/20/00 22/17/30 22/17/00 22/23/00 22/18/00 22/25/00 22/22/00 21/56/30 20/42/30 20/42/30 20/43/30

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262

Deri T. Pesati T. Tami T. Echuada Echuada Tami T. Alampura Katara Katara Dasada Dasada Ambala Diseh T. Diseh T. Jagdishana Kochara Diseh T. Gavana B. Pillar bubavana bubavana bubavana Panva Panva Ervada Ervada Ervada Ervada Ervada Padla Padla Padla Panchasar Jahurpura Jahurpura Jojan T. Jhariana Jhariana Jhariana Hal T. Ganjpura Jojar T.

23/27/30 23/25/30 23/26/00 23/21/00 23/20/30 23/20/30 23/21/00 23/21/00 23/23/00 23/21/30 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/22/30 23/23/00 23/21/00 23/21/30 23/17/30 23/18/00 23/18/00 23/16/30 23/17/00 23/18/00 23/20/00 23/20/00 23/19/00 23/19/00 23/20/00 23/19/00 23/17/00 23/16/00 23/20/00 23/18/00 23/18/00 23/18/00 23/17/30

72/46/00 72/47/00 72/48/00 72/49/30 72/46/00 72/47/00 72/47/00 72/46/00 72/46/00 72/48/00 72/48/30 72/48/30 72/49/00 72/49/30 72/49/30 72/50/00 72/49/00 72/49/00 72/50/00 72/49/00 72/48/00 72/47/30 72/46/30 72/46/00 72/46/00 72/45/30 72/45/00 72/45/00 72/45/00 72/44/00 72/44/00 72/42/30 72/42/30 72/41/30 72/41/00 72/41/00 72/41/00

360 361 362 363 364

23/19/00 23/17/30 23/19/00 23/19/00 23/22/00

72/40/30 72/39/30 72/38/00 72/36/00 72/38/30

Padivada Jhariana Sali Nansar N.T. Visavadi Visavadi Visavadi Visavadi Purvai T. Jhenjra Mashra T. Mashra T. Vadgam Vadgam Vadgam Shevrani T. Mashra T. Mashra T. Crinara T. Kalara Kalara Kalara Bamanka T. Mulada Nagwada Nagwada Nagwada Malkasara T. Malkasara T. Gurara Patabang T. Sarvani T. Merchi T. Bhim T. Bhim T. Bhim T. Bhim T. Jalandar-nakund Nava T. Londesar T. Kondai Pondai T.

365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406

208

23/21/30 23/24/00 23/24/30 23/24/00 23/24/00 23/28/00 23/28/30 23/28/30 23/28/30 23/28/00 23/30/00 23/26/00 23/26/30 23/26/00 23/27/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/26/00 23/27/00 23/27/00 23/29/00 23/20/00 23/20/30 23/21/00 23/21/00 23/21/00 23/20/00 23/21/00 23/21/00 23/21/30 23/23/00 23/25/00 23/25/00 23/24/30 23/24/00 23/24/00 23/23/00 23/24/00 23/22/00 23/23/00 20/47/00 20/58/00

72/40/00 72/40/00 72/39/00 72/37/30 72/38/00 72/39/30 72/39/30 72/39/00 72/39/00 72/39/00 71/34/30 71/45/00 71/45/00 71/44/30 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/43/30 71/42/00 71/41/00 71/41/00 71/41/30 71/41/00 71/42/00 71/42/00 71/44/00 71/45/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/44/00 71/43/00 71/43/00 71/42/30 71/42/00 71/42/00 71/41/00 71/41/00 71/09/00 71/11/00

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359

Pondai T. Dharampur Sher T. Ponadi T. Ponadi T. Surel Surel Surel Surel Surel Vonchisar T. Adriona Hacheri T. Hacheri T. Hacheri T. Chatiani T. Chatiani T. Chatiani T. Chatiani T. Silaru T. Surel Ratmika T. Ratmika T. Ramalchi T. Jhinjuvada Jhinjuvada Viharkia T. Shiali T. Shiali T. Shiali T. Dhama Adriana Adriana Bhalgam Dhama Dhama Dhama Dhama Lumbaka T. Fatehpur Dandi Rabarika

20/59/30 21/00/00

71/16/00 71/17/00

409 410

20/55/30 20/54/30

71/18/30 71/21/00

411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447

20/58/00 20/52/00 20/59/00 20/53/30 23/03/00 23/13/00 23/02/00 23/02/30 23/02/30 23/01/00 23/07/30 23/08/00 21/59/00 23/41/00 23/41/00 23/41/00 23/41/30 23/42/30 23/42/30 23/43/00 23/33/00 23/40/00 23/41/00 23/42/00 23/39/00 23/41/00 23/39/30 23/40/00 23/46/30 23/46/00 23/46/00 23/46/00 23/56/00 23/49/00 23/49/30 23/49/00 23/53/00

71/21/30 71/24/00 71/29/30 71/30/00 71/41/00 71/44/00 71/45/00 71/45/00 71/45/00 71/53/00 71/58/00 71/58/00 71/38/00 71/26/00 71/24/00 71/20/30 71/21/00 71/20/00 71/21/00 71/21/00 71/09/00 71/09/00 71/08/00 71/08/00 71/01/00 71/01/00 71/01/00 71/02/00 71/29/30 71/22/00 71/20/00 71/18/00 71/22/30 71/16/00 71/16/00 71/14/00 71/11/00

Jhamaka Vangadhara Jhikadari Nana Dholadari Barman Mota Jafarabad Vad Bhakodar Dhrumat Odu Achhiana Achhiana Achhiana Ramgiri Goria Goria Arnada Nes Karsangad Karsangad Antar Nes Antar Nes Antar Nes Antar Nes Antar Nes Nanda Piprala Roju Roju Phulpura Phulpura Phulpura Phulpura Lakhapur Palsud Chhansara Chhansara Varnasari Babra Babra Bakutra Boru

209

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

407 408

448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486

23/52/00 23/52/30 23/45/00 23/47/00 23/47/00 23/48/00 23/49/00 23/50/00 23/47/00 23/46/00 23/48/00 23/48/00 23/51/00 23/52/00 23/52/00 23/52/00 23/52/00 23/53/30 23/54/00 23/53/00 23/53/00 23/52/30 23/55/00 23/53/00 23/56/30 23/55/30 23/56/00 23/56/00 23/56/30 23/55/00 23/55/00 23/57/00 23/57/00 22/07/50 22/04/30 22/10/15 22/13/00 22/09/20 22/04/50

71/11/00 71/10/00 71/07/00 71/07/00 71/10/00 71/07/00 71/02/00 71/09/00 71/33/00 71/34/00 71/37/00 71/37/00 71/31/30 71/35/00 71/34/30 71/34/30 71/34/30 71/35/00 71/32/00 71/37/00 71/37/30 71/39/30 71/44/30 71/50/30 71/50/00 71/43/00 71/43/00 71/36/00 71/37/30 71/31/00 71/33/00 71/59/30 71/59/30 69/39/30 69/44/10 69/44/30 69/50/30 69/50/30 69/53/40

Dadia padar Eval Modhutra Vahua Datrana Vahua Gadka Pet Jakhotra undargadha Kamalpur Satun Satun Koliwara Bhilot Bhilot Bhilot Bhilot Gangasagar Sindhia

487 488

22/06/10 22/06/20

69/57/30 69/59/30

Kunsela Arjansar Nashkar T. Dewalsar T. Subhapur Subhapur Panui Chalwara Lodra Dahisar Dhagasari T. Dhagasari T. Garamiri Kotaria Kota Jasapur Lakasar Bhangor Pipalia (Manika) Tebhara

489

22/16/10

69/37/00

Visotri (Kotavali)

Mehmedabad Mehmedabad

22/19/40 22/27/10 22/20/50 22/21/30 22/19/00 22/19/30 22/57/00 22/56/50 22/59/00 22/57/30

69/49/30 69/59/30 69/04/50 69/07/00 69/10/40 68/59/30 69/10/00 69/11/00 69/15/00 69/21/20

500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508 509 510 511 512 513 514 515

22/52/00 22/51/30 22/53/00 22/56/30 22/57/00 22/57/00 22/53/00 22/52/00 22/12/30 22/13/00 22/13/00 22/07/30 22/08/00 22/04/00 23/41/30 23/31/00

69/27/30 69/24/00 69/16/00 69/33/00 69/42/00 69/57/00 69/53/00 69/47/00 69/08/00 69/13/00 69/18/00 69/19/00 69/14/00 69/12/30 68/51/00 68/55/30

516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526 527 528 529 530

23/31/30 23/28/00 23/27/00 23/22/10 23/21/00 23/20/40 23/19/00 23/18/00 23/17/30 23/18/00 23/13/30 23/07/00 23/09/00 23/05/30 23/02/00

68/59/30 68/36/00 68/40/00 68/52/30 68/54/00 68/49/10 68/52/30 68/54/40 68/58/00 68/56/30 68/51/30 68/56/00 68/52/30 68/51/30 68/57/30

Navagam Sarmat Gadechi Karanja Malvel Kachigadh Dodhia Dodhia Undot Don MaskaPipli Rd. Nagpur Laeja Mota Faradi Kalaghoda Hatadi Bhadresar Sadau Charakla Gurgat Maha Devia Nandana Gaga Kuranga Ghaduli Morachbanu Mata-nuMad Rohara Ber Nana Buta Sujapur Wadsar Rampur Sukhpur Tera Bara Mota Naliya Wanku Parjau Rapur Suthri

210

531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541

23/12/30 23/12/30 23/13/30 23/14/00 23/11/30 23/14/30 23/07/00 23/06/00 23/05/20 23/09/30 23/02/00

69/32/00 69/35/50 69/46/30 69/53/00 69/56/30 69/57/30 69/52/30 69/51/00 69/53/00 69/43/40 69/36/30

542 543 544 545 546 547

23/03/30 23/01/00 23/03/30 23/23/00 23/22/00 23/23/00

69/46/30 69/50/30 69/57/30 69/56/30 69/47/20 69/44/30

548 549 550 551 552

23/16/30 23/19/40 23/15/40 23/37/20 23/34/50

69/44/40 69/57/20 69/57/00 69/04/30 69/04/20

553 554

23/31/30 23/12/30

69/22/00 69/10/20

555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570

23/13/30 23/10/40 23/12/00 23/06/00 23/06/30 23/07/30 23/05/10 23/02/00 23/02/00 23/03/50 23/03/00 23/04/10 23/26/00 23/26/20 23/20/30 23/22/30

69/13/00 69/14/00 69/16/20 69/28/00 69/20/30 69/12/30 69/07/00 69/02/00 69/15/00 69/17/00 69/21/30 69/27/00 69/10/00 69/24/30 69/22/00 69/17/00

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499

Futadi Mankuwa Bhajodi Padar Ratnal Wadwala Thrauda Wadli Chandia Jadura Gajod Bandhra Mota Waghora Khedoi Lodai Kunria Nokhania Sural H.(Bhuj) Nadapa Dhaneti Junachae Walka Nana Lyari T. (Chhari Mota)

Mothala Balachor Nana Naredi Nandra Jamthara Mou Nana Chiasar Majal Sandhan Nangrecha Polria Serdi Darsai Bhujai Nana Bhimsar Angia Nana Virani Mota

23/22/30 23/23/30 23/18/30

69/13/00 69/03/50 69/22/00

574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581 582 583 584 585 586

23/16/00 23/19/30 23/46/30 23/48/00 23/52/30 23/31/20 23/33/00 23/34/50 23/20/30 23/17/30 23/19/50 23/16/00 23/01/30

69/25/10 69/27/00 69/51/10 69/57/00 70/19/00 70/23/50 70/25/50 70/29/30 70/21/00 70/02/30 70/17/30 70/22/00 70/03/00

587 588 589 590 591 592 593 594 595 596 597 598 599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606 607 608 609 610 611

23/06/20 23/53/00 23/49/30 23/49/00 23/31/30 23/32/30 23/32/30 23/27/20 23/23/00 23/22/00 23/22/00 23/06/00 23/08/00 23/04/30 23/02/30 23/02/20 21/53/30 21/50/00 21/42/00 21/58/00 21/57/30 21/53/00 21/53/20 21/52/00 21/54/00

70/07/00 70/40/30 70/54/00 70/50/30 70/42/40 70/53/00 70/56/00 70/43/10 70/46/00 70/44/20 70/38/00 70/53/00 70/49/00 70/44/00 70/42/30 70/54/30 69/21/00 69/25/30 69/29/30 69/38/30 69/45/10 69/49/00 69/47/00 69/43/00 69/32/00

Jarodar Bandia Dauda Mota Paliwad (Puranagarh) Bhadli Khari Kunria Modi Bet Chobari Kankhoi Wanoi Sikra Kanaiyabe Pankadsar Chopadwu Devalia Meghpur (Anjar) Lodrani Mouana Warjumani Pragpur Bhutakia Bhimsar Khirai Mewasa Khanpur Lakadiya Sultanpur Kajarda Jajasar Bhapur Radhapur Lamba Miani Visawara Khirasra Rjhiwara Timri Mokhana Pechhtardi Rawal

211

612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625 626 627 628 629

21/48/00 21/47/30 21/42/00 21/41/00 21/43/30 21/38/00 21/37/00 21/43/00 21/39/00 21/34/30 21/40/00 21/37/30 21/31/30 21/30/30 21/32/30 21/27/30 22/41/00 22/40/20

69/38/00 69/49/00 69/35/00 69/36/00 69/37/00 69/39/00 69/41/30 69/44/00 69/43/30 69/43/00 69/50/00 69/51/30 69/46/00 69/47/00 69/56/30 69/49/30 70/20/00 70/23/00

630 631 632 633 634 635 636 637 638 639 640 641

22/37/00 22/38/00 22/36/30 22/36/20 22/35/00 22/27/20 22/29/30 22/27/00 22/30/00 22/26/00 22/26/30 22/26/30

70/27/30 70/23/00 70/18/00 70/15/30 70/24/30 70/27/00 70/03/50 70/02/30 70/05/00 70/05/00 70/08/00 70/10/30

642 643 644 645 646 647 648 649 650 651 652

22/25/30 22/30/00 22/23/30 22/23/30 22/20/30 21/20/30 22/22/00 22/23/30 22/20/00 22/17/00 22/17/30

70/14/00 70/25/00 70/27/30 70/24/30 70/23/30 70/15/20 70/08/00 70/02/30 70/02/30 70/15/00 70/22/30

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

571 572 573

Khambodar Bileswar Katela Kunchri Degam Porbandar Chaya Adatiana Virpur Adosar Bhod Bapodar Tunkra Gosa Chatrawao Navi Bandar Jodiya Bhadra Garadia Mota Majot Hariana Balachiri Nathuvadla Dhrol Dhichra Govardhanpur

Beri Kansumbra Morkanda Teba Thaoria Mota Khambalia Khokhri Veratia Dhutarpur Harmatia Naranpur Beraja Abha Sarapadar Wodishang

22/17/30 22/14/00 22/14/30 22/58/30 22/51/30 22/54/10 22/51/10 22/57/30 22/49/30 22/47/30 22/48/00 22/45/30 22/37/30 22/32/30 22/31/00 22/36/00 21/55/40 21/57/30 21/52/00 21/45/20 21/47/30 21/46/10 21/43/00 21/43/10

70/10/00 70/23/50 70/26/30 70/36/30 70/57/00 70/38/00 70/39/00 70/32/20 70/36/30 70/37/00 70/40/30 70/54/30 70/34/30 70/36/30 70/47/50 70/49/30 70/07/00 70/24/00 70/17/30 70/05/20 70/12/30 70/15/10 7006/00 70/23/00

677 678 679 680 681

21/41/20 21/42/00 21/37/00 21/37/00 21/35/30

70/23/00 70/27/00 70/29/30 70/22/00 70/17/00

682 683 684 685 686 687 688 689 690 691 692 693

21/36/30 21/32/30 21/34/40 21/33/30 21/34/00 21/32/00 21/32/00 21/22/30 21/12/30 21/02/00 21/56/00 21/57/30

70/12/00 70/24/00 70/25/10 70/25/00 70/27/00 70/25/00 70/29/30 70/02/30 7/13/1940 70/16/10 70/34/40 70/43/00

Dhanda Waori Nana Khakhria Varsamedi Ghotu Kuntasi Kharchia Dudhai Ambran Dudhkot Phatsar Jodhpur Latipur Morpur Chhatar Jivapur Kotra Chitrawar Bhayawadar Pardwa Rabarika Koliki Amrapur Bholgam Nagalkhara (Marad) Piplia Makhiala Bhader Churwa Jhinjri (Kodiara) Dhandhusar Patrapsar Taliadar Wadhavi Umatwara Jasipura Bhatrot Simroli Chorwar Belra Daiya

212

694 695 696 697 698 699 700 701 702 703 704 705 706 707 708 709 710 711 712 713 714 715 716 717

21/56/00 21/57/00 21/58/10 21/57/20 21/57/00 21/57/30 21/57/30 21/54/30 21/53/00 21/51/00 21/51/00 21/53/20 21/50/30 21/49/30 21/47/30 21/47/20 21/45/20 21/46/00 21/49/40 21/42/00 21/41/30 21/43/00 21/40/30 21/39/00

70/42/50 70/45/10 70/46/00 70/50/20 70/57/30 70/54/40 70/59/30 70/59/40 70/50/20 70/44/00 70/39/00 70/32/20 70/33/00 70/30/00 70/31/30 70/33/00 70/42/40 70/44/00 70/55/30 70/35/40 70/49/00 70/52/30 70/54/00 70/52/00

718 719 720 721 722 723

21/39/00 21/36/00 21/35/10 21/34/30 21/19/30 21/02/30

70/45/10 70/38/30 70/33/00 70/40/30 70/37/40 70/43/00

724 725

21/02/30 21/02/00

70/47/20 70/49/00

726

21/02/00

70/50/30

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

Nearest Identifiable Landmark or Village Name

North-South Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second) East-West Coordinate (Degree/ Minute/ Second)

Sl. No.

653 654 655 656 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664 665 666 667 668 669 670 671 672 673 674 675 676

Vekri Patidar Anida Gondal Rupawati Goghawadar Sandhwaya Satapur Bandra Virpur Jambuda Kandorna Dudiwadar Rairi Vegri Umarkot Derdi Monpur Kotra Sankli Moti Charania Barwala Morwara Piplia Reshamri Galol Mendpura Derwal Kharachia Baradia Chelna Sir Somana Nes Asalia Nes Wanasingi Nes

APPENDIX-II Catalogue of Deserted settlements in Peninsular Gujarat

41A /12 & 16 41A /11 & 15

41A /10 & 14

Rapur

23/05/30

41A /9 & 13

68/51/30

Khirasra

23/29/20

68/34/10

Hothi

23/29/00

68/35/40

Akri Nes

23/24/00

68/33/10

Thumri-1

23/24/20

68/40/10

Thumri-2

23/24/40

68/41/00

Kiramta

23/23/00

68/43/00

Laiyari

23/22/30

68/49/20

Aida Makra (Naliya)

23/24/10

68/51/20

23/15/30

68/50/00

Bhadra

23/27/00

68/57/00

41B /16 41F /4 &8

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

(Compiled from the 1878 Survey of India Map, Government of India)

Asaldi

23/35/10

68/55/50

Kaner

23/44/30

68/46/30

Ghuneri

23/49/30

68/52/30

Mundhan

23/45/30

68/59/50

Chotili

22/15/00

69/05/00

Bijpur

22/12/30

69/02/50

Morana

22/10/20

69/04/00

Chank

22/13/50

69/06/10

Dhenki

22/12/30

69/07/30

Charkla

22/12/10

69/09/30

Dangi

22/07/30

69/07/50

Ratopri

22/05/50

69/09/10

Gurgat

22/12/00

69/14/10

Tera

23/37/00

68/33/30

Gaga

22/08/30

69/13/50

Gugriana

23/34/00

68/33/10

Lus

22/07/30

69/14/00

Pinjor Pir

23/43/10

68/36/20

22/06/30

69/14/00

Dunae

23/42/00

68/36/00

Bamnasar SoniaNes (Kuranga)

22/04/10

69/13/00

Halapur-1

23/37/30

68/37/00

Kuranga

22/02/30

69/13/00

Halapur-2

23/36/30

68/38/00

Foparda

22/11/00

69/17/00

Lakhmirani

23/34/30

68/38/20

Nogathar

22/09/30

69/19/00

Ratipal

23/31/30

68/37/00

Kakriya

22/07/50

69/17/00

Bhojpur

23/33/00

68/37/00

Patana

22/07/40

69/19/00

Mudia

23/36/30

68/43/50

Rupawali

22/11/40

69/22/00

Khadak Chuger Timbo

23/34/00

68/49/30

Indrasa

22/10/30

69/24/00

23/43/00

68/53/00

Jhara

22/09/00

69/22/20

Paneli

23/36/00

68/59/00

Limri

22/08/40

69/23/00

Jhagora

23/34/40

68/58/00

Matamori

22/07/50

22/23/10

213

41F /1 &5

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

22/07/10

22/23/40

Godibarda

22/24/00

69/13/00

Khamania

22/04/30

22/23/40

Dabla

22/22/30

69/11/20

Katumba

22/17/20

69/11/00

Simani

22/19/20

69/32/30

41F /11 &15

Tunda

22/48/40

69/35/50

Madi

22/55/10

69/37/00

Mora

22/56/00

69/43/00

Vishotri

22/16/50

69/32/00

Baraia

22/54/10

69/43/20

Bhalgam

22/22/30

69/45/20

Ragha

22/52/40

69/44/20

Rajpura

22/17/30

69/51/00

Khadka

22/58/00

69/51/10

Navania

22/17/30

69/52/30

Detaria

22/15/20

69/51/30

Lus

22/17/30

69/59/00

Bhalgam

22/14/20

69/31/10

Bedka

22/13/20

69/33/00

Khayakad Mundadora

41F / 2,3, 6& 7

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41F /9 &13

Mandanka

22/58/40 22/54/00

69/20/00 41F /12 & 16

69/17/30

Komra Sonbai-kaBar

22/26/00

69/04/00

Bhimserdi

22/04/00

69/34/20

22/25/40

69/04/50

Chapar

22/03/30

69/33/00

Ajipur

22/25/00

69/04/00

Kotadi

22/02/20

69/04/00

Aramra

22/24/20

69/04/20

Rajpura

22/01/20

69/04/00

Nakha

22/23/30

69/02/00

meghpur

22/00/30

69/02/00

Tobri

22/23/00

69/04/30

Hansthal (SE)

22/12/30

69/36/20

Padli

22/22/50

69/04/10

Murag

22/06/30

69/39/30

Tetaria

22/22/10

69/02/30

Jungi

22/02/20

69/36/00

Raota

22/21/30

69/01/30

Junga

22/01/40

69/36/00

Bhatisa

22/21/00

69/04/00

Manpur

22/00/00

69/36/00

Bhanpadar

22/21/00

69/05/00

Nagabora

22/14/00

69/40/30

Khedasri

22/20/20

69/03/00

Bhandaria

22/05/20

69/44/30

Makanpur

22/20/20

69/01/00

Kotaria

22/04/30

69/44/00

Borkhitri

22/18/30

69/00/00

Revka

22/03/30

69/42/30

Watwa

22/18/30

69/01/30

Ranpat

22/00/30

69/42/00

Mewasa

22/17/30

69/03/10

Sangarda

22/13/00

69/46/00

Ladwa

22/16/00

69/03/30

Bajana

22/09/00

69/48/00

Chandori

22/22/30

69/05/30

Sagalia

22/04/50

69/47/00

Rangasar

22/19/40

69/07/20

Waori

22/04/00

69/49/30

Pipria

22/18/00

69/07/30

214

41E /3 &7

41E /4 &8

41E /2 &6

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41E /1 &5 41E /10 & 14

Timri

22/03/30

69/48/30

Bhurkar

23/39/00

69/17/30

Rabarika

22/11/30

69/52/00

Chhari

23/32/10

69/19/00

Kotada

22/08/00

69/52/30

Ghar

23/43/30

69/23/40

Bhangor

22/05/00

69/53/50

Chhachla

23/37/10

69/23/50

Jogra

22/05/00

69/51/10

Kanda

23/40/40

69/26/30

Amberdi

22/04/00

69/51/30

Chae

23/37/30

69/04/30

Medisar

23/23/30

69/33/30

Akadnu

23/23/00

69/30/20

Virpur

23/17/00

69/33/00

Sarao

23/15/30

69/31/10

Gadagad

23/15/30

69/33/00

Bhakri

23/22/20

69/37/30

Kelna

23/17/30

69/36/10

Allah wao

23/21/30

69/43/00

Kotavadi

22/11/00

69/59/40

Gundla

22/07/30

69/57/00

Mombhana

22/07/40

69/58/30

Manika

22/06/20

69/58/00

Tebhara

22/05/50

69/58/00

Katihar

22/03/40

69/57/00

Odhma

23/47/00

69/29/00

41E /11 & 15

Kotragadh

23/57/30

69/48/20

Paiya

23/20/00

69/48/00

Dhrobanu

23/55/20

69/47/20

Kotada

23/24/00

69/57/00

Dalwara

23/53/00

69/50/30

Kelna

23/17/30

69/36/00

Siya Ka Padar

23/56/20

69/48/00

Darara

23/20/30

69/40/30

Fulra

23/14/30

69/30/00

Lisudi

23/02/30

69/38/40

Bhadresar

23/04/50

69/35/30

Meghpur

23/06/20

69/36/40

Gutri

23/27/00

69/12/30

Dhamae

23/28/00

69/16/00

Gadaputa

23/24/30

69/20/00

Sukhpur

23/23/30

69/20/00

41E /12 & 16

Kadoli

23/02/40

69/10/00

Sahapur

23/07/30

69/43/00

Bhanga

23/13/30

69/08/00

Makhian

23/03/00

69/53/00

Bhimpur

23/11/40

69/10/40

Wada

23/07/20

69/55/30

Morjhar

23/07/10

69/14/00

Khakar

23/06/00

69/15/10

Patansar

21/53/40

69/21/00

Myapur

23/07/20

69/27/00

Beru

21/53/00

69/24/00

Tukra

21/47/00

69/27/40

Deolia

21/56/30

69/26/30

Damdama

21/58/00

69/32/00

Jhidhal

23/36/00

41G /1 & 5

41G /9,5

69/12/20

215

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index & 13

Timri

21/58/10

69/34/30

Timri

21/58/10

69/34/30

Chandrawara

21/52/00

69/30/30

Chandrawara

21/52/00

69/30/30

Ambaramba

21/51/00

69/31/20

Ambaramba

21/51/00

69/31/20

Sundrawadar

21/50/30

69/33/30

Sundrawadar

21/50/30

69/33/30

Keseo

21/48/00

69/33/00

Keseo

21/48/00

69/33/00

Palnagar

21/46/00

69/31/30

Palnagar

21/46/00

69/31/30

Akalia

21/57/10

69/35/30

Akalia

21/57/10

69/35/30

Merwadar

21/56/30

69/38/20

Merwadar

21/56/30

69/38/20

Bhatakri

21/54/30

69/36/00

Bhatakri

21/54/30

69/36/00

Hubakwadli

21/54/30

69/35/30

Hubakwadli

21/54/30

69/35/30

Danania

21/49/20

69/37/00

Danania

21/49/20

69/37/00

Temri

21/48/30

69/38/50

Temri

21/48/30

69/38/50

somadit

21/47/30

69/37/20

somadit

21/47/30

69/37/20

Wachhora

21/47/30

69/39/00

Wachhora

21/47/30

69/39/00

Bharwara

21/46/20

69/38/00

Bharwara

21/46/20

69/38/00

Rangpur

21/45/30

69/39/00

Rangpur

21/45/30

69/39/00

Khanderi

21/46/00

69/40/00

Khanderi

21/46/00

69/40/00

Retala

21/58/00

69/41/00

Retala

21/58/00

69/41/00

Vikia

21/52/30

69/44/50

Vikia

21/52/30

69/44/50

Dhelana

21/52/00

69/43/00

Dhelana

21/52/00

69/43/00

Pariadhar

21/53/30

69/41/00

Pariadhar

21/53/30

69/41/00

Barwa

21/53/30

69/42/00

Barwa

21/53/30

69/42/00

Sansari

21/46/30

69/42/20

Sansari

21/46/30

69/42/20

Ala Swana

21/45/30

69/42/00

Ala Swana

21/45/30

69/42/00

Vinjal Kot

21/46/00

69/44/00

Vinjal Kot

21/46/00

69/44/00

Chaorawadar

21/58/20

69/48/00

Chaorawadar

21/58/20

69/48/00

Gunada

22/00/00

69/47/40

Gunada

22/00/00

69/47/40

Sarangpur

21/59/30

69/49/30

Sarangpur

21/59/30

69/49/30

Sanata

21/58/00

69/49/30

Sanata

21/58/00

69/49/30

suradi

21/53/30

69/45/40

suradi

21/53/30

69/45/40

Shermalki

21/46/30

69/47/00

Shermalki

21/46/30

69/47/00

Bhatia

21/58/30

69/54/30

Bhatia

21/58/30

69/54/30

Rodia

21/55/10

69/50/10

Rodia

21/55/10

69/50/10

216

21/54/30

69/51/00

Katodia

21/54/00

69/51/30

Kalianpur

21/51/10

69/53/00

Waori

22/00/00

69/56/00

Waria

21/57/30

69/56/00

Harmatia

21/54/00

69/58/30

Shiwaderi

21/53/00

69/56/10

Sisli

21/45/00

69/31/20

Sarman

21/47/50

69/34/40

Simani

21/44/00

69/37/40

Looria

21/43/40

69/37/00

Renawara

21/43/00

69/36/00

Bhokhira

21/40/00

69/39/00

Arniala

21/39/50

69/41/10

Rajpura

21/39/10

69/42/00

Bhutakra

21/34/30

69/43/00

Jardeshwar

21/41/40

69/46/00

Tunkara

21/32/00

69/46/00

Pansara

21/40/50

69/51/30

Dunae

21/37/00

69/51/00

Asiawadar

21/36/30

69/53/30

Janklana

21/34/50

69/54/00

Titoda

21/40/30

69/55/40

Vinjatia

21/39/50

69/56/00

41G /11 & 15

Tajpur

21/26/30

69/58/30

41I/ 1& 5

Kotada

23/53/20

70/15/20

Lorwa

23/53/10

70/17/00

Wandhia

23/53/00

70/17/40

Shobharel

23/51/40

70/19/30

Khima Was

23/51/10

70/21/00

41I/ 2& 6 41I/ 3& 7

41I/ 9& 13 41I/ 10 & 14 41I/ 11 & 15

217

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41G /6,1 0& 14

shelawadar

Hadibhadang Pir

23/53/40

70/25/30

Jampur-1

23/32/00

70/29/00

Jampur-2

23/31/30

70/22/30

Jhuran

23/21/00

70/02/00

Kharodwand

23/25/00

70/07/00

Ner

23/25/20

70/19/30

Trambau

23/17/20

70/19/30

Chopadwu

23/16/20

70/19/30

Anandpur

23/19/00

70/05/00

Mouana

23/51/40

70/56/20

Motiyar

23/23/30

70/55/30

Kumbharwada

23/33/00

70/57/30

Khiari

23/28/40

70/41/30

Dedarwa

23/26/30

70/43/30

Mewasa

23/24/20

70/46/00

Pathao

23/14/00

70/31/00

Janghisaria

23/12/10

70/37/00

Dongasar T.

23/13/40

70/39/30

Murasar T.

23/12/30

70/38/00

Vavania

23/00/30

70/38/40

Sesawadar T.

23/02/20

70/42/20

Bawarda

23/04/20

70/44/00

Sokra

23/02/00

70/48/00

Pulhet

23/01/00

70/48/30

Bamangam

23/02/00

70/52/00

Manaba

23/03/50

70/54/00

Narali

23/08/00

70/57/00

Rohisala

23/02/20

70/59/30

41J/ 2& 6

41J/ 3& 7

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41J/ 1& 5

Hamapur-3

22/27/20

70/27/20

Kuwai

22/55/00

70/00/00

Rajpura

22/27/40

70/29/30

Gudha

22/58/00

70/06/00

Gugla

22/26/10

70/29/00

Surka

22/26/30

70/24/30

Kiri

22/34/00

70/16/30

Khungla

22/23/40

70/26/00

Sansora

22/35/00

70/18/00

Khandeki

22/22/20

70/27/00

Baradi

22/34/50

70/18/40

Haria

22/22/00

70/27/20

Anguti Beraja

22/33/30

70/20/00

Hathia

22/20/50

70/27/20

Phala

22/32/30

70/20/40

Mekhadia

22/20/30

70/27/40

Rajpur

22/32/20

70/21/00

Jatangam

22/16/20

70/27/20

Kunar

22/39/30

70/20/40

Sindodi

22/17/10

70/29/00

Velawar

22/13/00

70/03/20

41J/ 4& 8

Anda

22/38/00

70/22/20

Sumri

22/41/00

70/23/00

Garadia

22/36/40

70/28/30

Rinjpur

22/07/30

70/01/30

Nathuvadla

22/35/30

70/26/10

Veraval

22/01/30

70/02/30

Ambardi

22/00/20

70/07/20

Govardhanpur Damodar Kund

22/27/30

70/02/20

Khambhara

22/01/30

70/05/30

22/25/20

70/04/20

Pipalia

22/03/00

70/08/00

Abhala

22/21/30

70/04/20

Sheradongri

22/03/00

70/10/00

Bamnia

22/17/40

70/02/00

Dhrunia

22/11/00

70/08/30

Sanosra

22/19/20

70/05/30

Dhumri

22/00/30

70/11/00

Chela (N)

22/24/00

70/05/30

Sogta

22/03/00

70/12/00

Khimalia (W)

22/25/00

70/07/00

Gadia

22/05/30

70/12/20

Bakota

22/22/00

70/09/10

Hanmatia

22/02/00

70/11/00

Thaoria Mota

22/25/30

70/11/30

Gora

22/13/30

70/13/30

Vijarkhi

22/24/20

70/13/00

Kanjaria

22/12/30

70/14/00

Maiatra

22/22/30

70/13/00

Saragvala

22/03/30

70/19/00

Rojia-1

22/29/20

70/24/30

Fuljhar

22/04/30

70/17/30

Rojia-2

22/29/00

70/23/00

Paneli

22/05/00

70/17/00

Sabhada

22/22/30

70/24/30

Silothri

22/13/30

70/19/30

Mitaveda

22/21/50

70/24/40

Samaria

22/11/00

70/19/00

Rampur

22/23/00

70/22/30

Kuthri

22/12/00

70/19/30

Hamapur

22/28/00

70/25/40

Babia

22/09/00

70/22/00

Hamapur-2

22/28/10

70/26/30

Kuthrivar

22/11/00

70/21/00

218

41J/ 10 & 14

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

22/11/00

70/24/00

Khardhari

22/17/00

70/32/30

Virpur

22/12/00

70/24/30

Khardhari

22/15/30

70/33/00

Khakhria

22/14/00

70/26/00

Virpur

22/17/40

70/34/40

Rajvad

22/11/00

70/26/00

Haripur

22/28/40

70/38/30

Targhari

22/23/40

70/41/10

Jhakrapadar

22/51/40

70/31/20

Vajadi

22/17/00

70/44/20

Nareri

22/49/40

70/33/00

Narayanka

22/24/00

70/45/00

Bela(E)

22/51/10

70/36/00

Anandpur

22/25/10

70/46/00

Virpur

22/52/00

70/41/00

Rakhoria

22/25/20

70/49/30

Derala(N)

22/53/30

70/48/20

Khimrana

22/23/50

70/54/30

Gangan(E)

22/52/50

70/49/10

Jivapur

22/28/20

70/55/20

Sisang(N)

22/14/00

70/31/00

Nikava(N)

22/13/30

70/34/40

Nagmandal

22/02/20

70/34/20

Jodhpur

22/46/00

70/49/10

Kamoia

22/51/20

70/56/30

Jivapur

22/57/00

71/00/00

41J/ 12 & 16

Sagalia

22/34/00

70/34/30

Pipar

22/08/00

70/32/00

Khijaria Mota

22/33/30

70/35/30

Anandpur

22/12/50

70/36/00

Khijaria Nana

22/33/00

70/35/40

Pipalia

22/10/50

70/36/20

Panchkudalia

22/32/00

70/36/30

Sasia

22/12/00

70/58/00

Buapadar

22/44/00

70/40/30

Dhatura

22/01/30

70/36/30

Rampur Mota

22/43/00

70/45/00

Visavadar

22/01/30

70/38/30

Tankara(S)

22/38/00

70/47/30

Sangapur

22/13/00

70/40/30

Akadia

22/32/30

70/33/00

Vasakpur

22/03/00

70/54/20

Jarvada

22/41/00

70/48/00

Raipur

22/02/40

70/56/30

Sanosra

22/40/00

70/49/30

Bhayasar

22/09/30

70/56/10

Hirakot

20/51/00

70/29/00

Patan

20/44/0

70/48/00

Kaj

20/44/10

70/50/40

Kajarda

20/42/40

70/50/40

Matha Sulia

20/59/00

70/34/10

Kolavadi 41J/ 11 & 15

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41J/ 9& 13

Piplia

22/30/30

41L /1 &5 41L /14 & 10

70/56/00

Bhanapadar

22/24/00

70/31/30

Vagilapadar

22/24/00

70/31/10

Chhala

22/27/00

70/33/20

Jodhpur

22/26/40

70/33/20

Sagaparda

22/20/30

70/31/00

Rojhia

22/18/00

70/31/30

41L/ 9& 13

219

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Sheet Index

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark Mandor

20/58/30

70/30/40

Hasnawadar

20/54/10

70/50/30

Kodidra

20/58/00

70/34/00

Humja

20/52/30

70/50/30

Wakodar

20/55/30

70/34/50

Sonarwa

20/49/10

70/50/30

Kalej

20/58/20

70/32/20

Lakhawadar

20/47/30

70/55/10

Hadlasa

20/58/30

70/33/00

Sanwao

20/53/50

70/56/30

Shumla

20/54/00

70/34/00

Sanosra

20/54/30

70/56/50

Tathal

20/51/40

70/32/00

Berali

20/54/00

70/58/00

Bhateli

20/58/00

70/36/00

Belra

20/56/30

70/56/50

Khanderi

20/58/30

70/37/20

Popatri Nes

20/58/00

70/57/40

Bargari

21/57/30

70/03/30

41K /1 &5

Salavina

20/57/00

70/36/30

Jhilala

20/57/30

70/37/30

Thordi

20/57/40

70/39/00

Karmia

21/55/50

70/02/00

Sasli

20/57/40

70/39/50

Warwara Nes

21/51/00

70/03/00

Virodar

20/56/00

70/37/20

Muki

21/31/30

70/01/30

Alidra

20/54/10

70/38/20

Charika

21/45/00

70/08/30

Dawan

20/58/00

70/43/10

Aniali

21/45/20

70/06/30

Rajthala

20/57/00

70/44/20

Herman Nes

21/47/00

70/08/00

Bhuwawara

20/55/10

70/44/10

21/47/30

70/07/30

Jarsai

20/46/40

70/47/20

Resalka Bhumbhalia Nes

21/49/20

70/08/00

Bholwao

20/47/50

70/46/20

Kerala

21/52/00

70/09/30

Majaori

20/47/30

70/48/40

Lakhangad

21/55/30

70/07/00

Inchwar

20/49/50

70/46/30

Dhrafri

21/57/00

70/08/00

Surajwar

20/50/30

70/46/40

Gorakhari

21/58/20

70/10/00

Koria

20/51/00

70/47/00

Rajpura

21/58/00

70/10/30

Bhandaria

20/52/10

70/47/50

Boria

21/55/30

70/10/30

Gola

20/54/00

70/47/20

Rajmali

21/58/00

70/13/00

Paoti

20/55/00

70/45/20

Bori

21/54/00

70/11/30

Waladar

20/57/30

70/46/00

Waori

21/52/10

70/14/40

Malwadar

20/57/00

70/48/00

Mundkhosia

21/46/00

70/14/10

Sakpur

20/57/30

70/48/10

Kherwadar

21/46/00

70/15/20

Amlat

20/58/00

70/48/30

Sankala

21/59/20

70/19/30

Amkhoi Nes

20/57/10

70/52/00

Khijaria

21/55/20

70/22/30

Hemlio

20/56/30

70/51/00

Khambalia

21/54/00

70/22/30

Hardara

20/56/30

70/52/30

Nagwadar

21/49/50

70/24/20

220

41K /2 &6

41K /3 &7

21/48/00

70/24/00 41K /4 &8

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

Moshiwadar

Jhinjhri

21/29/30

70/28/00

Atroli

21/13/00

70/03/00

Kerala

21/47/00

70/24/30

Chapatha

21/46/00

70/27/30

Belaora

21/49/20

70/25/00

Rajpura

21/12/20

70/14/00

Moshiwadar

21/50/20

70/26/00

Ewa

21/10/00

70/13/50

Khatlapatha

21/55/30

70/25/30

Kaladpur

21/09/00

70/12/00

Charania

21/06/10

70/12/30

Balapur

21/40/40

70/00/00

Lunarda

21/08/30

70/17/00

Vejadka

21/40/20

70/00/30

Iswaria

21/06/20

70/16/30

Gadhwana

21/30/30

70/01/30

sonasa

21/05/20

70/16/20

Waghetana

21/34/50

70/05/30

Vekra

21/05/40

70/20/00

Munjara

21/38/40

70/06/30

Sakhpur

21/01/00

70/19/10

Sanola

21/44/30

70/11/00

Khambalia

21/09/30

70/22/00

Ugalwadar

21/43/00

70/01/00

Gundala

21/09/30

70/23/00

Kerala

21/43/00

70/13/00

Tharwadar

21/13/00

70/21/30

Mawadar

21/41/00

70/14/30

Chichli

21/10/50

70/24/00

Gebia

21/37/30

70/11/00

Patra

21/13/40

70/28/30

Kathrota

21/35/40

70/11/00

Amalgah

21/13/00

70/28/00

Panjuri

21/35/20

70/10/00

Gundara

21/12/30

70/27/40

Kodiara

21/36/10

70/12/00

Sarkaria Nes

21/11/30

70/29/20

Majiti

21/39/40

70/15/00

Falia Nes

21/11/10

70/29/40

Marad

21/41/00

70/22/30

Katrasa

21/09/10

70/28/30

Pipria

21/37/30

70/29/00

Paraola

21/08/20

70/27/00

Tabordo Nes

21/07/30

70/28/00

Warwada

22/28/00

70/01/20

Babra

21/06/30

70/27/00

Sokra

21/25/30

70/08/00

Jhangar

21/04/00

70/28/30

Kasala

21/28/00

70/14/30

Rajthali

21/03/00

70/25/00

Mundkhosia

21/52/20

70/33/00

Kanalia

21/51/50

70/32/30

Timbran

21/51/40

70/33/30

Jalia

21/50/20

70/33/00

Dhaba

21/49/30

70/33/00

Bardia

21/29/00

70/21/30

Bharadia

21/30/00

70/22/00

Sheradongri

21/15/20

70/21/20

Mendardi

21/15/30

70/22/20

Khogawadi

21/19/30

70/25/20

Bharwao

21/19/00

70/26/30

Rupawati

21/28/00

70/28/30

41K /9 & 13

221

41K /11 & 15

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41K /10 & 14

Sardhapur

21/47/00

70/38/00

Mandev

21/16/30

70/48/30

Torania

21/49/30

70/36/40

Kalsari

21/19/30

70/48/30

Khakhra

21/50/50

70/38/00

Ambala

21/21/30

70/51/10

Harmatala

21/51/20

70/39/00

Jetalsar

21/21/20

70/51/40

chaparda

21/52/50

70/38/30

Naki

21/16/00

70/57/20

Dadiapadar

23/52/00

71/10/30

Karnagad

23/34/30

71/04/00

Ranmalpur

23/06/30

71/21/00

41 M/1 &5 41 M/2 &6 41 M/4 &8

Mandlikpur

21/54/40

70/34/40

Desamri

21/53/30

70/35/40

Akala

21/59/00

70/33/30

Shapur

21/54/00

70/41/10

Taiwadar

21/53/30

70/40/50

Bharad

21/53/00

70/40/20

Jalansar

21/56/00

70/48/00

Kuva

23/04/00

71/23/30

Bhojwadar

21/50/30

70/52/40

Sonkada

23/00/40

71/24/00

Dhad

21/51/40

70/54/10

Pipalia

23/00/00

71/26/30

Mandal

21/52/00

70/54/40

Sasu Tank

21/53/00

70/52/30

Sonar

20/52/00

71/20/00

Thogji

21/49/20

70/53/00

Songad

20/52/20

71/27/30

Jeturi

21/43/00

70/39/20

Gidach

22/47/00

71/01/20

Golida

21/41/00

70/42/00

Ghogla

22/45/10

71/09/20

Dholarwa

21/40/30

70/42/00

Khandori

22/51/00

71/11/00

Kharachia

21/34/40

70/40/20

Sariali

22/49/00

71/18/00

Khijaria

21/37/20

70/43/20

Vatajal

22/48/00

71/17/30

Dhingnia

21/30/30

70/42/00

Sara

22/46/30

71/15/40

Rukhri Galol

21/39/20

70/45/20

Raygadh

22/48/20

71/26/00

Sakrola

21/38/30

70/49/30

Dingpur

21/38/00

70/50/30

22/44/20

71/03/00

Unchari

21/38/30

70/57/30

Bandarki Bhojpura Juna

22/40/40

71/01/20

Katasar

21/31/30

70/56/30

Palasa

22/37/40

71/03/00

Dhamalur

22/37/00

71/01/40

Timbri

22/36/50

71/00/50

Paj

22/34/40

71/03/30

Katvagula

22/36/30

71/07/00

Maiyavdla

21/19/00

70/39/20

Vajadi

21/24/20

70/43/00

Kanjarda

21/20/10

70/42/20

41P /1 &5 41N /1,5 & 13

41N /2 &6

222

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41N /3 &7

Shirvania

22/31/30

71/09/30

Pipalia

22/20/00

71/23/00

Barasar

22/32/30

71/13/20

Ninama

22/17/30

71/22/30

Devsar

22/32/00

71/10/30

Sarasia

22/15/10

71/24/00

Kasala

22/33/00

71/21/00

Kudla

22/30/00

71/29/10

Hamboria

22/33/30

71/24/00

Vadli

22/22/00

71/25/10

Khadsalia

22/35/20

71/25/40

Goria

22/17/00

71/28/30

Belampur

22/07/50

71/03/00

Ishia

22/05/40

71/04/30

Vanalia

22/32/00

71/25/00

Gosal

22/31/00

71/26/30

41N /4 &8

Bhamargad

22/25/30

71/04/00

Ajarka

22/01/50

71/02/00

Jamvali

22/17/30

71/02/30

Hadmodia

22/00/20

71/01/30

Gundakhara

22/29/30

71/08/30

Adia

22/09/50

71/07/20

Pipalia

22/22/00

71/07/00

Ramalia

22/07/50

71/05/40

Khatri

22/18/40

71/07/30

Kanesra

22/06/30

71/09/20

Samlesar

22/15/00

71/07/00

Waori

22/03/40

71/08/30

Udna

22/27/30

71/14/00

Bhalgam

22/03/00

71/07/30

Nalieri

22/28/30

71/10/40

Umrala

22/14/20

71/12/30

Lakhachoki

22/22/20

71/13/30

Lakhavad

22/04/00

71/11/30

Rathapana

22/19/00

71/11/00

Devlia

22/01/00

71/10/00

Kabran

22/18/00

71/11/20

Bhanmati

22/13/50

71/19/40

Bhojpura

22/16/30

71/12/00

Madava

22/09/00

71/18/30

Maidhar

22/16/40

71/13/30

kandhasar

22/04/40

71/18/00

Bhagoia

22/21/30

71/14/10

Dungarpur

22/03/40

71/16/00

Reshamia

22/21/40

71/12/30

Hamadpur

22/03/30

71/19/40

Tramboda

22/20/30

71/13/30

Bhojpura

22/02/30

71/18/00

Bhojpura

22/28/00

71/17/00

Vadala

22/10/30

71/21/00

Vanki

22/28/50

71/18/30

Khadkala

22/09/00

71/20/30

Morhal

22/25/40

71/19/30

Kavada

22/02/20

71/22/40

Idapur

22/29/40

71/19/20

Rupawati

22/12/00

71/27/20

Phuljhar

22/21/40

71/17/30

Malgad

22/02/20

71/25/30

Ratalki

22/56/30

71/31/00

Kanjedi

22/46/10

71/32/30

Saikada

22/47/40

71/42/20

Chhashia

22/15/30

71/18/00

Titoda

22/26/20

71/23/30

Gadalia

22/26/50

71/24/40

Sanala

22/22/00

71/24/00

41N/ 9,5 & 13

223

41O /1 &5

41O /3 &7

41O /4 &8

Naka

22/40/30

71/31/00

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index

North-South Coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.) East-West coordinate (Degree/Min./ Sec.)

Deserted Settlements/ Nearest Landmark

Sheet Index 41N /10 & 14 41N /11 & 15 41N /12 & 16

Mujasar

21/01/10

71/20/10

Gorana

21/00/20

71/21/30

Amrapar

21/02/00

71/21/30

Jhanjarda

21/02/30

71/21/20

Vanala

21/12/30

71/29/30

Sarambha

21/26/30

71/35/00

Hansalpur

22/21/00

71/43/00

Sakhpur

22/03/30

71/34/30

Lakhavad

22/02/00

71/39/00

Goritobra

21/17/00

71/34/30

Dudhpur

22/00/00

71/38/00

kantrodi

21/20/30

71/40/00

Bhalgamda

22/07/00

71/42/00

chiroda

21/21/00

71/44/00

charodia

22/07/00

71/54/00

Panchtalv

22/08/00

71/57/00

Hadika

22/01/30

71/51/00

Davania

21/10/20

71/32/30

Vanot

21/09/00

71/31/00

Vadhala

21/49/50

71/02/00

Vaduria

21/10/20

71/35/00

Jivapur

21/56/00

71/09/00

Pipalva

21/10/40

71/35/30

Rupavati

21/55/00

71/14/00

Kanira

21/09/40

71/35/20

Tungala Noghan Vadar

21/52/30

71/14/10

Rojnotimbo

21/12/30

71/42/10

21/52/00

71/25/20

Madeva

21/50/20

71/26/00

Phadni

21/17/10

71/04/20

Tikaria

21/16/00

71/07/10

Malida

21/26/20

71/12/40

Bornotimbo

21/23/20

71/13/30

Madhopurvari

21/16/20

71/10/50

Lalia timbo

21/26/30

71/22/00

Sakhpur

21/13/30

71/00/30

Hadala

21/08/50

71/02/10

Khisri

21/10/20

71/06/00

Leri Nes

21/04/00

71/03/00

Bhania Nes

21/06/00

71/09/00

41O /11 & 15

41O /12 & 16

224

Appendix-III Catalogue of Settlement Growth and Division in Peninsular Gujarat (Compiled from 1878 Survey of India Map, Govt. Of India) Sheet Index 41A/11 & 15

41A/10 & 14 41A/9 & 13 41B/16 & F/4 & 8

41F/9 & 13

41F/1 & 5

41F/3,2,6 &7 41F/11 & 15

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Medi

Mota, Nana

Vishotri

Extension Type Kotavali, Kabarvali

Ber

Mota, Nana

Mandha

Mota, Nana

Akri

Mota, Nana

Ambla

Mota, Nana

Bara

Mota, Nana

Lakhia

Mota, Nana

Sudadhro

Mota, Nana

Khavdi

Chapadi

Mota, Nana

Ghuar

Mota, Nana

Chher

Mota, Nana

Ghuneri

Nava, Juna

Bhaora

Mota, Nana

Garamiri

Mota, Nana Kara-ni, Devani, NaviChikari Arabvali, Kana, Seta, Juna Golan, Takar, Bhim Shetvali, proper

Dherwar

Nava, Juna

Bhatgam

Mota, Nana

Sonardi

Mota, Nana

Gunda

Kuranga

Nava, Juna

Tungi

Mota, Nana Dalvali, Charanvala

Khakhar

Mota, Nana

Gop

Mota, Nana

Kandagara

Mota, Nana

Rafudar

Mota, Nana

Bhadia

Mota, Nana

Lakasar

Apavala, Pirka

Bhujpur

Mota, Nana

Devalia

Nava, Shevak

Kapaia

Mota, Nana

Pipar

Mota, Nana

Baraia

Mota, Nana

Bhunjai

Mota, Nana

Tumbadi

Mota, Nana

Dhufi

Mota, Nana

Laeja

Mota, Nana

Wamoti

Mota, Nana

Ratadia

Mota, Nana

Khombadi

Mota, Nana

Bhadai

Mota, Nana

Kadia

Mota, Nana

Ran

Mota, Nana

Virani

Mota, Nana

Asambia

Mota, Nana

Nakhtrana

Mota, Nana

Salaya

Mota, Nana

Vechar

Mota, Nana

Guniasar

Mota, Nana

Odangin

Mota, Nana

Asota

Mota, Nana Vachla, Athamna, Ugmna, Dakshna

Anal Wada

Mota, Nana Gadhwala, Dhanawala, Virawala

Varandi

Mota, Nana

Bara

Sheet Index

Settlement Name

Chikari Lus 41F/12 & 16

41E/3 & 7

41E/4 & 8

225

Sherdi

Sheet Index

41E/2 & 6 41E/11 & 15

41E/12 & 16

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Kadoli

Mota, Nana

Sabhrai

Mota, Nana

Balachor

Mota, Nana

Wadwa

Mota, Nana

Rataria

Mota, Nana

Mou Gangon

Mota, Nana Chaoda, Charanwali

Walka

Mota, Nana

Chhari

Mota, Nana

Warnola

Mota, Nana

Bhakhri

Mota, Juna

Bhukha

Mota, Nana Rabari, Kumbhar, Juna

Loharia Wada Khedoi

41G/1 & 5 41G/9,5 & 13 41I/3 & 7

41I/4 & 8

41I/10 & 14 41I/11 & 15 41I/12 & 16

Sheet Index 41J/1 & 5 41J/2 & 6

41J/3 & 7

41J/4 & 8

Juna, Proper Nichlawas, Mathlawas

Makhian

Juna, Proper

Reha

Mota, Nana

Reladi

Mota, Nana

Deolia

Juna, Proper

Bharwara

Juna, Nava

Morpur

Mota, Nana

Mokhana

Medna, proper

Ner

Juna, Nava

Chopadwu

Juna, Nava

Nagalpur Rohar

41J/9 & 13

41J/10 & 14

41J/11 & 15

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Bhela

Mota, Nana

Walaria

Bita, Naga

Baradi

Juna, Nava

Beraja

Juna, Nava

Phala

Juna, Nava

Garadia

Mota, Nana

Thaoria

Mota, Nana

Bhalsan

Mota, Nana

Lakhani

Mota, Nana

Nagajal

Mota, Nana

Bharudia

Mota, Nana

Khabra Ambardi

Mota, Nana Meghpur, Bhupatsang

Panchasara

Mota, Nana

Bhagari

Mota, Nana

Daisara

Mota, Nana

Nagadvas

Mota, Nana

Sadulka

Nava, Juna

Vagudar

Mota, Nana

Khijaria

Mota, Nana

Rampur

Mota, Nana New formation by combination

ChhalaJodhpur Var Itaa

Mota, Nana Pamarvala, proper

Mota, Nana

Gori

Jetiji, Kalaji

hanol

Mota, Nana

Meghapur

Miti, Khari Kumbharia, Borichi

Mowa

Chiari

Mota, Nana

Bhadukia

Mota, Nana Labokia, proper

Paswalia

Mita, Khara

Pipalia

Kotavali, Nana

Tindalwa

Mota, Nana

Mengni

Moti, Juni

Hamirpur

Mota, Nana

Mahika

Mota, Nana

Kataria

Mota, Nana

Sara

Juna, Nava

Baral

Mota, Nana

Sugala

Mota, Nana

41J/12 & 16

41L/9 & 13

226

Sheet Index 41K/1 & 5

41K/2 & 6 41K/3 & 7

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Chiroda

Mota, Nana

Gorakhari

Juna, Nava

Waori

Mota, Nana

Marad

Mota, Nana

Mekri

Mota, Nana

Ghasani

Mota, Nana

Kajaliala

Simroli

Mota, Nana Tana, Khor, Sarang Bawa-ka, Bhat-ka

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Jampara

Mota, Nana

Gangapura

Mota, Nana

Kitra

Mota, Nana

Manka

Moli

Mota, Nana Surveya, Bharana Lovari, Narieli, Kankidi, Choraili, Moti

Vankia

Mota, Nana

Sakaria

Mota, Nana

Barman Lotpur

Mota, Nana Nava, Nava, proper

Dhanoj

Mota, Nana

Pitaria

Mota, Nana

Kantharia

Mota, Nana

Dewalki

Mota, Nana

Vadar

kag, Bhat

Sakhpur

Mota, Nana

Desar

Kolina, Sahana

Mandwa

Mota, Nana

makhtanpur

Mota, Nana

Parbari

Moti, Nani

Bhojpura

Mota, Nana

Gundala

Mota, Nana

Lunsar

Mota, Nana

Sankli

Mota, Nana

Samatpur

Juna, Nava

Gujaria

Mota, Nana

Sudamra

Mota, Nana

Haliad

Mota, Nana

Kuchiadar

Mota, Nana

Pipalia

Mota, Nana

Molri

Mota, Nana

Deoli

Khandasar

Mota, Nana

Galol

Thana, Bantwa Reshmri, Rukhri, Deoki

Morhal

Mota, Nana

Pitalia

Mota, Nana

Harania

Mota, Nana

Khodiar

Mota, Nana

Matra

Mota, Nana

Monpuri

Mota, Nana

Vivra

Mota, Nana

Retang

Mota, Nana

Khandevalia

Mota, Nana

Kotada

Mota, Nana

Ankevalia

Mota, Nana

Pindakhai

Mota, Nana

Madhad

Mota, Nana

Ghantila

Nava, proper

Malachi

Mota, Nana

Devlia

Juna, Nava

Timbla

Mota, Nana

Koliwara

Mota, Nana

Taradia

Mota, Nana

Pipli

Mota, Nana

Saida

Mota, Nana

Jarawadar

Mota, Nana

Bhadla

Mota, Nana

Pipli 41K/4 & 8 41K/9 & 13

41K/10 & 14

41K/11 & 15

41M/4 & 8 41M/9 & 13

Sheet Index

41P/1 & 5

41N/2 & 6

41N/3 & 7

41N/4 & 8 41N/9,5 & 13 41N/10 & 14

41N/11 & 15

227

Samadhiala

Sheet Index

41N/12 & 16

41O/1 & 5

41O/2 & 6

41O/3 & 7 41O/4 & 8

41O/9 & 13 41O/10 & 14

41O/11 & 15

41O/12 & 16

Settlement Name

Extension Type

Limboda

Juna, Nava

Waori

Mota, Nana

Samadhiala

Sheet Index

Mobhiana

Extension Type Siadna, Charanka

Masudara

Mota, Nana

Mota, Nana

Sodadri

Mota, Nana

Jhijhavadar

Mota, Nana

Khuntavada

Mota, Nana

Dharai

Mul, Moti

Jagdhar

Mota, Nana

Mandva

Mota, Nana

Devli

Mota, Nana

Devalia

Mota, Nana

Kundal

Mota, Nana

Kunkavao

Mota, Nana

Bhandaria

Mota, Nana

Machiala

Mota, Nana

Gokharvala

Mota, Nana

Lilia

Mota, Nana

Garmali

Mota, Nana

Jhijhuda

Mota, Nana

Medha Nes

Mota, Nana

Bhimcha Nes

Mota, Nana

Malag Nes Agria

Mota, Nana Mota, Nana, Dhulia

Adsang

Mota, Nana

Umarda

Mota, Nana

Surka

Mota, Nana

Chharodia

Mota, Nana

Waori Sarod

Mota, Nana proper, Nava(or Jaspura)

Jalia

Juna, Nava

Vadal

Nani, Moti

Paniali

Mota, Nana

Chhapri

Mota, Nana

Kherali

Mota, Nana

Asrana

Mota, Nana

Pipalva

Mota, Nana

228

Settlement Name

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Adatala

Bhavnagar

7.0

21.58.05

71.37.06

N

2

Adeva

Kheda

8.0

22.36.00

72.33.00

N

3

Ajmer

Rajkot

0.0

22.40.00

70.50.00

N

4

Akru

Ahmedabad

4.1

22.15.00

71.55.00

N

5

Alau

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.15.00

71.30.00

N

6

Alia Bada

Jamnagar

0.0

22.08.00

69.07.00

N

7

Ambaliala

Jamnagar

0.0

22.56.00

69.44.00

N

8

Ambhliyar

Jamnagar

0.0

21.59.00

69.42.00

N

9

Amra

Jamnagar

1.2

22.16.00

69.56.00

Y

10

Andhi

Surat

0.0

21.23.00

72.47.00

N

11

Ardoi

Rajkot

0.0

22.05.00

70.47.00

N

12

Arikhan One

Jamnagar

0.0

22.05.00

70.01.00

N

13

Atariano Timbo

Mehsana

0.45

23.38.00

71.20.00

N

14

Atarnes

Banaskanta

0.0

23.40.00

71.20.00

N

15

Atkot

Rajkot

0.0

22.00.00

71.05.00

Y

16

Atkot Bus Stand

Rajkot

1.5

22.00.42

71.08.46

N

17

Babarkot

Bhavnagar

2.7

22.16.04

71.34.15

Y

18

Bagayano Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.37.00

71.50.00

N

19

Balamba

Jamnagar

0.0

22.40.00

70.20.00

N

20

Balamdi

Jamnagar

0.0

22.08.00

70.25.00

N

21

Bhava Khakaria

Jamnagar

0.0

22.14.00

70.24.00

N

22

Bed

Jamnagar

1.2

22.26.00

69.57.00

N

23

Bedi

Jamnagar

0.0

22.27.00

69.57.00

N

24

Belora

Rajkot

0.6

21.47.00

70.46.00

N

25

Benap

Banaskanta

0.0

24.05.00

71.25.00

N

26

Berajano Timbo

Jamnagar

1.0

22.20.00

69.44.00

N

27

Bet Dwarika

Jamnagar

0.0

22.28.00

69.08.00

N

28

Bhagatrav

Broach

16.0

21.29.00

72.42.00

N

29

Bhalbhaino Timbo

Mehsana

1.40

23.27.00

71.46,00

N

30

Bhalgam

Rajkot

0.0

22.02.00

71.05.00

N

31

Bhamakdal

Amreli

0.0

21.45.00

70.50.00

N

32

Bhangor

Jamnagar

0.0

22.05.00

69.52.00

N

33

Bhangor One

Jamnagar

0.0

22.05.00

69.49.00

N

1

District

Sl No

Site Name

Size in Hector

Appendix-IV Catalogue of Harappan Sites in Gujarat.

229

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Bhatiwadi

Amreli

0.90

21.45.00

70.50.00

N

35

Bhayakhakharia

Jamnagar

0.0

22.10.00

71.50.00

N

36

Bhojbhadar three

Bhavnagar

3.4

21.50.59

71.42.49

N

37

Bhoklidhar

Bhavnagar

5.6

21.58.00

71.38.00

N

District

Sl No

Site Name

34

38

Bhutkotada

Rajkot

0.0

22.35.00

70.45.00

N

39

Binanagari

Jamnagar

0.9

22.43.00

70.22.00

N

40

Bodiyo

Amreli

1.9

21.49.00

71.06.00

N

41

Borawalu

Mehsana

0.0

23.42.00

71.55.00

N

42

Bokada

Jamnagar

0.0

22.20.00

70.30.00

N

43

Broach College

Broach

0.0

21.48.00

72.58.00

N

44

Budhej

Kheda

1.0

22.26.00

72.36.00

N

45

Budhel

Bhavnagar

23.9

21.45.00

71.09.00

N

46

Chachana

Surendranagar

0.0

22.25.00

71.50.00

N

47

Chandrawara

Jamnagar

2.0

21.50.00

69.25.00

N

48

Changda

Kheda

1.0

22.32.00

72.33.00

N

49

Chanidhar

Jamnagar

3.6

22.16.00

70.01.00

N

50

Charanio

Bhavnagar

7.5

21.52.00

71.38.00

N

51

Chasiana

Surendranagar

0.0

22.25.00

71.50.00

N

52

Chavaneswar

Broach

0.0

21.41.00

72.48.00

N

53

Chabasar

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.46.00

72.16.00

N

54

Chitrod

Kutch

0.0

23.24.00

70.40.00

N

55

Chosla

Bhavnagar

4.8

21.53.00

71.34.00

N

56

Chota Isvaria

Bhavnagar

0.8

21.58.00

71.42.00

N

57

Dad

Rajkot

2.6

22.50.00

71.55.00

N

58

Dared Two

Bhavnagar

2.1

21.58.00

71.46.00

N

59

Dehada

Kheda

0.0

22.23.00

72.33.00

N

60

Deriwalo Khetar

Mehsana

0.0

23.31.00

71.54.00

N

61

Desalpur

Kutch

1.3

23.40.00

69.10.00

Y

62

Devalio, Amreli

Amreli

2.9

21.53.00

71.23.00

N

63

Devalio

Surendranagar

31.9

22.25.00

71.55.00

N

64

Devdhar

Rajkot

0.0

22.07.00

71.09.00

N

65

Devganga

Ahmedabad

2.25

22.18.00

71.50.00

N

66

Dhan Kanio

Amreli

0.0

21.45.00

70.55.00

N

67

Dhan Kanio Two

Amreli

0.0

21.47.00

70.55.00

N

68

Danora

Mehsana

0.0

23.31.00

71.56.00

N

69

Dholavira

Kutch

24.9

23.53.10

70.13.00

Y

230

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Dholavira

Kutch

60.0

23.53.10

70.13.00

Y

71

Dhrosan

Amreli

0.0

20.50.00

70.40.00

N

72

Dhuapino

Amreli

0.0

21.27.00

71.49.00

N

73

Dhulkot

Jamnagar

0.0

20.50.00

71.02.00

N

District

Sl No

Site Name

70

74

Dhutarpur

Rajkot

0.0

21.50.00

71.00.00

N

75

Dudhala

Jamnagar

0.0

22.14.00

71.17.00

N

76

Dudheriya Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.25.00

71.48.00

N

77

Dumiani

Rajkot

0.0

21.45.00

70.20.00

N

78

Dungarpur

Rajkot

0.0

22.03.00

71.31.00

N

79

Dwarika

Jamnagar

0.0

22.13.00

68.58.00

Y

80

Ervada One

Mehsana

0.0

23.25.00

71.52.00

N

81

Ervada Two

Mehsana

0.0

23.24.00

71.52.00

N

82

Fatepura

Mehsana

0.0

23.24.00

71,38.00

N

83

Fathepura

Surendranagar

8.0

23.23.00

71.38.00

N

84

Gadhada

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.58.20

71.33.45

N

85

Gadhada One

Rajkot

0.0

22.26.00

70.36.00

N

86

Gadhwaliwadi

Kutch

0.0

23.30.00

69.08.00

N

87

Gadia

Jamnagar

1.0

22.15.00

70,55,00

N

88

Ghelo Bund

Bhavnagar

4.2

21.58.00

71.27.00

N

89

Ghorwada

Rajkot

0.0

20.45.00

70.50.00

N

90

Godavari One

Jamnagar

4.0

22.12.00

69.55.00

N

91

Godhapadar

Rajkot

0.0

22.15.00

71.03.00

N

92

Godhiano Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.30.00

71,53,00

N

93

Goni Timbo

Surendranagar

0.0

22.27.00

71.55.00

N

94

Gop

Jamnagar

0.0

22.01.00

69.56.00

N

95

Gordhania Timbo

Surendranagar

0.0

23.27.00

71.48.00

N

96

Gorivtano Timbo

Mehsana

0.65

23.29.00

71.51.00

N

97

Gothiano Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.31.00

71.53.00

N

98

Gudel

Kheda

3.3

22.44.00

72.31.00

N

99

Gunthai

Kutch

0.0

23.28.00

69.09.00

N

100

Hadiana One

Jamnagar

0.5

22.35.00

70.15.00

N

101

Hadmatala

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.30.00

72.08.00

N

102

Hajnabi

Rajkot

0.0

22.50.00

70.35.00

N

103

Hanumano Timbo

Bhavnagar

11.9

21.57.43

71.34.44

N

104

Hariana

Jamnagar

0.5

22.36.00

70.15.00

N

105

Hasanpur

Surat

0.0

21.25.00

72.46.00

N

231

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Holivalo

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.57.00

71.40.00

N

107

Indranaj

Kheda

0.0

22.30.00

72.33.00

N

108

Isvaria

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.58.00

71.42.00

N

109

Jafrabad

Kheda

8.0

22.25.00

72.32.00

N

110

Jagaroh

Kutch

0.0

23.21.00

70.11.00

N

111

Jaidak

Jamnagar

0.0

22.40.00

70.35.00

N

112

Janayano Timbo

Surendranagar

0.0

23.25.00

71.51.00

N

113

Jasapar

Jamnagar

0.0

22.12.00

70.25.00

N

114

Jatavadar

Kutch

0.0

23.45.00

70.40.00

N

115

Jhakar

Jamnagar

0.0

22.14.00

69.41.00

N

116

Jhangar,Anjar

Kutch

8.0

23.19.00

70.05.00

N

117

Jhangar,Khavda

Kutch

0.0

23.53.00

69.44.00

N

118

Jhekada

Banaskanta

0.0

23.50.00

71.25.00

N

119

Jhikri

Rajkot

0.0

21.55.00

70.50.00

N

120

Jinaj

Kheda

0.0

22.24.00

72.36.00

N

121

Jivanino Dhero

Bhavnagar

6.7

21.50.29

71.45.34

N

122

Jodhpur

Rajkot

0.0

22.40.00

70.53.00

N

123

Jivapur

Jamnagar

0.0

22.12.00

70.22.00

N

124

Jokha

Surat

0.0

21.17.00

73.00.00

Y

125

JunaChopadwa

Kutch

0.0

23.16.00

70.15.00

N

126

Juni Timbo

Jamnagar

1.5

22.09.00

70.22.00

N

127

Kaero Timbo

Surendranagar

0.0

22.24.00

71.55.00

N

128

Kaj

Amreli

11.7

22.44.00

70.51.00

N

129

Kalapan

Rajkot

0.0

21.55.00

70.20.00

N

130

Kanasutaria

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.47.00

72.16.00

N

131

Kanewal

Kheda

5.0

22.28.00

72.30.00

Y

132

Kanewal,Sai Timbo

Kheda

6.0

22.27.00

72.30.00

Y

133

Kanjetar

Amreli

2.3

22.45.00

70.40.00

N

134

Kanthkot

Kutch

0.0

23.29.00

70.29.00

N

135

Karmalkota

Rajkot

3.4

21.56.01

71.00.09

N

136

Karmar

Rajkot

0.0

21.50.00

70.53.00

N

137

Katasar

Kutch

0.0

23.34.00

70.29.00

N

138

Kerali

Rajkot

0.8

22.00.00

70.20.00

N

139

Kerasi

Kutch

30.5

23.40.00

70.44.00

N

140

Kerisimano Timbo

Kheda

0.0

22.28.00

72.31.00

N

141

Keriavio

Bhavnagar

1.4

21.51.24

71.39.32

N

District

Sl No

Site Name

106

232

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Khakhrabela One

Rajkot

0.0

22.29.00

70.35.00

N

143

Khambodar

Jamnagar

7.5

21.45.00

69.35.00

N

144

Khanderio One

Bhavnagar

2.6

21.58.00

71.29.00

N

145

Khanderio two

Bhavnagar

5.7

21.58.00

71.30.00

N

146

Khanpur,Kaira

Kheda

0.0

22.29.00

72.23.00

N

147

Khanpur

Surendranagar

0.0

22.32.00

71.58.00

N

148

Kharedano Timbo

Rajkot

0.0

22.05.00

70.48.00

N

149

Kharika Khanda

Kutch

0.0

23.27.00

70.19.00

N

150

Kharino Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.36.00

71.49.00

N

151

Khaso Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.25.00

71.45.00

N

152

Khedoi

Kutch

0.0

23.03.00

69.57.00

N

153

Khetarvalo

Bhavnagar

3.4

21.48.00

71.37.00

N

154

Khodiar,Talaja

Bhavnagar

0.5

21.24.05

71.59.24

N

155

Khodiar,Balabhipur

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.58.00

71.57.00

N

156

Kindarkhera

Jamnagar

0.8

21.48.00

69.33.00

N

157

Kota One

Jamnagar

0.5

22.10.00

69.42.00

N

158

Kotada Bhadli One

Kutch

3.0

23.22.00

69.26.00

N

159

Kotada

Kutch

0.0

23.18.00

70.06.00

N

160

Kotara

Kutch

0.0

23.58.00

69.47.00

N

161

Kotda

Jamnagar

0.0

23.14.00

70.21.00

N

162

Koth

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.38.00

72.18.00

N

163

Kumar

Mehsana

0.0

23.27.00

71.46.00

N

164

Kundanpur

Rajkot

0.0

22.05.00

71.10.00

N

165

Kuntasi

Rajkot

5.0

22.53.00

70.32.00

Y

166

Kuward One

Mehsana

0.0

23.32.00

71.53.00

N

167

Lakhabawal

Jamnagar

1.5

22.24.00

70.00.00

Y

168

Lakhan Timbo

Jamnagar

0.0

22.29.00

70.36.00

N

169

Lakhanka

Bhavnagar

0.6

21.48.00

71.38.00

N

District

Sl No

Site Name

142

170

Lakhasar One

Kutch

0.0

23.14.00

70.41.00

N

171

Lakhavav

Amreli

0.0

21.51.00

71.27.00

N

172

Lakhavav

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.30.00

71.55.00

N

173

Lakhpar

Kutch

8.0

23.33.00

70.28.00

N

174

Lakhpat

Kutch

0.0

23.50.00

68.47.00

N

175

Lalaba

Mehsana

0.0

23.33.00

21.42.00

N

176

Laloino Timbo

Jamnagar

3.3

22.12.00

70.14.00

N

177

Limdavalo Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.32.00

71.46.00

N

233

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Limdavalo Timbo

Mehsana

2.8

23.35.00

71.45.00

N

179

Loliana

Bhavnagar

5.0

21.54.00

71.48.00

N

180

Lorala

Mehsana

0.0

23.37.00

71.42.00

N

181

Lothal

Ahmedabad

4.8

22.31.25

72.14.59

Y

District

Sl No

Site Name

178

182

Lukhela

Rajkot

0.45

21.50.00

70.00.00

N

183

Luna

Kutch

0.0

23.40.00

69.15.00

N

184

Luna Mandvi

Kutch

0.0

22.50.00

69.24.00

N

185

Machiala Mota

Amreli

2.7

21.41.00

71.14.00

N

186

Medeva

Amreli

0.0

21.50.00

71.24.00

N

187

Mahadevio

Amreli

13.2

21.54.00

71.17.00

N

188

Mahudi

Mehsana

0.0

23.30.00

72.45.00

N

189

Malgan

Rajkot

10.3

22.01.00

71,26.00

N

190

Malgodh

Rajkot

0.0

22.00.00

70.34.00

N

191

Malvan

Surat

1.8

21.06.00

72,43.00

Y

192

Manar

Broach

0.0

21.42.00

72.47.00

N

193

Mandriyara Mohara

Kutch

0.0

23.30.00

70.16.00

N

194

Manverpur

Mehsana

0.0

23.34.00

71.54.00

N

195

Mehgam

Broach

0.0

21.42.00

72.45.00

Y

196

Melana Four

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.55.40

71.46.50

N

197

Metal Ma no Timbo

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.47.00

72.14.00

N

198

Mora

Jamnagar

1.0

22.28.00

70.14.00

N

199

Morpur

Jamnagar

0.0

22.16.00

69.49.00

N

200

Morvo

Kutch

0.0

23.50.00

70.42.00

N

201

Motachoprika

Ahmedabad

2.1

22.21.30

71.48.00

N

202

Moti Gop

Jamnagar

0.0

22.19.00

69.30.00

N

203

Motidharai

Bhavnagar

0.45

21.57.00

71.57.00

Y

204

Mulpadar, Kalianpur

Jamnagar

5.0

21.56.00

69.45.00

N

205

Nagadia

Jamnagar

0.0

21.55.00

69.33.00

N

206

Nagal

Broach

1.0

21.37.00

72.52.00

Y

207

Nageswar

Jamnagar

1.45

22.15.00

69.02.00

Y

208

Nagwada Four

Surendranagar

0.0

23.16.00

71.41.00

N

209

Nagwada One

Surendranagar

10.5

23.18.00

71.43.00

Y

210

Nagwada Three

Surendranagar

1.0

23.18.00

71.42.00

N

211

Nagwada Two

Surendranagar

1.5

23.17.00

71.42.00

N

212

Nanichopria

Ahmedabad

2.2

22.22.00

71.46.00

N

213

Nar

Kheda

8.0

22.28.00

72.42.00

N

234

Site Name

District

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Narmana One

Jamnagar

0.55

22.15.00

70.09.00

N

215

Navagam

Surat

0.0

21.16.00

72,56.00

N

216

Navinal

Kutch

0.0

22.50.00

69.35.00

N

217

Nenuni Dhar

Kutch

0.0

23.51.00

69.44.00

N

Sl No

214

218

Nikawa One

Jamnagar

0.0

22.11.00

70.36.00

N

219

Oliya Pir

Jamnagar

0.4

21.16.00

70.01.00

N

220

Oriyadadano Timbo

Surendranagar

2.5

23.23.00

71.48.00

N

221

Pabumath

Kutch

1.5

23.37.00

70.31.00

Y

222

Padar

Rajkot

0.0

21.59.00

70.50.00

N

223

Padra

Kheda

6.0

22.28.00

72.33.00

N

224

Padri

Bhavnagar

7.15

21.20.21

72.06.32

Y

225

Pal

Rajkot

2.0

22.18.00

70.43.00

N

226

Pancha Pipro

Jamnagar

2.4

22.02.00

70.05.00

N

227

Pansina

Surendranagar

0.0

22.31.00

71.55.00

N

228

Panva

Mehsana

0.0

23.24.00

71.48.00

N

229

Paria Waro Mohra

Kutch

0.0

23.06.00

70.05.00

N

230

Pariaj

Kheda

0.0

22.32.00

72.32.00

N

231

Pasegam

Bhavnagar

16.2

21.51.14

71.38.48

N

232

Patel Ranijika Magsa

Kutch

0.0

23.06.00

70.01.00

N

233

Pavateswar

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.10.00

71.54.00

N

234

Peerni Durgah

Jamnagar

0.35

22.17.00

69.00.00

N

235

Peerni Durgah

Jamnagar

1.55

22.17.00

70.04.00

N

236

Phalwa

Jamnagar

1.0

22.18.00

70.33.00

N

237

Piriyano Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.33.00

71.51.00

N

238

Pirwada Khetar

Kutch

0.0

23.20.00

70.00.00

N

239

Pitar

Jamnagar

0.0

22.41.00

70.32.00

N

240

Pitaria

Rajkot

0.0

21.35.00

70.55.00

N

241

Pithad

Rajkot

0.0

21.57.00

70.47.00

N

242

Pithadia

Jamnagar

1.5

21.46.00

70.40.00

N

243

Pithadia

Rajkot

0.0

21.46.00

70.40.00

Y

244

Popatpura

Kheda

0.0

22.35.00

72.32.00

N

245

Rajathali

Rajkot

0.0

21.55.00

71.01.00

N

246

Kajda

Jamnagar

0.0

22.11.00

70.30.00

N

247

Rajpipla Eight

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.51.00

71.34.00

N

248

Rajpipla One

Bhavnagar

3.9

21.51.00

71.33.00

N

249

Rampara

Kutch

0.0

23.30.00

70.45.00

N

235

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Rampur

Jamnagar

0.0

22.17.00

70.04.00

N

251

Ramvav

Kutch

0.0

23.32.00

70.28.00

N

252

Randalio

Amreli

0.0

21.48.00

71.03.00

N

253

Rangpur

Surendranagar

0.0

22.23.56

71.55.19

Y

254

Ranigam

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.58.00

71.43.00

N

255

Kanparda

Jamnagar

0.0

21.55.00

256

Rasnal

Jamnagar

0.0

22.41.00

70.35.00

N

257

Rasulabad

Surendranagar

0.0

23.16.00

71.46.00

N

258

Ratanpura One

Mehsana

2.0

23.28.00

71.48.00

Y

259

Ratanpura Two

Mehsana

0.0

23.27.00

71.47.00

N

260

Rel

Kheda

6.0

22.28.00

72.30.00

N

261

Rojdi

Rajkot

7.5

21.51.47

70.55.08

Y

262

Rupmore

Jamnagar

0.0

21.59.00

69.45.00

N

263

Sai Timbo

Mehsana

0.0

23.33.00

71.54.00

N

264

Samadhiala

Surendranagar

0.0

22.19.00

71.42.00

N

265

Samagogha

Kutch

0.0

22.55.00

69.40.00

N

266

Sanalo

Jamnagar

0.0

22.12.00

70.25.00

N

267

Savani

Junagarh

0.0

20.58.00

70.28.00

N

268

Seed Farm

Bhavnagar

1.9

21.57.52

71.35.15

N

269

Selari

Kutch

0.0

23.42.00

70.37.00

N

270

Shibpur

Mehsana

0.0

23.33.00

71.46.00

N

271

Shikarpur

Kutch

5.3

23.05.00

70.37.00

Y

272

Srinagar

Jamnagar

0.0

21.39.00

69.37.00

N

273

Sibur

Mehsana

0.0

23.32.00

71.40.00

N

274

Sonaria

Jamnagar

2.25

22.00.00

69.46.00

N

275

Sonur

Mehsana

0.0

23.35.00

71.46.00

N

276

Sujanipur

Mehsana

0.0

23.53.00

72.05.00

N

277

Surkotada

Kutch

1.4

23.37.00

70.50.00

Y

District

Sl No

Site Name

250

N

278

Sushiya

Mehsana

0.0

23.27.00

71.54.00

N

279

Talwandino Timbo

Ahmedabad

0.0

22.45.00

72.20.00

N

280

Tankaria

Jamnagar

0.0

21.56.00

69.25.00

N

281

Taraghada

Rajkot

20.0

21.44.00

70.26.00

Y

282

Tarana Three

Jamnagar

60.0

22.43.00

70.27.00

N

283

Tatana

Bhavnagar

5.3

21.58.00

71.40.00

N

284

Telod

Broach

0.0

21.42.00

72.46.00

N

285

Thebachada One

Rajkot

5.0

22.22.00

70.51.00

N

236

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Timaram

Rajkot

0.0

21.53.00

70.30.00

N

287

Todio

Kutch

0.0

23.05.00

68.55.00

N

288

Vada

Kutch

0.0

23.29.00

69.07.00

N

289

Vadadino Timbo

Mehsana

0.9

23.35.00

71.55.00

N

District

Sl No

Site Name

286

290

Vadasada

Rajkot

0.0

21.47.00

70.45.00

N

291

Vadera

Amreli

1.8

21.36.00

71.06.00

N

292

Vadgam

Surendranagar

0.0

23.31.00

71.43.00

N

293

Vadgam

Kheda

4.0

22.19.00

72.28.00

N

294

Vagad

Ahmedabad

13.5

22.19.00

71.52.00

Y

295

Vagha Talab

Kheda

0.25

22.32.00

72.27.00

N

296

Vaharvo

Bhavnagar

12.0

21.50.50

71.43.55

N

297

Valabhi

Bhavnagar

4.0

21.53.00

71.53.00

Y

298

Valotri

Kheda

0.0

22.32.00

72.35.00

N

299

Valpura

Bhavnagar

0.0

21.57.00

71.42.00

N

300

Vaniavadar

Amreli

2.0

21.39.00

71.09.00

N

301

Vankiner

Jamnagar

2.0

21.50.00

69.25.00

N

302

Vegadi

Rajkot

6.0

21.47.00

70.30.00

N

303

Veranatha

Mehsana

1.6

23.39.00

71.56.00

N

304

Veraval

Jamnagar

0.0

22.22.00

69.05.00

N

305

Virpur

Jamnagar

1.0

22.07.00

70.56.00

N

306

Warthan

Surat

1.0

21.22.00

72.51.00

Y

307

Bandi Rohil

Bhavnagar

3.0

21.24.00

72.04.00

N

308

Bhalar

Bhavnagar

2.0

21.24.00

72.06.00

N

309

Dard

Bhavnagar

12.0

21.19.00

72.01.00

N

310

Alidhar

Bhavnagar

4.0

20.21.00

72.06.00

N

311

Nehada

Bhavnagar

2.0

21.20.00

72.05.00

N

312

Piparla

Bhavnagar

1.6

21.23.00

72.08.00

N

313

Shilavadar

Bhavnagar

3.0

21.03.00

72.03.00

N

314

Saltanpur

Bhavnagar

2.0

21.18.00

72.08.00

N

315

Valavadar

Bhavnagar

1.5

21.23.00

72.06.00

N

316

Garasyano Timbo

Banaskanta

0.12

23.60.00

71.30.00

N

317

Khakrialo Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.3

21.60.00

71.30.00

N

318

Voldano Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.2

23.51.00

71.20.00

N

319

Vantano thumbo

Banaskanta

0.0

23.46.00

71.07.00

N

320

Ranolno Tekro

Surendranagar

4.0

23.23.00

71.38.00

N

321

Indranagarno Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.02

23.53.00

71.35.00

N

237

Size in Hector

North-South Coordinate

East-West Coordinate

Excavation Status

Banaskanta

0.3

23.54.00

71.20.00

N

323

Vadi Talavadi Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.0

23.44.00

71.05.00

N

324

Kothadano Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.0

23.44.00

71.05.00

N

325

Gomsarno Timbo

Surendranagar

5.0

23.17.00

71.44.00

N

326

Shakatri Timbo

Banaskanta

3.0

23.49.00

71.32.00

N

327

Ghasino Bor

Mehsana

0.04

23.36.00

71.53.00

N

328

Jamantharno Thumbo

Mehsana

1.0

23.45.00

71.13.00

N

329

Meplano Thumbo

Banaskanta

0.48

23.45.00

71.09.00

N

330

Matano Thumbo

Banaskanta

1.08

23.59.00

71.25.00

N

331

Pepadia Timbo

Banaskanta

0.12

23.51.00

71.31.00

N

332

Rupavati

Surendranagar

4.0

22.43.50

71.58.20

N

333

Jarwalia

Ahmedabad

4.0

22.14.27

71.55.31

N

334

Burania

Ahmedabad

2.25

22.20.50

71.49.51

N

335

Chandarwa

Ahmedabad

2.5

22.15.54

71.51.19

N

336

Charoria

Ahmedabad

4.0

22.24.43

71.56.46

N

337

Gokharwala

Surendranagar

3.0

22.28.30

71.43.55

N

338

Golsana

Ahmedabad

4.0

22.22.47

71.52.39

N

339

Jaska

Ahmedabad

3.0

22.19.10

71.56.10

N

340

Juni Jambu

Surendranagar

3.0

22.40.45

71.55.52

N

341

Kataria

Surendranagar

4.0

22.34.20

71.53.10

N

Sl No

District

Sankatrawalo Thumbo

Site Name

322

342

Khandia I

Surendranagar

2.0

22.27.50

71.51.53

N

343

Kharad I

Ahmedabad

4.0

22.18.20

72.01.02

N

344

Kothario I

Ahmedabad

2.25

22.19.52

72.00.35

N

345

Kothario II

Ahmedabad

1.5

22.19.52

72.00.35

N

346

Mota Taradia

Ahmedabad

1.6

22.31.50

71.57.52

N

347

Nagnesh I

Surendranagar

2.25

22.21.57

71.45.53

N

348

Rojka

Ahmedabad

2.25

22.21.32

72.02.12

N

349

Sarwal I

Ahmedabad

2.0

22.28.30

71.57.51

N

350

Ugal

Surendranagar

3.0

22.33.30

71.43.50

N

351

Unchadi

Ahmedabad

1.2

22.15.54

71.53.14

N

352

Vejalka II

Ahmedabad

3.7

22.15.00

71.52.12

N

353

Vejalka III

Ahmedabad

2.5

22.15.00

71.52.12

N

354

Kantharia

Surendranagar

0.5

22.12.30

71.11.00

N

355

Kundanpur

Surendranagar

1.2

22.07.15

71.13.30

N

356

Resamia-I

Surendranagar

1.5

22.21.00

71.12.30

N

357

Hadmatia

Surendranagar

0.6

22.14.00

71.14.00

N

238

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

SAA No 1. Kanungo, Alok Kumar 2004 Glass Beads in Ancient India: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1242) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 364 3. SAA No 2. Kanungo, Alok Kumar (Ed) 2005 Gurudakshina: Facets of Indian Archaeology, Essays presented to Prof. V.N. Misra (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1433) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 723 1. SAA No 3. Swayam, S. 2006 Invisible People: Pastoral life in Proto-Historic Gujurat (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1464) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 732 0. SAA No 4. Mushrif-Tripathy, Veena & Walimbe S.R. 2006 Human Skeletal Remains from Chalcolithic Nevasa: Osteobiographic Analysis (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1476) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 737 1.