Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education: Strengths, Prospects and Challenges (Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education) 3030785165, 9783030785161

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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN GLOBAL HIGHER EDUCATION

Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education Strengths, Prospects and Challenges Edited by Chika Trevor Sehoole Jenny J. Lee

Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education Series Editors Roger King School of Management University of Bath Bath, UK Jenny J. Lee Centre for the Study of Higher Education University of Arizona Tucson, AZ, USA Simon Marginson Department of Education University of Oxford Oxford, UK Rajani Naidoo School of Management University of Bath Bath, UK

This series aims to explore the globalization of higher education and the impact this has had on education systems around the world including East Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Europe and the US. Analyzing HE systems and policy this series will provide a comprehensive overview of how HE within different nations and/or regions is responding to the new age of universal mass higher education. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14624

Chika Trevor Sehoole  •  Jenny J. Lee Editors

Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education Strengths, Prospects and Challenges

Editors Chika Trevor Sehoole Faculty of Education University of Pretoria Groenkloof, South Africa

Jenny J. Lee Centre for the Study of Higher Education University of Arizona Tucson, AZ, USA

ISSN 2662-4214     ISSN 2662-4222 (electronic) Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education ISBN 978-3-030-78516-1    ISBN 978-3-030-78517-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge and express our appreciation for the funding support that we received from the South African National Research Foundation (NRF), without which we would not have been able to accomplish this project. Our appreciation also goes to the African Network for Internationalization of Education (ANIE) for coordinating the research and to some of the ANIE members who participated in this project as emerging African scholars. The main chapters of this edited book were prepared by these emerging African higher education scholars under the guidance of Prof. Chika Sehoole and Prof. Jenny J. Lee.

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 Chika Trevor Sehoole and Jenny J. Lee 2 The Pull Factors That Attract International Students to Nigeria Despite Fears 29 Olaide Agbaje 3 Academic Student Mobility and Refugee Education in Kenya  51 Jackline Nyerere 4 Political Stability: A Key Driver of African Student Mobility to Ghana 69 Christiana Badoo 5 Citizens’ Hospitality and the Legal-­Regulatory and Policy Instruments that Enhance Inbound International Student Mobility: The Case of Uganda 91 Alfred Kenneth Kiiza 6 Comparing International Student Dispositions in Egypt: The Influences of Safety, History, and Culture115 Mahmoud Marei

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Contents

7 International Students’ Academic Integration Experiences in South Africa137 Azwifaneli Justice Ratshilaya 8 Senegal: A Historic Destination of Mobility for FrenchSpeaking African Students157 Mamadou Dimé 9 Conclusion181 Chika Trevor Sehoole, Olaide Agbaje, and Jenny J. Lee Index197

Notes on Contributors

Olaide  Agbaje is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Johannesburg and a part-time lecturer in the Department of Education Management and Policy Studies at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Her research interest spans various aspects of higher education with an interest in the internationalization of higher education and international student mobility in Africa. Agbaje has received some awards and recognitions for her work, including the National Research Foundation Masters Block Grant Innovation, the University of Pretoria Doctoral Research Bursary, and Best PhD abstract for completed research 2019 (University of Pretoria). Christiana  Badoo is a humanitarian expert working as a Livelihood Associate with UNHCR Ghana and who possesses a wealth of experience in development work having consulted for UNICEF Ghana and other international organizations and serve as a General Assembly member of Action Aid Ghana. She holds a PhD in International Affairs from the University of Ghana, Legon. Her research interests include gender equality, the United Nations System, higher education, and internationalization, and she has produced publications in those fields. She nurtures a keen interest and contributes to various discussions on international affairs as well as internationalization. Badoo has also served on a few boards including the African Network for Internationalization of Education (ANIE) and spearhead activities of the Network of Emerging Scholars of Internationalization (NESI), a working group of ANIE.

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NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Mamadou  Dimé is Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology at the University Gaston Berger of Saint-Louis (Senegal). Dimé’s main areas of research include student mobility, migration, environment, urban poverty, and youth. Dimé led several research projects in Senegal and in several West and Central African countries (Guinea, Niger, Senegal, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Cameroon) as main researcher or coresearcher on various dimensions of migration. Dimé is the coordinator in Senegal of an important international scientific network devoted to the analysis of various issues of mobility in West Africa—that is, the mixed international laboratory Mobilities, Innovations and Journeys in Mediterranean and Sub-Saharan Africa. Alfred  Kenneth  Kiiza is a consultant in the Governance Studies Department at Uganda Management Institute (UMI). He researches on higher education policy and governance, higher education in Africa, and globalization of higher education. Kiiza serves as a Board Member of the Hospice Africa Uganda (HAU) and is the Chairperson of the Policy and Planning committee. The Board oversees the Institute of Hospice Palliative Care in Africa (IHPCA), the only one of its kind in Africa, and admits international students. Kiiza is a member of the African Network for Internationalization of Education (ANIE) and researches on internationalization and student mobility. Jenny  J.  Lee is a professor at the Center for the Study of Higher Education at The University of Arizona. Lee’s research encompasses a range of key higher education issues that center on the internationalization of higher education. Her past research topics have included student engagement, community outreach, and organizational behaviors in the US as well as abroad. Her ongoing research on international students’ mobility and experiences in the US, South Africa, Mexico, and Korea over the past decade have especially been cited widely. Lee served as a Global Professor at Korea University and an honorary visiting scholar in City University, London, and was a Fulbright Scholar to South Africa at the University of Pretoria. She is a visiting scholar at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Mahmoud Marei  holds a doctorate degree (May 2018) in Educational Leadership and Policy Studies from the University of Arizona. After graduation, he returned to his homeland, Egypt, with the ambition to contribute to educational research and reform post the Egyptian Revolutions in

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2011 and 2013. He is involved in research and writing a number of academic papers in relation to international student mobility in the Middle East region post Covid-19 pandemic. When not writing, he restores classic four-wheel drive vehicles and explores the Sahara. Jackline Nyerere  is Senior Lecturer of Educational Leadership and Policy at Kenyatta University, Kenya. Her research focus is on internationalization of education, open and flexible learning, and education for sustainable development. Her recent studies include academic student mobility in Africa and transnational research partnerships in East Africa. She is a co-principal investigator in the transforming universities for a changing climate research project. She is a member of the African Network for Internationalization of Education, and she co-chairs the Education for Sustainable Development in Africa–Next Generation Research (ESDANGR) Network. Azwifaneli  Justice  Ratshilaya  is a doctoral student in the Faculty of Education at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. His research interest is in the area of internationalization of higher education. In his Master’s dissertation, he has focused on “the social and academic experiences of international students in South African universities”. He works for the Gauteng Department of Education as a Senior Education Specialist— Labour Relation Officer at Tshwane North District, Gauteng Province in South Africa. Chika Trevor Sehoole  is a professor and dean in the Faculty Education at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. His research interests are in the areas of higher education policy, internationalization of higher education, higher education in Africa, and globalization of higher education. Sehoole served in a number of prominent scholarly and leadership positions, including a visiting Rockefeller postdoctoral fellow at the Center for African Studies at the University of Illinois in Urbana–Champaign, a New Century Fulbright Fellow, and chairperson of the Board of the African Network for Internationalization of Education (ANIE), a continent-wide organization aimed at promoting the internationalization of higher education on the African continent through research and scholarship.

List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3

University of Ghana: distribution of the home countries of the respondents. Source: Field work (2016) Central University: distribution of the home countries of the respondents. Source: Field work (2016) The best aspects of studying in Ghana, as indicated by international students

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 1.2 Table 1.3 Table 1.4 Table 1.5 Table 1.6 Table 1.7 Table 1.8 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 4.1 Table 5.1 Table 8.1 Table 8.2 Table 8.3

International student flows from African case countries 4 African student survey: respondents by country and institutional type (public and private) 4 Top reasons for choosing the African host country and leading country respondents 13 Top information sources in choosing the African host country and leading country respondents 14 Top reasons for choosing the African host university and leading country respondents 15 Areas of university resources and support 16 Student outcomes from the host institution 17 Students’ future plans on completion of studies 18 Dates and locations of attacks launched by Boko Haram in the last three years in Nigeria 35 Participants and their countries of origin 37 Statistics on tertiary institutions in Ghana 72 International student enrolment in public and private universities for the academic year 2015/2016 103 Public universities in Senegal 162 Top ten countries of origin of international students in Senegal 162 African students at Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, Senegal163

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction Chika Trevor Sehoole and Jenny J. Lee

Globally, the demand for international higher education has been on the rise over the past few decades, rising from 2 million in 2000 to over 5.3 million international students in 2017 (OECD, 2019). For some time, the predominant destinations of educational migrants have been English-­ speaking and Western European countries—the top four of these being the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), Australia and Canada, accounting for about 40% of the world’s students (OECD, 2019). However, locations are diversifying. The patterns of student migration towards these major hosts have been changing with the emergence of regional educational hubs (OECD, 2014). Furthermore, an increasing number of middle-income, non-English-speaking countries are attracting international students from both neighbouring countries and further locations (Jon et al., 2014; Kondakci, 2011).

C. T. Sehoole (*) Faculty of Education, University of Pretoria, Groenkloof, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] J. J. Lee Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_1

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Limited research has been conducted on international student mobility and student experiences in regional hub countries, for example in Mexico (Cantwell et al., 2009), South Korea (Jon et al., 2014), Turkey (Kondakci, 2011) and South Africa (Lee & Sehoole, 2015). Taking these studies collectively, it is evident that non-English-speaking countries, particularly emerging and middle-income economies, play an essential role in their respective region, offering a culturally relevant international education while better enabling students to maintain closer ties to home. With very few exceptions (i.e. Knight & Morshidi, 2011 in the Middle East and South East Asia), most regional hub studies tend to be based on single-­ case countries with almost no comparative analysis. Additionally, it is clear that very limited research has been conducted on the mobility of students within the African continent. This book fills this gap in international comparative higher education research to provide much-needed, hitherto lacking, information on international student mobility in Africa.

Why Africa? Africa is the fastest growing continent, predicted to comprise more than half of the world’s population growth between now and 2050 (UN, 2020). Currently, three quarters of Africa’s population is under 35 (WEF, 2020). Africa’s youth is predicted to double to 830 million by 2050 (UNDP, 2017). Meanwhile, Africa leads in the highest proportions of out-of-school rates across all levels of education (UNESCO, 2020a), with the majority dropping out of school before reaching university level (Darvas et al., 2017). The reasons are complex but largely due to relatively low performing economies, war and conflicts, and lack of public infrastructure in comparison to other regions of the world. Despite the low rates of tertiary education, the number of tertiary students in sub-Saharan Africa has almost tripled over the past 15  years (QS, 2020), and the demand to enter a university far exceeds the supply (Darvas et al., 2017). While transnational education (TNE) opportunities, particularly via online education, are on the rise, the physical mobility of students remains essential for international higher education in Africa. The global digital divide still exists, with challenges in accessing or affording the latest technology to provide or receive education remotely. Given the immense disparities in national wealth and resources, universities in some African countries rely fully on movement across borders as their primary mode of internationalising.

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Students have thus been drawn to tertiary education options outside the continent. Based on the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS), the top African sending countries are Nigeria, Morocco, Cameroon, Algeria, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Senegal, Angola, Ghana and Sudan. The destinations are mostly Francophone and English-speaking countries, led by France, the US, the UK and South Africa. Among African destinations, Senegal and Ghana follow South Africa (Schulmann, 2017). However, given the growing strength of African economies and a fast-growing middle class, Africa represents a vast market for international higher education study, especially for students in Africa. New strategic African recruitment plans have been underway in a “scramble for Africa’s growing student population” (Dennis, 2020a), while the Covid-19 pandemic will likely intensify such efforts. Based on its current trajectory there is an urgent demand to focus on higher education in the continent, including internationalisation in a globalising world. The latest estimate is that there are almost a quarter of a million international students studying in the African continent (86,199 international students in Northern Africa and 137,892  in sub-Saharan Africa) (UNESCO, 2020b). Among the challenges in understanding intra-Africa mobility in particular is the lack of systematic data. Major global datasets, such as the UIS, do not have complete information on each of Africa’s 54 countries. Key figures such as inbound and outbound mobility rates for many African countries are not available. The lack of this basic starting point makes it difficult to understand the extent of mobility that is happening on a regional scale and has long kept Africa, despite its immense size, largely omitted from student mobility research. However, as shown in Table  1.1, some patterns within the continent can nevertheless be observed. While the data are incomplete, Table 1.2 demonstrates that most of the top sending countries are not only from the continent, but from within the respective host region. The data also show that contrary to sweeping generalisations about Africa’s brain drain problem, countries such as South Africa, Egypt and Senegal experience positive net mobility. That is, there are more international students in these countries than domestic students studying abroad. Case country research then becomes especially valuable. Research by the book’s editors (Lee & Sehoole, 2015) investigated the draw of South Africa as a major regional hub for the African continent. In place of the sweeping view that the continent is a victim of brain drain for a uniform

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Table 1.1  International student flows from African case countries Country

Total no. students abroad

Total no. Inbound students hosted mobility rate a

Top five countries of origin

Egypt

34,922

51,162

1.8

Ghana

14,622

9975

2.3

Kenya

14,983

5254

0.9

Nigeria Senegal

85,251 12,815

No data 14,437

No data 7.8

Uganda South Africa

5834 8068

No data 45,334

No data 4.1

Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Nigeria, Turkey Nigeria, Congo, Gabon, Côte d’Ivoire, United States Angola, Tanzania, Congo DR, Uganda, Nigeria No data Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Malawi, Mauritius, Togo No data Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Congo DR, Lesotho, Namibia

Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics (2020b) http://uis.unesco.org/en/uis-­student-­flow UNESCO (2020b) calculates the inbound mobility rate as the number of students from abroad studying in a given country, expressed as a percentage of total tertiary enrolment in that country. a

Table 1.2  African student survey: respondents by country and institutional type (public and private) Host country

Private

Public

Total

Egypt Ghana Kenya Nigeria Senegal Uganda South Africa Total

34 75 86 15 0 127 0 337

0 17 85 42 14 107 1702 1967

34 92 171 57 14 234 1702 2304

set of rationales, the work by Lee and Sehoole (2015) brought to light very different motivations that call for different approaches, particularly the need to further explore educational mobility within regions, including Africa. A decade ago, organisations observed regional mobility as occurring at a higher rate than global mobility (OECD, 2011) and this has since continued. Students opting to study within their own region rather than travel to more distant destinations are most evident in the European

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Union, supported by the Erasmus Programme, followed by the 15 Southern African states within the South African Development Community (SADC). In fact, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO, 2012) report on SADC students indicates that students from Southern Africa are the most mobile students worldwide and that the better part of that mobility was taking place intra-regionally, with 50%—second only to Western Europe—staying in their own region. A significant proportion of international education occurs across shared borders. Among all OECD countries, about 20% of international students study in countries sharing a direct land or maritime border with their homeland (OECD, 2011). Such border patterns have been generally observed in East Asia, Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America and Southern Africa, but limited research has systematically examined the phenomenon.

International, Continental and Regional Initiatives in Intra-Africa Student Mobility Partnerships with higher education institutions (HEIs) in Africa are growing due to the rapidly increasing demand for higher education. Notably, intra-Africa student mobility has so far benefitted from various positive initiatives and collaborations from within and outside Africa. Some of these initiatives are modelled on Europe’s Bologna Process and they include the development of quality assurance and credit transfer systems in Africa, as well as with international partners (Jowi, 2018). They are also aimed at strengthening Africa’s Higher Education and Research Space (AHERS). Moreover, these initiatives aim at promoting sustainable development and reducing poverty eventually by bolstering the number of trained and highly qualified professionals in Africa. In addition to regional and continental efforts, international agencies are also keen on the development of higher education in Africa and for Africans. The African Centre of Excellence (ACE) is an initiative of the World Bank in conjunction with the governments of participating countries in Africa. The ACE project aims at capacity building in African HEIs to promote regional integration among participating universities in ways that address common regional challenges. It supports higher education in specialised areas in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM); Environment, Agriculture, applied social science/Education and

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Health. In the first phase of the project (ACE I), 22 Centres of Excellence were founded in 2014 across nine West and Central African countries— Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and Togo. The second phase of the project (ACE II) was launched in 2016 in 24 centres across East and Southern African countries—Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. African students benefit from quality research-based education that is in high demand in supported and partner institutions. The project strengthens regional and international academic partnerships and enhances the mobility of African students and academics on the continent. The Pan African University (PAU) is a continental postgraduate and research network initiative of the African Union and is supported by the African Universities Union in the five regions. Africa recognises that economic and social development is almost impossible without a functional investment in higher education and research. Hence, the PAU, which was established in 2011, enhances cooperation among African countries and targets critical needs in the different regions to promote research quality and postgraduate education. Its objectives are to exemplify excellence, enhance the attractiveness and global competitiveness of African higher education and research and establish the African university at the core of Africa’s development. Indeed, many African students have taken advantage of the PAU to acquire an international education. Five institutions in five African countries, namely South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, Algeria and Cameroon, host African postgraduate students undertaking studies in critical thematic areas pivotal to the development of Africa. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), with the support of the World Bank and the African Union, has established the West Africa Agricultural Productivity Programme (WAAPP). The programme was born out of the need for African countries to prioritise agriculture and rural development in their sustainable development agenda. The specific objective of the WAAPP is to use agricultural productivity as a transformative tool for reducing poverty and building a sustainable food system across 13 West African states. The programme also aims to achieve at least 6% agricultural growth and food production in West Africa. So far, the WAAPP has established nine research centres of specialisation around key commodities and has trained about 1000 agricultural research scientists through the mobility of students across member countries. It is worth noting that international students enrolled in the WAAPP programme make up a considerable number of the total international students at the

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University of Ibadan in Nigeria. In addition, in 2015 the ECOWAS launched an academic student mobility scheme in collaboration with the Association of African Universities (AAU). Similar to other regional initiatives, the goal of the scheme is to facilitate regional integration and academic mobility while also encouraging networking among regional institutions. Some other initiatives include the African Malagasy Council for Higher Education, involving 19 Francophone countries and the Inter University Council of Eastern Africa, which serves five countries in the region, namely Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda (Trust Africa, 2015). There is also the African Quality Rating Mechanism (AQRM), established in 2007, to help revitalise, harmonise and improve quality assurance, and generally make African higher education more globally competitive. Though their scopes might differ, the various initiatives that promote intra-African student mobility are all driven by similar rationales: one, to strengthen higher education and research in Africa; two, to attract and retain the best talents on the continent; three, to encourage student and academic staff mobility among African universities for improved teaching and collaborative research; and four, to engage in research specifically targeted at the scientific, social and economic development of Africa.

Rationales Driving Mobility Reasons for choosing to study abroad and students’ ultimate choices of where to study have been well described in the literature. Migration, including educational migration, has been largely understood as a matter of resources. The traditional push-pull model suggests students are “pushed” out of their home country due to inadequate or inferior educational resources and are “pulled” to a foreign country in order to obtain a better education (Altbach, 2004). Such drivers have been commonly used to explain international mobility from the Global South to the Global North or peripheries to the centre. The reasons for regional mobility, however, are not always the same. Convenience of travel, lower cost and familiar culture may serve as attractants that influence students to study nearby while still obtaining an international education (Lee & Sehoole, 2015; OECD, 2011), but differences within a given region are unclear. These rationales are further explored in the case countries that constitute the chapters of this book.

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Specifically, this book is contextualised in an emerging and significant body of research that explores and differentiates educational migration from the perspective of non-Western and economically developing countries (Cantwell et al., 2009; Kondakci, 2011; Sehoole, 2011). A study by Cantwell et  al. (2009) was among the first to distinguish how students from various developing countries had different orientations towards studying abroad. For example, they found that international students from North America and Europe frequently sought short-term international study in Mexico for reasons related to learning about its culture; in contrast, Latin Americans were more oriented towards the intention of obtaining a degree in the country. Similarly, the students surveyed and interviewed for this study were mainly degree-seeking students who came from within the African continent. Kondakci (2011) correspondingly found that students from developing countries chose to study in Turkey, rather than in Western countries, for financial and academic quality reasons. Indeed, educational quality reasons in this book seem to rank high in the choice of African students of another African country as a study destination. Similar findings held true in a case study of international students in South Korea, and a study by Jon et al. (2014) identified Korea as a major regional destination in East Asia, especially for Chinese students. Students from Asia tended to seek to study in Korea, and in a particular host institution there, for economic and utilitarian reasons, whereas students from North America and Europe had different motivations. In sum, these studies suggest that some non-Western and developing countries serve as regional hubs, attracting students from neighbouring countries seeking a better quality of education than they could find in their home countries. The study on which this book is based sought to examine the phenomenon of intra-Africa student mobility and the rationales that inform this phenomenon, with a particular focus on seven African countries, namely South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and Egypt. The study of six other African countries was based on the initial study of this phenomenon in South Africa which examined the reasons international students chose to study in South Africa and at their respective institutions and what their academic and social experiences were. Another objective of this book is to contribute to the critical exploration of international student experiences. Students’ motivations for international study in certain countries can vary widely, depending on their country of origin, and the same is true for their experiences upon arrival. Research that takes a critical perspective on these issues is especially limited.

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South African Study Findings South Africa is the dominant international study host in the continent. As the largest and strongest higher education system in sub-Saharan Africa, the country’s 26 public universities attracted increasing numbers of international students, rising from 12,600 in 1994 (OECD, 2011) to 69,381 in 2016, comprising 7% of enrolment in public HEIs (DHET, 2016). The flow of international students has been maintained mostly by sheer demand, particularly from within Africa, which constitutes the main source of South Africa’s international students (OECD, 2019). Educational migration to South Africa has grown steadily, helping to curb the country’s brain drain (OECD, 2019). Among students from Western nations, studying abroad in countries to experience diverse cultures outside the West has become increasingly popular. Globally, South Africa ranked 11th as an international study destination (UNESCO, 2014). Likely reasons for its popularity include its relatively low cost of living and university fees compared to many developed countries, English instruction and the excellent reputation of many of its institutions in the sub-Saharan region. Based on a survey of international students in the US, African students were significantly more likely to indicate the importance of cost in deciding which programmes to attend and the top two challenges for the majority of African students were costs associated with tuition and living fees (Schulmann, 2017). Yet the demand to study abroad in South Africa is greatest in its neighbouring countries. Since the SADC’s 1997 initiative to promote regional cooperation in the educational sector, educational mobility within the region has notably increased. Among other policies, the SADC reserved 5% of university slots for students from SADC member countries and set lower tuition fees for SADC students than for non-SADC foreign students (Marko, 2009). According to UNESCO (2012), higher education students from Southern Africa are the most mobile students worldwide, with 6 out of every 100 studying outside their home country. Among these students, half study within the SADC. The leading destination for these students is South Africa (50%), followed by the UK (10%) and the US (8%). In sum, the popularity of South Africa as a destination of choice for sub-Saharan African students made the country a regional hub (Marko, 2009; Sehoole, 2011), and its role in educating both Africans and non-­ Africans opens up new avenues in studying educational migration within Africa. South Africa plays critical roles in the continent’s human resource

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development and in helping to retain skilled graduates in Africa (MacGregor, 2007). While the country helps retain Africa’s students in the continent (48%), some other intra-continental mobility hosts include Ghana (14%), Morocco (10%) and Tunisia (7%) (Campus France, 2016). With the landscape of higher education changing towards technologically supported tuition and online offerings as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, South Africa will continue to play a dominant role in facilitating access to education for international scholars from the region and beyond. With its well-developed technological infrastructure, many of the stronger universities were able to continue teaching and learning during various lockdown levels of the pandemic with minimal interruptions to their academic activities. Based on the success of the South African case study, involving a survey of 7 public universities, a decision was made to study 6 other African countries involving 12 universities (one public, one private) to more broadly understand the varying rationales for international students choosing to study in those countries and their respective institutions, and what their academic and social experiences were. The choice of these countries is informed by the existence of strong public and reputable private HEIs and the prevalence of a good number of international students in those countries and institutions. Over the past two decades there has been an increase in private higher education in Africa, which has grown in response to local demands. As many students failed to gain access to public higher education, they resorted to private institutions or crossing the borders of their countries in search of higher education opportunities. In some of these countries, such as Kenya and Egypt, private HEIs have emerged, which are also attracting international students. It is for this reason that the study upon which this book is based adopted a case study approach of one public institution and one private institution in each of these six African countries in order to understand the rationales and experiences of international students in these countries and institutions.

Methodology The research upon which this book is based sought to answer the following questions: Why did international students choose their respective African countries, and more specifically, the institution they are currently attending? What are international students’ academic and social experiences and future plans?

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Researchers were identified through the African Network for Internationalisation of Education (ANIE), which brings together a network of African scholars and students interested in the phenomenon of internationalisation in higher education in Africa. The first meeting of the researchers took place at the annual meeting of ANIE in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in 2015, where the project and the methodology were introduced to the researchers. This was followed by three other meetings—in Ghana in 2016, Pretoria in 2018 and Nairobi in 2019. This study utilised both quantitative and qualitative methods to uncover the motivations and experiences of international students in Africa. The survey was developed from previous research on the mobility of international students across the globe, including South Africa (Cantwell et al., 2009; Jon et al., 2014; Lee, 2008, 2010; Lee & Sehoole, 2015). Survey questions included demographic background characteristics (i.e. country of origin, field of study and degree programme); reasons for choosing an African country and the enrolled institution; educational and career aspirations; perceptions of and experiences in the country and institution; and aspirations to stay in the country, return home or work elsewhere following graduation. Although an online survey was used to collect statistical information related to this project, the success of the use of this instrument was uneven across the case studies owing to challenges such as the availability of technology and the lack of Wi-Fi and available internet to administer the instrument in some countries and institutions. Such challenges help to explain why there tends to be limited empirical research from the continent. In moving forward, some cases such as Nigeria and Kenya required some improvisation by having students complete the survey on paper and later compute the data electronically. Such challenges would have an impact on the rate and speed at which these countries and institutions would have been able to adapt to the Covid-19 and post-Covid-19 need for an online teaching and learning delivery mode. In the case of Egypt, political instability made logistics, such as obtaining institutional permissions and cooperation, difficult. Interviews were conducted with participants by inviting students who completed the survey to indicate their willingness to participate further. Although the initial plan was to survey a minimum of 100 students from each institution in order to enable statistically meaningful comparisons, this was not possible because of the reasons cited above.

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In terms of coverage, this is one of the most diverse studies involving countries from different regions of the African continent: one Southern Africa country (South Africa), two East African countries (Uganda and Kenya), three West African countries (Nigeria, Ghana and Senegal, the last-mentioned being French speaking) and one North African country (Egypt, which is Arabic speaking). Despite the fact that it was aimed at covering one private and one public university in each country, this goal was not achieved for various reasons. In Egypt one private university, the American University in Cairo (AUC), was surveyed, but the researcher could not gain access to a public university. In Senegal only a public university, involving 14 students, was surveyed, and in South Africa seven public universities involving 1702 students were surveyed and no private university. In total, 2304 students across 17 universities, of which 7 were from South Africa, were surveyed. Of these students, 82.4% were from within the continent, 6.7% from North America and 6.4% from Europe. For the purposes of this book, we focus on the intra-Africa mobility phenomenon. Among the African students, 55% were enrolled in undergraduate programmes, 37% in graduate programmes and the remainder in short-term or other programmes. Slightly more than half were male (55%) and most indicated English as their primary language (62%). The average number of semesters at the host university was four. Given the limited sample sizes per country and per institution, the intention of the survey results is not to generalise but to observe some of the leading motivators for and experiences in studying in the continent, as well as identify any distinguishing patterns by host countries. We contextualised the study with detailed institutional and student sample information from each institution. ANOVA were conducted to assess significant differences by country of origin. Interviews were used to explore similar questions in more detail as a way to more fully address the research objectives.

Survey Results The analysis of the survey shows that based on the three highest country respondents (South Africa, Uganda and Kenya), there is evidence of regional mobility, whereby in each of the three countries, the majority of students came from a country which shares a border with a host country. For example, in South Africa, Zimbabwe was one of the major sending countries; in Uganda, Kenya and Sudan; and in Kenya, Uganda and

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Malawi/Rwanda. Nigeria and Kenya seem to have the most mobile students as they appear in all the three major host countries in this survey. The majority of these African international students finance their studies from personal or family sources (67%), followed by the home country government (12.5%), and their decision to study in the host countries is mainly driven by the search for quality education compared to what is available at home. This indicates that African families are prepared to spend money on quality education where it can be found. The findings also demonstrate that despite funds to support intra-African mobility, such as the Mwalimu Nyerere African Union Scholarship Scheme, which provides scholarships for graduate students to study in another African country, such financial assistance, while very much needed and helpful, is limited to a very small number of applicants. As shown in Table 1.3, improving employment prospects was the leading reason for African student mobility across all case countries. This finding alone makes clear that African higher education builds Africa’s human capital capacity, which is also demonstrated by the second leading reason, opportunity for academic research in the host country, particularly in Uganda, Nigeria and South Africa. The third most important reason was its location—the host country is located close to my home country, which demonstrates the importance of the regional mobility factor. Additional reasons for choosing a host country include political stability and safety,

Table 1.3  Top reasons for choosing the African host country and leading country respondents Reasons I expect better future jobs w/(host country)’s education Opportunity for academic research in (host country) (Host country) is located close to my home country To experience (host country)’s culture I have family or friends in (host country) Host country has an easier visa process

Mean (scale: Leading countries 1–4) 2.43 2.37 2.06

Uganda (2.6); Nigeria (2.5); South Africa (2.4) Tanzania (2.82); Kenya (2.7)

2.05 1.92

Egypt (2.5); Ghana (2.3)

1.86

Tanzania (3.0); Kenya (2.9)

Note: If no country was indicated, there was no significant difference

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Table 1.4  Top information sources in choosing the African host country and leading country respondents Information sources

Mean (scale: Leading countries 1–4)

Internet/brochures/advertisements Students who studied at (host university)

2.64 2.36

Friends or family who have studied in (host country) Counsellor/teacher/professor in home country Professors/lecturers at (host university) Contract with a university in my home country (exchange agreement) Private recruiter (I paid) University recruiters (e.g. recruiting events and exhibit)

2.35 1.61 1.57 1.42 1.30 1.27

Uganda (2.8); Senegal (2.7)

Uganda (2.8) Kenya (2.3)

Note: If no country was indicated, there was no significant difference

lower cost of living in the host country and the desire to improve English language ability. When asked about their sources of information when choosing the host country, the internet, friends and family, and alumni were the most common responses, over recruiters and exchange agreements (see Table 1.3). This finding suggests that apart from electronic sources, word of mouth plays a major role as a source of information for international students in Africa. The search for a quality education as one of the main rationales for the choice of a university corresponds to similar reasons for choosing the host country, as shown in Table 1.5. This value was a major draw, especially for students in South Africa and Uganda, whereas specialised programmes attracted students to Senegal and Tanzania. Students were also asked to rate their satisfaction with their host university across a range of university resources and supports. As indicated in Table 1.6, international students were most satisfied with university academic resources (library resources) and their professors and lecturers, which again indicates the importance and delivery of quality education. Table 1.7 further shows that international students expressed great improvement in their knowledge of a particular field or discipline, as well as in general knowledge compared to when they first arrived, and that

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Table 1.5  Top reasons for choosing the African host university and leading country respondents Reasons

Mean (scale: Leading countries 1–4)

Better quality of higher education compared to my home country I was interested in a specific educational programme at this university Geographical location in (host country) Classes in (English/French) language This was the best university I could get admitted to Opportunity for research with a professor at this university I was offered financial assistance

2.63

I just wanted to study in host country (the university didn’t matter) My professor/teacher/counsellor advised me to study at this university

1.67

2.57 2.3 2.29 2.28

South Africa (2.7); Uganda (2.7) Senegal (3.4); Tanzania (3.2)

Uganda (2.7)

1.8 1.72

1.56

Tanzania (2.7); Kenya (2.6)

Senegal (2.3)

(Note: If no country was indicated, there was no significant difference)

their understanding of people from different cultures had improved. This bodes well for the future of these students as the jobs of the future require intercultural skills and cultural intelligence. The students also expressed satisfaction with their research skills and academic writing skills. They felt generally prepared for jobs and able to work cooperatively, and their public speaking ability had improved. Their satisfaction with their experiences in the host country is further supported by the fact that over 90% said they would recommend their university to family and friends in their home countries. Most importantly, contrary to perceived views that international students in developing countries study abroad with no plans for returning home, the survey results showed that over 40% of the students planned to find their next jobs in their home country and the same percentage intended to stay in their home country long term (Table 1.8). Despite some of the positive experiences of international students that were highlighted above, they also faced their own challenges related to

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Table 1.6  Areas of university resources and support Mean (scale: 1–4) Academic resources (library, services etc.) Quality of professors and lecturers Course availability Overall university experience Social atmosphere (friends, activities) Technology and computer labs Campus safety Helpfulness of administrators and staff Job preparedness for work after studying at this university Extracurricular opportunities and activities International student orientation in the beginning of your term Local community safety Educational costs Transferring courses from other universities for this university’s academic credit International student support services Professor’s/lecturer’s knowledge of my home country Availability of internships and work opportunities Students’ knowledge of my home country Bursaries/scholarships/grants/other financial aid

3.38 3.32 3.24 3.22 3.18 3.17 3.15 2.92 2.89 2.85 2.77 2.71 2.71 2.65 2.63 2.55 2.51 2.31 2.23

finances and adjustment, most commonly having to do with accommodation, which seemed to be difficult to find and was generally found to be expensive. They also reported challenges with the availability of financial assistance, the affordability of education and living costs such as rent, food and transportation. These students also faced challenges with their initial adjustment to academic life upon arrival and also making friends with host country peers. While the survey findings provide a snapshot of patterns across multiple countries, they do not provide an understanding of the diversity and complexity of mobility factors within such a diverse continent. To suggest a singular, one-dimensional framework for all of Africa would negate its rich histories and cultures, not to mention its highly varying political and social structures. Thus, we propose a multidimensional framework to better depict student mobility within the continent. That is, African student mobility can be likened to a prism, with a combination of both common

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Table 1.7 Student outcomes from the host institution

Outcome Knowledge of a particular field or discipline Ability to understand people from different cultures General knowledge Research skills Knowledge of host country Academic writing skills Ability to solve problems Preparation for a job Computer skills Ability to work cooperatively Public speaking ability English language ability Mathematical skills Knowledge of my own culture

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Mean (scale: 1–5) 4.27 4.15 4.13 4.08 4.06 4.05 4.02 3.88 3.85 3.84 3.70 3.69 3.50 3.44

and unique features. Among the elements, as the following chapters will describe, are political and physical safety, cultural familiarity, welcomeness, physical proximity and colonial ties. None of these drivers mirrors the commonly cited “push-pull” model that is largely tied to individual agency and rational decision-making regarding personal trade-offs. Rather, as depicted in the country cases, students have crossed borders to study for reasons that are highly dependent on social, economic and political conditions rather than personal preferences. With this contextual framework in mind, the following chapters provide more in-depth case studies based on document analyses and interviews. The first two chapters of the book focus on two countries (Nigeria and Kenya) whose internationalisation strategies are influenced or affected by terrorism.

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Table 1.8 Students’ future plans on completion of studies

Next job in host country Next job in another country Next job at home country Dream job in host country Dream job in another country Dream job in home country

33% 19% 41% 20% 28% 42%

Nigeria In her case study of Nigeria, Agbaje maps out how Nigeria is one of the countries contending with myriad security issues which are further exacerbated by terrorist attacks. One of such terrorist groups is the Islamic State West Africa (ISWA) which is affiliated to Islamic State (ISIS) and Boko Haram. Their main purpose is the establishment of Sharia (an Islamic law) while destabilising the influence of Western education in Nigeria and West Africa (Oraegbunam, 2016). The emergence of Boko Haram has caused major fears and great concern for safety among students who are intending to study in Nigeria in recent years (Agbiboa, 2013; Akpan et al., 2014; Akpomera & Omoyibo, 2013; Apuke, 2016). Data for this chapter were based on interviews conducted at the University of Ibadan (a leading research-intensive university in Nigeria) and at Covenant University (a leading private Christian university in Nigeria). The interview data revealed that 100% of the international students at both the public and private universities believe that Boko Haram discourages potential international students from studying in Nigeria. The findings reveal that terrorism is a major deterrent to international students and a push factor for internationalisation in Nigeria (Dennis, 2016; ICEF Monitor, 2012). Unlike a few decades ago when international students used to find Nigeria a viable study destination, recent times have seen a huge decline in numbers. Nevertheless, this chapter further shows that despite terrorism being a deterrent, international students still come to Nigeria due to factors such as parental influence/religion, scholarship opportunities and for cultural reasons.

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Kenya The Kenyan case study by Nyerere focuses on a particular form of internationalisation that finds expression through refugee education. Kenya is in a unique position in the East African region as it shares borders with two countries that have been affected by conflict, namely Somalia and South Sudan. Students who come from these countries therefore seek not only an international experience but also lack similar opportunities in their home countries. Some of these students see Kenya as a second home which can provide them with the much-needed skills to rebuild their countries at the end of the conflict. The phenomenon of internationalisation thus takes place not out of choice on the part of students who left their countries voluntarily, but because students have been forced (pushed) out of their countries because of conflict. Kenya’s position as a host to refugees, many of them of schoolgoing age, is understood to be one of the reasons that Kenyatta University has established a dedicated campus at one of the two refugee camps, Dadaab, to “serve as an incentive for refugee children to complete school and proceed to obtain higher qualifications” (UNHCR, 2012). Kenyata University also educates these refugee students to help rebuild their country once peace returns. The United States International University-Africa (USIU-A), an international university affiliated to the United States of America, which is the second case study of this chapter, has a large percentage of its students coming from countries other than Kenya. In 2016, the number of international students at USIU-A was 979 (15.3%) out of a total university enrolment of 6398 students (USIU-A, 2016). These students represented 73 nationalities (USIU, 2016). Because of Kenya’s position in relation to neighbouring Somalia, there is a constant threat of terrorist attacks from the al-Shabaab terrorist group which operates in that country. While one would expect this threat to have an impact on the supply of international students to Kenya, this is not the case, as terrorism did not appear to be a major factor in the interviews with students. Generally, the students who participated in this study said they viewed the security challenge presented by terrorism to be a global challenge that might be experienced anywhere, including their home countries, and thus did not consider it critical. Chapters 3 and 4 (Ghana and Uganda) show the benefit of having enabling policies and a peaceful environment as pull factors for international study.

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Ghana Badoo’s case study of Ghana shows that political stability is the students’ major pull factor for choosing to study in Ghana. Meanwhile, Ghana and the universities concerned have made great efforts to promote internationalisation through the relatively peaceful environment they provide for international students (Frempong, 2015) and the various policy frameworks and initiatives they have instituted. Based on the University of Ghana (a research-intensive university) and Central University (a private comprehensive university), this chapter shows that international students in Ghana are mostly from neighbouring countries such as Nigeria, Côte D’Ivoire, Togo, Benin, Liberia, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo and Sierra Leone, demonstrating the phenomenon of regionalisation. It further shows that many of these students were pulled to this country because of the political stability and peaceful environment the country provides, an environment that has been enabled by the policy frameworks and initiatives they have instituted. Students’ rationales for their choice of Ghana included conducive learning environments, the quality and friendliness of faculty and staff, the availability of good teaching and learning facilities, the friendliness of Ghanaian students and good course structures, among others. Most of the students, especially those from Nigeria, who constituted the majority of foreign students from both universities, indicated that they had been exposed to various cultures and that international education had broadened their horizon intellectually and socially. The findings recommend that Ghana take advantage of the current political and economic stability to attract foreign students to her HEIs by involving all sectors to make this happen.

Uganda Chapter 5 by Kiiza shows how the key element in managing national and international students affairs in Uganda’s HEIs since the colonial period has been government policies and legal frameworks. The case studies are based on the Makerere University (MAK), a public institution, and Kampala International University (KIU), a private institution, which have admitted international students since 1922 and 2001, respectively. With the increasing number of international students enrolling in the Ugandan education system, MAK has been a major attraction for both national and international students seeking to attain quality learning. The academic

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reputation of MAK is to some extent attributable to diverse but supportive national policies (Appelt et al., 2015, p. 4) and the existing legal and regulatory frameworks that facilitate its engagement with external stakeholders. The findings in the chapter indicate that specific policies, legal frameworks and citizens’ hospitality directly and indirectly attract international student inflows into the Ugandan higher education system. In respect to citizens’ hospitality, the study found that international students are drawn to Uganda due to the country’s reputation for friendliness and a safe living environment. International students also reported generally positive academic experiences in their engagement with Uganda’s education system. Chapters 6 and 7 focus on two countries (Egypt and South Africa), which can be regarded as regional hubs for international students in their respective countries.

Egypt In this chapter, Sayed shows how Egypt has one of the largest shares of international students on the continent. A study conducted in 2010 (Hamid, 2010) indicated that Egypt received more inbound international students than it sent abroad and the number of international students has been increasing in the past few years, from 40,000 in 2011 to 70,000 in 2017. This shows an exponential growth in international students, which Sayed attributes to the current unsettling political environment the region since the outbreak of the “Arab Spring” in 2011. The study is based on three universities: Cairo University (CU) and Ain Shams University (ASU), both representing the private university sector, while the third university chosen was the American University in Cairo (AUC) to represent the private sector. The data analysis shows that international students find Egypt an attractive destination because it is safe. In other words, for international students from the Global North it is the safest country in the region, while for regional students, Egypt is a safe haven for them—meaning not only is it safe but also safer than their own war-torn homelands. In addition, similar to other previous studies (Cantwell et  al., 2009; Jon et al., 2014; Kondakci, 2011; Lee & Sehoole, 2015), this study shows that international student orientations vary according to region of origin and degree sought; for example, similar to a study by Chen (2007), international students from the Global North seeking postgraduate degrees tend to choose institution before country, while those aiming at undergraduate

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certificates chose Egypt before institution due to its distinction as a tourist destination. On the other hand, regional students, particularly those from war-torn nations, had fewer opportunities to study in other countries of the world. Although the majority of the international students interviewed for this study were highly satisfied with their academic, social and cultural experiences in Egypt, they also pointed out some challenges when interacting with the greater Egyptian society outside their respective universities.

South Africa Chapter 7 shows that like Egypt, South Africa is a regional hub in Southern Africa and the number of international students increased from 12,557 international students in 1994 (MacGregor, 2014) at the dawn of democracy to 69,381  in 2015 (DHET, 2016). Using secondary data analysis based on an earlier study conducted in 2013/2014, which involved seven universities (Lee & Sehoole, 2015), this study focused on the academic experiences of international students in South Africa. Based on the theoretical lens of integration, Ratshilaya shows that the integration of international students in foreign institutions is characterised by academic challenges. These students are accordingly forced to devise strategies to cope with new teaching and learning styles, the knowledge gap, high academic demands and language barriers. It is of considerable importance that a more inclusive curriculum for the academic integration of international students in South African universities be employed because their overemphasis on the host country curriculum content by lecturers limits international students’ participation in the classroom. The role of lecturers and senior international students as academic integration agents confirms that integration is not the responsibility of international students alone. Importantly, academics and local students should understand that the successful integration of international students benefits them equally.

Senegal Chapter 8 by Dime is a case study of Senegal, a French-speaking country. This chapter is based on a series of interviews carried out with international students at the African Institute of Management (IAM), a private university located in Dakar, and Gaston Berger University, a public university in Saint-Louis, in the northern part of Senegal. The case study offers

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insights into why Senegal is the destination of choice for international students especially in francophone Africa. Reasons include its colonial history and its reputation as the capital of francophone Africa. It is also the place where some of the leaders who ascended to the presidency of certain West African countries were educated. The major finding of the chapter is that Senegal can be considered a first-choice destination for various social, financial, linguistic, symbolic and cultural reasons. Relatively easy social integration into Senegalese society and the sociopolitical stability of the country further contribute to making Senegal a host destination, especially for students from the West African subregion. The challenges experienced in Senegal’s public higher education system have paved the way for the emergence of the private sector. Subsequently, partnerships between Senegalese HEIs and certain overseas institutions have made higher education in the country attractive for students in the West African region. This chapter also highlights the challenges faced by foreign students in terms of adaptation and how these issues were dealt with.

Conclusion The emergent themes in this book are that factors such as terrorism, political stability, peaceful environment, the friendliness of the citizens towards international students, the colonial history and proximity to home are some of the factors that lead to the emergence of African regionalisation or intra-Africa mobility. Conflict or wars in the home country further drive students to nearby countries. As Agbaje shows in her chapter, globally, the negative impact of terrorism on education cuts across every country that has experienced it in one form or another. Although it may be argued that the level of this impact also depends on how well a country is able to manage terrorist attacks, that notwithstanding, zero impact is almost unattainable. Political instability and conflict are not limited to Africa. This is exemplified by an immediate, albeit temporary, downturn in international student enrolment in HEIs across the US following the terrorist attack of September 2001. At the time, the US was viewed as a country prone to terrorist attacks and was left with no choice but to temporarily close its borders, affecting the inflow of international students. As revealed in this book, African students have managed to adapt to the dangers posed by terrorism and have found safe havens for themselves while continuing to

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pursue higher education studies within the continent. In the midst of the dangers posed by conflicts, wars and terrorism, countries that are found to have political stability, enabling policies and optimal conditions for acquiring higher education are preferred destinations for African students seeking higher education opportunities. In this way, African students have showed elements of agility, adaptability and resilience in their quest to acquire higher education. With the world now facing a new global threat in the form of Covid-19, which closed every sector of society including higher education, and with developed nations of the North being most affected during the writing of this book, there might be less appetite for international students (including African students) to travel to the Global North for an international education. According to Dennis (2020b), “international students and their families will be reluctant to go or send their children abroad given the uncertainty of the future of the second wave or next outbreak of the virus in the fall 2020.” Research shows that global patterns of international student mobility are continually changing, especially now with China as the second most popular destination country for African international students. The old certainties of Western countries dominating the world are being challenged by emerging countries in Asia and Southeast Asia, in what has been referred to as “the rise of the rest” (Dennis, 2020b). The number of African students enrolled in higher education programmes in China reached an all-time high with 81,562 students in 2018, compared to less than 2000 in 2003. These students represented 16% of all international students in China (Study International Staff, 2020). This increase can be attributed to the China–Africa bilateral agreements, including China offering generous scholarships to African students to study in China. In this regard, the pattern of outward-bound student mobility from Africa seems to be changing from the West/North to the East. At the same time, with China being the epicentre of Covid-19 and reports of xenophobia and neo-racism against people of African descent, there might be a slower movement of African students in that direction. In this regard, intra-Africa mobility may be the future for Africans. This book also shows that there are elements of quality resources and programmes, safety, peace and political stability, which international students normally look for and find in African countries and their universities. With safety and security no longer guaranteed outside the borders of this continent, combined with the discrimination and neo-nationalism that

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African students experience (Lee, 2017), intra-Africa student mobility, combined with cross-border programme mobility, may be the future of international higher education for African students. International student mobility and enrolment, by extension, will be affected by these new economic and political realities. As Dennis (2020b) says, “the stage is set for a new level of competition among international study abroad destinations”. With evidence of an already sizeable intra-Africa mobility phenomenon, as demonstrated in this book, Africa can emerge as a leader in international student mobility from within the continent and other developing nations. This will require African governments and HEIs to invest in quality infrastructure and human resources in order to be able to take advantage of the opportunities presented by Covid-19, as students will be looking for new, safer destinations for international education and online learning. This is especially because of the relatively immediate and effective response of African nations to the management of Covid-19, which had, at the time of writing of this book, resulted in far fewer infections and deaths than in other parts of the world. In this regard, this book can serve as a point of reference for the challenges and the opportunities that are available for international higher education in Africa, during and post Covid-19.

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UNDP. (2017). Promise or peril? Africa’s 830 million young people by 2050. United Nations Development Programme. https://www.africa.undp.org/content/ rba/en/home/blog/2017/8/12/Promise-­Or-­Peril-­Africa-­s-­830-­Million-­ Young-­People-­By-­2050.html UNESCO. (2012). New patterns in student mobility in the Southern Africa Development Community. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. https://unesdoc. unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000217095 UNESCO. (2014). UNESCO Institute for Statistics. http://uis.unesco.org/en/ topic/higher-­education UNESCO. (2020a). Education in Africa. http://uis.unesco.org/en/topic/ education-­africa. UNESCO. (2020b). Global flow of tertiary-level students. http://uis.unesco.org/ en/uis-­student-­flow United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2012, October 10). Top Kenyan university opens campus next to world’s largest refugee camp. https://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2012/10/507570199/top-­kenyan-­ university-­opens-­campus-­next-­worlds-­largest-­refugee-­camp.html United States International University—Africa (USIU-A). (2016). Spring 2016 fact sheet. http://www.usiu.ac.ke/images/downloads/factsheet World Economic Forum (WEF). (2020). The children’s continent: Keeping up with Africa’s growth. World Economic Forum. https://www.weforum.org/ agenda/2020/01/the-­children-­s-­continent/

CHAPTER 2

The Pull Factors That Attract International Students to Nigeria Despite Fears Olaide Agbaje

Introduction Ongoing terrorist attacks around the world threaten international peace and security which in turn shapes student mobility. Hence, safety has become an important factor in the determination of study destinations. A study conducted by the British Council in conjunction with an online student forum found that of the 19 important factors affecting the choice of study destination of intending international students, safety ranked number five (ICEF Monitor, 2012). Nigeria is one of the countries contending with myriad security issues which are further exacerbated by terrorist attacks. The incidence of terrorism in Nigeria dates back decades to 1966 (Imhonopi & Urim, 2016). However, the Maitatsine movement of the 1980s was the first major fundamentalist Islamic group to have been reported in Nigeria (Apuke, 2016). This group, whose major ideology

O. Agbaje (*) University of Pretoria, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_2

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appealed to the poverty-stricken youth in Northern Nigeria, upheld Islamic doctrines that contradicted orthodox Islam doctrines and national leadership (Apomera & Omoyibo, 2013). Late, in the 1990s, a militant group emerged in the Niger Delta which drew the attention of the government by blowing up and vandalising oil hubs in the oil-producing region of Nigeria. This group, comprising mainly of youths, agitated for more development in the region as well as compensation for the inhabitants whose source of livelihood and ecosystem had been degraded through oil-extraction activities. Just as the Niger Delta militant group was granted amnesty through a government intervention programme (Okoro, 2014) and there was hope for sustainable peace in Nigeria, a more ferocious terrorist group named ‘Boko Haram’ emerged in the north-eastern part of the country. The word boko is translated to mean Western education, while haram is translated to mean forbidden. Boko Haram therefore means Western education is forbidden. One of the core tenets of this radical Islamic sect is a strong opposition to any Western ideology that threatens the erosion of traditional values, customs and beliefs, especially among Muslim communities in the Northern part of Nigeria (Agbiboa, 2013). Terrorism by the Boko Haram insurgent group is perpetrated mainly in the form of suicide bombings and has attracted scholarly attention in recent years. This chapter focuses on the Boko Haram insurgent group whose activities have attracted international attention and have also proven to be deadlier than any other known terrorist group in Nigeria or any other part of the African continent. Apart from disrupting national development by discouraging investors in the Northern region of Nigeria, it has caused a major decline in the number of international students studying in the country out of fears about personal safety. Although there are numerous studies reporting on the origin of Boko Haram and its attacks over the years (Agbiboa, 2013; Akpan et al., 2014; Akpomera & Omoyibo, 2013; Apuke, 2016), studies on the impact of the extremist group on education, particularly international student mobility, are scarce. This chapter adopts the push and pull theory of migration to understand how terrorism plays a significant role in the number of international students in Nigeria. This chapter examines the emergence and the activities of Boko Haram over the years, and how it might influence student mobility to Nigeria. It establishes that terrorism is a global phenomenon and touches briefly on terrorism in Africa. Moreover, this chapter features the responses of

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international students in Nigeria in relation to the impact of terrorism on the country’s internationalisation effort.

Global Impact of Terrorism on International Student Mobility The act of terrorism is a weapon of political ideology and dates back about five decades (Kassimeris, 2015). Terrorist factions like the German Red Army and the Italian Red Brigades explicitly communicated their demands as well as specific and comprehensible targets (Kassimeris, 2015). These factions were also selective in their violent attacks, their radicality notwithstanding. However, twenty-first-century terrorism is a clear deviation from the old-time kind of terrorism. Whereas in the past terrorists acted as tools to promote a political ideology, the trend has now been replaced by religious extremism combined with modern weaponry expressed mainly in the form of suicide bombings and a series of indiscriminate violent attacks. Of note is the attack of 11 September 2001 in the United States of America (USA), which highlighted terrorism as an entirely new kind of warfare, while the multiple bombings of 7 July 2005 in London largely confirmed this as a new development trend (Nwolise, 2005). Ever since, the world has witnessed several violent attacks with the more prominent ones in New  York, Paris, London, Kenya, Istanbul, Afghanistan, Yemen and Nigeria, to mention but a few. Globally, the negative impact of terrorism on education cuts across every country that has experienced it in one form or another. Although it can be argued that the level of this impact also depends on how well a country is able to manage terrorist attacks, that notwithstanding, zero impact is almost unattainable. This is exemplified by an immediate, albeit temporary, downturn in international student enrolment in higher education institutions across the USA following the terrorist attack of September 2001. The USA was viewed as a country prone to terrorist attacks and was left with no choice but to close its borders. Even though there had been calls to be stricter with the monitoring of 583,000 international students in the USA before the 9/11 attack, the attack presented new challenges that brought about a speedy response from the government to ensure a more careful vetting and rigorous scrutiny of all intending international students. This, in turn, led to a drop in the number of incoming international students in the USA (Bhandari, 2015; Johnson, 2016; Tella, 2010).

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The USA continues to lose its market share of international students at least partly owing to recent mass shootings. For instance, Dennis (2016) reports that recent mass shooting in the USA is one of the factors that pose a safety concern for international students and their parents. Similarly, bombings in some major countries of the world such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Paris, Turkey, Germany, Spain and other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries have led to the introduction of stricter immigration rules, with no exemption to internationally mobile students. There have been cases of attacks involving international students studying in different parts of the world. In 2009, there was a reported incident of an attack on 152 Indian students in Australia (ICEF Monitor, 2012). This attack led to a decline in the higher education enrolment of Indian students in Australia in the subsequent three years—from 27,500 in 2009 to fewer than 12,000  in 2012. Generally, the overall number of Indian students across Australian universities and colleges dropped from 121,000 in 2009 to 48,000 by August 2012 (ICEF Monitor, 2012).

Terrorism in Africa Sub-Saharan Africa has witnessed a series of attacks launched by Islamist militant groups. According to Control Risks (2018), a publication produced by a specialist global risk consultancy that helps organisations manage risks, the number of these attacks is on the increase: from 317 in 2013 to 1549 between April 2017 and April 2018. The West African region suffered 36 per cent of these attacks, with Nigeria suffering the largest share with 220, Mali with 194 and Cameroun with 96. Africa is said to be competing with Asia as home to the top ten terrorist organisations in the world. A report shows that the majority of the most dangerous groups that launched attacks between 2009 and 2012 are located in Africa (START Centre, 2013). This report is corroborated by Ramdeen (2017), who suggests that terrorism and violent extremism in Africa is on the increase. Also, Islamic State West Africa (ISWA) is an Islamic terrorist group affiliated to ISIS which works with Boko Haram to launch attacks and kidnap foreigners in the region. The group is operational in Nigeria, Cameroun, Chad and Niger. Its main aim is to establish Sharia (an Islamic law) in Nigeria and West Africa, destabilise the Nigerian government and free the country from Western influence (Oraegbunam, 2016). Since the 1980s, terrorist activities have been recorded in countries such as Liberia,

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Sudan, Somalia, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Monga & Lin, 2015), while other countries in Central Africa are also beset by terrorist activities and instability (Olowolagba, 2018). Terrorism in Africa is often motivated by religion, politics, economic conditions and colonialism. African higher institutions are also not exempt from terrorist attacks. One of Kenya’s most prestigious universities, Garissa University College, was attacked by the Al-Shabab (an Islamist terrorist group based in Somalia) group in 2014, leaving at least 147 students dead and several injured (The Guardian, April 2015). This attack presented Kenya (a regional hub for East Africa) as a security threat to international students. Likewise in Nigeria, all public schools and universities in Borno state have been shut down since 2014, owing to ongoing attacks launched by Boko Haram (Abdulrasheed et al., 2015).

An Overview of Boko Haram Islamic extremism is not a new development in Northern Nigeria; however, Boko Haram is the most violent terrorist group in Nigeria known to date. The group came into limelight in 2009 when it launched a violent attack on the Nigerian security forces, and by the end of 2012, it had become active in 14 out of the 36 states in Nigeria (World Review, 2013). The group caught the world’s attention again in 2014 when its members kidnapped 276 secondary school girls from their school dormitory in Chibok, Borno state (Waller, 2017). So far, thousands of lives have been lost, numerous people have been maimed and property worth millions of dollars has been ruined. The insurgency group was founded by Mohammed Yusuf, who has since been killed by the Nigerian security forces after one of the most atrocious attacks in Borno state that left over 1000 people dead in July 2009 (Mausi et al., 2016; Uzodike & Maiangwa, 2012). In spite of the death of its leader, the group has managed to operate now for up to a decade and is obviously more daring with no end in view. Several studies (Agbiboa, 2013; Apuke, 2016; Nwolise, 2005) have associated the emergence and uprising of the group to Islam; however, Okoro (2014) argues that even though Islam can be said to play a strategic role, government and leadership crises in the country, such as corruption, poverty and youth unemployment, account for a more significant cause. In other words, the major grievances are traceable to poor socioeconomic and political issues in the country. Other demands of the group include the release of all its prisoners and the prosecution of the killers of its founder.

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Boko Haram members can be distinguished by their black or red scarves as well as long beards (Agbiboa, 2013). While some authors attribute its emergence to external influences such as the influx of uncensored foreigners into the country, others attribute it to political and hegemonic rivalry between the Northern and the Southern regions of Nigeria. Membership of the group cuts across neighbouring Chad, Niger and the Benin Republic, totalling 40,000 (Forest, 2012). Membership of the sect is drawn from unemployed graduates, aggrieved Northern youths, professionals, school dropouts, Islamic clerics and students, members of security agencies as well as some politicians (Okoro, 2014). It is estimated that 3500 people were killed in various Boko Haram-related attacks between 2010 and 2013 (Agbiboa, 2013). After 2013, however, the violence increased, leading to the deaths of at least 20,000 people and leaving about 2.1 million people displaced (World Bank, 2016). Almost 15 million people have been affected in one form or another since 2009. The most affected north-eastern states are Borno, Adamawa and Yobe. Soft targets include public places and crowded places such as markets, transport terminals, places of worship, viewing centres, educational institutions, government and international organisations. The insurgent group also engages other modus operandi such as assassinations, armed assaults and the kidnapping of expatriates, secondary school girls and government workers. Several attempts made by the Nigerian government to negotiate with the group and grant them amnesty have proved abortive due to distrust and the factionalised nature of the group’s leadership (Agbiboa, 2013). Despite the efforts of the Nigerian government and support from friendly and neighbouring nations, the activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria seem unending. One such effort is the approval to withdraw $1 billion from the crude oil account to train the army, procure gadgets and provide logistic support in order to combat Boko Haram, all to no avail. Education in the north-eastern region of the country has been greatly hampered; the fear of violence incumbers school attendance, especially for girls. Despite the government’s proclamation of the defeat of the Islamist extremist group, the nation is to date continually awakened by news of suicide bombings (Table 2.1).

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Table 2.1  Dates and locations of attacks launched by Boko Haram in the last three years in Nigeria Date

Attack

January 2016 February 2016

Dalori village, close to Maiduguri in Borno state was attacked, leaving at least 86 people dead and over 100 injured. More than 70 people were killed and 78 injured when 2 female suicide bombers detonated themselves in an internally displaced person (IDP) camp located in Dikwa, Borno state. At least 57 people were killed and 177 injured when 2 suicide bombers attacked Madagali town in Borno state. Coordinated attacks in Maiduguri were targeted at educational institutions, mosques and residential areas, leaving at least 17 people dead. About 50 petroleum workers who were searching for crude oil near Magumeri in Borno state were abducted and killed. Three female suicide bombers detonated themselves at the entrance of an IDP camp, leaving 28 dead and 82 injured. Fifty people were reportedly killed in Mubi in Adamawa state when a female suicide bomber attacked a mosque during morning prayer. About 19 people were killed and 70 others injured at a fish market in Konduga, Borno state, when 3 suicide bombers blew themselves up. A well-coordinated attack was launched against a military base in Rann, Borno state. Three UN consultants and nine members of the Nigerian security forces were killed. At least four humanitarian workers were injured and another three abducted, while six members of the Nigerian security forces were also injured.

December 2016 June 2017 July 2017 August 2017 November 2017 February 2018 March 2018

Source: https://www.gov.uk/foreign-­travel-­advice/Nigeria/terrorism#content

The Impact of Terrorism on Academic Student Mobility in Nigeria Studying abroad is accompanied by potential safety risks but recent years have seen heightened cases of terrorist attacks in Nigeria that pose safety concerns for international students and their loved ones. Terrorism in Nigeria is not new but has progressed to what Nwolise (2005) describes as “a professional crescendo in contemporary times”. Boko Haram has consistently launched severe attacks on Nigeria’s educational institutions (primary schools, secondary schools and higher education institutions). In Borno state, for example, educational institutions at all levels have been closed in 22 out of the 27 local government areas for at least two years (Waller, 2017). One-third of the estimated 30 million Nigerian children of school age are not in school, with 62 per cent of these children living in

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the North (Mausi et al., 2016). Although these attacks are mainly in the Northern part of Nigeria, they are usually portrayed by the media as taking place in every part of Nigeria and in that way are misleading and discouraging potential international students from studying in other parts of the country considered safe. Moreover, reports published by foreign organisations and embassies warning potential members and students of the danger in Nigeria also affect the inward mobility of international students to Nigeria. An example is the warning published by the UK government in one of its travel guides on how foreigners are being kidnapped in Nigeria (UK Gov, 2020). Several foreign nationals have been reportedly kidnapped in the last decade in some parts of the South; while some were freed, others were less fortunate and were killed by their captors. A few decades ago, Nigeria was a popular study destination for international students—both Africans (especially from Anglophone countries) and non-Africans who found the education quality in Nigeria attractive and the country conducive for research. This is particularly so because Nigerians are known to receive foreigners warmly. Unfortunately, the numbers of international students keep dwindling on a yearly basis owing to safety concerns in the country. Data from the National Universities Commission (NUC), a government agency in charge of regulating Nigerian universities, confirms at least a 60 per cent decline in the enrolment of international students in Nigerian universities over the past decade. A former vice-chancellor (Professor Bamiro) of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria’s premiere university, equally affirms that the university used to have a large enrolment of international students until terrorism became a deterrent. The Northern region of Nigeria, where most terrorist attacks occur, has become a ‘ghost’ area for international students since Boko Haram continues to target school communities. Mausi et al. (2016) reported that about 910 institutions of learning were destroyed while 1500 had been shut down in the north-east by February 2016. They further reported that about 600 teachers had been killed while another 19,000 had fled in fear. International students who still find the country a viable study destination mostly enrol in the south-western parts of the country; nevertheless, the impact of Boko Haram is felt in the entire country.

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International Students Speak on Terrorism in Nigeria To further probe and understand the impact of terrorism on inward student mobility in Nigeria, the views of international students studying in two of the foremost Nigerian universities—one each from public and private universities—were sought. These views elucidate the push and pull theory of migration in relation to the Nigerian context vis-à-vis Boko Haram. The push and pull factors determine the inflow and outflow of students into a country or its institutions. Bohman (2014) argues that the decision of students to study at home or in a foreign country hinges on their perception of the push and pull factors inherent in their home or the foreign country. Pull factors are regarded as the ‘magnets’ of opportunities operational within a country and its institutions which attract international students to study, while, on the other hand, push factors make a country and its institutions less attractive, thereby motivating students’ decisions to seek to study abroad. Table 2.2 shows the total number of international students that participated in the interview, as well as their countries of origin.

Table 2.2  Participants and their countries of origin Country of origin Cameroun Zambia United Kingdom Liberia United States of America Kenya Ghana Botswana Germany Lebanon Tanzania Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) Sierra Leone Total

Number of participants 10 4 4 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 35

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From the table above, of the 35 students that participated in the interview, 20 were studying at the private university while 15 were at the public university. The percentage of male participants exceeded that of female participants by 42.8–28.6 per cent of the total participants were female while 71.4 per cent were males. In addition, there were more postgraduate participants (67 per cent) than undergraduates (33 per cent) at the public university, whereas all the participants at the private university were undergraduate students. In both universities, 29 per cent of participants were postgraduate students compared to 71 per cent undergraduate participants. All the participants at both universities were full-time students.

Findings from the Interviews Findings from the face-to-face semi-structured interviews are in response to two questions pertaining to terrorism, that is Boko Haram in Nigeria. The first question sought to know if international students in Nigeria found the issue of Boko Haram to be a concern, while the second question sought to ascertain the perceptions of current international students in Nigeria on whether the issue of Boko Haram in the country might affect the choice of Nigeria as a study destination for potential international students. The responses are categorised into themes as discussed below. Boko Haram Was a Concern About 90 per cent of the international students in the public university found the issue of Boko Haram to be a concern, while about 70 per cent of the international students in the private university also found it to be a concern. Although the concerns of these students were of diverse intensities, they all had their reasons for proceeding to Nigeria in spite of the terrorism threat. This was exemplified by a male postgraduate participant from Liberia who stated that although he and his family were concerned, he believed that it was a risk worth taking because, according to him, Nigeria was still peaceful compared to his home country, Liberia, which has been ravaged by war for many years. When asked if the issue of Boko Haram was a concern to him, he affirmed: Oh yeah! 100 percent; in fact, my family were a little bewildered, every day we hear people killing, bombing, I also got a little afraid, but nothing ventured, nothing gained. Besides, there are other people living there [Nigeria],

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so everybody is not going to die, they can’t kill everybody; if I’m just unfortunate, fine but I’m going in.

An undergraduate female participant from Cameroun was determined to study in Nigeria because she could not stand the thought of forfeiting her admission to a Nigerian university and wasting another year seeking admission elsewhere. Despite the fear that she and her parents had, she nevertheless overcame to study in Nigeria. She had the following to say: It was really a thing of concern to me, my parents almost denied me from coming but I had already made up my mind, I could not just waste any more years trying to get admission into another place since I was already admitted, and I had not thought of another place, I had not started processing admission into another place. I did not want to waste another year, but I was scared too, just the thought of having to waste another year trying to seek admission elsewhere, so I had no choice than to come here.

It may be deduced from the response of the above student that she had been trying to seek admission for some years to no avail. Although Nigeria was not a particularly viable study destination for her, the frustration of having to stay home made her bent on accepting the offer of admission she had received from Nigeria. However, there were some participants whose fears about Boko Haram in Nigeria were alleviated simply because they knew that the location of the terrorist group and where they are mainly operational was far from where they would be studying. A male postgraduate student from the USA responded: In terms of the terrorism, it was a concern, especially in the US, there is a lot in the news about “bring back the girls”, the Chibok girls; and so, these things bring concerns, although I was a little bit more informed than my family. My family were much more concerned because they don’t know the geography or the landscape, they thought I was going to an area in the North for example, but once I informed everyone that there are different geographies and different regions, it sort of alleviated some of their concerns. So, for me personally, my main concern was whether the university campus would be secure because that’s the area I knew I would be but pretty much it’s been fine.

An undergraduate male participant from Zambia also corroborated the story of others when asked if he was concerned about terrorism prior to

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studying in Nigeria by emphatically exclaiming, “Definitely! Definitely!” He explained further, “If I may remember we were about a hundred plus or so students who applied, who really wanted to come to Nigeria from Zambia, but I found that the issue of security in Nigeria was really a drawback to some of the applicants who wanted to come to this university. They see it as a challenge, a huge challenge to say they would not like to study in Nigeria.” Boko Haram Was Not a Concern Despite the concerns of most of the students about the issue of terrorism in Nigeria, there were those who were not concerned prior to arriving in Nigeria. These students fall into three groups—some were not concerned based on their information on the geographical location of the terrorist group, some were not concerned because they knew their institution was secure, while others claimed they were not concerned because they were not aware of Boko Haram until they got to Nigeria. It was found, however, that most of the participants who were not concerned were studying at the private university. Some of the students claimed to be well informed that Boko Haram was operational in the Northern part of Nigeria, which was far from their institution of study. When asked if Boko Haram posed a threat to his studying in Nigeria, this male undergraduate participant elaborated thus: No, because I know Boko Haram is in the North and I’m here in Ota. Ota is in the South and I don’t think from their past attacks they have ever done any attack in the South or in Lagos and the rest. They are mostly in Abuja and all those Northern areas, so it didn’t really bother me.

To corroborate the above response, there has never been any report of Boko Haram attacks anywhere else in Nigeria except in the North. Another female undergraduate participant from Cameroun also alluded to the fact that she was not concerned because “Boko Haram was a Northern situation”. In her case, she was also able to relate to the issue of insecurity in Nigeria based on the fact that there was an ongoing war in her home country. She said, “And also in my country, in the East, there is a lot of war going on but it doesn’t affect where we live, so it wasn’t a concern.” There were also students studying at the private university who were not concerned about Boko Haram because they were convinced that they

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were studying at a safe institution which was secluded from the rest of Nigeria, even though it was situated in Nigeria. For example, according to a female undergraduate from Kenya: The issue of Boko Haram didn’t even pop up in my mind, and people are always saying, “Why are you going back to Nigeria? Shouldn’t you change school? They will kill you; they will shoot you.” In my mind I was like I don’t technically live in Nigeria because [name of university] doesn’t feel like Nigeria, except for the heat. [Name of university] is secluded from all these things; it’s like we are not affected by what is happening in Nigeria. Our movement is restricted outside school and there is always high security; there are security guards in front of the halls, in front of the classes.

Some students in both the private and the public institution mentioned that they had not been aware of the Boko Haram insurgency until they arrived in Nigeria. Hence, they had no concerns because they had the impression that Nigeria was a safe and peaceful country to study in. This was instantiated by the response of a male participant from Sierra Leone who said, “Actually I wasn’t aware of that till I stepped into Nigeria.” When probed further on how he felt after he learnt about Boko Haram, he said, “I wasn’t bothered because they didn’t spread to this area but sometimes I get terrified and scared to be moving around.” According to Abdulrasheed et al. (2015), Boko Haram has been in existence since 2001 but only caught the world’s attention in 2009. It was gathered that the students at the private university felt more secure than those at the public university because it is compulsory for all those at the private university to reside on campus which also has some form of security. Those at the public university could live either on or off campus, but they felt secure knowing that they were studying far from the Northern part of Nigeria, where Boko Haram was mainly active. Nigeria as a Choice of Study Destination The participants in this study were asked to explain whether they thought that terrorism affects the choice of Nigeria as a study destination for international students. The elicited responses suggest that 100 per cent of the international students at both the public and private universities believe that Boko Haram is a major push factor that discourages potential international students from studying in Nigeria. This is consistent with the

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prediction of Dennis (2016) that international students and their parents will prioritise safety in their choice of study destinations. Similarly, an undergraduate male student from Cameroun alluded to this fact by saying that parents would prevent their children from studying in Nigeria for fear of becoming victims of terrorism or kidnapping, even if the children were willing to study there. In other words, the choice of a study destination depends to a large extent on parents. He explained: It has made people make other choices rather than come to Nigeria because they are scared. Even if they want to, their parents will hold them back because they are scared for their kids and they don’t want to lose them. You can just imagine hearing a group of girls was kidnapped so you think to yourself “what if?”, God forbid though. What if you are one of the next to be kidnapped, what will happen to you? So, it has really diminished the number of people that should come to study in Nigeria, I think so.

Another student, a female undergraduate from Kenya, also emphasised the issue of safety by explaining that some students might love to study in Nigeria but they draw back because they are not guaranteed their safety. She added that the news of Boko Haram is all over the place and that people tend to think of safety when deciding where to study. A male postgraduate student from the USA relayed how the US government considered Nigeria to be dangerous for US citizens to study in and would not grant anyone scholarships to study there due to terrorism. He had a few initial applications to study in Nigeria rejected before he eventually found one that supported him. He was of the opinion that the issue of Boko Haram harms not only Nigeria and its institutions, in terms of losing their share of international students and all the benefits that accompany them, but also the international students who would have benefitted from studying in Nigeria but are deterred by Boko Haram. He had this to say: I think it has a great impact because there are many scholarships in the US in particular that used to be from Nigeria that the US government cancelled because they feel Nigeria is not safe because of Boko Haram. For example, last year there was another scholarship I wanted to apply for that would allow me to study Yoruba for an entire calendar year (it’s different from the Fulbright), they ended up declining my application because they said that Nigeria was just too dangerous because of Boko Haram and they would not support an American going to study there; so fortunately I got another fel-

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lowship that was willing to support me but I said that to sort of say that for people who don’t know a lot about the country, it can cause them to lose opportunities to come here, great opportunities that could help prepare you to get to the next level and if you miss that opportunity because of Boko Haram, I think that’s a great loss. You can still come here and not get directly affected by Boko Haram. And it is imperative that Nigeria should find a way to contain it or eliminate it because it gets to spread to other areas where you have different foundations or governments not willing to invest their money to bring people here and that is very unfortunate.

A postgraduate researcher from Germany also weighed in on how the insecurity prevalent in Nigeria would make people think deeply about studying in Nigeria; she said, “It makes people think very well and ask themselves, ‘do I really have to go there, do I really have to do research there?’” A male undergraduate student from the United Kingdom felt that the media does no good in the way it portrays Boko Haram to the world, that is the media misinforms the public about the location and activity of Boko Haram in Nigeria. This gives people who are not conversant with Nigeria the impression that the insurgency takes place all over the country, and not just in a certain region. According to this student, “The media is brutal, so they don’t stress how it’s only a certain area and not everywhere. They just say, ‘Boko Haram blasts in Nigeria full stop’. So, I think it does affect a lot.” Some participants believe that the number of international students studying in Nigeria is dwindling owing to terrorism in the country. One example was a female undergraduate student from Kenya who expressly responded that “Of course, the people that choose to come to Nigeria are very few … very few because of the Boko Haram issue.” According to her and maybe from what she had seen and heard in her country, “It [Boko Haram] has become like the identifier of Nigeria, ‘you are going to the land of Boko Haram’. So, very many people dread to come to this country.” Also affirming the above response was a female undergraduate student from Kenya who was studying in Nigeria because her parents wanted her to attend a private Christian university. She seemed to be very disturbed that the Nigerian government was not taking enough measures to contain Boko Haram, which was causing a decline in the number of international students in the country. She added that Nigeria is not the only country experiencing terrorism, there is also terrorism in her home country, Kenya,

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yet international students still find Kenya a viable study destination because the situation is well contained by the Kenyan government to make the country feel safe for students. Moreover, parents send their children to other African countries to study, so the issue is not about studying in Africa but specifically about Nigeria. She expressed her fears regarding the brain drain in Nigeria if no drastic measures are taken. She elaborated thus: I think currently even if we were to have more international students coming to Nigeria to study regardless of what university, that number is dwindling because Boko Haram’s hold on Nigeria is increasing and so Nigeria is no longer as much of an option as much as other African countries. A lot of parents who had initially said their children would go to Nigeria to do their undergraduate study are rescinding that decision because Nigeria doesn’t feel safe anymore. If Nigerian government doesn’t try and fix the problem in Nigeria, there will be a lot more brain drain in the next two years than it has been in the past four years and that’s because the situation in Nigeria is getting worse and worse, so people don’t even have incentive to send their children to Nigeria. I know people would send their children to South Africa, people are sending their children to Kenya; a lot of Nigerians go to Kenya, there is this school called USIV, United States International University, a lot of Nigerians go there. So, people are sending their children back to Africa to study, but they are not sending them to Nigeria and you ask yourself why, because in Kenya there is Al-Shabaab, but Kenya has put very stringent security in place that regardless of how bad Al-Shabaab gets in Kenya, Kenya still feels safe for the students. Nigerian government need to make Nigeria safe enough for the people in Nigeria and also for people outside to see that they are making Nigeria safe, so they are willing to send their children here to study.

Discussion As already discussed, Boko Haram has been fiercely resisting Western education/culture in Nigeria since 2009. Their opposition to secular education, which forms the core ideology of the terrorist group, is driven by the fear of the impact this kind of education will have on Islamic values and the traditional way of life in the north-eastern part of the country (Mausi et al., 2016). Given the frequent attacks launched by the insurgent group to date, the chances of human security seem to get slimmer with each passing day. This has dire consequences for every aspect of the nation’s development, including education. It is uncertain when the insurgency will

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end; hence, the terrorism keeps serving as a major push factor to internationalisation in Nigeria. Inferring from the responses given in the interviews with international students, there are great concerns with regard to choosing Nigeria as a study destination and, as opined by Dennis (2016), safety issues rank high in influencing the decision on where to study. These students alluded to the fact that the ongoing terrorism in Nigeria serves as a major deterrent to potential international students. Further corroborating this fact is the claim by ICEF Monitor (2012) that attacks against students, including internationally mobile students, have increased in recent years. International students are also among the most vulnerable in the face of these attacks, as they are exposed to high risks because of their unfamiliarity with their new environment, culture and, in some cases, language. Some of the international students in Nigeria also stated how the media make safety issues in the country worse than they really are. They claim that the media often do not specify the location of the terrorist groups and where they generally launch their attacks, but rather report the news as though the entire country were being bombed. Unlike a few decades ago when international students used to find Nigeria a viable study destination, recent times have seen a huge decline in numbers. It might be worth asking why international students still travel in large numbers to countries like the USA, and the number seems almost insignificant in Nigeria, even though both countries experience frequent terrorist attacks. The answer may not be far from the response of one of the international students from Kenya who believed that despite the terrorist activities of Al-Shabaab in Kenya and some of its institutions, international students still find it a viable study destination because the government has put stringent protocols in place towards ensuring the safety of all, particularly because Kenya serves as a regional hub for international students in East Africa. It thus appears that the Nigerian government is doing too little to contain the Boko Haram insurgency. It also does not appear that the country is keen on attracting international students, hence the lack of stringent measures to ensure these students’ safety. Unfortunately, the drop in the number of international students in the country has a long-term negative effect, as the economic, cultural and human resource benefits these students bring to a nation and its institutions will be lost. This will be exacerbated in particular by the fact that Nigeria constantly loses a large number of its best brains to other countries, leading to a brain drain.

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Why are international students pulled to Nigeria in spite of terrorism? In spite of the foregoing discussion on the issue of terrorism in Nigeria, the participants were pulled to Nigeria as a study destination based on the following seven reasons: 1. Parental influence/religion: For those studying at the private university, parental influence was the most popular reason why they chose to study in Nigeria. According to these students, Nigeria was not an initial option in their study destination choices; they were studying in Nigeria because their parents wanted them to. A similar study conducted in the United States by Mazzarol and Souter (2002) found parental influence to be an important factor in the choice of a study destination by undergraduate students. From the international students in this study, it was gathered that their parents influenced them to study in Nigeria largely for reasons related to religion. The private university is a Christian university owned by a church with branches within and outside the African continent, and to which the participants and their parents belong. The parents wanted their children to imbibe a Christian ethos alongside their academic pursuits. 2. Scholarship opportunities: Nigeria serves as a regional hub in sub-­ Saharan Africa for African students seeking postgraduate study in Earth and Life Sciences under the initiative and scholarship of the Pan African University (PAU). These students are hosted by the public university that participated in this study. Hence, the majority of the international students are studying in Nigeria as a result of the scholarship opportunity for a master’s or doctoral degree. A few of the participants in different scholarship schemes relayed how their scholarship conditions specified studying in another African country for the development of Africa—a phenomenon known as intra-African student mobility (Schulman, 2017). Similarly, some of the participants at the private university were also studying with a scholarship provided by the university. 3. Research: The postgraduate participants at the public university chose to study in Nigeria because of the availability of human and material resources for their research on African Studies. The university is known for its rich archive of materials and scholars of African history. These students were therefore studying in Nigeria to avail themselves of research material as well as collaborate with Nigerian scholars in their research areas.

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4. English as a medium of instruction: This reason for studying in Nigeria asserts the opinion of Tiana (2015) that commonality of language is one of the factors in the decision on a study destination. In the same vein, the international students in this study emphasised they were pulled to Nigeria because of the availability of English as the language of instruction. While those from other Englishspeaking countries sought to continue their education in English, those from the French-­speaking part of Cameroon sought to learn and advance their educational pursuits in English, as a shift from the French they were hitherto exposed to. 5. Close proximity and family reasons: International students from other West African countries such as Ghana, Liberia and Cameroon especially believed that studying in a country not too far from home would conveniently afford them the opportunity to travel to see their families at regular intervals. These students were observed to be married men who had wives and children back home. These students reiterated it would take between one and two hours to travel home from Nigeria by air. This reason is similar to the finding of Lee and Sehoole (2015), who reported that international students from countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) prefer to study in South Africa for its geographical proximity. 6. Better educational opportunities. Some of the participants, particularly those from Cameroon and Liberia, admitted that the quality of education in Nigeria was better than that obtainable in their home countries. Consequently, they were pulled to study in Nigeria. Likewise, a perception of the quality of higher education in the host country has been largely reported in the literature on student mobility as one of the determinants in the choice of a study destination (Bhandari and Blumenthal, 2011; Beine et  al., 2014; Bohman, 2014; Lee & Sehoole, 2015; Madichie & Madichie, 2013). 7. Love of the country or institution: A few of the participants reported that they were studying in Nigeria because of their love for the country or the institution at which they were studying. This love was motivated by the presence of reputable higher education institutions in Nigeria coupled with some of the beautiful sights of the country seen in the media. However, one of the international students clarified that she was studying in Nigeria not for the love of the country per se, but because she really loved the university she was studying at, which left her with no choice but to be in Nigeria.

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Conclusion Scores of students leave their home countries every year to study abroad. Safety will always be a recurring factor in determining the choice of study destinations. Today, terrorism is a global phenomenon; the factor that differentiates those countries that are still able to attract international students from others that lose out is the conscious and deliberate efforts on the part of government or its institutions to make the country feel safe for foreigners. Countries like the USA, Kenya and Australia have been seen to attract internationally mobile students despite terrorist attacks. It may therefore be concluded that the Boko Haram insurgency is not the ultimate deterrent factor in the decision to study in Nigeria; rather, it is the response of government and its institutions to the insurgency. This will, thus, define and shape the perception of current and prospective international students on the safety situation in Nigeria. This chapter revealed reasons why the international students interviewed found Nigeria a viable study destination in spite of the terrorism ravaging the country. The question, however, is whether these reasons will still be considered valid and strong enough to overlook the risk of studying in a ‘dangerous’ zone like Nigeria in the next few years. Perhaps this could form the basis for a future research.

References Abdulrasheed, O., Adaobi, O., & Uzoechina, G. O. (2015). Effects of insurgency on universal basic education in Borno State of Nigeria. American Journal of Educational Research, 3(4), 490–494. Agbiboa, D.  E. (2013). No retreat, no surrender: Understanding the religious terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria. African Study Monographs, 34(2), 65–84. Akpan, F., Ekanem, O., & Olofu-Adeoye, A. (2014). Boko Haram insurgency and the counter-terrorism policy in Nigeria. Canadian Social Science, 10(2), 151. Akpomera, E., & Omoyibo, K. (2013). Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria: The paradox and challenges of big brother foreign policy. AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities, 2(1), 94–113. Apomera, D., & Omoyibo, K. (2013). Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria: The paradox and challenges of big brother foreign policy. AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities, 2(1), 94–113. Apuke, O. D. (2016). The evolution of Boko Haram, its attack on Chibok girls and the American amnesty intervention: A contextual analysis. National Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development, 1(3), 14–17.

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Beine, M., Noël, R., & Ragot, L. (2014). Determinants of the international mobility of students. Economics of Education Review, 41, 40–54. Bhandari, R. (2015, December 1). Keeping the doors open to international students. Institute of International Education (IIE) [Blog post]. https://www.iie. org/en/Learn/Blog/2015/12/2015-­December-­Keeping-­Doors-­Open-­to-­ International-­Students Bhandari, R., & Blumenthal, P. (2011). Global student mobility and the twenty-­ first century silk road: National trends and new directions. In  International students and global mobility in higher education  (pp. 1–23). Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Bohman, E. (2014). Attracting the world: Institutional initiatives’ effects on international students’ decision to enroll. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 38(8), 710–720. Control Risks. (2018, June 18). Changing patterns in terrorism and the threat to business. Control Risks. Retrieved September 3, 2018 from https://www.controlrisks.com/our-­thinking/insights/reports/changing-­patterns-­in-­terrorism Dennis, M.  J. (2016, January). Global disruption in the new norm. University World News, Issue 39812. Forest, J. J. F. (2012). Confronting the terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The JSOU Press, Joint Special Operations University (JSOU). ICEF Monitor. (2012, November 1). Student safety: Its impact on recruitment and study abroad choices. Retrieved November 13, 2018 from h t t p s : / / m o n i t o r. i c e f . c o m / 2 0 1 2 / 1 1 / s t u d e n t -­s a f e t y -­i t s -­i m p a c t -­ on-­recruitment-­and-­study-­abroad-­choices/ Imhonopi, D., & Urim, U.  M. (2016). The spectre of terrorism and Nigeria’s industrial development: A multi-stakeholder imperative. African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies, 9(1), 20–40. Johnson, K. (2016). International student flows to the US before and after 9/11. Master of Arts in Sociology, University of California Riverside July 2, 2019 from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/03c487zh Kassimeris, G. (2015, November 18). Eradicating terrorism is impossible, warns academic. Times Higher Education. Lee, J. J., & Sehoole, C. (2015). Regional, continental, and global mobility to an emerging economy: The case of South Africa. Higher Education, 70(5), 827–843. Madichie, N. O., & Madichie, E. I. (2013). Nigerian students and the “allure” of foreign (UK) education: A curious reflection. African Journal of Business and Economic Research, 8(2–3), 101–118. Mausi, S., Dele-Adedeji, I., & Donnelly, E. (2016, May 26). Boko Haram impacts on education in north-east Nigeria. Africa Programme Meeting Summary. The Royal Institute of International Affairs.

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Mazzarol, T., & Soutar, G.  N. (2002). “Push-pull” factors influencing international student destination choice. International Journal of Educational Management, 16(2), 82–90. Monga, C., & Lin, J. Y. (Eds.). (2015). The Oxford handbook of Africa and economics (Vol. 2). Oxford University Press. Nwolise, O. (2005). Terrorism: What is to be done about an emerging threat to democracy, good governance, development, and security of nations in the 21st century? [Special issue]. Institut Français de recherche en Afrique (IFRA), 1, 1–35. Okoro, E. R. (2014). Terrorism and governance crisis: The Boko Haram experience in Nigeria. African Journal of Conflict Resolution, 14(2), 103–127. Olowolagba, F. (2018, August 11). UN speaks on Boko Haram attacks, terrorism in Nigeria, Central Africa. Daily Post. Retrieved September 5, 2018 from https://dailypost.ng/2018/08/11/un-­speaks-­boko-­ haram-­attacks-­terrorism-­nigeria-­central-­africa/ Oraegbunam, I. K. (2016). Maliki jurisprudence and Boko Haram ideology versus Nigerian nation building: Need for pluralism in Islamic praxis. OGIRISI: A New Journal of African Studies, 12(1), 25–45. Ramdeen, M. (2017, July 21). Countering terrorism and violent extremism in Africa. African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes. https://www. accord.org.za/conflict-­trends/countering-­terrorism-­violent-­extremism-­africa/ Schulman, P. (2017, March 7). African student mobility: Regional trends and recommendations for US HEIs. World Education Services (WENR). START Center. (2013). National Center for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. University of Maryland, College Park Umejei Emeka. Africa World, 1–6. Tella, O. (2010). International Education and the Post-9/11 Syndrome: A Study of International Educators in Selected Miami-area Colleges [FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 236]. Retrieved July 2, 2019 from http://digitalcommons. fiu.edu/etd/236 UK Gov. (2020). Foreign Travel Advice: Nigeria. United Kingdom Government. https://www.gov.uk/foreign-traveladvice/nigeria/safety-and-security Uzodike, U.  O., & Maiangwa, B. (2012). Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria: Causal factors and central problematic. Africa Renaissance: Terrorism in Africa, 9(1), 91–118. https://www.gov.uk/foreign-travel-advice/nigeria/terrorism Waller, M. (2017, April 11). Boko Haram’s Impact on Education in Nigeria. The Borgen Project. Retrieved September 23, 2018 from https://borgenproject. org/boko-­harams-­impact-­on-­education/ World Bank. (2016). Multi-sectoral crisis recovery project for North-eastern Nigeria. World Bank. World Review. (2013, March 5). Islamic extremist groups pose growing threat in Africa. 2013. Teresa Nogueira Pinto.

CHAPTER 3

Academic Student Mobility and Refugee Education in Kenya Jackline Nyerere

Introduction Internationalisation has been strongly linked to the search for better, quality educational opportunities. Research publications have shown that scholars who move from one country to another increase their academic outcome and research performance. The benefits of internationalisation are even more pronounced when it comes to refugee populations. Recognition of tertiary education as a major driver of economic growth in a knowledge-driven global economy has made high-quality tertiary education more important now than ever before (Pavel, 2012), especially considering the fact that countries with higher skill levels are better equipped to face global economic and technological challenges. Over the years, academic mobility has been predominantly South–North with Northern countries having been the major beneficiaries of this pattern. However, there is now evidence to show that intra-Africa mobility is increasing, as

J. Nyerere (*) Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_3

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well as evidence of the regional patterns that characterise it. This intra-­ African mobility is partly due to its benefits, including the lower costs of travel and programmes within the region and/or continent. In East Africa, mobility is also the result of the conflict and instability affecting countries in the region, which has led to the displacement of populations, the majority of whom are children. It is estimated that more than half of the 16.1 million refugees worldwide are children of school-going age. By the end of 2017, there were more than 25.4 million refugees around the world, 19.9 million of them under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) mandate (https://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends2017/), whereas about 5 million had been integrated in host countries. About 52 per cent of these were children of school-going age. Educating refugees should not be treated as an option, given that they spend a considerable amount of time, sometimes their entire childhood, out of their own countries. Most have refugee status for their entire childhood and/or a significant portion of their productive working years. It is therefore concerning that up to 3.7 million refugee children have no school to attend. The pattern of school participation right through from primary to tertiary levels also reveals gaps for refugee children when compared to those who are not affected by conflict and displacement. For instance, while approximately 61 per cent of refugee children attend primary school, only 23 per cent of refugee children globally attend secondary school, compared to 84 per cent of children globally (UNHCR, 2018b). At the tertiary level, where global enrolment in higher education stands at 37 per cent, only 1 per cent of refugees has the same opportunity. This is a trend that is predicted to continue if host countries and partners do not make sufficient investments in refugee education. Refugees are greatly disadvantaged, and access to middle-level college or university is even more compromised. Young refugees particularly have difficulty accessing university education as well as technical and vocational training (https://www.unhcr.org/aiming-­higher.html). Making sure that refugees have access to education should thus be a priority for host countries as well as the United Nations (UN) and its partners. Many countries that play host to these refugees, especially developing countries, are, however, overwhelmed with the enormous resource requirements and are understandably struggling to educate these children, thus requiring considerable support from the UN and its partners.

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A 2018 UNHCR report highlighting the New  York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants has called for more efforts to be made to ensure that all refugees have access to quality education. Host countries are encouraged to accommodate refugee children in national education systems from lower to higher levels so as to allow for recognised qualifications (UNHCR, 2018a). Both the New  York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants, and the Global Compact on Refugees express the need for refugees to gain access to education and labour markets. Their key objectives are to enhance refugee self-reliance by building of skills that can contribute to local economies and fuel the development of the communities hosting them (UNHCR, 2018b). The international community is also urged to increase financial support to host nations especially developing countries which host up to 92 per cent of the world’s school-age refugees. Educating these children especially at the university level will not only help them heal but also equip them with relevant skills to rebuild their home countries. Driven by the belief that it is imperative for refugee children to have opportunities to continue their education, the Global Partnership for Education signed a memorandum of understanding with UNHCR in May 2016. The purpose was to strengthen collaboration to support education for refugee children and youth. Likewise, the Global Recognition Convention adopted at UNESCO’s General Conference in November 2019 appears to respond to the aim of placing an obligation on member states to ensure the recognition of qualifications held by refugees and displaced persons (Bergan & Skjerven, 2019). The Global Convention complements the five UNESCO regional conventions on the recognition of higher education qualifications (UNESCO, 2019). It creates a framework for fair, transparent and non-discriminatory recognition of higher education qualifications and encourages inter-regional academic mobility, through universal principles for improving recognition practices. This is because recognising refugees’ qualifications would allow them to put their talents to use both to their benefit and to that of the host society. These benefits include giving them opportunities to become leaders in their communities back home, to create businesses and social enterprises when they return, and to build infrastructure that will almost certainly be non-existent on their return. They are also likely to become ambassadors for peace and stability at local, national and regional levels. According to Al-Hawamdeh and El-Ghali (2017), access to higher education can lower the likelihood of joining radical organisations and thus reduce or eliminate

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future displacements of populations. This is one of the pillars that African universities, which are now joining the peace-building education movement (Sawahel, 2019), could use in conflict prevention and resolution. Refugees with good qualifications have a better chance of finding work and contributing to the economy of their host countries or wherever they might end up living, gaining valuable experience as well as improving their self-sufficiency and their ability to support their families and relatives. The push to have refugees educated is informed by the realisation that education enables individuals to thrive (ONE, 2016). As Filippo Grandi, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, put it, “Refugees have skills, ideas, hopes and dreams, are resilient and creative, with the energy and drive to shape their own destinies, given a chance” (UNHCR, 2016a). Kenya’s Higher Education Context Higher education in Kenya may be regarded as having been internationalised from its inception. It can be traced to 1922 when the then Makerere College in Uganda was established as a small technical college which was later expanded to meet the needs of the three East African countries, namely, Kenya, Uganda and the then Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now Tanzania). In 1956, the Royal Technical College was established in Nairobi, which later became the University College, Nairobi, in 1963, following the establishment of the University of East Africa with three constituent colleges—Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Kampala (Makerere) (Chacha, 2004). Currently, there is growing demand for higher education in Kenya and in Africa in general. Expansion at this level of education has been rapid with a total of 70 universities, both public and private, currently operating in Kenya, up from 26  in number ten years ago. There are currently 33 public universities of which 23 are fully fledged and 10 are constituent colleges. The remaining 37 are private universities which are at different levels of recognition (17 are accredited, 5 are private universities constituent colleges, 14 are operating under letters of interim authority and 1 is a registered private university). The expansion has been rapid with 44 universities and constituent colleges (27 out of 33 public, and 17 out of 37 private) being established since 2006 alone. The available resources and teaching capacity are not, however, expanding at the same rate, posing a challenge to quality, a key pull factor for international students.

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To facilitate academic student mobility within the region, the country is in the process of drafting a minimum standards framework under the Credit Accumulation and Transfer System (CATS) project. CATS is a regional quality assurance project initiated in 2007 under the auspices of three regional regulatory agencies in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. The standards are drafted by the Commission for University Education (CUE), a body that was established under the Universities Act No. 42 of 2012 as the government agency mandated to regulate university education in the country. Generally, minimum standards for the courses under interrogation are drafted in respect of the course name, course level, details of course content, course outcomes, modes of delivery, assessment criteria and the study materials for the course. Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Horn of Africa It is estimated that 86 per cent of the world’s refugees are hosted in developing regions, with more than a quarter of the total located in the world’s least developed countries. Conflict in the Horn of Africa has seen an increase in displacements and a rise in the number of people seeking refugee status in the region and beyond. Kenya is thus among the developing countries that host refugees, with the majority coming from neighbouring Somalia and South Sudan (UNHCR, 2016a). Like many countries affected by conflict and displacements, Kenya works with the UNHCR and various partners to provide both basic and tertiary education to refugees in the country. This is because education undoubtedly contributes to long-term solutions for refugees, ensuring that displaced generations are equipped to rebuild their lives and communities—either in the country of asylum, upon their return home, or on resettlement in another country (UNHCR, 2016b). Kenya’s Unique Position as Host to Refugees in the Region Refugees in Kenya come mainly from the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa. While most people fleeing from conflict in South Sudan arrive in Kakuma in northern Kenya, most Somali refugees flee to Dadaab, located in Garissa County in the former North Eastern Province of Kenya. The 1951 Refugee Convention defines a refugee as someone who “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is

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outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country”. Kenya is the tenth largest refugee-hosting country in the world and the fourth largest in Africa, after Uganda, Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (https://reliefweb.int/report/kenya/refugee-­ economies-­kenya) with the number of refugees and asylum seekers in Kenya currently standing at 475,412. Of these, Somalia contributes the highest number of refugees in Kenya at 259,100 persons. This number has fallen since 2015, at which time the number of refugees from Somalia stood at 418,913. Refugees in Kenya also emanate from South Sudan at 116,172, the Democratic Republic of Congo at 41,784, and Ethiopia at 27,857. Of these, 209,979 refugees are based in Dadaab, while 188,513 are housed at Kakuma camp. The remaining 76,920 are more or less integrated and live in the urban centres across the country. Over 50 per cent of these refugees fall within the 0–18 year age group, clearly school-going age. It is then the duty of the Kenyan government, the UNHCR and other partners to provide education based on the Kenyan education system for these young people. The two refugee camps, Dadaab and Kakuma, are located near the borders of Somalia and South Sudan, respectively. The UNHCR and other partners employ innovative approaches to provide tertiary education which include vocational skills training through one centre in Kakuma and four centres in Dadaab camp (https://www.unhcr.org/ke/education). Approximately 73,394 learners are enrolled in various levels of education at Dadaab, the biggest of the two refugee camps in Kenya. Kenyatta University has established a campus at the Dadaab camp to offer courses to both locals and, more importantly, the refugees who are confined to the refugee camp. Other institutions like Jesuits Commons Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM), Strathmore University and Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology also offer training at the Kakuma refugee camp through e-learning and face-to-face delivery modes. Similarly, at Dadaab, Borderless Higher Education for Refugees (BHER) delivers university-level education in situ through a mix of online and face-to-face delivery with academic institutions drawn from Kenya and Canada. Other partners in the provision of education for refugees in both camps, as well as those already integrated in urban centres, include the Lutheran World Federation (LWF), the Windle Trust Kenya (WTK), Islamic Relief Kenya (IRK), CARE, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), RET International, the AVSI Foundation, Save the Children

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International (SCI), Don Bosco, the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS), the Xavier Project, UNICEF and the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), among others (UNHCR, 2016b). Investment in refugee education in Kenya takes its cue from the UNHCR’s advice that “it is vital that governments and higher education institutions provide more schemes allowing refugees to attend universities under the same conditions as nationals” (UNHCR, 2016a, 39). Having a campus at a refugee camp helps achieve twin purposes as it provides refugees with an opportunity to acquire a higher education degree and an environment that allows them access to financial and physiological support, as well as taking care of their social and emotional circumstances. The latter is in some cases ignored, yet refugees and asylum seekers suffer when treated the same as other international students given their unique social, economic and emotional challenges (Morrice, 2013). Study Justification Increasingly, students in Africa are choosing to study or, in the case of refugees, are having to study in countries other than their own which share their borders. With the conflict and refugee crisis affecting the East African region, this study sought to analyse the efforts made by Kenya as host to large numbers of refugees to provide education for displaced populations within the country’s borders. Kenya’s position as neighbour to Somalia and South Sudan, which have had long-running conflicts, means that the country has to accommodate refugees’ education needs at all levels, a responsibility that the country has embraced through various initiatives. Universities in Kenya are thus not only hosting students from neighbouring countries under various forms of sponsorship, but some have also set up campuses at the two refugee camps. Research Questions This study sought to answer the following questions: What is the country’s higher education context? What are the efforts put in place to provide education to international students and especially those from the neighbouring countries that are affected by conflict and displacements? What do the refugee students in Kenya aspire to achieve after their education?

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Methodology This study applied a mixed methods design to collect both quantitative and qualitative data. A survey instrument was used to collect statistical information from 85 international students at each of the two universities in this case study, Kenyatta University and the United States International University-Africa (USIU-A). Interviews were then conducted with participants by inviting students who had completed the survey to indicate their willingness to participate further. A total of 30 students, 15 students from each institution, were interviewed. To focus particularly on the situation concerning refugees and safety, the findings centre on 13 students from Somalia, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, 9 of whom had lived in Kenya as refugees. This chapter is also informed by a review of relevant literature from various secondary sources nationally, regionally and globally. Secondary data included a review of policy documents on the internationalisation of education, as well as documents and reports by international agencies like the UNHCR. Combined, the document analysis and the interviews set the context within which to interpret the student data presented in this report.

Results Institutional Context To achieve its desired results at both national and institutional levels, internationalisation requires suitable structures and processes to facilitate academic mobility. The findings of this study suggest that internationalisation has been anchored in various policy frameworks at institutional, national, regional, continental and global levels. At the national level, the findings indicate that policies to streamline higher education and improve quality focus on internationalisation through partnership formation. The policy framework does not, however, explicitly lay down guidelines on how internationalisation and academic mobility should be implemented. The main policy documents pertaining to higher education include Kenya Vision 2030 (Republic of Kenya, 2007), which is the country’s economic blueprint, the Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Education Science and Technology (Republic of Kenya, 2013), the National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy and Strategy (Republic of Kenya, 2008) and the Universities Act (Republic of Kenya, 2012). Through Vision 2030, the

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country aims to “provide a globally competitive quality education, training and research for sustainable development” (Republic of Kenya, 2007, 126). Specifically, the country seeks to encourage and strengthen partnerships and linkages that promote the quality of education (Republic of Kenya, 2007). Kenya Vision 2030 clearly emphasises multiple linkages and cooperation that may promote knowledge sharing through mobility, among other things. At the institutional level, the two universities have prioritised internationalisation through various policy documents. Kenyatta University has two different policy documents that guide internationalisation efforts, namely, its internationalisation policy and its partnerships policy. The internationalisation policy provides a range of guidelines on internationalisation including an endeavour to have international students form at least 10 per cent of the total student population. At the time of this study, international students averaged 500 out of the total university population of 71,000. The target of 10 per cent is clearly far from being achieved, although comparatively the university is considered one of the leading universities in international student enrolments. The partnership policy guides the establishment of partnerships, among them partnerships with other universities to encourage student and staff mobility. One of the notable partnership efforts that Kenyatta University has put in place is an intra-Africa mobility programme—the Intra-Africa Semester Abroad Program (SAP). This is a student mobility programme that focuses on encouraging the movement of undergraduate students between African universities. The programme was started in 2012 with the signing of a Memoranda of Understanding between Kenyatta University and several partner universities across Africa. The programme aims to address the imbalance created by student exchanges between African universities and those outside Africa. One unique feature of the SAP is the credit transfer arrangements which allow participating institutions to recognise the units completed by their students in host institutions as part of the agreement. The students take study units relevant to their courses and thereafter credit transfer is effected upon receipt of transcripts from the host university. Kenyatta University also has a Centre for International Programs and Collaboration, which was established in 1994 to facilitate linkages and partnerships. The Centre acts as a home for all internationalisation programmes and is key to facilitating internationalisation efforts at the University.

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In addition, one of the Kenyatta University campuses, situated in the north-east town of Dadaab, which is open to Kenyan citizens and refugees living in the nearby refugee complex, is the world’s biggest with almost half a million people. As previously indicated, most of the refugees in this camp are from Somalia. Students at the campus are exposed to courses ranging from bachelor degrees in Security Management, Commerce, Economics, Public Policy and Administration and Education to postgraduate programmes at master’s level in the areas of Hospitality Management, International Relations as well as Business Administration. The university uses a blended mode of delivery to reach the students through the Digital School of Open and Virtual Learning. This mode of study is designed to enhance the quality of education by allowing the students to access resources and faculty at the university’s main campus in Nairobi. The United States International University-Africa (USIU-A), an international university affiliated to the United States of America, has an even bigger push with a large percentage of its students coming from countries other than Kenya. Internationalisation is at the core of the university’s mission, as expressed in the university’s strategic plan 2015–2020; thus, the university deliberately admits students from various countries to reflect its mission (USIU-A, 2015). In 2016, the number of international students at USIU was 979 (15.3 per cent) out of a total university enrolment of 6398 students (USIU-A, 2016). This is an impressive percentage considering that the majority of universities on the continent are yet to achieve their targets of 10 per cent. These students represented 73 nationalities (USIU, 2016). The University has a dedicated international office that deals with all international student matters. Like Kenyatta University, the USIU-A international office falls under the Deputy Vice Chancellor Academic Affairs. The deliberate and conscious effort to have a considerable number of international students enrolled at USIU-A is also seen in its initiative to prepare prospective students for life at the university before they report. Students planning to study at USIU-A are provided with an international student handbook which can be found on the university’s website (www. usiu.ac.ke). The handbook covers a range of topics on what students need to know before they arrive at the university—from a brief history of Nairobi city to immigration requirements and housing and accommodation.

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Choosing to Study in Kenya Kenya is in a unique position in the region as it shares borders with two countries that have been affected by conflict, Somalia and South Sudan. Students who come from these countries therefore not only seek an international experience but also have no similar opportunities in their home countries. Some of these students see Kenya as a second home which can provide them with the much-needed skills to rebuild their countries when stability resumes. I chose Kenyatta University because of poor educational development in my home country for so many years and I had been doing my studies in Kenya since class (grade) eight up to now (South Sudanese student at KU). I chose KU because I lived in Kenya as a child due to conflict at home so studying here feels like home. Kenya also has a lot of programmes/activities to cater for international students … I want to learn here so that I can also improve my country (Somali student at KU). In my home country, people don’t undertake the long journey of education because there are not many universities and lecturers … meeting students who have come from far away, encourages you to study hard … it gives passion for education when you see people coming here to do their Masters or PhD … it inspires a lot and I will continue to tell my friends that education is good in Kenya (Somali student at USIU). Kenyatta University has been my university of choice. In fact, since the time I was doing my secondary school studies in Kenya, I used to travel, inquire about higher education and so forth because I wanted to study at a university in Kenya. Immediately I completed secondary school, I visited both Kenyatta University and University of Nairobi and realized that it is KU where I wanted to study. I know that with this education, I will be confident to work well in my country when I return (South Sudanese student at KU).

Kenya’s position as a host to refugees, many of them of school-going age, is understood to be one of the reasons that Kenyatta University established the Dadaab campus. During the official opening of this campus, the head of UNHCR’s operations in Dadaab, Dominik Bartsch, pointed out that the campus would “serve as an incentive for refugee children to complete school and proceed to obtain higher qualifications” (UNHCR, 2012). He also rightly predicted that a university degree would equip learners with knowledge to help rebuild their country once peace returned.

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The establishment of the campus was certainly motivated by the demand for higher education from refugees from neighbouring countries, specifically Somalia. The campus has been welcomed by many refugees who have gone through basic education but lack opportunities to progress to higher education. For instance, Mohamed Bashir Sheik, a 25-year-old Somali, who came to live at the world’s largest refugee camp Dadaab, Kenya, when he was just four, saw it as an opportunity and was planning to apply for a place at the campus once it opened its doors. Bashir Sheik, another refugee from Somalia who worked for a website supplying news about the refugee camp, was equally excited during the launch of the campus and was hoping to be among the first students to enrol. “I’m a journalist and I’ve never attended a single training [session] or workshop … I want to go to Kenyatta University and study mass communications. I’m going to register.” Because of Kenya’s position in relation to neighbouring Somalia, there is a constant threat of terrorist attacks from the al-Shabaab terrorist group which operates in that country. While one would expect this threat to have an impact on the supply of international students to Kenya, this is not the case, as terrorism did not appear to be a major factor in the interviews with students. All the international students interviewed agreed to have heard and read about the al-Shabaab terrorism threat affecting Kenya but did not consider it a problem that would prevent them from coming to study at institutions in Kenya. International students from countries like Somalia, South Sudan and Nigeria said that they had similar or even bigger security challenges back home. Generally, the students who participated in this study said they viewed the security challenge presented by terrorism to be a global challenge that might be experienced anywhere including their home countries and thus did not consider it critical. Terrorism was an issue to me when looking for a university, but then even back home security is an issue. So, I can’t say terrorism is a threat to Kenya alone, it is a general and global issue … I personally like the way KU security has proactive responses to any potential security threat … (South Sudanese student at KU). I lived here in Kenya even before I joined USIU because I found it more secure than my country … I knew there was terrorism from al-Shabaab but I knew it would not affect my studies (South Sudanese student at USIU).

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When I was coming to Kenya, security was the big issue … but because even in my home country there is insecurity, I said this cannot be something to stop me to go to school (Congolese student at KU). I came around 2013, when there had been a terror attack in one of the biggest shops here in Nairobi, then as someone from Somalia I was terrified because the attack was being related to people from Somalia. But I was not afraid of the attacks themselves because they are worse at home (Somali Student at KU). Security in Kenya is a concern but to be sincere, I have high chance to die where I am coming from than here in Kenya. Our country especially my home area has been in wars and conflict for several years now so I am not scared here (Congolese student at USIU).

Sharing their experiences at the host universities, the students confirmed that they did not feel the threat of terrorism in and around the universities even though they had heard about it in other parts of the country.

International Students’ Plans After Study in Kenya The majority of the international students interviewed (98 per cent of the entire population) said they would go back home after their studies. They felt that with the education they were receiving in Kenya they would easily get employment back home. There were others who felt that they had been equipped with entrepreneurial skills as part of their curriculum which would be helpful in starting their own businesses back home. Those from neighbouring countries like Somalia and South Sudan in particular felt that they were gaining important skills that were not available in their home countries. They were therefore looking forward to going back to rebuild their countries which for years have been affected by wars and instability. This finding confirms what other studies have established, the fact that academic student mobility within the continent allows the best brains to remain and contribute to Africa’s socioeconomic growth. Academic student mobility within the continent could increase the chances of up to 97 per cent of scholars returning to their countries on completion of their studies (European Union, 2015). Some (2 per cent) students were planning to continue their education at the master’s and PhD levels in Kenya or in other countries in Europe or North America, but none of those interviewed were planning to continue

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with further studies in their home countries. Here are some of the responses from international students on their future plans. My aspiration is to go back home and develop my country using the education that I am undertaking because my country is still at a very poor standard level (Somali student at KU). Due to the crisis back home, I want to become a humanitarian aid worker but before or later lone I may venture into entrepreneurship or politics (Somali student at KU). I want to go back home because I know that when I go back, I will have maximum chances to get a job … they value much someone educated from Kenya and other countries with an advanced level of education than ours (Congolese student at USIU). I am planning to go back home after my study and see how my skills can help in boosting the electrical i.e. power generation and distribution sector that is poorly developed in my home country (South Sudanese Student at KU).

This information adds to knowledge on what the students wish to achieve, as most studies on students from refugee backgrounds have concentrated on refugee children and youth in school contexts (Ramsay & Baker, 2019).

Conclusion Institutions in Africa certainly require suitable structures and processes to facilitate academic mobility and achieve desired results. Generally, students’ academic mobility is receiving some level of support across all universities in Kenya. Both of the universities in this study demonstrated the presence of at least some specific policy documents and organisational structures put in place to regulate the planning and management of internationalisation. This presence is largely the result of national, regional and continental level policies and initiatives. At the regional and continental levels, for instance, the higher education institutions in Kenya are guided by the Inter-University Council for East Africa (IUCEA) and the Africa Agenda 2063 framework, both of which emphasise the need to develop a common higher education area in East Africa and in Africa respectively. According to the African Union Commission (2015), this phenomenon resembles the European Research Area initiative. Kenya’s unique position, with neighbouring countries in long-running conflict and as a host to large numbers of refugees, has allowed it to expand

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its internationalisation efforts both to students who are in the country as refugees and to those who have since gone back home but require quality higher education to enable them to rebuild their home countries. Provision of education to refugees is a form of internationalisation that offers valuable qualifications, professional training and job prospects, which in turn lead to greater self-reliance for young refugees wherever the future may lead them (UNHCR, 2016a). Kenya, in partnership with the UNHCR and other partners, has invested in education for refugees in the conviction that education helps them stand on their own feet, allowing them to prepare for the future, whether that be in a host country or in their own country upon their return. The Kenyatta University campus at Dadaab, the biggest of the two refugee camps in Kenya, is one such effort to offer education to non-Kenyans who have been displaced by conflict in the Horn of Africa. On international students’ experiences and future plans, the refugee and asylum seekers who participated in this study confirmed that learning abroad brings new experiences and that they had been exposed to various cultures and different ways of thinking that had opened their scope of analysis and comparison among other things. They admitted to having their personal and career aspirations met by their host institutions. Many of the students expressed satisfaction with the quality of education and the learning environment at both universities, and would recommend the institutions to other students seeking to study in Kenya. It is also worth noting that up to 98 per cent of the international students interviewed in this study wished to go back home so as to contribute to the development of their countries. This is a departure from the past when many of international students from Africa, especially those who went to study in the Global North, stayed and took up jobs in their host countries.

References African Union Commission. (2015). Agenda 2063: The Africa we want. http:// www.un.org/en/africa/osaa/pdf/au/agenda2063.pdf Al-Hawamdeh, A., & El-Ghali, H.  A. (2017). Higher Education and Syrian Refugee Students: The Case of Jordan. UNESCO.  Retrieved September 14, 2019 from http://www.unesco.org/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/ Beirut/Jordan.pdf xenophobic-violence-150420012539405.html Bergan, S., & Skjerven, S. (2019, July 14). Recognising refugee qualifications: A virtuous circle. University World News, 246.

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Chacha, C. N. (2004, August). Reforming higher education in Kenya: Challenges, lessons and opportunities [Paper presentation]. State University of New  York Workshop with the Parliamentary Committee on Education, Science and Technology, Naivasha, Kenya. European Union. (2015, November 16–17). Intra-ACP academic mobility scheme: Enhancing the quality of higher education in Africa. Conference report presented at the Namibia University of Science and Technology, Windhoek, Namibia. Morrice, L. (2013). Refugees in higher education: boundaries of belonging and recognition, stigma and exclusion. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 32(5), 652–668, DOI: 10.1080/02601370.2012.761288. ONE. (2016, July 26). The importance of refugee education. https://www.one. org/us/blog/the-­importance-­of-­refugee-­education/ Pavel, A. (2012). The importance of quality in higher education in an increasingly knowledge-driven society. International Journal of Academic Research in Accounting, Finance and Management Sciences, 2(1), 120–127. Ramsay, G., & Baker, S. (2019). Higher education and students from refugee backgrounds: A meta-scoping study. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 38(1), 55–82. Republic of Kenya. (2007). Kenya vision 2030. Kenya Government Printers. Republic of Kenya. (2008). National science, technology and innovation policy and strategy. Kenya Government Printers. Republic of Kenya. (2012). The universities act. Kenya Government Printers. Republic of Kenya. (2013). Ministry of education, science and technology strategic plan 2013–2017. Kenya Government Printers. Sawahel, W. (2019, July 14). Universities as peace-builders’. University World News, vol. 246. UNESCO. (2019). Global convention on the recognition of qualifications concerning higher education. https://en.unesco.org/themes/higher-­education/ recognition-­qualifications/global-­convention UNHCR. (2018a). The New York declaration for refugees and migrants. https:// www.unhcr.org/en-­us/comprehensive-­refugee-­response-­framework-­crrf.html United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2012, October 10). Top Kenyan university opens campus next to world’s largest refugee camp. https://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2012/10/507570199/top-­kenyan-­ university-­opens-­campus-­next-­worlds-­largest-­refugee-­camp.html United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2016a). Missing out: Refugee education in crisis. http://uis.unesco.org/sites/default/files/ documents/missing-­out-­refugee-­education-­in-­crisis_unhcr_2016-­en.pdf United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2016b). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2015. http://www.unhcr.org/statistics/ unhcrstats/576408cd7/unhcr-­global-­trends-­2015.html

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United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2018b). Turn the tide: Refugee education in crisis. https://www.unhcr.org/5b852f8e4.pdf United States International University  – Africa (USIU-A). (2015). 2015–2020 USIU strategic plan. USIU-A. United States International University  – Africa (USIU-A). (2016). Spring 2016 fact sheet. http://www.usiu.ac.ke/images/downloads/factsheet

CHAPTER 4

Political Stability: A Key Driver of African Student Mobility to Ghana Christiana Badoo

Introduction There is no doubt that peace, stability and rule of law are vital conduits to sustainable development anywhere in the world. Additionally, for any society to have appreciable development, it is important that majority of its citizens have access to higher education that will provide them with knowledge and skills to propel the development of the country. This has been missing in a number of countries especially in Africa, as the continent continues to be plagued by poor governance, armed conflict and terrorism, which hamper the acquisition of good quality higher education. Kamran et al. (2019) indicate that Ghana is the most popular international study destination in Sub-Saharan Africa, with the exception of South Africa which hosts more international degree students than Ghana (although it should be noted that no comparable data exist for Nigeria). They further assert that student inflows from other West African nations to Ghana have surged over the past decade. The number of international

C. Badoo (*) UNHCR, Accra, Ghana © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_4

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students in the country skyrocketed by 838 per cent between 2007 and 2015, from 1899 to 17,821 students. Since then, a downturn in student inflows from Nigeria helped depress the total number of inbound students to 12,978 by 2017, but inbound mobility in Ghana remains sizable, nonetheless. The country’s inbound mobility ratio, that is the percentage of international students among all tertiary students, is high by international comparison, standing at 2.8 per cent in 2017 according to the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (Kamran et al., 2019). This assertion by Kamran et al. (2019) is corroborated by Malete et al. (2015), who state that apart from South Africa, Ghana is one of the African countries whose academic credentials are highly respected within the continent, hence attracting significant numbers of international students to its higher institutions. The University of Ghana, for instance, targeted an enrolment level of about 10 per cent for international students as part of its admission policies to attract a significant number of international students from Europe, America and Africa (Malete et al., 2015). Higher education in Ghana has over the years seen impressive growth on various fronts such as widening access and participation, the expansion of academic facilities and a transformative policy environment. This has led to the growth of private sector participation and innovative funding approaches to increase the financial stability of institutions. Further, universities in Ghana have become attractive to students from other countries particularly in the Sub-Saharan African region (Atuahene & Owusu-­Ansah, 2013). The demand for and interest in international higher education is partly due to the fact that there are inadequate educational facilities and a lack of the resources necessary for running them in the home countries of many African international students. Unstable academic calendars and the low quality of educational certificates and their lack of recognition are some of the drivers for international higher education (Lin, 2007). Ghana’s political scene has been one of its most recognisable defining features. The country has been described by commentators as a flag bearer of democracy and is largely peaceful, in contrast to many of its neighbours, with two decades of stable democracy including free and open elections and a general presence of broader social stability. In the case of international student mobility into Ghana, many students are pushed away from their home countries as a result of political instability, terrorist attacks and the absence of the infrastructure needed for academic work. They are thus attracted and pulled to Ghana because of her democratic nature which has facilitated a peaceful environment and political stability.

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This research on academic student mobility conducted at two major universities in Ghana, the University of Ghana and Central University, has shown that besides the international recognition attained by universities in Ghana and its proximity, international students are also attracted to the country by the political stability and peaceful environment it offers, which result in a stable and conducive environment for the pursuit of higher education. Over the years, Ghana’s democratic nature, which has promoted peace and stability, has been one of the nation’s greatest assets. Peace and stability are one of the most attractive features for any country, and Ghana’s peaceful environment and political stability have not only opened economic doors but also made it a favourable educational destination for international universities, enabling the setting up of campuses in the country. Higher Education in Ghana: A Contextual Overview The higher education system in Ghana consists of universities and university colleges, polytechnics (now technical universities) and other professional and specialised institutions. Although the Government of Ghana has sole mandatory responsibility for providing higher education in Ghana, there has been an increase in private higher institutions since their introduction (Effah & Senadza, 2008). The higher education system is overseen by the Ministry of Education (responsible for policies on education) and other supporting agencies, including the Ghana Education Service (GES), the National Board for Professional and Technician Examinations (NABPTEX), the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE), the Council for Technical and Vocational Training (COTVET) and the National Accreditation Board (NAB) (Effah & Senadza, 2008). As at 2019, 81 private tertiary institutions had been accredited by the NAB to run various degree programmes. The inability of the government to expand and establish new institutions to meet the increasing demand for higher education has led to the rapid growth in private higher institutions in Ghana. Their emphasis has been on religious and theological studies, business administration, and information and communication technology. The number of tertiary institutions in Ghana as at 2015 was 200, and this increased to 220 in 2020 (NAB, 2019).

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The NAB is mandated under the PNDC law 317 of 1993 to accredit both public and private universities based on the content and standards of their programmes, and to determine the type of diplomas, certificates and other qualifications awarded by the institution in Ghana and elsewhere. These institutions also coordinate their own activities through certain coordinating bodies such as the Polytechnics Council, the Committee of Vice-Chancellors of Ghana (now Vice-Chancellors Ghana), the Conference of Heads of Private Universities in Ghana and the Conference of Principals of Polytechnics (Nyarko, 2015). The types of tertiary institution vary from technology and agriculture to the humanities, with the majority offering programmes in applied sciences, technology and social sciences. The student population of these tertiary institutions increases annually. Over the past decades, there has been a surge in the number of tertiary institutions in Ghana, particularly private institutions. According to the NAB, as at April 2019 the number of accredited tertiary institutions in the country, both public and private, stood at 220 (NAB, 2019) (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1  Statistics on tertiary institutions in Ghana No.

Category of institution

1 2 3

Public universities Public universities/professional institutions Private tertiary institutions offering degree programmes Technical universities Chartered private tertiary institutions Regionally owned (West Africa) tertiary institution Distance learning institutions Tutorial colleges Public polytechnics Private polytechnics Private colleges of education Public colleges of education Public nurses training colleges Private nurses training colleges Registered foreign institutions Total

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Source: NAB website (2019)

Total 10 7 81 8 5 1 2 8 2 1 7 39 29 15 5 220

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Justification for the Study A plethora of literature exists on the increase in the number of foreign students studying in Ghana; however, minimal scholarly work has been done on political stability as a major pull factor in the African academic student mobility discussion. Most of the discourse gives a general overview of the factors that attract foreign students to study in Ghana as well as students’ experiences, albeit with no particular emphasis on important factors such as political stability or a peaceful environment, important variables in the student mobility equation. Given the rise in foreign student numbers, this study explores the way in which peace acts as a strong pull factor in the decision to study in Ghana from the students’ own perspectives. The study therefore aimed to add to the limited literature available on African students’ decisions to study in Ghana and, hopefully, inform academia, policy makers, humanitarian actors and governments on the need to strengthen the peace architecture that Ghana has built over the years to attract more students and to make it a destination of choice for study on the continent. Research Questions This study sought to answer the following questions: What is the country’s higher education context? What shapes the motivations of foreign students, especially those from other African countries to choose to study in Ghana? What are the efforts put in place to provide education to international students? What do students from the University of Ghana and Central University aspire to achieve after their education in Ghana? Methodology The study made use of both quantitative and qualitative methods to unravel the motivations and experiences of international students in Africa. A survey instrument was developed to collect data related to the topic. In addition, interviews were conducted with 30 of the participants who were selected to complete the survey. Relevant documents were also accessed and analysed. The two universities, which represent a public and a private university, were identified as a result of their favourable profiles as hosts to a sizeable number of international students and their provision of quality education,

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having also adopted various internationalisation policies to drive the global agenda and their appeal. The case study applied a mixed-methods approach involving a survey that targeted about 100 international students at each of the two universities. In-depth interviews were also held with 15 international students at each university who were sampled purposively from among the survey participants who agreed to participate further. Survey questions covered demographic background characteristics (i.e. country of origin); reasons for choosing a Ghanaian institution; educational and career aspirations; perceptions and experiences in the country and its institutions; and aspirations to stay in the country, return home or work elsewhere following graduation. The interviews explored similar questions in a more detailed form as a way to fully address the research objectives. Document analysis was also undertaken to establish the policy environment regarding internationalisation and particularly the movement of African students into Ghana and its institutions. Data from the various sources was triangulated to give a holistic picture of the state of internationalisation and the mobility of students regarding Ghana and the two institutions. This information will be useful for strategizing future international student recruitment and better serve international student populations. Sampling: Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria International students studying various academic programmes/courses were identified and selected to participate in this research. By international students, we mean students who are foreign nationals/non-Ghanaians studying at the selected universities. These include full-time undergraduate and postgraduate students from levels 100–700 and pursuing long-­ term programmes, and not students undertaking short-term programmes such as visiting students (one academic year, one semester etc.). This was because long-term students are in a better position to share their experiences than short-term or visiting students. For the interviews, 8 females and 7 males (15 in total) from each university were interviewed and their experiences recorded. A link containing the survey questionnaire was sent to all international students.

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Political Instability and Terrorism as Key Twin Push Factors of Academic Student Mobility in Ghana A United Nations Security Council report points to the fact that security conditions remain volatile across the Sahel, where violence and insecurity have sparked an unprecedented humanitarian crisis, leaving 5.1 million Burkinabe, Nigerians and Malians in need (United Nations, 2019). The Sahel region of Africa covers the western to eastern parts of northern Senegal, southern Mauritania, central Mali, northern Burkina Faso, the extreme south of Algeria, Niger, the extreme north of Nigeria, parts of Cameroon and the Central African Republic, Central Chad, Central and Southern Sudan, the extreme north of South Sudan, Eritrea and the extreme north of Ethiopia (Wikipedia, 2020). In Burkina Faso, 226 security incidents in 2019 led to fresh displacement resulting in the closure of 2024 schools and 37 health centres soldiers (United Nations, 2019). In the Lake Chad Basin, Boko Haram splinter groups remain active, with Chad’s military suffering its deadliest assault when Boko Haram fighters killed 23 soldiers (United Nations, 2019). To situate this study better, Rosenberg (2019) postulates that push– pull factors are those that drive people away from a place while drawing people to a new location. Push factors are often forceful, demanding that a certain person or group of people leave one country for another, or at least giving that person or people strong reasons to want to move because of either a threat of violence or the loss of financial security. Rosenberg highlights that although push and pull factors are diametrically opposed, they both come into play when a population or person is considering migrating to a new location. In her writing, Frempong (2015) affirms that one important factor that influences international students’ decisions to undertake studies in Ghana is the peace and stability in the country. Her study revealed that the majority of international students who migrated to Ghana for academic purposes were of African descent and this was as a result of Ghana being one of the most peaceful and stable countries on the African continent, especially in the West African sub-region, in comparison to neighbouring countries like Cote D’Ivoire, Nigeria, Togo and others. According to Frempong (2015), these neighbouring countries have experienced a series of civil wars and terrorist attacks over the past couple of years, and as a

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result, Ghana has often been referred to as an “island of peace” considering the chaotic situation of the region. Drawing on the peaceful nature of the country, the University of Ghana has ably positioned itself through its internationalisation strategy of 2015, emphasising that its key enablers include reasonably good security on campus, Ghana’s political stability and its favourable status in the geopolitical landscape (University of Ghana, 2015). Currently, Ghana can boast of the establishment of five registered international institutions in the country. International universities find Ghana sufficiently politically stable to establish their campuses in the country. This goes further to consolidate Ghana’s democracy, peace and stability even in the education sector. The following responses were received in respect of the political stability/peaceful environment. In my search for a good, stable and peaceful country in which I could further my studies in International Affairs, Ghana topped the list for me since it was one of the few countries in the sub-region that had a stable and peaceful atmosphere with little or no incidence of political instability and terrorism. These two indicators were very important for me since I was looking out for a country where I could study freely without the fear of a civil war or being infected by terrorism. (Gambian student at Central University)

The need for safety and security is a priority for everyone and students are no exception. As a result, students will usually choose safe and stable countries and environments for study. These findings do not come as a surprise as Ghana is hailed by the international community as one of the most peaceful countries on the continent. A Nigerian student at the University of Ghana stated that, “I have always known Ghana to be a peaceful country and therefore did not have any second thoughts with regard to choosing a tertiary institution in Ghana”. A Sierra Leonean student at the University of Ghana indicated that: I decided to come to the Ghana to study because it is the only country in the sub-region that has not experienced civil war as a well as a terrorist attack. As far as I am concerned, it is the safest country I could ever travel to for higher education. What I saw during the war in my home country a few years ago was an eyesore, people dying like animals and blood on every street. My dear, it is hell living in a war-torn country.

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Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4, which aims at ensuring equal access for all women and men to affordable and quality technical, vocational and tertiary education including university by 2030, cannot be achieved if the right conditions for peace in any particular country are missing. It is important that all stakeholders, state and non-state actors alike, work to remove the barriers that hamper the conditions necessary for men and women to access higher education and create the right conditions to realise this goal. Furthermore, it is important that the international community make a concerted effort to avert the eruption of armed conflict and most importantly support men and women who wish to attain higher education abroad, especially in Africa, with the required resources and conditions such as ease of obtaining the visas/permits required to do so, especially in politically unstable countries, in order to attain the objectives stipulated in SDG 4.

State of Internationalisation in Ghana According to Effah and Senadza (2008), the tertiary education system in Ghana has long involved internationalisation as a result of university traditions. Most public institutions have exchange programmes in place with foreign universities and offices available to coordinate the programmes. In addition, the influence of the British system on which these universities were modelled still prevails. Both public and private tertiary institutions in Ghana have enrolled international students in all programmes. This is as a result of the bilateral agreements which the Government of Ghana through the Ministries of Education, Finance and Foreign Affairs has entered into with other countries especially in Africa in relation to specific areas of education. To enact this agreement, Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) have been signed to implement the agreement. By so doing, international scholarship opportunities are made available for Ghanaian students to study abroad and conduct and collaborate in research work (Effah & Senadza, 2008). Several international and regional organisations are also interested in promoting, supporting and facilitating international higher education. These organisations include the Association of African Universities (AAU), United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Department for International Development (DFID), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the British

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Council, the Government of the Netherlands, Japan International Cooperation Agency and the World Bank, the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Ford Foundation. These organisations provide funding for research and the dissemination of research findings through seminars and workshops, as well as helping to build capacity in institutional management and leadership in higher education institutions in Ghana (Effah & Senadza, 2008). Various governments have implemented internationalisation drives through policy instruments and strategic directions. In 2016, a national summit on tertiary education helped craft a national vision and plan for higher education in Ghana, which also led to a declaration and action plan articulating a vision for the twenty-first century. Embedded in this vision for higher education is a focus on fostering an entrepreneurial and internationally competitive nation. Additionally, the plan advocates for the development of research, innovation, knowledge transfer and forging of democratic citizenship, as well as leveraging global partnerships and encouraging greater engagement with foreign institutions and multilateral organisations. In 2019, a tertiary education policy and reforms in Ghana were instituted. This framework embodies the government’s quest to promote technology-driven options, including the active promotion of open and distance learning as well as internationalisation (NCTE, 2015). The key enabling factors for effective internationalisation in Ghana include political stability (peaceful elections, democracy etc.), the commitment of government to quality tertiary education, existing strategic documents/plans on internationalisation and the availability of institutions and experts within the tertiary education wing of the Ministry of Education to drive the internationalisation agenda. The main inhibitors of the effective internationalisation of higher education in Ghana include frequent changes of government (at least every eight years through elections) with the party manifestos of new governments adopting new strategies or not focusing on tertiary education, limited financial commitment to internationalisation drives, high cost of student visa fees, high cost of living in Ghana and sometimes a lack of commitment on the part of the political elite to internationalisation. State of Internationalisation at the University of Ghana, Legon International higher education is not new to the University of Ghana, as evidenced by its founding statutes as the University College of the Gold

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Coast (now the University of Ghana) in collaboration with the University of London in 1948. Indeed, Act 79 of 1961, which established the University of Ghana, mandated the University to provide opportunities for training and research for students from other countries, particularly from within Africa. The Act also emphasised the need to develop close relationships with other institutions within or outside Ghana. The University, as do all other universities, engages in its own independent internationalisation efforts in areas such as research collaboration, curriculum development, student and faculty exchange programmes, and technical support with other foreign institutions (Effah & Senadza, 2008). The University of Ghana revised its internationalisation policy in 2015 to advance internationalisation (University of Ghana, 2015). The University of Ghana Strategic Plan (2014–2024) discusses at length, under Strategic Priority 9, engaging with external stakeholders. Currently, the University of Ghana has about 83 university partnerships in 27 countries. Some of the partnerships that University of Ghana is engaged with include the Carnegie Corporation, the Government of Japan (Noguchi Memorial Institute) and the European Union (Erasmus Mundus institutional agreement; www.ug.edu.gh, 2019). The key enablers for effective internationalisation at the University of Ghana include clear commitment and strategy documents to promote internationalisation, the long history of the University, the fact that its credibility and quality draw key strategic partners to it and the diverse course structure of the University naturally attracts exchanges, the location and robust International Programmes Office, and the support from government in the implementation of certain key programmes such as internationalisation. Some inhibitors of internationalisation at the University of Ghana include the economic situation in the country which generally reduces the number of foreign students enrolled; a change in the drivers of internationalisation, for example changes of officials in the Vice Chancellor and Dean of International Programmes Office, who may be more committed to internationalisation than others; delays in the processes leading to the signing of agreements and MoUs; and foreign exchange transfer restrictions imposed on students from certain countries. This is the case for students from Nigeria who have difficulty transferring foreign exchange to pay for tuition and other related fees, thus resulting in some students withdrawing or threatening to withdraw their admission and thus affecting the University of Ghana’s enrolment figures (Badoo, 2016).

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State of Internationalisation at Central University, Ghana Central University has an internationalisation policy in place (though unpublished). It also has an International Programme Office that exists to promote international education and assist international students to effectively navigate affairs at the University. Central University pursues partnerships and other mutually beneficial collaborative activities including initiatives with the Mount Saint Vincent University in Canada for students and faculty exchange programmes, research activities, transfer of students through the creation of a 2+2 articulation agreement in a particular discipline, among others. It also has a partnership with the Southern University in New Orleans in the United States for exchange programmes, international research grants and the like, and also an agreement with the Groupe Institut Africain De Management in Senegal in terms of which it collaborates on student, staff and faculty exchange programmes, exchange of information and collaborative research common to both universities (www.central.edu.gh). Some notable enablers of the effective pursuit of internationalisation at Central University include a clear focus on internationalisation (strategy/ policy), the exceptional ability of the University leadership, the organisation of symposia on internationalisation and the invitation of key stakeholders (Asiedu, 2015). Some key inhibitors of the practice of internationalisation at Central University include difficult economic conditions prevailing in the country which tend to generally reduce the number of foreign students enrolled, with most partnerships going to the well-established/well-known public universities; delays in the processes of signing agreements/MoUs; and the fact that the courses offered in school are not suitable for internationalisation drives (Asiedu, 2015).

Findings This international student mobility study was carried out at the University of Ghana and Central University College, Ghana. Fifteen students, four females and eleven males, were interviewed at the University of Ghana of which approximately 33.3 per cent were pursuing postgraduate studies and 66.7 per cent undergraduate degrees. Their programmes of study included International Affairs, Population Studies, Nursing, Entomology, Geography, Marketing, and Medicine and Surgery. These students all come from West African countries with the majority from Nigeria (73 per cent).

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Other countries include Burkina Faso (13 per cent), Sierra Leone (7 per cent) and Benin (7 per cent) (Fig. 4.1). Fifteen students were sampled at Central University College, of which twelve were female and three males. All the respondents were undergraduate students pursuing various degree programmes in Pharmacy and Accounting, among others. The respondents’ home countries included Nigeria and Zambia in Africa. As Fig. 4.2 shows, Nigerians constituted the majority at 93.3 per cent, while Zambian students made up 6.7 per cent of the population. Choosing to Study in Ghana The findings of the study showed that Ghana has made giant strides in the promotion of internationalisation through the peaceful environment it provides for international students, especially those from Africa, and continues to do so through various policy frameworks and initiatives. International students in Ghana who come from neighbouring countries such as Nigeria, Cote d’Ivoire, Togo, Benin, Liberia, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo and Sierra Leone are attracted to Ghana not only by

Nigeria

Burkina Faso

7%

Sierra Leone

Benin

7%

13%

73%

Fig. 4.1  University of Ghana: distribution of the home countries of the respondents. Source: Field work (2016)

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Fig. 4.2  Central University: distribution of the home countries of the respondents. Source: Field work (2016)

Nigeria

Zambia

7%

93%

proximity but most importantly by the peaceful environment in which to study. Respondents to this study indicated that some of the best aspects of studying in Ghana, and for that matter their chosen universities, included favourable learning environments, the quality and friendliness of faculty staff, the availability of good teaching and learning facilities, the friendliness of Ghanaian students and the effective course structures among others. Most of the students, especially those from Nigeria who constituted the majority of foreign students at both universities, indicated that they had been exposed to various cultures and international education had broadened their horizon intellectually and socially, even though some added that there are negative perceptions of Nigerian people and they are often lumped together, while it is only a small segment of the Nigerian population that engages in social vices. This they believe requires sensitisation especially among the Ghanaian populace. Students who were affected by conflict and terrorism were particularly grateful to have the opportunity to further their education in Ghana. Different factors accounted for international students’ decisions to study in Ghana. Of the total of 30 international students interviewed, 53 per cent from the University of Ghana and 40 per cent from Central University stated that proximity to their home country informed their decisions to come to Ghana to study. Ghana’s peaceful environment/ political stability followed, with 27 per cent from the University of Ghana and 33.3 per cent from Central University stating that this had informed

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their decision, while educational stability informed the decisions for 20 per cent from the both the University of Ghana and Central University. In addition, 6.7 per cent of the students from Central University stated that a prophetic direction had led them to study in Ghana. To support the explanations offered by respondents who indicated they chose Ghana as their destination of study primarily because of its peaceful environment, the following excerpts are given: “I have always known Ghana to be peaceful” (Malian student at the University of Ghana); “Ghana is peaceful and safer for academic pursuit” (Zambian student at Central University); “Ghana’s tertiary educational calendar has not witnessed any interruption for a very long time” (Nigerian student at the University of Ghana); “Lecturers in Ghana seldom declare indefinite strike that distorts the academic calendar of higher educational institutions” (Nigerian student at Central University). These findings are not surprising, especially from West Africans, because Ghana is touted by the international community as one of the most peaceful countries in Africa. In 2019, according to the Global Peace Index (2019), Ghana ranked 44th among the most peaceful countries in the world—figures released by the Institute for Economics and Peace which ranks 163 countries according to their level of peacefulness (Global Peace Index, 2019). Ghana has often been presented as a beacon of democracy in Africa, with every US president visiting Ghana since the establishment of the country’s Fourth Republic in 1993. Since then, Ghana’s democracy has survived five widely accepted and credible elections (Boateng, 2016). In terms of proximity, the students in this study regarded Ghana as being very close to their home country, thus allowing them to save on transport costs. In addition, some students from Central University attributed their coming to study in Ghana to divine directions given by their family prophets. All the students interviewed from both the University of Ghana and Central University stated that terrorism was not an issue for them when they were considering Ghana as their higher education destination. Some of the respondents pointed to the fact that they had never heard of a terrorist attack of any kind in Ghana so did not even think of it as a hindrance. In connection with the need to acquire a visa for travel purposes, all the respondents indicated that they did not require a visa to travel to Ghana. This is because majority of international students contacted came from the West Africa sub-region, and their countries form part of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and are exempted from visas when travelling within this sub-region, merely requiring a residence permit to live and study in Ghana.

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International Students’ Academic and Social Experiences As Fig. 4.3 indicates, when rating the best aspects of studying in Ghana, the quality of staff and the facilities were rated equally at 27 per cent as the best aspect of studying in the University of Ghana. However, these were rated at only 26.7 per cent and 6.7 per cent, respectively, by student at Central University, while a conducive environment came out top among the students at Central University (46.7 per cent) but only 20 per cent by those at the University of Ghana. In terms of facilities, the students mentioned projectors, spacious lecture halls and public address (PA) systems as some of the facilities that impressed them. In terms of the quality of staff, the respondents alluded to the fact that the lecturers were good at teaching and able to impart knowledge, while others also mentioned that some of the lecturers were friendly and taught very well. Course structure also enjoyed the same 20 per cent level of recognition among University of Ghana students but did not come up at Central University. With regard to a conducive environment, the respondents stressed the fact that the university environment is peaceful and quiet which gives the students the peace of mind they require to study. In addition, six per cent of the respondents indicated students’ friendliness as their best aspect of studying at the University of Ghana. However, 20 per cent of the students interviewed in

50%

46.7%

45% 40% 35% 27% 26.7%

30% 25% 20%

27% 20%

20%

20%

15% 6.7%

10% 5% 0%

6% 0%

Conducive Quality of staffs Evnironment

Facilities

University of Ghana

Course Structure

0% Student's friendliness

0% No best aspect

Central University college

Fig. 4.3  The best aspects of studying in Ghana, as indicated by international students

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Central University did not mention a best aspect in relation to studying at the university. With regard to the student–faculty relationships, 93.3 per cent and 64 per cent of students from the University of Ghana and Central University, respectively, acknowledged that their current institutions were better than what they find in their home countries, while only 6.7 per cent (University of Ghana) and 27 per cent (Central University) of students at both universities stated that the situation in their current universities is the same as that which prevails in their home countries. The students related their responses to the friendliness and rapport that exist between students and the faculty members at their various universities. Accordingly, 53.3 per cent and 89 per cent of the respondents from the University of Ghana and Central University, respectively, indicated that the medium of instruction is the same as that in their home countries, while 40 per cent and 11 per cent at the University of Ghana and Central University, respectively, regarded it as better. Only 6.7 per cent of the respondents from the University of Ghana viewed the medium of instruction at the institution as worse than their home countries. This is because most students asserted that most of the lecturers use the intersperse English (which is the official medium of instruction) with the local Ghanaian language (Twi) when explaining some phenomenon or when simply communicating with the entire class assuming that they all understand it and this they said happened frequently, a situation they weren’t happy about. In assessing the impact of international education on respondents, both academic and personal impact came up as the areas with the greatest impact. In terms of academic impact, respondents from the University of Ghana revealed that the university has helped sharpen their communication skills, introduced them to new ideas and broadened their knowledge. Respondents from Central University stated that it has expanded the frontiers of their knowledge and has greatly improved their level of comprehension of issues and theories. Personally, students stated that international education had improved their human relation skills; they were able to learn about the culture of other students; and it had shaped their moral values and enabled them to manage themselves better in an international environment. Others from the University of Ghana revealed that the university had boosted their confidence, improved their human relations and helped them to be tolerant of divergent views. In addition, the university had made them more focused in their lives and they were more able to adjust to and accommodate different people.

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The majority of students interviewed from both institutions indicated that the teaching and learning experience in Ghana was better than they had in their home countries and visa and residence permit acquisition more flexible compared to other countries. Students however complained about the outrageous fees which are much higher than those charged for local students, discrimination in times of crisis, delays by the international student offices to act on issues relating to their accommodation and the like (albeit helpful), and local language barriers, among others. Local students and some faculty members were also found to be very helpful both socially and academically. International Students’ Plans After Study in Ghana Most of the respondents interviewed (about 95 per cent) longed to return home after their studies, especially where their countries had returned to normalcy, to either continue with their masters or PhD degree programmes or search for jobs/set up businesses back home after their studies in Ghana. It is instructive to note that although the study showed that students had good academic and social experiences in Ghana, their desire to return home when conditions are good is not in doubt. This brings to the fore the importance of strengthening the peace architecture in African countries especially south of the Sahara. This is because when these students return to their countries, they are able to contribute positively to developmental paradigms; however, without a peaceful environment or political stability, development will be hampered. The remaining 5 per cent aspired to further their studies in Europe or the Americas, citing the high fees charged in Ghanaian universities and the very few scholarship opportunities available. Here are some of the responses of the foreign students on their future plans/aspirations. After school, I would go back to Nigeria to look for work and if that doesn’t work out, I will start my own business. My studies in Pharmacy have equipped me with the necessary skills and knowledge to succeed and I will endeavour to succeed at whatever I do. (Nigerian student at Central University, Ghana) My aspiration is to do my master’s degree after the completion of my first degree but I would not like to do it in Ghana due to high tuition fees. I want to become a politician. (Nigerian student at the University of Ghana, Legon)

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I want to go back to my country and help build it after here. The political climate is not very good and I hope that in the coming years, Sierra Leone can consolidate its democracy the way Ghana has, to attract more international students. (Sierra Leonian student at the University of Ghana, Legon) My aim is to apply the knowledge and skills I have learnt on my programme to benefit my country, although I love Ghana very much. Ghana is a real beacon of democracy and it’s very safe to make a life here. (Zambian Student at Central University, Ghana) I hope to go back to my country to look for a job but if I get a job here in Ghana I will stay. The terrorism situation in Burkina is worsening by the day and so if I get the opportunity to stay, I shall surely stay. (Burkinabe student at the University of Ghana, Legon)

Challenges Faced by International Students in Ghana and Intention to Recommend Their Universities to Other Peers Of the total number of international students interviewed, 53 per cent from the University of Ghana and 60 per cent from Central University indicated that they did not feel welcome or comfortable on campus. The reasons given included the delay in securing residence permits, unsatisfactory treatment meted out to international students in spite of the high fees they pay, lack of airport pickups, exclusion of international students from main student activities such as GRASAG (Graduate Students Association of Ghana) celebrations, the frequent use of the local language (Twi) and the high fees paid by international students. By contrast, 46.7 per cent and 40 per cent from the University of Ghana and Central University, respectively, did feel welcome and comfortable on campus. As to whether they would recommend their institutions to their peers, 73.3 per cent and 36 per cent of the respondents from the University of Ghana and Central University, respectively, stated that they would recommend their institutions to their peers, with respondents from Central University stating the flexible admission requirements, social networking and the serene environment as the main reasons for their recommendation. On the other hand, 26.7 per cent from the University of Ghana and 14 per cent from Central University College would only recommend them if the fees were reduced. However, 50 per cent of the respondents from Central University stated that they would not recommend the institution to their peers because a programme such as Pharmacy does not have the necessary equipment to support teaching and learning.

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Conclusion and Recommendations The study showed that Ghana needs to take advantage of her current political and economic stability to attract foreign students to her higher education institutions. This would require properly coordinated actions by government ministries, departments and agencies such as the Ministries of Education, Trade and Tourism, the Interior, and Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, and the Ghana Immigration Service. Similarly, other governments and education ministries in developing countries need to adopt a proactive approach to recruiting international students to their higher education institutions by ensuring that there is peace and political stability coupled with quality education to attain the level of internationalisation that Ghana has attained. This would help increase their market share of international students at the global level. A larger scale research study should be funded to investigate the needs and experiences of international students at academic institutions in developing countries to enable comparisons and generalisations to be made. Safety is a priority for every human being and students from non-African countries are no exception. As a result, they usually choose safe and stable countries especially with regard to those in West Africa, of which Ghana is one. A number of factors which drew African students to the two universities have been listed as some of the reasons why international students are attracted to undertake study programmes in Ghana, as explained by the respondents. These include the dynamic programmes offered and their duration, the peace and stability prevailing in Ghana, the rich culture of the Ghanaian people, the location of the country, prior knowledge of other people who have studied in Ghana, the English language as the official language of Ghana, low or no incidence of epidemic diseases or infections like Ebola in the country and good quality education. That notwithstanding, the study recommended, among other things, that fees for international students be reduced, class sizes be reduced, lecturers should make efforts not to use the local language for illustrations in class, international programmes offices should improve efforts to address the challenges of international students, and teaching and learning methods for some courses should be improved. A conscious attempt to address the listed challenges could result in Ghana and other African countries attracting students within the continent and also reduce the associated brain drain that is likely to occur when Africans study outside of the continent.

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References Asiedu, M. (2015). Excerpts from interview. Head of International Programmes Office, Central University. Atuahene, F., & Owusu-Ansah, A. (2013). A descriptive assessment of higher education access, participation, equity, and disparity in Ghana. Journal Indexing and Metrics, 3(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244013497725 Badoo, C. (2016). Field Survey, Academic Student Mobility in Ghana (Unpublished). Boateng, G. (2016). Africa up close. Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars. Effah, P., & Senadza, B. (2008). Higher education in Africa: The international dimension. Centre for International Higher Education, Boston College and Association of African Universities. Frempong, A.  K. (2015). Foreign students mobility to Ghana: Motivations and implication [Master’s dissertation]. University of Ghana, Accra. Global Peace Index. (2019). Measuring peace in a complex world. Institute of Economics and Peace. Retrieved January 29, 2020 from http://visionofhumanity.org/app/uploads/2019/06/GPI-­2019-­web003.pdf Kamran, M., Liang, Y., & Trines, S. (2019). Education system profiles: Education in Ghana. https://wenr.wes.org/2019/04/education-­in-­ghana Lin, L. (2007). What are students’ educational related needs? Marketing and Research Today, 25(1), 199–212. Malete, L., Glass, A., Scarboro, D., & Marinoni, G. (2015). Strategies for the Internationalisation of University of Ghana: Final Report. International Association of Universities. http://ipo.ug.edu.gh/sites/ipo.ug.edu.gh/files/ u8/IAU-­ISAS-­UG%20final%20Report.pdf NAB. (2019). Retrieved April 5, 2019, from http://www.nab.gov.gh/ NCTE. (2015). Retrieved August 20, 2015, from http://www.ncte.edu.gh/ images/pdf/declaration%20and%20action%20plan.pdf Nyarko, K. (2015). Interview with the Executive Director. National Accreditation Board (NAB). Rosenberg, M. (2019). Push-pull factors in immigration: How people are pushed and pulled toward a new country. https://www.thoughtco.com/ push-­pull-­factors-­1434837 United Nations. (2019). Tackling Potential Sources of Conflict in West Africa Critical before High-Stakes Elections: Special Representative Tells Security Council, 8585th Meeting (PM), SC/13898. University of Ghana. (2015). Strategies for the internationalisation of University of Ghana: Final report. International Association of Universities. Wikipedia. (2020). Retrieved January 29, 2020, from https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Sahel

CHAPTER 5

Citizens’ Hospitality and the Legal-­Regulatory and Policy Instruments that Enhance Inbound International Student Mobility: The Case of Uganda Alfred Kenneth Kiiza

Introduction Since colonial times, government policies and legal frameworks have been key ingredients for guiding the management of both national and international student affairs in Uganda’s higher education institutions (HEIs). In light of this, Krieger and Lange (2008, 2) argue that disparities in the education policies, systems and internationalisation strategies among nations influence students’ cross-border movements. International student mobility in Ugandan higher education can be traced back to the establishment of Makerere College as a technical college in 1922. The

A. K. Kiiza (*) Uganda Management Institute (UMI), Kampala, Uganda © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_5

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inflow of international students resulted from the high demand for trained artisans in the East African territories of Uganda, Kenya and Tanganyika (Omaswa et al., 2013, 4–5), as well as Malawi and Zambia (Sicherman, 2008, 13), to take up administrative positions in their new governments. The Makerere Act of 1970 made it an independent national university of the Republic of Uganda, offering undergraduate and postgraduate courses and awarding its own certificates and degrees (Omaswa et al., 2013, xiii). Over the years, Makerere University Kampala (MAK) gained extraordinary global academic ranking based on its high research output. For instance, it was ranked third in Africa by the Times Education World University in 2016/2017 (MAK Visitation Report, 2017, 3). This position attests to the existence of policies designed and applied by the university to deliver the research outputs, thus suggesting a superior system compared to other universities. Its premier position has been a major attraction for international students seeking to attain quality learning from the Ugandan education system. In the academic years 2014/2015, 2015/2016 and 2016/2017, the total enrolment of international students in Ugandan HEIs was 20,892, 18,943 (NCHE, 2015/2016, 30), 18,478 in 2016/2017 and 18,903 (NCHE, 2017/2018, 35) respectively. Based on its reputation MAK is the first choice of both national and international students when applying for university admission. The second choice is generally other government universities while private universities are considered thereafter (Kwesiga & Ahikire, 2006, 6). The academic reputation of MAK is to some extent attributable to diverse but supportive national policies (Appelt et al., 2015, 4) and the existing legal and regulatory frameworks that facilitate its engagement with external stakeholders. The aim of this chapter is to provide an analysis of how national policies and legal and regulatory frameworks influence the mobility of inbound international students’ mobility and their academic and social experiences in Uganda. The key question that it addresses is what legal-regulatory frameworks and policy instruments exist that directly or indirectly influence international students’ decisions to study at Ugandan universities. It is argued that a country’s policy environment is supported by its regulatory framework which, although overlooked, has a significant impact on international students’ choice of higher education destinations, as well as their academic and social experiences. In developing this argument the following issues will be explored: citizens’ hospitality, legal-regulatory and policy instruments specific to higher education, as well as the findings of the study on which this chapter is based.

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Literature Review Globally, many countries and institutions of higher learning design appropriate strategies to develop and implement their internationalisation agenda. This study adopted Woldegiorgis and Doevenspeck’s (2015, 107) definition of internationalisation as “the policy responses of HEIs and governments towards the forces of globalization”. Teichler (2017) identifies the features of internationalisation activities implemented at the HEI level as involving, among other things, student and staff mobility across countries, collaboration and partnerships among universities and funding agencies, as well as joint research across institutions in different countries. Similarly, Itaaga et al. (2013, 2) identify joining regional higher education network organisations, external examinations, transfer of credit, delivery of online courses and operating branch campuses as other forms in which globalisation finds expression. Park (2009, 743) and Amaral et al. (2016, 50) argue that depending on its strategic focus, as government sets out the policy and regulatory frameworks to operationalise its internationalisation agenda, it creates either a negative or a positive impression of the country, which influences the students’ choices and their mobility direction. In their study on “The importance of place for international students’ choice of university”, conducted in Malaysia (Singh et al., 2014), citizens’ hospitality, as seen through their willingness and ability to offer social support to international students and their diverse needs, emerged as an important cultural value that influenced their choice (Singh et al., 2014, 474). Having a guaranteed social network to belong to in a foreign country contributes to international students’ comfort, achievement and acclimatisation in the new country (Pham & Tran, 2015, 204), with or without a formal internationalisation strategy. Literature indicates that many African universities do not have written internationalisation policies to guide their processes, which results in a lack of up-to-date data on international students (Woldegiorgis & Doevenspeck, 2015). Furthermore, Ayoo (2009) asserts that it is difficult to obtain useful figures on international students in any of the three East African countries. Itaaga et  al. (2013, 2–7) found a similar lack of a formal internationalisation strategy and data on international students at Makerere University. The lack of policy and data notwithstanding, Jowi (2009), Findlay (2010) and Sehoole (2011) contend that many countries and HEIs globally are active participants in determining the flow of international students as they apply diverse policy and regulatory options.

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However, depending on the degree of perceived or real uncertainty and risk that international students may pose, a country may pass regulations that impose numerous limitations on inbound students. Findlay (2011, 127) show that government policy on immigration, opportunities for residency and employment after graduation influence the choice of destination country. Appelt et al.’s (2015) study found that scientists who crossed borders considered the country’s economic conditions, financial allocation dedicated to research and development, and visa conditions in making decisions regarding migration. Kahanec and Králiková’s (2011) study on the effects of higher education policies on the extent of international students’ cross-border mobility established that the superiority of HEIs and the accessibility of courses delivered through the English language attracted them to study in a specific country. Abuosi and Abor (2015) found the desire to establish professional networks and opportunities for career progression to be major pull factors for international students in Ghana. These empirical studies demonstrate the pivotal influence that policies designed at national level and implemented at the institutional level have on the destination decisions of international students.

Rationale Studies conducted at the global level (Findlay, 2010; Kahanec & Králiková, 2011) and the continental level, including Woldegiorgis and Doevenspeck (2015), Abuosi and Abor (2015), Sehoole (2011) and Jowi (2009), have focused to a large extent on international students’ choices. Similarly, a number of studies such as Othieno and Nampewo (2012), Itaaga et  al. (2013), Kessio and Mureithi (2014) and Mande and Nakayita’s (2015) have been conducted on internationalisation practices in Uganda. However, these studies are silent on the role of policies as pull factors in enhancing student mobility as well as on their academic and social experiences, despite the fact that each of the aspects of internationalisation implemented in universities implicitly or explicitly reflects government’s preference. This paucity of knowledge is intriguing and justified its exploration as the focus of this study.

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Methodology The investigation was qualitative in nature and applied documentary analysis to collect data from existing scholarly work, government policies and plans, as well as legal and regulatory instruments. The decision to use documentary analysis was informed by the desire to discover what is both known and unknown about a topic (Findlay, 2010, 166), in this case the existing legal and policy instruments that either directly or indirectly influence international student mobility in Uganda. This is grounded in the knowledge that written text contained in documents constitutes an important source of information for researchers (Wickens, 2011, 151) to discover trends in the area of study (Tkaczyk et al., 2015, 217). The approach was deemed appropriate because it presents Uganda’s legal and policy perspective with respect to international student inflows (Salinas & Friedel, 2016, 969). In addition, 24 international students were interviewed—12 from Makerere University Kampala (MAK), a public institution, and 12 from Kampala International Universities (KIU), a private institution, which have admitted international students since 1922 and 2001, respectively. Among the public institutions of higher learning in Uganda, MAK leads in the admission of international students (MAK Visitation Committee Report, 2017, xv), while among the private Ugandan HEIs, KIU leads admissions with 4500 international students (NCHE, 2015/2016, 57).

Theoretical Framework Governments have a legal and moral obligation to regularly formulate domestic and foreign policies that are practical but sensitive to the needs of the population concerned (Aminu et  al., 2012, 57). Consequently, international students’ choice of study country and institution is informed by the interplay between adopted national and foreign policies. This study is framed within the widely acknowledged and applied pull-push theory by McMahon (1992) to explain international students’ cross-border movements. McMahon investigated the reasons why students migrated from 18 less developed countries to advanced economies like the United States of America, accordingly categorising these reasons into the push and pull factors of migration. The push factors include home country-specific policy instruments and systems that cause dissatisfaction when students interact with them in anticipation of gaining their academic goals, which

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subsequently inspires cross-border movement in the hopes of attaining these goals from another education system abroad. Pull factors, on the other hand, include policy instruments in the destination country which attract students to migrate there. In essence, the pull-push theory is a reflection of the national and institutional policies designed to either directly attract or indirectly discourage migration into a country. The current study investigated how the Ugandan national policy and legal instruments directly or indirectly act as stimulating factors that attract international students to its education system.

Findings and Discussion The themes that inform the findings of this investigation emerged from a process of documentary review and interviews with international students. This chapter discusses the role of specific policies and legal frameworks as well as citizens’ hospitality in enhancing international student inflow into the Ugandan higher education system. Such specific policies and acts include Government of Uganda White Paper on Education (GWPE) of 1992; the Ugandan Citizen and Immigration Control (UCIC) Act, No 13 of 2002; the University and Other Tertiary Institutions (UOTI) Act, 2001; the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) Act, 2001; the Public Private Partnership Act, 2015; the National ICT Act of 2014 and the Vision 2040. The findings relevant to specific policy instruments or acts are presented in the following section.

The Legal and Policy Framework of Higher Education in Uganda The legal and regulatory framework of higher education in Uganda that has a direct bearing on international students’ academic interests is broadly framed by the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda (1995), the Universities and other Tertiary Institutions Act of 2001, and the UCIC Act No. 13 of 2002, as well as the Government White Paper in Education (GWPE) (1992), among others. Connected to the legal-regulatory framework are other nationally adopted policies that have either direct or indirect implications for international students interested in studying in the country. The legal, regulatory and policy framework is premised on the meaning of internationalisation adopted for this chapter, that is the “active

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engagement with the development of policies, plans, programs, strategies and approaches at various levels of decision-making intended to stimulate global perspectives in higher education” (Crăciun, 2018). Crăciun (2018) further argues that to gain a deeper understanding of how countries support or inhibit internationalisation, one needs to audit what they do using the available policies, programmes, systems and procedures. The Government of Uganda (GOU) policy documents, laws and institutional frameworks that were reviewed directly or indirectly support internationalisation processes but also facilitate the attainment of its political and security goals (Ahimbisibwe, 2013, 16). The existence of an elaborate set of internationalisation policies, instruments and plans reflects a country’s political support (Crăciun, 2018). While some governments have explicit internationalisation policies and strategies, others operationalise implicit policies at national and institutional levels when taking decisions that affect international students (Crăciun, 2018, 96). In the case of Uganda there an explicit internationalisation policy and strategy to guide its higher education is lacking (Itaaga et al., 2013, 2). However, there are a number of policy documents from which one can derive knowledge about government’s actions, objectives and desires in respect to international students in Uganda. The behaviour and actions of HEIs in the country are guided by the application of government policy instruments designed to pursue its policy agenda (Tamtik, 2017, 9) with the participation of its citizens. In light of this, Uganda’s policy and legal framework that enhances student mobility and citizens’ hospitality and friendliness, as well as the academic and social experiences students attain, are discussed in the following section.

Policies Enhancing International Student Mobility International student mobility is driven by diverse national influences (UNESCO, 2013, 1), including dynamic policies and strategies designed to attract them to the destination countries (Staniscia, 2012, 249). However, these policies work in tandem with elements that push, that is, perceptions that inspire the students to migrate out of their country, pull factors (Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002, 5), directional factors (Park, 2009, 743) and/or the magnet of opportunities (Sehoole, 2011, 54) that motivate students to choose to study in a specific country or institution. In addition, there are national factors that act as pull factors which either directly or indirectly attract international students to study in Uganda.

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Uganda has for many years been considered an “education hub” for East African Community (EAC) member states (Odebero, 2015). Nevertheless, the presence of international students in a country continues to breed apprehension among policymakers as a result of financial, ethnic and security complexities and implications that transcend the education domain (UNESCO, 2015, 31). Concerns about preserving national security have given rise to, among others things, the need to adopt rules and regulations to regulate private education providers as well as visa obligations. In the case of Uganda, information on government strategic intentions and decisions exists in, among others, the 1992 GWPE, the UCIC Act, 2002; University and Other Tertiary Institutions Act, 2001; the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE), 2001; the Public Private Partnership Act, 2015; the National Information Communication and Technology Policy of 2014 and the Vision 2040, which are discussed in the subsequent sections.

Government of Uganda White Paper on Education (GWPE), 1992 Uganda’s current education policy reforms are based on the 1992 publication of the GWPE. The GWPE aimed at, among other things, (i) promoting understanding and appreciation of the value of national unity and international relations among learners; (ii) instilling moral and ethical values and friendship; and (iii) supporting the scientific, technical and cultural knowledge, skills and attitudes required to champion development. The GWPE objectives and learning outcomes are appealing and speak to the needs of both national and international students who desire to undertake quality higher education in Uganda. The designed policy objectives and learning outcomes are a pull factor and an opportunity for international students to take advantage of and apply for admission to universities of their choice in Uganda. On critical reflection, it is observed that policies and regulatory frameworks present a supportive environment in which international higher education can flourish. In Uganda, the 1995 constitution provides the foundation on which all other legal and regulatory arrangements are based when focusing on national and international interests.

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The Ugandan Citizen and Immigration Control (UCIC) Act, No. 13 of 2002 Education is universally recognised as a human right, as embedded in Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), and is domesticated in the 1995 Ugandan constitution. The constitution guarantees the right to education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels and commits to the safety of all persons (Article 21) and property domiciled in Uganda, regardless of nationality. The constitution also provided for the establishment of the National Citizenship and Immigration Board (NCIB), which was operationalised through the UCIC Act to control and regulate entry into the country and guarantee the safety of all foreigners including students. Among its functions, the Board issues travel documents including visas, study permits and student passes to international students, and registers aliens and issues identity cards and work permits to them, specifically academics/faculty involved in academic collaboration with HEIs in Uganda. The relative ease with which visa and other travel documents are accessed is one consideration among others that foreigners in general and international students in particular consider as a pull factor which influences their choice of Uganda as a study destination. UNESCO (2013, 13) supports this view, claiming that by a country making its immigration procedures simpler, it becomes more attractive as an education destination. Exemplifying the ease in acquiring a visa, one student declared that: I showed them [immigration officers] my KIU admission letter explaining everything. So I got my visa on arrival. So everything was just easy. (KIU2—Nigerian)

Regarding visa acquisition for international students from East African Community countries, the requirement for a visa was nullified by the adoption of the East African Common Market Protocol (2009) that came into force in 2010. One student, seemingly aware of his rights, stated: No, I don’t need visas. I am from the East African Community country. (MAK3—Burundian)

The GOU, in the spirit of the EAC Protocol signed in 1999, adapted a policy on the free movement of persons in the region to the use of national identity cards as an alternative to the use of national passports (Ministry of

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Foreign Affairs [MOFA] Policy Statement, 2015/2016, xii). Similarly, online immigration services (e-visa) were commissioned to reduce the lead time and increase international business in both goods and education services, among others (Ministry of Internal Affairs Policy Statement, financial year 2017/2018, xv). Possession of a valid entry permit, certificate of permanent residence or special pass issued under the NCIC Act (2002) clause 59(1) also opens employment opportunities to international students. It is argued that to succeed in attracting international students the spirit behind a country’s immigration control system should be one of facilitating the internationalisation agenda rather than operating a cumbersome arrangement that frustrates potential foreign students who desire to undertake studies in Uganda. Accordingly, the international student’s gateway to Uganda is through the UCIC Act, 2002, as discussed. However, to meet the high demand for higher education from EAC states, while remaining competitive and relevant (Huang, 2007, 425), the GOU enacted the UOTI Act, 2001, which will be discussed below.

The University and Other Tertiary Institutions (UOTI) Act 2001 To ameliorate the current challenges imposed by the massification and internationalisation of higher education in Uganda, the GOU enacted the UOTI Act which provides the framework for regulating the functionality and quality of education offered by public and private HEIs in the country. The Act is also designed to facilitate the integration of cross-border students. Over time, the MAK as the premier university and the only one in existence at that time was unable to meet the high demand for Uganda’s higher education by both national and international students. In recognition of the limited capacity to provide university education, the GOU established more public universities and also privatised post-secondary education to meet the excess demand (Mugabi, 2012, 215). The enactment of the UOTI Act, 2001, was intended to facilitate the development of private universities in response to the high demand for higher education nationally and regionally. It also provided an opening for international students to enrol in a number of private universities that opened thereafter and which were awarded charters and licences to operate. The approval of the Islamic University in Uganda (IUIU) in 1988 as the first private

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university in Uganda was a landmark shift in the demand for higher education service delivery that the public university could not satisfy. In this regard, to date there are 51 universities in Uganda, of which 42 are private universities and 9 are public universities (NCHE, 2015/2016, 31). A total of 162,299 students were enrolled in university education in the 2016/2017 academic year, of which 146,520 were Ugandans and 15,779 were international students, representing 10.78% of the total university student enrolment (NCHE Report, 2016/2017, 50). The presence of high numbers of international students in Ugandan universities is attributable to the existence of a number of private universities. Table 5.1 provides university enrolment data for international students as provided to National Council for Higher Educations (NCHE).

The National Council for Higher Education (NCHE), 2001 The NCHE was established by the UOTI Act, 2001; it is a regulatory institution mandated to set standards, accredit, monitor and oversee the functionality of education programmes delivered by universities and other HEIs in Uganda and ensure their quality. The purpose of these regulations is to ensure the appropriateness, relevance and adequacy of programmes and courses of study and the standardisation of university entry and qualifications of staff in HEIs in Uganda, as well as to produce quality graduates relevant to the international job market. The NCHE undertakes routine monitoring, ensures compliance and enforces the application of regulations and standards in both public and private HEIs. Speaking to the need to adhere to standards, one student shared the following: My greatest challenge with this university (KIU) is … the school of Engineering is not accredited … I know what it means to have an accreditation … I know the implication when a school is not accredited and you are studying from there. (KIU4—Nigerian)

This quote highlights the importance of private universities adhering to national standards enforced by the NCHE.  Although Uganda has no explicit internationalisation policy and strategy (Itaaga et al., 2013, 2), the governmental and HEI strategies in place indicate the desire to offer an attractive higher education output and outcome for both national and international students. This aligns with the reality that countries with an

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internationalisation agenda to pursue seek to attract and retain international students in their education system (UNESCO, 2013, iii) by adopting a partnership approach between government and private higher education sector players.

Public Private Partnership Act, 2015 The Public Private Partnership Act (2015) adopted by the GoU recognises the country’s limited capacity to meet demands for higher education through the public delivery mechanism. As Table 5.1 illustrates, private universities enrol more international students than public universities would admit. However, private universities and other HEIs have limited capacity owing to infrastructure constraints (NCHE report, 2015/2016, 46). To validate this concern, one respondent revealed that: KIU does not have adequate labs for electrical engineering … there is a lab but has these basic sockets, lights, adaptors, cables and tubes. (KIU14—Zambian)

In recognition of the contribution private universities make to knowledge and skills development, in the financial year 2016/2017, government provided financial support to five private universities, namely Bishop Stuart, Mountains of the Moon, Nkumba, Ndejje and Kumi, to address the challenges encountered in relation to limited infrastructure (MOES Annual Report, 2016/2017, 87). Similar financial support for infrastructure development, expansion and rehabilitation was given to seven public universities (see Table  5.1) under the Implementation of Support to Higher Education, Science and Technology (HEST) project. This investment in infrastructural infrastructure development, expansion and rehabilitation is designed to improve the teaching and learning environment and is meant to create effective learning to attract both national and international students. In terms of the 2015 Partnership Act, HEIs engage in collaborations with national and international institutions. Through such partnerships the GOU recognises inbound foreign education curricula and institutions, which makes Ugandan HEIs more attractive to international students to the country. Collaborative engagement is evident in areas of research and publications, staff and programme mobility, curriculum development, teaching and the awarding of degrees (Knight, 2012, 20). This is in line

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Table 5.1  International student enrolment in public and private universities for the academic year 2015/2016 Name of institution Public universities Makerere University Mbarara University of Science and Technology Kyambogo University Gulu University Busitema University Muni University Lira University Total male and female enrolment in public universities Private universities Islamic University in Uganda Uganda Christian University Uganda Martyrs’ University Ndejje University Bugema University Nkumba University Kampala International University* Aga Khan University Busoga University Cavendish University Bishop Stuart University Kabale University Kumi University Uganda Pentecostal University St. Lawrence University Kampala University* Mountains of the Moon University Muteesa 1 Royal University African Bible University International Health Sciences University International University of East Africa (IUEA) Uganda Technology and Management University (UTAMU) Africa Renewal University Virtual University of Uganda St. Augustine International University Team University Bishop Barham University College University of Kisubi Uganda Martyrs Nile University Campus

Male

Female Total

265 12 0 6 0 0 0 283

184 8 0 0 3 0 1 196

449 20 0 6 3 0 1 479

219 178 132 171 1113 386 3252 1 200 1053 7 124 6 8 571 1348 75 1 29 35 582 49 10 20 4 20 98 9 15

525 154 58 42 420 110 1248 0 89 650 10 70 5 3 367 1152 33 4 21 49 117 1 10 2 1 25 34 11 9

744 332 190 213 1533 496 4500 1 289 1703 17 194 11 11 938 2500 108 5 50 84 699 50 20 22 5 45 132 20 24 (continued)

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Table 5.1 (continued) Name of institution

Male

Female Total

Makerere University Business School

120

137

257

Stafford University Uganda Total enrolment in male and female enrolment in private university Total male and female (public and private)

140 9976

100 5457

240 15,433

10,259 5653

15,912

Source: NCHE Report (2015/2016, 57–59)

with the Uganda Tourism Act (2008, clause 7b, e) designed to promote the tourism sector by sponsoring educational programmes and training in schools to make Uganda an attractive and sustainable education destination. This resonates with the concept of academic tourism (Rodriguez et al., 2012, 1583) in terms of which the potential for differential attractiveness, lifestyle and preferences of students informs their choice of study destination. In line with the desire to attain a qualification from an institution sponsors recognise and partner with, one students reiterated that: The issue is I had a scholarship in Uganda. I had two choices to make based on the sponsor’s conditions. You have to migrate from your own country to another African country and that’s how I chose Uganda; and secondly the programme I decided to offer is only here [MAK] among Ugandan University. (MAK14—Cameroonian)

This quote validates the claim that the adoption of flexible policies through partnerships opens opportunities for students, staff, institutional and programme mobility (British Council, 2011, 8). For instance, Cavendish University was accredited and licensed by the NCHE in 2008 with all its study programmes; in the 2015/2016 academic year, it attracted 1703 international students. Similarly, in a partnership arrangement Makerere University Business School (MUBS) signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with Shenyang University, China, to teach Chinese courses and establish a Confucius Institute at the university (Ministry of Foreign Affairs Policy Statement, 2015/2016, xiv). It is argued that such policy options present an opportunity that attracts international students and influences their decision to study and work in Uganda.

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The National Information Communication and Technology (ICT) Policy of 2014 In the light of the global pressures on HEIs to have an edge over others in the region and beyond, the GOU adopted the National ICT Policy for implementation in government institutions. The vision and the priority intervention of this policy include, among others, to encourage and support academic institutions to automate their management systems and to establish a national educational network to enable the sharing of e-libraries that are linked to reputed scientific repositories. Similarly, the linking of public universities to the National Backbone Infrastructure (NBI) to enable access to high-speed internet connectivity and facilitate e-learning and technological research as modern approaches to student-centred learning is now commonly practised (National Budget Speech, 2015/2016, 34). Government’s commitment to improving existing learning facilities at tertiary institutions is also demonstrated through the reconstruction of laboratories and workshops, and the adoption of online e-visa systems to assist investors, tourists, students and other travellers (Uganda National Budget Speech, 2017/2018, 24ii, 26). These policy interventions are designed to meet the information and communication needs of international students from the time of searching for information about Uganda and its institutions to applying for admission, during their period of study and after completion. The guiding principles of this policy include improving the efficiency and effectiveness of education and training institutions (National ICT Policy, 2014, 6–14). With the delivery of quality courses and in producing quality graduates, Uganda will continue to affirm itself as a centre of education excellence in the EAC region and beyond (Ugandan Vision, 2040, xv). One student demonstrated the effectiveness of KIU when he shared his academic experience: When I come to KIU I was an end user in the field of Computer science … now I am not end user … I am among computer scientists … right now I do engage in designing websites because of the skills I acquired from KIU. (KIU3—Nigerian)

This quote validates the desire articulated by Uganda’s Vision 2040 to become a centre of education excellence in the region. In principle, Uganda strives to adopt both national and institutional policies that

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enhance its capacity to compete “for a slice of the lucrative foreign student market” (UNESCO, 2013, 4). Adoption of the strategic Vision 2040 illustrates government’s commitment to teaching and learning that meets the needs of its citizens and presents an opportunity for international students to benefit from the education system.

The Ugandan Vision 2040 Paragraph 222 of the Ugandan Vision 2040 is specific to HEIs and states: “Government will support innovation financing … as well as subsidies and tax incentives to stimulate research and development in the public and private sectors” [my emphasis]. This statement is a declaration of intent to foster research and development by designing a national research strategy that guides the conduct of academic and applied research to meet the demands of the market, as recommended by MAK Visitation Committee Report (2017, 181). The commitment speaks to the GoU’s awareness of the need to review its academic programmes and courses regularly to produce graduates that meet employers’ needs. Vision 2040 further attests that government shall “[d]evelop and implement a specific policy to attract and retain top rated professionals in the Universities to make Uganda a Centre of Excellence in Education in the region”. This declaration illustrates government’s willingness to address the demands and challenges in the implementation of the internationalisation agenda in Uganda’s higher education sector. It is recognised that Uganda’s hospitality and the sociable nature of its citizens are internationally recognised as an important pull factors for foreigners’ choice of Uganda as a destination country.

Citizens’ Hospitality and Friendliness as a Pull Factor for International Students in Uganda The world over, unique factors specific to a country account for its inbound international student mobility; the character and identity of its people also have a significant impact on students’ experiences of a country (Huang, 2007, 423). Hospitality, understood as providing a cordial atmosphere and instrumental help (Pancaroğlu, 2013, 72), refers to an impression people hold of a people and a country. Consequently, the image and perception that international students hold about the destination country create an attitude that influences the choice of the final destination (Park

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et al., 2017, 116). A country believed to be receptive and hospitable is considered safe for academic and social life. In fact, Uganda has long been renowned for being open and friendly to guests, as revealed by Sir Winston Churchill (1907) in his book titled My African Journey. When commenting on foreign visitors’ attraction to Uganda, Churchill stated that “the people are different from anything elsewhere to be seen in Africa. The people are an amiable … polite and intelligent race … I say: Concentrate on Uganda”. Uganda is truly the “pearl of Africa” and is considered Africa’s friendliest country owing to its hospitable people and diverse culture. Citizens’ generally kind reception of foreign guests makes them feel at home (National Trade Policy, 2007). This sociability is accentuated in the education system: during the morning school assemblies, three stanzas of the national anthem are recited. Specifically, the second stanza speaks to the desire for peace and friendliness: Oh Uganda! the land of freedom. Our love and labour we give, and with neighbours all. at our country’s call. In peace and friendship we’ll live. (NDP 11, 2015/2016–2019/2020, i)

The singing of the national anthem at the lower levels of schooling demonstrates government’s commitment to inculcate hospitality values in all learners. Uganda applies its hospitality and generous open door policy in the world: according to the Uganda-UNHCR Fact Sheet (2019, 1), Uganda has hosted a total of 1,205,913 refugees from South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundi, Somalia, Rwanda, Sudan and Kenya, among other countries. Uganda is accordingly acknowledged as the leading refugee hosting nation in Africa and the third biggest in the world (UNDP, 2017, 3). The conditions set by the hospitality of its citizens, the relatively stable and secure environment coupled with the existing policy and legal framework provide a welcoming and safe environment that pulls foreigners to Uganda. This study established that international students are attracted to Uganda by its hospitable and friendly people. Reflecting on their personal experience of Uganda’s hospitality and social nature, international students revealed that: Well I realise that Ugandan citizens treat everyone the same regardless of race, colour, nationality; and the lecturers are good, approachable and show us what to do for our future. (MAK8—Tanzanian)

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South Sudan citizens are more comfortable in Uganda than other countries. Ugandans are non-segregative but good people. (KIU6—South Sudanese) … we interact with these lecturers, they are not bad they are really good … they will talk to you freely, we can call them, gives you notes and they are at our disposal actually. (KIU13—Zambian)

These quotes demonstrate that Uganda through its citizens’ hospitality offers a great opportunity for international students to interface constructively with nationals (Dryden-Peterson, 2003). Stories shared back home based on their positive experiences in Uganda influence further potential students to choose Uganda and its HEIs.

Academic Experiences The ability to create a strong social network while studying abroad is indispensable for coping with life and the achievement of better academic grades (Melnick et  al., 2011, 582). Learning experiences are attainable within the broader social integration processes informed by the hospitable nature of the Ugandan people with whom international students engage. Kabugo (2011, 163) observes that in academic settings the lecturers’ personality greatly determines the way they engage in building relationships with learners, which in turn influences their academic experiences. This is demonstrated in a number of students’ shared experiences: Actually I got total exposure and learning has been interactive … Lecturers involve students in participation in learning. (KIU12—Kenyan) I think those class presentations just brings confidence in us … now I can stand by myself before people to explain issues which I could not do before joining in MAK. (MAK8—Tanzanian) I am exposed to academic ethical researching what I wanted in my academic and professional life. (MAK14—Cameroonian)

These quotes demonstrate students’ self-assessment based on the delivered curriculum. King (2009, 4–5) refers to this ability to make self-­ judgement informed by the syllabus covered as transformative learning, which involves a drastic change in students’ worldview and self-concept. Based on the illustrative quotes, it is posited that international students in the main had positive academic experiences in their engagement with Uganda’s education system.

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Conclusion Policies that affect international students’ choices have been operational in Uganda since formal higher education was introduced in 1922 with the establishment of Makerere College. These policies attract and influence international students’ choices before, during and on completion of their studies. Similarly, the policy instruments indirectly guide universities’ processes and systems in their engagement with international students. However, many of the relevant policy instruments are to be found in various government documents and there is no explicit national internationalisation policy agenda and strategy for higher education in Uganda. The policy instruments that Uganda implements are intended to operate an education system of high quality that meets the academic and employment needs of both national and international students in the market. Uganda’s overall intention is to maintain a competitive advantage in the supply of quality education to the region and beyond.

Recommendation A comparative study of how policies and legal/regulatory framework applied in the East African Community countries to promote international student mobility would deliver a more synthesised analysis to tease out the similarities and differences at hand. The findings would bring out insights into how different policy, legal and regulatory context play out in attracting or repulsing international students into the East African Community Countries.

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CHAPTER 6

Comparing International Student Dispositions in Egypt: The Influences of Safety, History, and Culture Mahmoud Marei

Introduction Demand for higher education is on the rise. In 2016, it was estimated that 4.1 million students enrolled in institutions outside their home country (OCED, 2016) and was predicted to surge to reach seven or eight million by 2025 (Altbach et al., 2009; Rizvi, 2005). Earlier research showed the traditional trend of student migration was predominantly from the economically developing countries, or the global south, to the economically developed countries, the global north (Altbach, 1998, 2004)─a phenomenon that was referred to as ‘brain drain’ (De Wit, 2002; Schiff, 2005; Rizvi, 2005). Traditionally, reasons for this exodus were explained by the ‘push-pull model’ in which international students are ‘pushed’ away from their home country due to dire academic, social, and political circumstances and saw promising opportunities within host

M. Marei (*) Cairo, Egypt e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_6

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nations that ‘pull’ them toward migration (Altbach, 2004; Habu, 2000; Li & Bray, 2007; McMahon, 1992; Mazzarol, & Soutar, 2002). However, recent data show that there is a slight shift from this trend because of the emergence of regional educational hubs, defined as middle-­ income, non-English-speaking countries that attract international students not only from neighboring countries but from around the globe as well (Jon et al., 2014; Kondakci, 2011). Furthermore, the development of communication technologies and the ease of travel created unlimited opportunities for scholars to generate and share knowledge unbounded by national or geographical locations which resulted in international mobility to be no longer a single trajectory but follows complex paths (Lee & Kim, 2010). Recently, a series of interrelated research studies investigated regional hub countries, among them, Mexico in Latin America (Cantwell, Luca, & Lee, 2009), South Korea in Asia (Jon et al., 2014), South Africa in SubSaharan Africa (Lee & Sehoole, 2015), while a study by Kondakci (2011) explored international student mobility in Turkey. Knight and Morshidi (2011) studied the ways and rationales by which six countries in the Middle East and South East Asia positioned themselves as educational hubs. Taking these studies collectively, we realize there is very limited research on student mobility in Africa. Thus, this study is intended to fill this gap in international comparative higher education research to provide a much needed, yet lacking information, about international student mobility in Africa. Certainly, not all countries in Africa receive the same attention as a destination for higher education and Egypt, in particular, hosts one of the largest shares of international students in the continent. Indeed, since time immoral, Egypt has long been a preferred destination for education (Herodotus, Histories, book II). Currently, Egypt receives more inbound international students than it sends abroad (Hamid, 2010) and the number of international students has been increasing in the past few years. In fact, according to the Egyptian Survey Authority (EAS), the number of international students in Egypt in 2017 reached 70,000, when in 2011 there were only 40,000 (Hamid, 2010). The increased influx of international students in Egypt in recent years, in fact, should come as a surprise, certainly with the current unsettling political environment in Egypt and the region since the outbreak of the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011. This chapter will analyze the reasons why international student numbers in Egypt has been increasing, and relates to

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international student orientations─dispositions, experiences, and aspirations (Cantwell et al., 2009) ─toward studying in Egypt. In order to truly understand, compare, and depict a complete picture as of why international students choose Egypt (to other African nations) as a destination for their tertiary education, its past and recent history, geopolitical circumstances, geography, its politics as well as the politics of the region have to be taken into consideration. Thus this chapter is organized in the following fashion/order; first, I provide a holistic overview of the geographical location and human geography of Egypt, history of former education in Egypt with emphasis on higher education, and the current political circumstances. Where necessary, comparisons and relations with other continental and regional countries are pointed out. Second, research questions that led this study are stated. Third, the methodology and context of the study are laid out. Fourth, the findings based on the research are presented, followed by discussion of these findings. Finally, a conclusion and limitation/s of research are articulated. Geography The Arab Republic of Egypt, simply Egypt, is located at the intersection of two continents: Africa and Asia, and is not too far from Europe, which is just across the narrow Mediterranean Sea. Hence, it is the bridge between these three landmasses. Human Geography In terms of population, Egypt is the second largest African country and will stay among the top 20 worldwide til 2030 (United Nations, 2004). Egypt’s population had been exponentially increasing since the 1950s at 20  million to 80.1 million in 2007. Ninety percent of Egyptians are Muslims and about 9 percent are Coptic Christian and 1 percent classified as other Christians. The official language spoken in Egypt is Arabic. History of Education To delve into the history of Egypt here is well beyond the scope of this chapter and is not the main objective of this chapter, however, a brief account of the history of education in Egypt with special emphasis on

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higher education may shed light on the importance of Egypt as a target destination for international students not only from neighboring African and Arab countries but also from around the world. In fact, Egypt hosts the oldest operating university in the world; Al Azhar University. This remarkable institution was established in 971 A.D and ever since has been a lighthouse for Islamic Studies and a target destination for scholars and students who wish to study Islam from all over the globe. Indeed, the Al Azhar University receives the lion’s share of international students attending tertiary education in Egypt. Formal schooling started in Egypt as early as 1805 by Muhammed Ali Pasha making it probably the oldest schooling system in the continent and the Middle East region. However, this earliest Egyptian schooling system taught, besides the Quran, only three disciplines; science, farming, and engineering. However, it was his grandson in 1863, Khedive Ismail, who introduced and spread public schooling as we know today (El-Sayed et al., 2006). With respect to higher education, the first modern public university established in Egypt was Cairo University (CU) in 1908. This makes CU the first modern university established in Africa and the Middle East. Other prominent and oldest universities in Egypt and Africa include; the American University in Cairo (AUC), established in 1919; Alexandria University (AU), founded in 1938, and Ain Shams University (ASU), established in 1950. President Nasser initiated an expansion process of higher education in the 1960s through the establishment of university branches across the country. In the 1990s, during Mubarak’s 30-year rule, Egypt witnessed an exponential increase in the establishment of private universities, the majority of which are for-profit. Indeed, promoting privatization to reduce public spending on education was a deliberate policy of the Mubarak regime (Sobhy, 2012). Most public universities and only few private ones undertake research and provide postgraduate degrees. The majority, particularly private institutions (constituting but a tiny proportion, about 3 percent), however, offer instruction at the bachelor’s degree level only (Fahim & Sami, 2011; Hamid, 2010). Currently, Egypt has 29 state-funded universities and 32 private higher education institutions. However, this number needs to be revised because the last MoHE report was published in 2010. Nevertheless, collectively, these universities receive a large number of overseas students, making Egypt one of the top African countries that host international students

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(Hamid, 2010). According to the Egyptian Survey Authority (EAS), the number of international students in Egypt in 2017 reached 70,000. It must be noted; however, approximately half of this figure attends Al Azhar University alone. Political Overview To employ the vertical case study design (see below), it may be imperative to recount an overview of the not-too-distant past and current political situation in Egypt and the region because it will facilitate the understanding of the findings in its current context. Egypt gained complete independence from British occupation/colony in 1952 as the first African nation to do so. It has been a republic since then. Under Nasser’s regime, Egypt assisted other African and North African nations to gain independence as well. Furthermore, Nasser formed the United Arab Republic that included Egypt and Syria. This leadership role promoted Egypt as a prominent nation within the African continent and among Arab countries. However, in 2011, a major political event took place not only in Egypt but in the region with the outbreak of the ‘Arab Spring’ when the masses in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria revolted demanding an end to the extended (several decades long) brutality of the police regime in those countries. These political unrests, however, created a power vacuum that resulted in chaos and armed terrorism. Some countries recovered, such as Tunisia and Egypt, while all others are still battling internally for power and stability. In 2012, in Egypt, the first ever civil president was elected, Mohammed Morsi, who did not last more than a year. In 2013, people went down to the streets again to delegate the military to force Morsi to step down. In the process, Egypt was handed back, once more, to its former rulers, to the military officers. Currently, Egypt is fighting many battles internally due to poor economic conditions and terrorist attacks by Muslim Brotherhood supporters, as well as external threats from the unrest and uncontrolled neighboring countries of Libya and Syria. The crucial geopolitical central position Egypt occupies, the critical historical and contemporary role it plays as an important regional educational hub, and the dearth of information on international student mobility in Africa, all make it imperative to investigate international students studying in Egypt.

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This atypical introduction for such investigations is crucial to the comparative research at hand. According to Vavrus and Bartlett (2009) vertical comparative case studies compare cases at different levels (from the international to regional to national and local scales), and across different dimensions, such as, history, social, and political structures. Vavrus and Bartlett (2009) contended the notion of a case study as being ‘bound’ which contradicts their understanding of culture, place, and relevant factors, such as historical circumstances. Furthermore, Vavrus and Bartlett (2009) adopted Maxwell’s (2013) process theory that acknowledges that situations influence others and that the world should be viewed in terms of connected people, events, and processes. According to Bartlett and Vavrus (2014) this is crucial because these levels are fields that do not exist in void nor are they static but are historically produced. Thus, in order to have a complete picture and to fully understand international student orientations─dispositions, experiences, and aspirations─toward studying in Egypt at this point of time, it is fundamental to capture the historical, geographical, political, and economical in its current context as compared to the African continent and the Middle Eastern region. This chapter investigates the dispositions, experiences, and aspirations of international students in Egypt in light of its location as an African country in an Arab region and the role of the regional political climate.

Methodology This study adopted an interpretivist paradigm (Burrell & Morgan, 1979; Glesne, 2011). An interpretivist tries to understand, interpret, and assess people’s attitudes, actions, intentions, and beliefs of some social phenomenon. The approach is useful for responding to the how and why questions and provides strength in investigating the experiences of international students living in Egypt in real-life settings. Context of the Study International students from three Egyptian universities participated in this study. The three universities are Cairo University (CU) and Ain shams University (ASU) representing the public universities’ sector while the third university chosen was the American University in Cairo (AUC) to represent the private sector. The choice of these universities was deliberate as they are the oldest, most established universities and host the most

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international students in their respective sectors. It may be important to note that Al Azhar University was not included in this study because it is highly religious specialized/focused and therefore it is not of the same nature/character of the modern universities. Cairo University, CU, and Ain Shams University (ASU) may be considered typical exemplars of ‘State-building’ universities. These are universities that played a “central role in building nation states. They have been key players in the development, expansion and maintenance of the state…” (Ordorika & Pusser, 2012, p. 191). Historically, not only CU and ASU contributed to the building of the Egyptian nation-state and promoted nationalism, but also both universities (more true to CU than ASU), contributed in establishing many universities in the neighboring Arab countries. This invaluable contribution promoted Egypt and its universities as top, most-sought-after universities in the region. AUC is not-for-profit, English-language higher education institution in Egypt. AUC was established in 1919 making it the second modern university (first being Cairo University) to be founded in Egypt. AUC hosts the top foreign-language publishing press (AUC Press) and has the largest library collection in the region. AUC was chosen because, besides being one of the oldest universities, it is also considered a leading university in the region. In addition, AUC had the resources and took measure to invest in internationalization efforts as defined by Knight (2004), thus it hosted the highest number of international students in the private sector. Participants The study participants from AUC comprised international students from a wide array of degrees and countries. The interviewees represented the following countries, in alphabetical order of country; Fares (Algeria); Chunhua (China); Miguel (Colombia); Emilia (Germany); Sofian (Libya); Alonso (Portugal); Sofia (United Kingdom); Gary and James (United States of America); Nora and Ali (Yemen). Thus, a total number of 11 international student participants were interviewed; seven male and four female, of those six were degree seeking and five non-degree seeking, while five were graduate students and six were undergraduates. Ten international students were interviewed from both CU and ASU, five from each institution. All participants from the public universities were male and degree-seeking students. The sample included students from the following countries, Sultan (Jordan); Muhammed (Malaysia);

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Saleem (Palestine); Belal (Republic of Central Africa); Suleyman (Republic of South Sudan), Ibrahim (Republic of Sudan); Adnan, Madien, and Nazir (Syria); and Mustafa (Yemen). All interviews, except for one, were conducted in the Arabic language. Seven students were still undergraduates, two had just graduated with a Bachelor Degree, and one had just graduated from PhD program in Law. It must be noted that, though the names of the participants in this study may sound very real, they are actually pseudonyms. The following section outlines the findings of the study.

Findings Analysis of the findings shows that international student dispositions, experiences, and aspirations varied according to country and region of origin. Indeed, the findings provided enough evidences to comfortably divide international students in Egypt into two distinct groups; regional international students and non-regional international students. The former group includes African and Middle Eastern students, while the latter group comprises of students from other regions of the world but African students or Middle Eastern. Dispositions (a) Egypt is safe. Data from this study show all international students, particularly regional overseas students, prioritized knowing that Egypt is the safest country in the region (sometimes safer than their own) for their choice as a destination for seeking tertiary education. This should not come as a surprise with the outbreak of the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011 which left countries like Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Iraq in complete turmoil while other African countries such as Central Africa, Sudan, Niger, Chad, Mali, Somalia, Eritrea, and so on are always in civil conflict. Although, at the time of conducting this study there was a recent attack at several locations in Cairo aimed at Coptic churches, students still communicated feeling safe in general when in Egypt. Emilia, a master’s degree student from Germany studying Women’s Rights at AUC said:

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We, as international students don’t really even talk about terrorism in Egypt. Even, as we had the bombings two days ago, we don’t really communicate any sort of worries or fear… It is very safe here so far. Terrorism is everywhere now. Look it happens in Europe [recent attacks in Berlin and Paris]. No place seems to be safe from terrorist attacks and Egypt seems like a safe place so far. These attacks never affected our education in any way or form…. I never felt unsafe to come all the way from Dokki to AUC everyday even with the recent bombings.

These feelings of being safe were not only among international students, nor were they being sentimental and emotional about Egypt, but visiting family members also pointed out feeling safe in Egypt; American student Gary at AUC said, “I really never felt unsafe or in a dangerous situation. When my dad came here, he said ‘Oh, my gosh! I never felt safer.’ There are no feelings of danger and everything is fine. The news sometimes exaggerates the situation.” Likewise, regional international students attending Egyptian universities expressed feeling safe even during troubled times in Egypt, “I feel absolutely safe in Egypt and even during the unrest we had a couple of years ago, I never felt I had to leave Egypt because I never felt that it was a life-threatening situation,” Suleyman, a medical student at CU from South Sudan declared. Ibrahim studying Commerce at CU from Sudan also commented, “I feel when there is danger the Egyptian people protect us. I always felt safe here.” Being and feeling safe was an important aspect for choosing Egypt as a host country especially when compared to other countries in the region, Nora, another student from Yemen studying Interior Design at AUC, explained, “My parents considered going to Lebanon a bit more risky than coming to Egypt.” Other students perceived Egypt safer than their own home countries. Gary (USA) pointed out, “You know the school I went in the United States was a more dangerous place than Cairo. There people get robbed and beaten, crimes and drugs are common. So it doesn’t make sense to me that Egypt is considered as an unsafe place.” While Miguel, a master degree student in Islamic Architecture at AUC from Columbia explained when asked about terrorism in Egypt: To be honest living in Columbia is much more dangerous than living in Egypt. I grew up in a country where there were always threats, killing, and

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bombs… now it has gotten a lot better… but yes, coming here I found it very safe… although people now talk more about terrorism, it is actually very safe.

Regional international students perceived Egypt safest in the region, “After 2011 Egypt seemed more stable than Libya, at least. The situation in Libya is much more volatile and dangerous,” said Sofian (Libya). Similar statements were declared by students from Syria, occupied Palestine, Yemen, Sudan, South Sudan and Central Africa all confirming that Egypt is a safe haven when compared to their own countries in turmoil and civil war. (b) Non-regional international aim for tourism and the cultural experience All non-regional international students, those students from North and South America, Europe, and Asia, envisioned Egypt as an enigmatic, interesting, and well worth traveling to, “Egypt is a great country and very exotic not only for Europeans and Americans but for Chinese as well,” Chunhua from China who is studying Egyptian women post Arab Spring at AUC said. Likewise, Emilia (Germany) was looking for an opportunity to explore Egypt: I was always intrigued by Egypt. So, I wanted to come here and travel throughout the country. I was fascinated by Cairo as a city and I wanted to visit the pyramids and the temples and because it is such a big country we can travel and see a lot.

While, Gary (USA) expressed that Egypt offered more than just education, “I also came to Egypt to travel. I didn’t want to spend all my time in classrooms or in the library because I am also here for the experience and there is a lot to see here in Egypt.” In addition, these students expressed enthusiasm for the cultural exchange they would be experiencing while studying in Egypt. Alonso an undergraduate student of economics from Portugal said, “I’m trying to know, learn, and enjoy another culture which is very different from my Portuguese culture.” By the same token, Sophia (UK) said, “I am convinced that Egypt is the capital of the Arab world, and its culture is very strong, so it is the best choice for me…. but for me, Egypt is such an important place for its history, its culture. It is such an epic place.”

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(c) “Masr Umm El Donia”—“Egypt, the mother of the world” The greater majority of Africans and Middle Eastern students need an entry visa to travel to most countries. Usually, these visas are difficult to obtain; expensive, time-consuming, require demanding paper work, and complex procedures. Even when all documents are sufficed, it does not guarantee a visa. Thus, it is crucial for international students from the global south to have access to a country with a relatively easy visa and modest expenses. Surprisingly, particularly to most Egyptians, the Egyptian government and the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE) assigned differing discounted quotas for regional nationalities. In addition, recently, the MoHE took considerable measures to facilitate the enrollments of students from neighboring, war-torn, Arab countries (e.g., Syria, Palestine, Yemen, and Libya). For instance, Palestinian students were admitted to Egyptian universities with a substantial fee and tuition discount (reached to 50 percent reduction) relative to all other international students. In dollars, all international students are asked to pay around $6000 per year; hence a Palestinian student will only pay half this figure. These privileges were acknowledged and appreciated by regional international students attending Egyptian public universities. Saleem, an ASU medical student in his third from Palestine declared, “We are being treated with great generosity by the Egyptian higher education system, because we get 50% discount, higher than most nationalities… whereas everyone else pays 6000USD we get to pay only 3000USD.” The MoHE also offered reduced fees and tuition reaching 90 percent discount for students from Sudan, Somalia, and South Sudan. These countries are known to struggle economically for decades due to civil wars and lack of natural resources. This has been a policy for many years and it certainly encouraged a lot of students from these countries to earn an education in Egypt. Furthermore, in 2012, under the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood regime, the MoHE, issued a decree that all Syrian students are welcome to study in Egyptian public universities with the same privileges and at the same expenses as local Egyptian students. Indeed, at that time Syrian students enjoyed essentially free education in Egypt. Adnan, an Engineering student in CU from Syria said, “In 2012, the Egyptian government announced that it will treat all Syrian students as local Egyptian students because of the war situation in Syria. I paid about $200 per year.”

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Moreover, as the war in Syria oscillated and persisted for a number of years, the MoHE developed a system to accept courses from Syrian universities. This allowed Syrian students to be able to transfer courses that are relevant and compatible with Egyptian higher education institutions. These measures encouraged thousands of Syrian students to come to Egypt for higher education in recent years. Besides the subsidized educational opportunities in Egypt, all regional international students considered Egypt as the greatest in receiving and hosting country to all nationalities in the region; “Masr umm el donia” they ALL said; meaning Egypt is the mother of the world─probably they refer to this part of the world at least. This phrase had been frequented by all regional international students and they elaborated on it, Mustafa (Yemen) pointed out, Now with the situation in Syria, Yemen, and Libya, look what Egypt is doing; it is always accepting people from these countries. No other country in the region does that. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the other Gulf States, although they have a lot of money and much richer than Egypt, they never welcomed us into their countries like Egypt has done.

While Ibrahim (Sudan) reflected on how Egypt is perceived by the majority of the Sudanese people back home, “Egypt is the bigger sister, not only for Sudan, but for all Arab nations. I know it, you know it, and they all know it. Egypt is the biggest nation in this region, ‘Umm al Donia’ and we owe it.” In sum, Egypt is considered the first choice of international students coming to Africa and the Middle East because Egypt is safe and safer than other countries in the region, studying in Egypt offers authentic and rich cultural and touristic experiences, and because Egypt welcomes all nationalities particularly from neighboring Arab and African nations at generous subsidized rates. Next section of the findings outlines the experiences of international students in Egypt. Experiences (a) Rich educational and social experience but scarred by unpleasant sexual harassment and financial exploitation

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Although majority of the international students interviewed for this study were highly satisfied with the academic, social, and cultural experience in Egypt, they also pointed out some challenges when interacting with the greater Egyptian society outside their respective universities. Although, these challenges were shared by all students, there were slight variations in the intensity of these experiences according to the region of origin of international students. For instance, all female students articulated experiencing one form or another of harassment in public settings. However, non-regional female international students expressed experiencing sexual harassment more often and sometimes more intense than regional female international students. For instance, Emilia (Germany) remarked, “I think the greatest challenge in Egypt is being a female. We always get a lot of attention and sometimes harassed.” However, Chunhua from China had a more dramatic experience when someone snatched her by the hand and tried to touch her, she recollected, “I was walking at night when a young man approached me and took my hand trying to touch my breasts, but when I protested he walked away quickly. I don’t think about it too much it happens everywhere.” Though Chunhua took this matter lightly, some female students where more conscious about this particular attention towards them, Sophia from the UK said, “Sometimes I wish I am invisible,” she refers to herself when she is wandering in the streets of Cairo. However, for Nora, a female student from Yemen, the harassment incidents were less aggressive, always verbal and not physical. “It’s the way some people look, or say things as I am walking by.” Unfortunately, sexual harassment in Egyptian society is pervasive and it is afflicting every girl and woman. It is an unpleasant trait among Egyptian youth and the society is trying to combat it through religious talks, TV talk shows, and awareness campaign. This, unfortunately, is not unknown about Egypt, Sophia (UK) was aware of this before coming to Egypt, she said “If you have done any research about coming to Egypt then that [harassment] should not come as a surprise.” However, most international female students developed strategies to combat this, for example, walking in groups, avoiding certain areas, and not wandering late at night. International students also reported unfair financial trades and contracts with local Egyptians once they were being identified as non-­ Egyptians. Once more, data analysis emphasizes that these experiences vary according to the country of origin. Indeed, non-regional international students, easily identifiable as non-Egyptians, are greatly inflicted by

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financial exploitation than regional international students who can have Egyptian features. James (USA) reported, “A lot of people are trying to ask me for more money, may be three times as much, because they know I am not Egyptian.” According to international students, it seems that Egyptian people treat non-Egyptians as tourists trying to exploit them financially by charging them more than the usual fare, “I feel they are basically looking at us as tourists not actually like a student or someone who lives here,” Alonso from Portugal stated. International students, thus, feel drained by this, Fares from Algeria stated, “I always negotiate prices. I eventually pay what I only want, but it’s very hard to deal with this all the time.” Muhammed from Malaysia also expressed negotiating prices with local Egyptians, “All the time I have to bargain with taxi drivers, grocery shopping, and buying stuff. They think we are tourists and try to take advantage of me.” However, Muhammed and his room-mates agreed they received special positive attention from authorities when they are in trouble. Once their house was robbed but the police could retrieve their stolen belongings, he said, “one day we returned from classes and found our house was robbed. We called the police and our neighbors helped us to find out who attacked our house. It was another neighbor.” Besides bargaining and hiring fixed-priced services, international students learned other strategies to combat this sort of financial exploitation, for instance, Nora (Yemen), always tried to disguise herself as an Egyptian female by speaking the Egyptian dialect, “I try to camouflage as much as I can by speaking the Egyptian-way. They usually mistaken me for a Khaligi [from the oil-rich Gulf countries] female, but I tell them I am from Yemen and that I am not rich.” To sum international student experiences; it is safe to say that for the greater part they enjoyed a rich, positive academic, social, and cultural experience, but they expressed being sexually harassed more often than they experienced anywhere else and that they were usually financially exploited when dealing with the greater Egyptian society. Analysis of the findings show these experiences varied according to region of origin, with non-regional international students experiencing these social ills more intense than non-regional international students. The next section depicts international students’ aspirations post-graduation from Egyptian universities.

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Aspirations (a) Egyptian labor market doesn’t accommodate international student graduates Non-regional international graduate students perceived their degree and education in Egypt, specifically at AUC, offered them strong and valued human capital skills that will position them globally competitive, Sophia (UK) articulated, “Getting a degree in Egyptology from the AUC is a great advantage because I visit the archeological sites many times, many students in Europe may lack this authentic experience.” Likewise, James (USA) had high expectations after graduation from AUC, “I strongly believe having this experience will surely be to my advantage when I look for work later in the field of political science particular in the region.” Though non-regional students articulated an authentic educational and social international experience in Egypt that will promote their credentials, none of them expressed any ambition to work or continue to live in Egypt after graduation. Regional students in public and private universities, however, found out their prospect to work and live in Egypt after graduation is near to impossible. Suleyman (South Sudan), “It is difficult to work officially here because of the security clearance and other bureaucratic procedures. Many firms will not hire a non-Egyptian professional.” Ali, a master degree student at AUC studying Political Science from Yemen articulated some challenges, “I would like to work in Egypt, but I feel that Yemenis are not accepted in the workforce here. There are issues with processing the work permit.” Even in academia, international doctoral students found many challenges pursuing faculty positions at Egyptian public universities, Madien (Syria) stated, “The Egyptian public universities are excluding non-Egyptian faculty to be hired.”

Discussion Cantwell et  al. (2009), defined students’ dispositions as their general approach toward studying in a developing nation. Disposition is intentional, formed prior to departure, and affects the student’s choice of the host country and institution. The components of disposition include student characteristics, background, resources, and socioeconomic status that motivate them to study abroad (Cantwell et al., 2009; Kondakci, 2011).

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Previous research (Cantwell et al., 2009; Jon et al., 2014; Kondakci, 2011; Lee & Sehoole, 2015) showed that international student orientations—dispositions, experiences, and expectations—varied by region of origin, institution, and by degree program. Furthermore, Chen (2007) indicated the decision-making process for international students usually varied by students’ choice of academic degree. For example, undergraduate students tended to choose host country before institution, while graduate students prioritized choice of institution before host country. This was found true only among non-regional graduate international students attending tertiary education in Egypt, while all regional students (graduate students and undergraduates) tended to choose Egypt before the institution. A possible explanation for this discrepancy in the decision-­ making process between regional and non-regional students coming to Egypt can be attributed to the limited options, resources and opportunities for the latter group due to their nationalities requiring visas for most countries, their meager finances, and the unsettling political and economic circumstances in their homeland. Agreeing with Chen’s (2007) study, this investigation showed that non-regional undergraduate international students also chose country before institution. In general, data analyses suggest that there are three major reasons for international students choosing to study in Egypt. Though some reasons were common, other dispositions varied according to regions of origin; first, all international students studying in Egypt perceived Egypt as a safe country, and safer than other countries in the region. Indeed, up-to-date, attacks against international students in Egypt are unheard of. This fact is also reinforced by a recent BBC report in 2018 that Egypt was found to be the safest country in Africa (same level of safety of countries like Denmark, Slovenia, and China) and more safe than the UK (21st) and the US (35th) according to the annual Gallup Global Law and Order that asked if people felt safe walking at night and whether they had been victims of crime. All these facts support this finding and students articulated they feel very safe in Egypt. Second, international students chose Egypt for the historical value, touristic riches, and cultural experiences Egypt offers. Perceiving Egypt as a touristic destination was found only among non-regional students and was not evident among regional international students. These findings mirror those of previous research (Cantwell et al., 2009; Kondakci, 2011; Lee & Sehoole, 2015) that found students from the global north study in middle-income countries mainly for the cultural experience and for

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tourism. It can be predicted as Egypt’s political climate settles, the influx of international students from developed countries will increase. The third reason for choosing Egypt was the capacity by which Egypt accommodated regional students from the Middle East and Africa into its universities that was not offered by any other country in the region. This fact had made Egypt popularly and affectionately called/knowed as “Umm al Donia,” meaning “mother of the world.” This latter finding could be unique to Egypt as a core nation in the Middle East and Africa. Indeed, Egypt always opened door to war-torn countries in the region and still accepts thousands of refugees from countries like Syria, Yemen, Somalia, Ethiopia, Central Africa, to name a few. These countries are given quotas into Egyptian public universities and given the opportunity to resume tertiary education in a country close to their homeland. Examination of international student experiences while studying abroad is crucial in understanding patterns of international student mobility. According to Cantwell et  al. (2009), experiences that occur while the international student is living in the host nation affect their perception of their lived experiences as they study abroad. Their perceived experiences may include how the institution or the public treat them, the quality of courses attended, the social experiences, making friends, and the level of safety. Previous research (Cantwell & Lee, 2010; Chen, 2007; Kondakci, 2011; Lee & Rice, 2007), showed social experiences varied not only according to country of origin but also between the type of institution, the desired degree program, and host country. For example, Neo-­ nationalism (a form of discrimination, stereotyping, and xenophobia that has to do with one’s nationality within a community of the same race) experiences were reported by Asian students studying in Korea. The research of Lee, Jon, and Byun (2017) uncovered anti-Chinese sentiments in Korea, resulting in verbal aggressions, challenges securing housing, and unfair treatment by classmates, professors, and off-campus. The same sentiments were expressed by Sub-Saharan students studying in South Africa (Lee, 2016). Furthermore, past studies (Cantwell & Lee, 2010; Lee & Rice, 2007) showed that international students experience new form of discrimination referred to as, neo-racism. This is an emerging form of discrimination directed toward people that goes beyond the tone of the skin or the physical appearance to include a perception of national order and cultural superiority. Cantwell and Lee (2010) showed Asian post doctorates in the US

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were stereotyped as being hard workers, were given massive workloads, and provided meager living conditions. Although, in general, the findings of this study inform us that international students in Egypt enjoyed positive academic and social experiences and that extreme mistreatment, xenophobic sentiments against Arabs or Africans (neo-nationalism) was not evident in the Egyptian case. In other words, none of the international students particularly regional international students claimed that Egyptians treated them as inferior to themselves. However, the data analyses hint that international students endured neo-racist experiences in the form of sexual harassment and financial exploitation with the evidence that non-regional international students experiencing these ills more intensely than regional international students. This can be explained that the Egyptian society, particularly men, stereotyped non-Egyptian women as less conservative while all non-Egyptian students were treated as rich tourists. A possible explanation for financial exploitation of non-Egyptians can be due to tough economic conditions in Egypt that promote tourists to become targets for cash. Unfortunately, these two pressing social encounters impact negatively on international students’ experience in Egypt which is generally a positive one. However, it must be noted that Egyptian girls and women suffer the same harassment, and all Egyptian people have to negotiate prices too. Thus, these tenacious and pervasive traits are not targeting at international students because they are foreigners but it is an Egyptian society concern. With regard to the aspirations of international students after graduation, for different reasons, neither non-regional nor regional students had ambitions to stay in Egypt. The former group considered their time in Egypt only as a rich social and academic experience that will promote them as multi-cultured professionals that could help them to be more competitive for higher-level jobs not only in their countries but also globally. But they have not seen further future in Egypt after graduation. Regional students also did not view Egypt as their preferred destination to further their education, although attending graduate school remained a possibility. This finding is different from previous research (Cantwell et  al., 2009; Jon et  al., 2014; Lee & Sehoole, 2015) that showed that students from countries less developed than the host nation aspired to remain in the host country for work or for further education and future jobs.

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This group also realized that the Egyptian labor market is supersaturated with unemployed local graduate professionals and that it is near impossible to earn a job as a hired international professional in Egypt. By completing their education in Egypt it felt for them reaching a dead end. This lack of job opportunities in the Egyptian market is a serious concern because it is likely that Egypt will face a brain drain of its brilliant local Egyptian and international students. It makes me wonder if the Egyptian labor market and universities have made any plans to be inclusive of those brilliant international student graduates.

Conclusion The study upon this chapter is based has a  few limitations; the overall sample size was small and was not representative of the population of international students at Egyptian universities. However, it can be argued that although this is true, it had a good distribution of students with regard to region of origin, majors, and degrees. Moreover, the information collected from the students was comprehensive, and consistent enough that a larger sample may not add new information. In other words, the sample reached saturation. True, a larger sample would add to the reliability of the study but the lack of understanding the culture around research ethics and the apprehensive political climate in Egypt, and the health condition of the researcher, an extended study was not possible. In addition, as other scholars confronted when conducting research in less economically developed countries (Mulumba et  al., 2008; Eshiwani, 1999), there was a serious lack of data, lack of organization of data collected if any (the data in Egypt are still being collected sporadically and usually stored in paper documents), which makes the retrieval of the information quite challenging. However, it is safe to say that this is by no means a comprehensive or exhaustive study on international student mobility in Egypt but in the least it could be a good starting point for further research on this topic. In conclusion, since time immemorial Egypt has always been a major educational destination. Even today, Al Azhar University still attracts thousands of students from all corners of the world to learn about the Islamic faith. However, insofar as modern universities are concerned, I strongly believe Egypt has not yet reached its complete potential to attract more international students. Nevertheless, Egypt can still serve and provide international students with an exceptional educational, social, and

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cultural experience. The role and significance of Egypt as a central nation cannot be denied as one student attested, “I noticed Egypt wherever I went or did, even more when I read history books, and I am like, ‘Oh, Egypt! That is the place I want to see…. I am convinced that Egypt is the capital of the Arab world, and its culture is very strong…. Egypt is such an important place for its history and its cultural, such an epic place.” All international students attested, when compared to other countries in the region and across the globe, Egypt is considered a safe country to live and study in. This realization is supported by recent BBC reports about safety and security in Egypt that place Egypt as the safest country in Africa, same level of safety as Denmark. Even more, at the regional level, international students appreciated Egypt as “Umm al donia” mother of the world which welcomes students from war-torn and economically poor countries of the region. However, the extent to which the MoHE realizes the geopolitical and historical importance of Egypt, which could make it a top educational destination, is unknown, but this study may shed some light on not only some of the pressing issues needing to be addressed but also the value and potential of Egypt as an educational regional hub.

References Altbach, P., Reisberg, L., & Rumbley, L. (2009). Executive summary. In P. Altbach, L. Reisberg, & L. Rumbley (Eds.), Trends in global higher education: tracking an academic revolution. A report prepared for the UNESCO 2009 World Conference on Higher Education (pp. iii–xxi). UNESCO. Altbach, P. G. (1998). The university as center and periphery. In P. G. Altbach (Ed.), Comparative higher education: Knowledge, the university and development (pp.  29–54). Comparative Education Research Centre, University of Hong Kong. Altbach, P. G. (2004). Higher education crosses borders. Social Science Premium Collection, 36(2), 18–24. Bartlett, L., & Vavrus, F. (2014). Transversing the vertical case study: A methodological approach to studies of educational policy as practice. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 45(2), 131–147. Burrell, G., & Morgan, G. (1979). Sociological paradigms and organizational analysis: Elements of the sociology of corporate life. Heinemann. Cantwell, B., & Lee, J.  J. (2010). Unseen workers in the academic factory: Perceptions of neo-racism among international postdocs in the US and UK. Harvard Education Review, 80(4), 490–517.

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Cantwell, B., Luca, S., & Lee, J. J. (2009). Exploring the orientations of international students in Mexico: Differences by geographic region of origin. Higher Education, 57(3), 335–354. Chen, L. (2007). Choosing Canadian graduate schools from afar: East Asian students’ perspectives. Higher Education, 54(5), 759–780. De Wit, Hans. (2002). Internationalization of higher education in the United States of America and Europe: A historical, comparative, and conceptual analysis. Greenwood Press. El-Sayed, O.  L., Lucena, J., & Downey, G. (2006, July 5). Engineering and engineering-­education in Egypt. IEEE Technology and Society Magazine, 18–25. Eshiwani, G. (1999). Higher education in Africa: Challenges and strategies for the 21st century. In P. G. Altbach & P. M. Peterson (Eds.), Higher education in the 21st century (pp. 31–38). New York: Institute of International Education. Fahim, Y., & Sami, N. (2011). Adequacy, efficiency and equity of higher education financing: The case of Egypt. Prospects, 41(1), 47–67. Glesne, C. (2011). Becoming qualitative researchers: An introduction. Allyn & Bacon. Habu, T. (2000). The irony of globalization: The experience of Japanese women in British higher education. Higher Education, 39(1), 43–66. Hamid, G. A. (2010). Higher education in Egypt: Country review report. Ministry of Higher Education Strategic Planning Unit. http://s3.amazonaws.com/ zanran_storage/mhespu.org/ContentPages/2473387763.pdf Jon, J.  E., Lee, J.  J., & Byun, K. (2014). The emergence of a regional hub: Comparing international student choices and experiences in South Korea. Higher Education, 67(5), 691–710. Knight, J. (2004). Internationalization remodeled: Definition, approaches, and rationales. Journal of Studies in International Education, 8(Spring), 5–31. Knight, J., & Morshidi, S. (2011). The complexities and challenges of regional education hubs: Focus on Malaysia. Higher Education, 62(5), 593–606. Kondakci, Y. (2011). Student mobility reviewed: Attraction and satisfaction of international students in Turkey. Higher Education, 62(5), 573–592. Lee, J., Jon, J., & Byun, K. (2017). Neo-racism and neo-nationalism within East Asia: The experiences of international students in South Korea. Journal of Studies in International Education, 21(2), 136–155. Lee, J.  J. (2016). Neo-nationalism in higher education regional hubs: Case of South Africa. Studies in Higher Education, 42(5), 869–886. Lee, J. J., & Kim, D. (2010). Brain gain or brain circulation? U.S. doctoral recipients returning to South Korea. Higher Education, 59(5), 627–643. Lee, J. J., & Rice, C. (2007). Welcome to America? International student perceptions of discrimination and neo-racism. Higher Education, 53(3), 381–409. Lee, J. J., & Sehoole, C. (2015). Regional, continental, and global mobility to an emerging economy: The case of South Africa. Higher Education, 70(5), 827–884.

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Li, M., & Bray, M. (2007). Cross-border flows of students for higher education: Push-pull factors and motivations of mainland Chinese students in Hong Kong and Macau. Higher Education, 53(6), 791–818. Maxwell, J. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mazzarol, T., & Soutar, G.  N. (2002). “Push-pull” factors influencing international student destination choice. International Journal of Educational Management, 16(2), 82–90. McMahon, M. E. (1992). Higher education in a world market. Higher Education, 24(4), 465–482. Mulumba, M. B., Obaje, A., Kobedi, K., & Kishun, R. (2008). International student mobility in and out of Africa: Challenges and opportunities. In D. Teferra & J. Knight (Eds.), Higher education in Africa: The international dimension (pp. 490–514). Boston College, Center for International Higher Education, and Associations of African Universities. OECD. (2016). Education at a glance 2016: OECD indicators. OECD Publishing. Ordorika, I., & Pusser, B. (2012). Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico as a state-building university. In B.  Pusser, K.  Kempner, S.  Marginson, & I. Ordorika (Eds.), Universities and the public sphere: Knowledge creation and state building in the era of globalization (pp. 189–218). Routledge. Rizvi, F. (2005). Rethinking “brain drain” in the era of globalisation. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 25(2), 175–192. Schiff, M. (2005). Brain gain: Claims about its size and impact on welfare and growth are greatly exaggerated. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3708, 1–40. Sobhy, H. (2012). The de-facto privatization of secondary education in Egypt: A study of private tutoring in technical and general schools. Journal of Comparative and International Education, 42(1), 47–67. United Nations (2004). World Population to 2300. New York: United Nations. Vavrus, F., & Bartlett, L. (2009). Critical approaches to comparative education: Vertical case studies from Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan.

CHAPTER 7

International Students’ Academic Integration Experiences in South Africa Azwifaneli Justice Ratshilaya

Introduction The internationalisation of the higher education system is a global phenomenon that has resulted in countries and higher education institutions (HEIs) investing resources in the recruitment of international students. Internationalisation is seen as a response to globalisation (Rouhani, 2007; Sehoole, 2006), as the world has become interconnected and countries depend on one another to flourish (Teferra, 2008). Knight and Sehoole (2013) identified partnerships between HEIs in research projects, the establishment of branch campuses in foreign countries and the movement of students to other countries to pursue their studies and teaching staff to pursue their career ambitions as major characteristics of the internationalisation of higher education. Many universities in developing countries, including South Africa, have started to emerge as preferred destinations for international students. South African universities attract high numbers of students from other

A. J. Ratshilaya (*) University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_7

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African countries and other parts of the world. However, very little is known about the academic integration challenges faced by international students at South African universities. These students are forced to undergo a transition process in which they are expected to adapt to the new academic culture which may differ from their academic culture back home. In exploring the academic integration of international students in South African universities, Tinto’s (1975, 1998) student integration model and Deil-Amen’s (2011) student integrative moment was used as a theoretical framework. The common assumption of the student integration model and the student integrative moment is that students’ positive academic and social experiences influence their decision to persist while negative experiences may lead them to drop out. This chapter has drawn from a major project which sought to explore the phenomenon of international student mobility in South Africa. The project explored international students’ reasons for choosing South Africa and a particular institution, their experiences and their future plans upon completion of their course. While a great deal of data were collected, a limited analysis was made of the experiences of international students and their choice of South Africa and the institution at which they were studying (Lee & Sehoole, 2015). Therefore, this chapter is based on a secondary data analysis that explored the social and academic experiences of international students at five South African universities. This chapter aims at contributing to the project on student mobility in Africa by outlining the academic integration challenges and the strategies international students use to facilitate their integration into host institutions. However, before the challenges and integration strategies are discussed, a brief enrolment background is given and reasons for international students to prefer South African universities are outlined.

Background The South African higher education sector has recorded a significant increase in international students since 1994 (Kwaramba, 2012). South African universities registered 12,557 international students in 1994 (MacGregor, 2014), which increased to 69,381 in 2015 (DHET, 2016). The statistics reveal that more than 60% of the international students registered at 26 South African public universities are contact students, while distance students account for less than 40%.

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According to the Department of Higher Education (DHET, 2016), over 66% of international students at South African universities are from South African Development Community (SADC) member states, with Nigeria and Kenya combined accounting for almost 8%, the United States just over 2% and other countries more than 23% (DHET, 2016). This picture portrayed by the percentage of international students supports the view that students prefer to study within their regions and in areas where the host country shares a border with their home country. This argument is supported by the fact that countries sharing borders with South Africa such as Zimbabwe, Botswana, Namibia, Swaziland and Lesotho are the highest contributors of international students to South African public universities. Accordingly, more than 52% of international students at South African universities are from neighbouring countries. This high number is influenced by several regional policies that seek to promote regionalisation and knowledge circulation in the region. This is important because many developing countries have suffered from a brain drain in the internationalisation process (Knight, 2008). In 2004, South African universities were part of a conference held in Ghana and presented by the Association of African Universities (AAU). The conference, which was on the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the Internationalisation of Higher Education in Africa, subsequently resolved to promote student mobility within the African continent by reducing obstacles that limit such mobility (McLellan, 2009; Woldegiorgis & Doevenspeck, 2015). The AAU through the Accra Declaration on GATS and the Internationalisation of Higher Education in Africa committed itself to promoting regional agreements on quality assurance, accreditation and the recognition of qualifications (UNESCO UIS, 2012). In addition, South Africa’s participation in African Union (AU) initiatives such as New Partnership for Africa Development (NEPAD) programmes enhanced cooperation and partnership with African countries and its institutions of higher education (McLellan, 2009). Furthermore, South Africa is a signatory to the SADC Protocol on Education and Training which requires SADC countries to afford students from member states the same status as that of domestic students and also to encourage universities in the member states to reserve 5% of admission slots for the enrolment of students from other SADC countries (UNESCO UIS, 2012). The following are identified as the pull factors for international students to enrol in South African universities: the use of the English

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language at most South African universities; the higher employability rates of South African graduates in their home countries (Woldegiorgis & Doevenspeck, 2015); the fact that South African HEIs are better resourced compared to other countries on the continent (UNESCO UIS, 2012); the low cost of tuition compared to highly ranked universities in the developed countries; political and economic stability (Mudhovozi, 2012), as well as students’ own personal reasons for preferring to study in South Africa (Lee & Sehoole, 2015).

A Conceptual Understanding of Student Integration The concept of student integration is drawn from Tinto’s (1975) student integration model. Tinto developed his theoretical model to explain student attrition at HEIs in the USA.  Several authors, including Tinto (1975), Karp et al. (2008), Zhou and Zhang (2014), and Chrysikos et al. (2017), concur that student integration is a sense of belonging on campus and is realised through a student’s social and academic interaction in the institutional environment. The degree of student integration within the new learning environment influences a student’s decision to persist or dropout (Tinto, 1975). The social and academic experiences of students are major determinants of student integration in colleges and universities. Students’ positive or adequate social and academic experiences at the institution lead to successful integration (Chrysikos et  al., 2017). Academic integration is defined as the congruence of a student’s academic attitude, performance and commitment with the institution’s policies. Sufficient academic integration is realised when a student progresses academically (Tinto, 1975). On the other hand, social integration is described as the interaction between the student and the social environment (Zhou & Zhang, 2014) and is realised through formal interaction such as extracurricular activities and informal interaction with peers (Tinto, 1975). Despite the fact that several authors agree with Tinto’s theoretical model that aspects like the student’s previous educational background and commitment, and academic and social integration, are important for academic success (Deil-Amen, 2011; Li, 2017; Tierney, 1992; Zhou & Zhang, 2014), this model has been criticised for ignoring race and/or

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ethnicity and class when explaining students’ integration into the new learning environment. Tierney (1992) and Deil-Amen (2011) argue that race and/or ethnicity and class are important aspects which need to be considered when dealing with the integration of minority students into the new learning environment because the dominant culture in the institution is that of the majority group (Tierney, 1992). This argument raised by Tierney (1992) and Deil-Amen (2011) is relevant in understanding the integration of international students because they are a minority in foreign institutions. Furthermore, Deil-Amen (2011) criticises Tinto’s theoretical model for separating academic experiences from social ones, because the two happen simultaneously and the academic interaction influences the social interaction. Based on this argument, Deil-Amen (2011) modified Tinto’s student integration model and developed the socio-academic integrative moments. For the purposes of this discussion, integration is understood as a situation in which international students have gained the ability to thrive within the new academic environment of the host institution. As explained earlier, the intention of this chapter is to explain the academic integration of international students into South African universities. Therefore, such integration becomes evident when they progress academically and develop intellectually; it also involves the extent to which they are familiar with the academic requirements of their institutions and programmes (Tinto, 1975; Zhou & Zhang, 2014). Once they meet these academic integration indicators, international students become committed to their academic goals and the institution. It is important to note that international students undergo the process of academic and social integration once they enrol at the host university and it continues up to the time they are rejected by, or fit into, the new institutional culture (Ghalayini, 2014).

The Academic Experiences of International Students in South African HEIs International student integration has not been fully explored in the South African higher education sector, even though South Africa is a popular destination for international students who wish to pursue their studies in Sub-Saharan Africa (UNESCO UIS, 2012). Exploring the academic integration of international students will go a long way in identifying and

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informing HEIs of the challenges they experience during the integration process within the South African context. Several authors agree that the experience students acquire in the academic and social system of the institution has a direct influence on their integration in the host institution (Byl et al., 2016; Chrysikos et al., 2017; Li, 2017). Moreover, previous educational experiences also have an impact on the way international students perceive and integrate into the new academic culture (Zhou & Zhang, 2014). Other important factors include their classroom experiences, existing knowledge gaps, the language barrier and the academic workload. These academic challenges influence their coping strategies. Classroom Experience Underlying the classroom experience of international students is the influence of teaching and learning styles, as well as the classroom interaction between the students themselves and with the lecturers. Accordingly, their perceptions of the teaching and learning approach and classroom presentation are indicative of the degree to which they are academically integrated into the host institution (Neale-Shutte & Fourie, 2008). The classroom is the first point of contact between international students and the academic system of the host institution and between them and the lecturers. Therefore, the way they perceive their first contact has the potential to influence their academic interaction. Generally, these students experience the classroom atmosphere of the host institution differently because it is characterised by unfamiliar teaching and learning styles and a different pedagogy (Reinties et al., 2014). In South African universities, independent and interactive learning styles are common but this does depend on the academic level. For example, independent learning is more common at masters and doctoral level, whereas interactive learning is more evident in undergraduate classes. However, this should not be misconstrued to suggest that in postgraduate classes interactive learning is non-existent or vice versa. Rather, the scale of the learning and teaching styles differs depending on the level of the classes. As one of the international students pointed out: I think a PhD is not about writing, you know like sending emails, meeting once in a while in class to tell the student you have to do this, you have to do that. I think it should be a process in which lecturers have to interact

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more with their students, so that there will be moral support, unlike when you send an email to the lecturer and the lecturer sends it back with comments to say you’ve do this and that.

A similar experience of teaching and learning styles at South African universities was shared by another international student: But here no, they have short presentations and they encourage students to read more, to do their own research compared to my country. At home we spend more time in the classroom than here in South Africa. Here course presentation is short but they give you too much work. So you read on your own. The work is excessive compared to my country.

The positive thing about the two most dominant learning approaches in South African universities is that they are able to accommodate international students from both individualistic and collectivist cultural backgrounds. However, those from an individualist background struggle to cope if an interactive learning approach is used in the classroom, while those from a collectivist culture struggle to adjust when an independent learning style is preferred (Li, 2017; Maringe & Jenkins, 2015)). It is noteworthy that unfamiliar learning approaches impact negatively on the academic integration of international students in South African universities. For example, an independent learning approach inhibits academic integration, as interaction with lecturers and other students is limited. It is important to realise that international students adjust differently depending on their home country background. For instance, students from Western countries tend to adjust easily to the South African academic environment because they use externally targeted control strategies which influence the external environment according to their needs (Mudhovozi, 2012). On the other hand, students from Asian and African countries struggle to adjust because of their collectivist cultural background (Hyams-­ Ssekasi et al., 2014; Li, 2017). Unlike international students from Western countries they attempt to adjust part of the self to accept the situation, which makes it difficult for them to integrate sufficiently into the new learning environment (Hyams-Ssekasi et  al., 2014; Mudhovozi, 2012). However, once international students get used to the increased academic demands and the teaching and learning approaches used in the host institutions, they experience sufficient academic integration. One of the

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international students shared her experience regarding the academic workload and new teaching styles, saying: Well, my experience in class has been amazing. I think it is because I have grown so much, and I'm now used to the workload and teaching methods. I am very much comfortable, but probably when I was in the first year, it was my first time in a different country, in a different culture. Now I’m a little bit more flexible because I’m used to the people, the language and the university systems.

According to Brauses et  al. (2015), international students should be embraced because they bring diversity and new perspectives to classroom discussions, as well as knowledge and skills in different academic fields through their participation in various academic activities. Because they bring new perspectives to classroom discussions it becomes easy for them to adapt when the classroom environment is conducive for learning and characterised by a relaxed atmosphere (Adams, 2014). Typically, in a relaxed classroom environment, international students participate voluntarily and effectively and feel free to interact with lecturers and other students. The perceptions that international students hold seem to influence their interaction with lecturers at the host institutions. In most cases, international students from Europe and USA at South African universities are not impressed by poor classroom presentations and the attitudes of lecturers who do not appreciate students questioning some of the information. To further exemplify this, an international student from Germany mentioned that: It’s not good, it’s basically lower than the materials covered, is not as much, the professors are just worse at presenting and explaining here than in Germany. It’s just that … it’s not that it’s any particular issue. It’s just that the overall level of learning is lower than in Germany.

The academic culture in South African universities is not homogeneous. For instance, Afrikaans and historically black institutions tend to have more authoritarian academic cultures that are lecture centred, whereas English-speaking universities tend to have a liberal and more open academic culture that encourages discussion and student input. For this reason, international students from student-centred cultures such as those

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from the USA and Europe tend to experience sufficient academic integration in English-speaking universities but struggle to integrate in an authoritarian academic culture because they come from a background which is characterised by freedom of expression (Adams, 2014). Deil-Amen (2011) argues that the influence lecturers have through interacting with students is huge because they are institutional agents for academic integration. For this reason, the frustration experienced by international students from the USA when lecturers do not appreciate being challenged in the classroom contributes to negative academic interactions. On the other hand, international students from other African countries become frustrated by too much freedom in South African university classrooms. These different experiences of US and African international students arise from the fact that international students from African countries come from a more authoritarian classroom environment while those from Western countries come from a classroom background that encourages students to think critically (Li, 2017). Whatever the case, this negative academic experience is mitigated by the fact that in South African universities lecturers are approachable and supportive of international students. As one of the international students who shared his experience regarding the support they get from lecturers explained: The University of Cape Town does require quite a lot out of students because it is an internationally reputable university. So initially it was quite strenuous, but I think it’s a matter of being disciplined and you have enough support from professors and from different bodies within the faculty as well as the university as a whole.

The support international students get from the lecturers enhances intellectual development as well as the academic interaction between international students and lecturers (Zhou & Zhang, 2014). Knowledge Gaps The presence of a knowledge gap is a common problem experienced by international students because they come from different educational backgrounds. Gopal (2016) identifies a knowledge gap as a problem which arises from curriculum incompatibility. Such incompatibility in South African universities is occasioned by the absence of an international perspective in the classroom and is exacerbated by the fact that lecturers focus

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mainly on South African curriculum content owing to failure by the faculties to prescribe international textbooks. As one international student put it: Not really you know, they don’t share anything beyond a textbook and I mean our discussion in class is just limited to our textbook. They need to go beyond that and this is something that we have to take into consideration, knowing that we are living in a global world where everything relies on the global economy. So you have to watch the trend, what’s going on and this is something that we haven’t got in our department. We always base everything on the South African context and the lecturers sometimes have limited knowledge in terms of African countries.

While the use of international textbooks would go a long way in addressing the knowledge gap problem that exists at South African universities (Li, 2017), local traditional knowledge should also form part of the international curriculum (Neale-Shutte & Fourie, 2008). The inclusion of indigenous knowledge in the international curriculum would assist in eliminating the knowledge gap (Otieno et al., 2008). However, the inclusion of traditional knowledge in the international curriculum should not be a mere translation of local content to a universal discourse; rather a balance should be maintained between international knowledge and indigenous knowledge (Neale-Shutte & Fourie, 2008). Mello (2013) correctly points out that employment of excellent, highly qualified foreign lecturers would assist in bridging the knowledge gap that exists between countries. Accordingly, foreign lecturers supplement scarce skills and bring universal discourse to the university faculty and classroom. Furthermore, in an attempt to minimise the knowledge gap the host institution should adopt approaches which require lecturers to develop new knowledge, skills, attitudes and values to accommodate international students (Hellstén, 2002). This move would assist a great deal in harmonising the differences in cultures that exist between domestic and international students in the classroom. Interestingly, while some international students find the academic standard in South African universities to be high, there are others who find the academic standard low, in particular the first-year undergraduate curriculum. Accordingly, some international students experience repetition of the work they covered in their final year at secondary school. An international

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student from Zimbabwe found the academic standard to be low at the university he attended: When we came here for first year, most of the stuff we were doing we had already covered in high school, in our final year in Zimbabwe high school. So, first year was like a walk through, you would sit up the night before the exam, you would study then write the exam and get an A.

Some of the factors that lead to low academic standards are the repetition of undergraduate work at honours level and the examination hints and notes provided by lecturers. This example signals the curriculum incompatibility which emanates from the knowledge gap that exists between countries and institutions. It is evident that international students at South African universities, like in other foreign universities, experience a knowledge gap which has a negative impact on their academic integration. This may be attributed to the absence of an international perspective in South African university classrooms owing to failure to include international curriculum content because lecturers lack exposure to international content. As it is said, you cannot teach what you have not been exposed to. Language Barriers The use of English as the language of learning and teaching at South African universities serves as a pull factor for many international students (Kwaramba, 2012). However, English is often not their first or second additional language. For this reason, the use of English for teaching and learning is a major impediment to the academic integration of international students studying at South African HEIs (McLellan, 2009). On the other hand, it is believed that international students bring different academic cultures and languages to the classroom (Wu et al., 2015). South Africa has 11 official languages including English. For this reason, English is the first or second additional language for the majority of South Africans. In addition, the use of local languages is common in South African university classrooms because local students who did not attend former model C (white) schools struggle in particular when they enter the former white English universities and Afrikaans universities. Similarly, Afrikaans-speaking university students struggle when they enter English universities. This leads to the use of local languages in classroom by both

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lecturers and local students, which can create feelings of isolation on the part of international students and affect their self-confidence. Undoubtedly, local students prefer local languages during and outside classroom discussions. In addition, some lecturers opt to explain some of the concepts in the local languages in the classroom, which creates feelings of discomfort and insecurity in international students. As one of the international students commented regarding the use of local languages in the classroom: In the classroom, I’ve had complaints from students that some of the academic staff, lecturers, as I was saying about the language issue, when students ask about something they don’t understand the lecturer responds in a native language. Some of the students are not bold enough to say “Please can you repeat what you just told this guy in English?” So you find that it’s something that is going to benefit only the native-speaking people.

Another international student shared his frustration when local students use the local language during group activities: … I mean they don’t get involved in a group assignment or sometimes when you do get involved with them in a group assignment, they just speak in their own language and you don’t understand anything. It does make me feel frustrated, you know.

Language has the potential to affect student–student and student–lecturer interaction. Deil-Amen (2011) correctly points out that these interactions boost self-confidence in students and bring a sense of belonging to the institution, while also eliminating feelings of insecurity. McLellan (2009) maintains that the use of local languages in the classroom is a deliberate exclusion of international students which results in them feeling discriminated against. South African universities do not only register international students from anglophone countries but also students from French, Portuguese and other non-English speaking countries (Mello, 2013). These students join South African universities with very little English background and are expected to learn through English. This is especially frustrating for international students from francophone and lusophone countries because it is more difficult for them to participate in academic discussions and to ask the lecturer for clarity even when the lecturers afford them an opportunity to discuss or to ask questions in private. An international student from a

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French-speaking country explained his struggle to interact with the lecturer as follows: So okay, I do not understand that, but to explain in detail, what I don’t understand was also difficult, so the lecturer asked me how he could assist me if I was not able to explain what I did not understand.

In the view of Maringe and Jenkins (2015), a lack of proficiency in the English language is common to most international students who are non-­ native English speakers worldwide and has a direct impact on their academic literacy (Kommers & Pham, 2016). In most South African universities, a good command of English is essential for academic achievement because students are assessed on their writing, listening and presentation skills. If international students struggle with the language of teaching and learning it becomes difficult for them to understand the terminology used in their discipline and to comprehend the curriculum content. An international student from a non-English speaking country shared his frustration: There are books to read but my issue is the language. It is true that I have been living here for four years but I’m still struggling with the English language. Sometimes you want to study and there are some terminologies that you do not understand at first and it frustrates you. This is what keeps you from studying at times.

This results in many academics misconstruing the language difficulty experienced by international students as a lack of academic preparedness for higher education on their part. Maringe and Jenkins (2015) point out that effective and efficient learning occurs when students are proficient in the language of teaching and learning such as English which is used in most South African universities. Non-English speakers struggle to cope academically because they have to work twice as hard as students who are good in English. Apart from international students being viewed by academics as being unprepared for higher education, poor English proficiency erodes their confidence making them reluctant to participate in interactive activities such as classroom presentations and discussions (Mudhovozi, 2012). Above all, international students who lack proficiency in English have to work than those proficient in English to improve their academic

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competence (Wu et  al., 2015). The language problem also affects academic interaction among the students themselves and with their lecturers. This poor communication negatively affects the intellectual development of international students because they struggle to engage in fruitful conversations with other students and find it difficult to engage lecturers in and outside the classroom. Academic Workload The academic workload influences the extent to which international students integrate academically into the new learning environment (Ghalayini, 2014). Generally, international students experience the academic workload differently depending on their previous educational background (Zhou & Zhang, 2014). For this reason, it is important for lecturers and local students not to conclude that the challenge of coping with the academic workload and the academic demands by international students is an indication of their unpreparedness for higher education studies. This problem of not coping with the academic workload is exacerbated by the assumption made by lecturers that all students in the classroom possess the same knowledge. One of the international students recollected her experience of the academic demands as follows: My greatest challenge was that the standard, the level of education was a little higher than the one we are used to and there were also things that they assumed we had a basic knowledge of from our undergrad study, but this was not the case … I had no basics on those things and they assumed that we had them, and we were struggling to keep pace with other students.

The large number of subjects or modules students are expected to register for, coupled with the practical work required in fields such as medicine and engineering sciences, increases students’ academic workload. This results in students struggling to cope with multiple assignments because it splits their focus. In addition, students doing practical work at sites off the university campus, such as in hospitals and factories, also find it difficult to cope as they are expected to work long hours and prepare for their practical work and assessments at the same time. For example, one international student shared her experiences in this regard as follows:

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And if three of the subjects require for instance assignments, this could be seen as too demanding because it’s a lot of work that will be involved in the different assignments for different subjects. You know you will be split into a variety of groups with some other people. This is what makes it a bit difficult.

The high academic workload has detrimental effects on the academic integration of international students because if the workload is too high students struggle to progress academically and their intellectual development is undermined.

Coping Strategies In general, international students experience a brand new academic environment once they enrol in foreign institutions. As a result, they are forced to employ various strategies to adjust to the new academic environment (Maundeni et al., 2010; Mudhovozi, 2012; Vezirani et al., 2018). Deil-­ Amen (2011) concurs with Tinto (1975) that once students are successfully integrated into the new learning environment they recommit to their initial goals and the institution. The successful academic integration of international students becomes evident when they progress and perform academically. New international students rely on senior students from their home countries and their regions for support because they have gone through the same integration experience. As a result, as a coping strategy they establish friendships with other senior international students. However, this strategy limits interaction between international students and local students. One international student mentioned: So we are just avoiding problems as foreigners, so we stay together with people who can understand the problem we are experiencing in this country … maybe we also have the same culture because I’m from Gabon and most of my friends are Congolese. We have similar cultures. So we understand each other.

The support new international students receive from senior students assists them to attach to the institution and encourages them to complete their studies (Chen & Ross, 2015). For this reason, international students progress academically despite being viewed as unprepared for higher

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education and struggling with the new learning and teaching styles. Certainly, the advice international students get from senior students helps them to tackle with the challenges which arise from the academic workload, because senior students have experience of or have already developed strategies to handle unfamiliar academic schedules and workloads (Chen & Ross, 2015). Peer support is an important strategy used by international students to cope with academic challenges (Mudhovozi, 2012) and is more common to students from collectivist cultural background. Several authors have identified poor language proficiency as a major challenge for the academic integration of international students (Lee, 2010; Li, 2017; Maundeni et  al., 2010; Zhou & Zhang, 2014). As a result, they employ various strategies to deal with poor English proficiency. Some notable strategies employed to improve English language proficiency include registering for English remedial classes with private colleges before they start their degrees, befriending English speakers and hiring English tutors to assist them to improve their language and communication skills. One of the international students pointed out: Okay, I come in 2010, I spent one-year learning English and I started my BMA programme in 2011.

To further exemplify the strategies they use to cope with language difficulties, one international student said: … so I think I will advise people to hang out more with people, English-­ speaking people and that will greatly improve their English especially in the academic field.

The participation of international students in various extracurricular activities is driven by their desire to improve their English proficiency and to familiarise themselves with the accents found in South African universities. It is evident that once international students are familiar with the various accents that exist on campus it becomes easier for them to understand and to follow conversations in the classroom.

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Conclusion Overall, the integration of international students in foreign institutions is characterised by academic challenges. These students are therefore forced to devise strategies to cope with new teaching and learning styles, the knowledge gap, high academic demands and language barriers. It is of considerable importance that a more inclusive curriculum for the academic integration of international students in South African universities is employed because overemphasis on the host country curriculum content by lecturers limits students’ participation in the classroom. The role of lecturers and senior international students as academic integration agents confirms that integration is not the responsibility of international students alone. Importantly, academics and local students should understand that the successful integration of international students benefits them equally. Institutions of higher learning should recognise the challenges faced by international students during their integration into the South African higher education system and should recognise that they play a vital role in facilitating students’ academic integration, as the academic success of international students is beneficial to the higher education sector and the country. Altogether, South African universities can play a role in supporting the integration process by acknowledging the presence of international students when developing the curriculum, because once the curriculum provides a perspective for international students it will automatically attract more such students and will stimulate their participation in and out of the classroom. Importantly, the persistence of international students in facing the academic challenges head on in South Africa universities is because of the potential benefits that accrue after completing their studies. These include the prospect of employability back home and the chances of African international students furthering their studies in developed countries like the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia, to mention just a few.

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CHAPTER 8

Senegal: A Historic Destination of Mobility for French-Speaking African Students Mamadou Dimé

Introduction This chapter aims to study the foundations of student mobility in Senegal by focusing on their motivations, their experiences in terms of social integration, their adaptation to the academic context and their future prospects. It is based on a series of interviews carried out with students from a private university, the African Institute of Management (IAM) located in Dakar, and a public university, Gaston Berger University, in Saint-Louis in the northern part of Senegal. These interviews were intended to review the four core themes of our study. Accordingly, 8 students were interviewed at the IAM and 20 at Gaston Berger University. These interviews focused on the reasons for choosing Senegal and the university where they were enrolled, their experiences of study and life in Senegal and their future prospects. Interviews were conducted in French and translated into English.

M. Dimé (*) University Gaston Berger of Saint-Louis (Senegal), Saint-Louis, Senegal e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_8

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Despite conjunctural and structural constraints, the Senegalese higher education system still continues to ensure that the country serves as an attractive destination for French-speaking African students in particular. This attraction is linked to historical factors related to the position of the country as the place that hosts most of the training institutions of the former French colonies in West Africa. Not surprisingly, “Latin Quarter district etiquette” was associated with Dakar academic life, highlighting Senegal’s position as a place for the elite of French-speaking African countries. Senegal was a destination for African students well before independence. The “Latin district” label echoes the site where the university La Sorbonne in Paris is located and which is marked by a high concentration of higher education and research institutions. Senegal was nicknamed as such during the colonial period because it housed the majority of the training structures of the elite in French West Africa. After most African countries gained their independence in 1960, the country acquired a certain advantage from its historical legacy by positioning itself as a first-choice destination for students coming from French-­ speaking African countries and Morocco. Students from the latter country were mainly interested in enrolling at the faculties of Medicine and Pharmacy at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar, generally known as UCAD (Dimé, 2018; Sagna, 2013). Senegal’s eminent position in the African higher education market also stems from other considerations. These include the prestige of Senegalese universities despite the cyclical crises in which they are from time to time mired and the spectacular boom in private specialised universities and business schools since the 2000s. These private institutions have been able to invest and thrive thanks to marketing strategies as well as the establishment of partnerships with Western universities in Europe and America, thus fostering the West African subregional student mobility market (Sall, 2014, 2012). To highlight Senegal’s status as a training stronghold for the French-­ speaking African elite, Senegalese authorities often boast of having trained at some point three serving African presidents, namely, Brice Talon (Benin), Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (Mali) and Roch Marc Christian Kaboré (Burkina Faso) (Sakho, 2010). This fact illustrates a tradition established since the colonial era, as some of the leaders of the decolonisation movement attended the William Ponty School, an institution created in 1903 with a view to training the executives and officers of the colonial administration. For instance, former presidents Felix-Houphouet Boigny of Ivory Coast, Modibo Keita of Mali, Hamani Diori of Niger and Maurice

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Yameogo of Burkina Faso are among such leaders (Sakho, 2010; Sall, 2014). Senegal may be considered to be a first-choice destination for many students since it remains the preferred destination for French-speaking African students as opposed to Western European French-speaking universities such as those in France, Canada, Belgium and Switzerland. The most important factors that account for the decline in applications among African students to overseas universities include the difficulties related to visa issuance and problems related to social integration (Dimé, 2018). Senegal also takes advantage of several other pull factors for prospective students such as the socio-political stability of the country, its linguistic affinity (French), the easy integration into Senegalese society (tradition of hospitality commonly referred to as teranga), the quality and diversity of the training offered by its universities and other higher education institutions, the reputation of the teaching staff, its geographical proximity to other French-speaking countries in West Africa and the cost of studies, which is still deemed to be cheaper compared to Western destinations, among others. All these reasons were stated by the students pursuing their studies in Senegal who were interviewed during this research, all of whom originate from French-speaking African countries. This chapter aims to show the historical anchoring of the attractiveness of Senegal for African students which rests on the tradition of hosting at Senegalese universities. It rests on the motivations, the reasons for the choice of Senegal, the experiences of study and life of the students that we interviewed at the IAM, a private university, and the UGB, a public university.

The Senegalese Higher Education System: A Colonial Legacy The Senegalese higher education system reflects the socioeconomic conditions in a country which is classified as poor and indebted. Nowadays, the system is facing serious challenges related to the lack of resources, the explosion in the student population compared to the available capacity of its universities and the recurrence of strikes. Another challenging aspect of Senegalese universities remains the preponderance of general and humanities studies. After several decades of imbalance, it was only in 1990 that the second public university was opened. Later, in 2007, two more public

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universities were established. Today, the university landscape would appear to be more balanced with the presence of six public universities throughout the country. As a colonial creation, the Senegalese university appears to mirror the French system, which remains its point of reference in terms of organisation, mission statements and funding methods and its relations with society and the labour market. The country’s first university, the University of Dakar, was created in 1957 while the country was still under French rule. As the colonial capital of French West Africa, Dakar hosted most of the educational institutions that ensured the administration of the colonies of the French Empire. Thus, Senegal has a long tradition of welcoming foreign students who come mainly from other French-speaking African countries. Since independence, the Senegalese higher education system has faced several serious crises (strikes, violence, “blank years” etc.). Since 2012, all the Senegalese universities have adopted the License, Master, Doctorate1 system called the LMD.

An Overview of The Senegalese University System: The Crisis in Public Universities and The Boom in Private Universities The Senegalese university landscape currently consists of seven public universities (Dimé, 2018; MHER, 2013): 1. University Cheikh Anta Diop of Dakar (UCAD). UCAD is the oldest, the biggest and the best known among Senegalese universities. Located in the capital city, Dakar, UCAD has nearly 90,000 students, far beyond its accommodation capacity which is estimated at 20,000 students. It has five faculties: Humanities and Human Sciences, Law and Political Sciences, Economics and Management, Medicine, Pharmacy and Odontology, and Sciences and Technology. UCAD has several higher schools such as the Graduate School of Engineering, CESTI (Graduate School in Journalism and Communication), EBAD (Library and Documentation Studies), the Institute of Environmental Sciences, among others. 1  LMD: License, Master, Doctorate. With the reform of LMD, Senegalese universities aimed to adopt the system of anglophone universities in terms of the organisation of studies.

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2. Gaston Berger University (UGB). UGB is located in Saint-Louis, some 270 kilometres from Dakar in the northern part of the country. UGB was opened in 1990 with 600 students. It has now about 14,000 students divided into the following study fields: humanities, agronomy, law, culture and communication, economics, applied science and technology, medicine, sports and education sciences. 3. University Alioune Diop of Bambey (UADB) is located in the centre of the country in the city of Bambey (100 kilometres from Dakar). UADB was founded in 2007 and in 2014 had around 4000 students in the following fields: law, economy, public health, management, computer sciences. 4. The University of Thies. Thies is situated 70 kilometres from Dakar. The university was established from a merger of several graduate schools and institutes previously located in the city. The major fields of training now are engineering, social sciences, health sciences, science and technology, and agronomy. 5. University Assane Seck of Ziguinchor (UASZ). UASZ is located in the southern city of Ziguinchor. Created in 2007, this regional university, in addition to its literary and general training programme, focuses mainly on agroforestry. 6. The Virtual University of Senegal (UVS) specialises in e-learning. Study fields include the humanities, social sciences and mathematics. The UVS relies on a network of facilities called Open Digital Spaces (ENO) established in several regions of Senegal. 7. The University of Sine Saloum El Hadji Ibrahima Niass (USSEIN) is located in the cities of Kaolack, Fatick and Kaffrine in the central regions of Senegal. This, the latest public university, opened in January 2019 with a student population of around 2000. The training offered is more focused on vocational courses in fields such as agronomy, livestock farming, aquaculture, tourism and food (Tables 8.1, 8.2 and 8.3). A new public university, the University Ahmadou Makhtar Mbow (UAM) situated in the new city of Diamniadio (a suburb of Dakar), is expected to open in 2021. The Senegalese public universities share the common feature of being modelled as machines to produce unemployment. Public universities have been plunged into a structural crisis with a long and violent tradition of student protests. For example, in May 2018, the main facility housing the administration of the UGB was ransacked and burnt by students. Their

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Table 8.1  Public universities in Senegal Institution

Status/type

Location

Year of creation

Student population 2017/2018

Cheikh Anta Diop University of Dakar (UCAD) Gaston Berger University of Saint-Louis (UGB) Assane Seck University of Ziguinchor (UASZ) The University of Thiès (UT) Alioune Diop University of Bambey (UADB) The Virtual University of Senegal (UVS) University du Sine Saloum El Hadji Ibrahima Niass (USSEIN)

Public

Dakar

1957

91,600

Public

Saint-Louis

1990

14,100

Public

Ziguinchor

2007

5680

Public Public

Thiès Bambey

2007 2007

4100 4487

Public

Dakar and regions

2012

29,000

Public

Kaolack, Fatick and 2018 Kaffrine

2000

Source: Ministry of Higher Education, Research and Innovation and websites of UCAD, UGB, UASZ, UADB, UVS and USSEIN

Table 8.2  Top ten countries of origin of international students in Senegal Country of origin

2011

2016

% of total

Evolution 2011–2016

Ivory Coast Guinea Mali Togo Benin Bissau-Guinea Niger Tunisia TOTAL

ND ND ND ND ND ND ND ND 8568

1214 997 922 676 606 572 493 177 12,211

9.9 8.2 7.6 5.5 5.0 4.7 4.0 1.4 100

– – – – – – – – 43%

Source: https://ressources.campusfrance.org/publi_institu/etude_prospect/stats_pays/fr/senegal_fr.pdf, date of consultation: 26 July 2019

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Table 8.3  African students at Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, Senegal Country of origin

Men

Benin Burkina Faso Burundi Cameroon Central African Republic Comoros Congo Gabon Gambia Guinea Conakry Ivory Coast Mali Morocco Mauritania Niger Rwanda Sierra-Leone Chad Togo Tunisia Total

20 16 0 1 2 1 11 4 53 11 16 56 2 197 13 1 1 87 29 1 522

Women

Total

Number of students interviewed in this research

8 9 1 4 0

28 25 1 5 2

2 1

0 3 1 15 1 7 34 2 35 10 0 0 13 2 0 145

1 14 5 68 12 23 90 4 232 23 1 1 100 31 1 667

2 2 1 2 1 5 1

3

20

Source: UGB, Office of the Registration and Statistics, 2016

frustrations and violent reaction were caused by the death of a student shot by the security forces (gendarmerie). Nowadays, the public system is facing fierce competition from the private institutions. Since the 1990s, there has been an explosion in private higher education institutions in Senegal, with some being well endowed with resources while others struggle with limited resources, lack of recognition and reputational challenges. These private institutions are mainly profit-driven, seeking to profit from the lucrative higher education market in Senegal and also by serving students coming from other African regions (Mali, Ivory Coast, Niger, Burkina Faso, Guinea etc.). These private institutes are mainly oriented to business and management studies (trade, business, administration etc.).

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An Overview of Well-Known Private Higher Education Institutes And Universities Private higher education institutions and universities include: • the School of Management (ISM), the first private educational institution in Senegal, which was established in 1992; • Sup de Co, a business school created in 1994; • the African Institute of Management (IAM) which opened in 1996; • the Dakar Bourguiba University (UDB), the first private university in Senegal, which opened in 1995; • the Sahel University which was founded in 1995 and established in Dakar; • the Bordeaux Management School (BEM) with campuses in Dakar, which started its academic activities in 2008 thanks to a collaboration with BEM Bordeaux; • the Amadou Hampathe Ba University created in 2006 and located in Dakar. Currently, the number of private institutions in Senegal has increased exponentially with the majority found in Dakar where there is great demand for higher studies. The public universities are losing their appeal to students which is of benefit to private institutions. This chapter will now discuss the factors that have made Dakar renowned as an attractive city for African students.

Senegal: A Long Tradition in Welcoming African Students The history of teaching in Senegal is inseparable from that of the establishment of French West Africa (AOF). The opening of the first school in Saint-Louis in 1903 was followed in 1912 by the opening of the School of Medicine in Dakar. Subsequently, in 1922, the Children’s School Troop formed an embryo school and university, which is considered to have been a nursery for the first officials of the colonies (teachers, nurses, doctors, veterinarians, non-commissioned officers and officers). Some of these officials played an important role in the decolonisation process and were to preside over the destinies of their countries after their independence.

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The gleam of Senegal as a place of concentration of educational infrastructure in the French colonial empire in West Africa increased, along with the creation in 1949 of a physics, chemistry and biology certificate in a higher education institute in Dakar. In 1957, the University of Dakar was created to become the 18th university of France. Attached to the universities of Paris and of Bordeaux, University of Dakar was conceived in the words of its former president “as a French university serving for Africa.” The achievement of independence in the AOF by the early 1960s disrupted the initial scheme. The different independent states were eager to put in place educational structures to staff their administrations with the agents and executives they needed. However, despite these intentions, with the advent of independence Senegal played an important role in the training of nationals from French-speaking African countries. Subsequently, Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) was officially registered in 1987 and continues to welcome many foreign students. From the colonial era to present times, Dakar has been the main destination for students from French-speaking countries in Africa. This attraction may be explained in the coloniser’s decision to make of Dakar the centre for the training of the indigenous elites. Today, despite several challenges, Dakar is still a university hub in French-speaking West Africa. The explosion of private universities contributes to strengthening such a position. Students come mainly from West and Central African countries (e.g. Ivory Coast, Guinea, Mali, Benin, Togo, Niger, Tunisia, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon, Central African Republic, Chad, Cameroon, Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Comoros, Mauritania etc.). The UCAD faculties of medicine, pharmacy and odontology have always welcomed a great proportion of students from the Maghreb countries, especially Morocco (Table 8.2).

Dakar as a Hub of African Student Mobility: The Role of Private Universities In the early 1990s, Dakar started once again to be a converging hub for students from French-speaking countries in West Africa eager to pursue higher education. This period coincides with the arrival on the market of teaching institutions in the private higher education sector. The government’s sponsorship of these institutions was the main reason for this boom. Article 3 of law 91-22, instated on 16 February 1991, states that a

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“private, individual or collective initiative, may, under the conditions defined by law, contribute to the enhancement of education and training.” In reality, the attitude of the government towards private higher private education is fairly equivocal. Moreover, government tends to oscillate between a firm will to control the actions of these institutions and an invitation to them to play a decisive role by absorbing the strong demand for higher education which is steadily increasing. The dream of young students and students from African countries has been, and remains, to pursue their studies in developed countries (Europe and North America) in order to obtain both a diploma locally and an internationally accredited course that will enhance the prospects of employability. However, realising their dreams would appear to be difficult owing to the conditions imposed on students’ entry to these countries, which are becoming increasingly onerous. The private institutions have therefore sought to facilitate access to higher education and thereby help students achieve their dreams. For those students eager to continue their studies in Europe and North America, they have provided a mechanism by offering a co-diploma, making it possible to stay in Senegal while graduating with the seal of a university or higher education institution in the West. Another attractive component offered by their portfolio of services is the possibility of preparing for programmes that integrate top French professional schools. Private schools were, at a very early stage, able to maximise the profit they could draw from the development of training programmes which were popularly praised, such as the preparation for entrance to higher business studies (Hautes études commerciales or HEC). In 2004, HEC Paris established a partnership agreement with the ISM in order to raise awareness and prepare students to enter this prestigious school. For this purpose, it has set up a permanent antenna/satellite in Dakar. A decade later, the Group Sup de Co from the Montpellier Business School followed suit, praising the relevance of this choice as a strategic plan to prepare students to further their studies in France. Similarly, the educational hub of Dakar, together with the city of Casablanca, owes its attractiveness to being one of the two African centres which annually host preparations and/or examinations for candidates from francophone countries. These are fiercely completed common tests leading to entrance to higher institutions in France. This contest is organised jointly by 16 graduate business schools in France.

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Dakar has therefore become a regional educational hub. Students come mainly from French-speaking countries in West and Central Africa (Ivory Coast, Benin, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon, Central African Republic, Chad, Cameroon, Congo, DR Congo), as well as from other French-­ speaking countries (Comoros and Mauritania). The pan-African character of the Dakar hub is also conveyed through the presence of students from Portuguese-speaking countries (Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau). Senegalese business schools attended by students, whether they come from Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Gabon and even Nigeria and Ghana, are now competing with the best business schools in the Maghreb. The motivations put forward by the students interviewed at IAM are diverse. While some of them are trivial others are significant, varying from the quest to join a prestigious institution to a dire absence of the training sought by the student in his home country and to the political stability of Senegal, as well as the use of French as a language of instruction, or the discovery of the culture and arts of Senegalese life. “Coming to Dakar was the best solution. Studies are cheaper here than in Europe or America, there is no red tape and their school really provided a high-quality education,” said a Gabonese undergraduate student of management. Like him, three of his fellow students came from other countries to study in Senegal, one of the favourite destinations of young Africans for earning their degrees. Since the colonial period, the country has had an excellent reputation in the field of higher education and, despite the recurrent crises in the public institutions over the past three decades, which have had a negative impact on the value of the UCAD usually cited as reference, Senegal continues to welcome hundreds of international students. While these students represent only a small proportion of students, they are six times more numerous in the private institutions where they number in excess of 16,000 in total. More than 40 nationalities are represented at the IAM. The devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994 and the 2002 Ivorian crisis played an important role in the boom in higher education in Senegal; the former in so far as it has increased the cost of education in Europe and forced many parents to keep their children in Africa. Therefore, in order meet the strong demand, many entrepreneurs have ventured into the establishment of higher education institutions. In early 2009, the country had a hundred private universities, representing a total turnover of 18 billion CFA francs (27.5 million euros)—though sometimes the quality

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remains low. As for the Ivorian conflict, it led many students to leave Abidjan for Dakar, which offered more security. The IAM awards degrees in collaboration with the following universities: the University of Quebec at Chicoutimi in Canada and the University of Strasbourg and Mulhouse in France. The ISM runs a co-diploma with private schools of management in France, including the Higher School for Economic and Social Development (ESDES) in Lyon, the Rouen Business School and the Reims Management School. However, it is the Bordeaux Management School which, despite being a late arrival on the market (2008), has gone further by introducing its own co-diploma. In fact, the parent company of the Bordeaux Management School has simply relocated part of its training programme to Dakar. The curriculum is divided into two parts, the first in Senegal and the second in Bordeaux. Dakar also owes its reputation as the West African capital for French higher education to the professional opportunities it offers. Institutions such as the African Centre for Advanced Management Studies (CESAG, created in 1985), ISM (1992) and the African Institute of Management (IAM) (1996) are considered by students to be “bridge” institutions which can connect them to the rest of the world. These schools also receive assessments that allow them to properly compare themselves, in a positive way, to their counterparts—Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. Furthermore, in Senegal classes are taught in French or English from the first cycle by Senegalese and foreign teachers or by professionals from various companies. Through agreements with major universities, there are even teachers who come from the Harvard Business School in the USA, the HEC in Montreal and Paris, and the Paris-Dauphine. In addition, after a few years of study, diplomas issued to students from Senegal are equivalent to French, Canadian and American diplomas and are recognised everywhere and graduates are increasingly being targeted by multinational companies operating in Africa. “But it is hard to remove prejudices though there are excellent elements trained in Senegal entering the labour market,” asserts the human resources manager of a Dakar-based bank. Yet, “those who did not go abroad sometimes develop an inferiority complex vis-à-vis colleagues trained from Western schools. Similarly, in wage negotiations, some HRM are more likely to accept the high pretentions of a young trainee from abroad.” By expanding, the African banking sector offers many opportunities for young graduates, which is probably why 67% of young Senegalese students choose to learn

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economics or management, according to statistics from the Ministry of Education. Despite their success, private institutions such as the IAM (1780 students) or the ISM (3500 students) need to adapt to the characteristics of educational demand in African countries. Their main goal is obviously to train young people in line with local and international realities, which accounts for the introduction of Chinese and Japanese courses. Even African languages have found a place in what is usually referred to as the “big Senegalese schools.” “We even offer courses in Mandinka and Fula, which are spoken in the sub-region,” says the founding president of the IAM. “We know that the use of a language understood by the majority facilitates trade integration, it is therefore quite normal that we offer such courses.” “We live in a global village in which Dakar occupies an important place. And if some time the desire or need to take from us has to be enhanced, thanks to agreements between our schools and universities abroad, it will be easier,” argued one student dressed like a young senior executive in his impeccable business suit. Hence, Senegal’s position as the French capital of West Africa, the boom in private higher education institutions, the partnerships between these institutions and institutions in the West, as well as the double diplomas that are offered, would appear to be the factors that influence student mobility to Senegal.

Africa’s Attraction to a Regional University: The Case of University Gaston Berger in Saint-Louis Before highlighting the motivations that underlie students’ choice of UGB, the profiles of various foreign students interviewed are presented. These show that some came to UGB through a cooperation established between Senegal and their country of origin, while others resorted to selffunding. However, whatever the case, the same reasons would appear to apply to a certain extent (Table 8.3). The particular choice of UGB and of Senegal in general for foreign African students can be explained by a set of disparate factors which underpin and motivate their arrival at UGB. Added to that is the convergence of many criteria which form the basis for their decision to study at UGB. These different factors are both internal and external. They are external because they convey the perception of the features or the quality of Senegalese

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teaching and internal because they refer to the shortcomings of their home universities compared to those of Senegal. Nonetheless, it is worth mentioning that this choice can be personal or influenced by a relative or, better, it can come from both. Thus, after our interviews, the reasons mostly evoked highlighted the reputation of the Senegalese education system in the subregion with regard to its long tradition in training the elite of the subregion after independence, with a key focus on the quality of the teaching methods. It also includes the symbolic value given to Senegalese degrees and consequently to a degree issued by UGB, which is said to be a university of excellence. In addition, the quality of teachers, their experience, their pedagogy, the quality of the training, the opportunities that a UGB degree could bring in the job market and its geographical proximity are some of the other reasons put forward by these students. As one of the interviewees from Mali, a graduate student in Political Science pointed out: First we have to remember that Senegal is a reference for us young Malians in the domain of education for many reasons. Senegal used to be the capital city of the AOF and all the elite of our different countries were trained here. That has already given us an institutional design of the image of Senegalese educative institutions. But personally, I had parents and teachers who supervised me and who have studied in Senegal. Their experience influenced me enough to make the choice.

An interviewee from Burkina Faso, a Master of Translation and Interpretation (MATIC) student, elaborated as follows: I do not know the whole of UGB but concerning my training, I can say the teaching staff is very skilful and I have received enough knowledge. I really feel that I have received a good training. So, in this viewpoint, I can say that the teaching system is good even if we must always strive for perfection.

The choice of UGB as articulated by the three interviewees reflects the personal, collective and personal-collective. Personal because the foreign student is not quite indifferent to what is happening in Senegal in general and at UGB particularly in the domain of university training. The choice can also result from a certain influence coming from relatives, teachers and supervisors, who are to some extent “sellers” of the UGB destination. They compel admiration and respect in candidates, because they were

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formed in Senegalese universities and thus often influence the choices of their future students. Finally, it can result from both the way that the future student is feeling towards the training system at UGB, a feeling that is reinforced by the pieces of advice given by those “opinion formers.” This viewpoint is backed up by another student from Chad who was enrolled in the Department of Sociology. His words illustrate the important role played by views shared by their predecessors in his choice of UGB. He indeed asserts: I had an uncle who studied here from his bachelor degree to his master of arts in the faculty of Arts and Humanities. He got his diploma of advanced studies (DEA) here then went back to the country at the very moment I was a fresher. I just went to pay him a visit. Afterwards, he told me if you want to study, there is a very good university in Senegal called UGB. You can send me your school records and I will scan them and send them to my fellows there and after they will set it down for you if you are interested. I answered it does not matter. My first choice was not UGB. But in our discussions, he told me that it was a very good university so I said why not. My uncle is a reliable man.

Apart from these external reasons, which refer to the features and the quality of teaching at UGB, there are some internal reasons, such as to the shortcomings of the university system in their home countries, especially in West and Central Africa, compared to the Senegalese higher education system and particularly UGB. Internal factors, which combined with the external ones make the choice of UGB obvious and decisive, can thus be seen as amplifying effects. Such internal shortcomings in the home country include the lack of teachers, especially full professors, the absence or lack of master’s programmes and under-equipped universities (libraries). To these academic reasons can be added extra-academic factors such as the social, political and economic stability in Senegal. As a Togolese graduate student pointed out: “Well, at UGB, there are great teachers who really master the teaching pedagogy. They are known everywhere. So, it is a qualified teaching. In the faculty, everybody is a full professor and it is not obvious elsewhere.” The shortcomings of the university system in home countries and the opportunities that UGB offers to enable students to further their studies are apparent in the words of this Malian student, a graduate in Political Science, who backs up his preceding viewpoint: “When I was coming, there

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was not a master programme in Political Sciences in Mali […] Here, there are qualified lecturers, the resource centre is well equipped and this is not often the case in our country. It is a chance that Senegal has what our own country does not provide.” In this way, the choice of UGB by foreign students revolves around individual aspirations and structural factors, as well as social influences that elucidate the predetermining role of “opinion formers.” So, the choice is not as personal as it seems and rests on the calculation of the cost, benefits and risks that underlie the opportunities offered by UGB in particular and the Senegalese educational system in general, highlighting their higher standing compared to the educational systems in the foreign students’ countries.

Study Experiences and Foreign Students’ Life Beyond the differences that we may find between foreign students regarding their study and life experiences, some invariants can be noticed as well as a reconfiguration of life experience which results from study experiences and vice versa.

Academic Experiences When asked about the living conditions when studying in Senegal, foreign students regarded them as good and even very good, while others viewed theme as average or unsatisfactory. This view does not refer to the quality of teaching but rather to the current dynamics of the system with the myriad of delays experienced in the university schedule. The assessment of the system reveals which effects are visible in the training and professional ambitions of the foreign students, as well as changes in the motivations that first underpinned the choice of UGB. Beyond the structural factors related to university training, other academic and extra-academic factors are brought together and thus testify to conditions for successful academic training in an efficient environment. There is successful integration in the classroom which is mainly facilitated by the presence of classmates or other foreign students in the same class, the establishment of groups which facilitate this integration and the adaptation to the university system, friendly relationships with lecturers and the university’s administration, a conducive environment for research, as well as an enabling life for the academic experience and the pedagogical

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experience. However, these different conditions (external) do not really make a sense unless the student brings his/her own (internal) motivations which can be noticed in an open relationship with regard to other students (Senegalese and other nationalities). A Burkinabe graduate student stated: “Well, I think it’s very good. I am studying translation and if had to go to an international institution I feel ready for the task without being arrogant or boastful. I feel confident with the training I have received.” This situation is confirmed by a Chadian studying towards a bachelor of arts in Sociology: “There is no problem of integration. I have many friends there mostly PhD students. I often discuss with them and they explain to me some courses. Thanks God it’s good on the whole.” Nonetheless, beyond these considerations, various problems were raised which can often make the study experiences of foreign students at UGB difficult. The main problem is the delay in the university calendar due to the recurrent strikes which then leads to the need to harmonise the schedule between the different departments of the same faculty which obliges some departments to “wait for” the late/delayed other departments. To these problems is added the difficulty of harmonising the teaching and evaluation methods/schedule particularly for students from Guinea because of the gap which exists between their university system and that of UGB, the use of the local language (Wolof) both in class and in work groups which makes it difficult for them to understand the work, a lack of information sharing by the administration, among other issues. There is a students’ coordination body in Saint-Louis which assists in addressing the concerns and challenges of foreign students at UGB. The recurrent strikes at UGB, occasioning delays in the university calendar, the overlapping of academic years, the overloading of the programme and the unending catch-up classes constitute the main problems for foreign students and even for Senegalese students. Added to this is the gap between the end of the exams and the releasing of the results. These are delays that result in international students feeling disappointed and aggrieved. As one interviewee opined: But in the pedagogical plan particularly, we are facing some difficulties. Serious problems that often make you regret the choice of Senegal. These problems must be resolved. And people are complaining. We are supposed to be ambassadors of Senegal when we return to our countries. Telling our brothers “go there” the quality of education is good would not be true.

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It should be noted that the Guinean educational system is outdated and is not in line with the classical system of Senegal, that is the LMD, which is in vogue at most universities around the world. This then makes it difficult for Guinean students to adapt and understand the university system, the teaching methods and the evaluation of knowledge. According to a Malian student: There is another problem: the conformity of the teaching programmes. Mauritanian students, for instance, are not well acquainted with the system. About the LMD, some Guinean students totally ignore how the evaluation is done; how things are done. We have created a welcoming system for the freshers. That is to say when a new student comes, we welcome him/her and try to explain in concrete terms what the system consists in. Also, if you come with your bachelor degree, you don’t know the conditions to get to the master level, the evaluation methods, there are foreign students from all departments and who can try to explain how the system works.

The other real problem is the use of Wolof by the lecturers in class and by members of work groups, making it difficult for foreign students to understand some courses where Wolof is used. This results in a lack of involvement during work group sessions. The frequent use of Wolof during class serves as an illustration of the relationship that Senegalese people have with their language and with French and is what makes them use the Wolof language in academic spaces and work sessions, consciously and/or unconsciously. It shows that any organisation is open to its environment and that its workers bring with them their values and their social and cultural practices. This use of Wolof even influenced the choice of course for a Chadian student, who had this to say: Sometimes, in working groups, I let others to summarise so that I could understand what they say in Wolof. The language is important. In the first year, we had a teacher who did almost all his explanations in Wolof and I always missed that subject. And if you miss the explanations you cannot really understand the course. This is what made me choose this course because I could choose the other.

Foreign students’ study experiences are in general positive despite some constraints related to recurrent strikes among other things. However,

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these difficulties are alleviated by the actions of foreign student organisations and their own structures.

Students’ Life Experiences: The Issue of Social Integration The living conditions or experiences of foreign students at UGB are assessed differently from their common needs or problems. However, to address such difficulties, various strategies have been implemented by the students. One of them is the creation of a general association which coordinates the different international student associations at UGB. The notion of life experience raises the crucial question of the international student’s social integration, the mechanisms of that integration, its different contours and dimensions as well as the obstacles. In fact, three mechanisms were identified during our research, all of which are closely related because they interact within the system: the micro scale (international student), the medium scale (the role of the seniors), and the large-­ scale macro (the role of the institution, the students’ association and student unions)—together displaying good social integration for the foreign student. The medium-scale level relates to a community solidarity which starts before the arrival of the student by taking charge of the submission and the monitoring of the student’s application, and temporary housing until he/she finds accommodation. So, the “seniors” and the roommates guide the first steps of the foreign student at UGB and enable the initial basic conditions to facilitate the integration using different mechanisms, including information about the pedagogical and social realities at UGB and the introduction of the student to some of their fellow students. “When I came at UGB I was with my Burkinabe fellows. I was in ‘village’ C [a residence hall] with a friend where I spent almost a month before having a room here,” said a Burkinabe interviewee.

This role is completed at the macro scale by the institution and the student union which take over the process. Nevertheless, in some cases it may happen that the role played by the seniors at the medium-scale level is assured by the students’ association which firstly deals with the submission and the monitoring of the student’s application, as well as accommodation with their fellow students on campus. The conditions for the

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successful integration of the foreign student are therefore met. Thereafter, the association integrates the student through various mechanisms, which are considered a means of socialising. This integration is carried out through what is commonly known as “integration nights,” which are organised once a year and where students are introduced to their fellow students. Among other activities, discussion sessions are organised periodically, such as in-town or beach outings which include the entire UGB community. At the same time, the coordination, particularly with the integration nights, facilitates the integration of students of different nationalities and promotes a dialogue between all foreign students. One of the interviewees, a Chadian student, gave us an illustration: The integration! Thanks God! Actually, we also have an association of Chadian students here. When we receive a fresher, who either knows somebody or not, we find accommodation for him with an older student who helps him through the registration process. After we let them meet the others. The association organises its integration every year in which all the freshers are gathered. We invite the other associations’ chairmen. The latter also help the freshers in their enrolment. We have a Facebook page and a WhatsApp group where we post the names of the boards which have already been elected. And if they come at UGB it is as if they were already integrated. And with the discussion sessions we hold the integration process is carried out through a smooth way.

However, these mechanisms or efforts to integrate the student and their living conditions will not suffice unless the student is also fully involved in the process and open to others (micro scale), hence the interdependence between the two dimensions. In addition, on the micro scale, the students can at the same time develop their own social circle. As one Malian student pointed out: I integrated myself through a dual mechanism. A friend has submitted my application. There is an integration night where people meet. In the same way, I encountered other friends. And they call me “bleu-ance” [fresher-elder] jokingly because I have many friends.

This integration also has links with other communities and with the local population of Senegal. However, some believe that in this integration, the mixing with other foreign students is easier than with the Senegalese people due to the language barrier posed by the Wolof

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language, the sharing of common needs with a foreign fellow which might not work with a Senegalese, as well as the accepted duty to help one another in a foreign land. Beyond that integration, the problems encountered are mainly issues related to the costs of the stay, particularly for those students who do not have a scholarship or a partnership between their countries and Senegal (Mauritania), as well as to accommodation costs. These problems show the inextricable link between the pedagogical and the social aspects. Indeed, with the delay and the overlapping of academic years, the time of stay is extended and this impacts on the student’s available budget, which will necessarily be increased. Moreover, because of the academic unrest, the student is asked to pay the amount of the accommodation set at (2.500.000 FCFA2) twice in the same year, being the difference between the duration of the accommodation (9  months) and the academic year (12 months sometimes). Facing such problems, the students’ union has set up various strategies as asserted by its chairman: We have set up actions and strategies in the administration particularly toward the university students welfare centre (CROUS) so as to have more rooms for foreign students. This is the reason why during our negotiations we have managed to obtain a surplus of rooms every year. Now, the second thing is the issue of accommodation fees. We ask for the involvement or intervention of our diplomatic leaders because everything is linked to the agreements between Senegal and other States. That is the reason why the CROUS cannot do anything because it depends on a higher level. These are the two pillars that we have undertaken.

Professional Ambitions, a Dichotomy of Optimism, the Switching of Ambitions and Trajectories The students interviewed in this research expressed various professional aspirations. For example, it was found that some students aimed to complete a PhD to become university professors in their country of origin or in Senegal, while others wanted to be physicians, administrators, international translators and the like. Such ambitions are nurtured by the quality of the education at UGB and, consequently, the value this has in the

2

 About US$4500.

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labour market in their country of origin, thus facilitating integration into the professional world. A Togolese student underlined this: “I want to be a professor. This has always been my ambition. Bearing the title of a Dr particularly, I like it so much.” And a Chadian student further stated: “I am dreaming to work with organisations. I want to do IDL degree and go back to have a good job.” However, the different problems encountered, mainly the delay in the school calendar and the overlapping of academic years, have led students to change or switch their courses, depending on their professional ambitions. One Malian graduate student in Political Science gave us a good illustration: I learnt that there is a master in political science in Bamako. I plan to be taken there, as part-time lecturer. Then continue my studies, defend my thesis, and work in international institutions. Or the other way would be to pass the national school of public administration (ENA). As for the question of my career plan, yes, there is a change. I cannot do the competitive examination because I do not yet have my master 2 degree. Master 1 is not considered as a degree. This is what makes me change my mind according to my career plan. Since I cannot compete I am obliged to look for the higher education or international institutions.

Overall, the students’ professional ambitions are high and are connected to the needs of the labour market. However, with the obvious relationship between the social and academic aspects, they sometimes have to be changed due to strikes and other academic problems.

Conclusion Owing to historical factors related in particular to the status of Dakar as the capital of French West Africa and therefore as a location for training institutions, Senegal has had a long tradition of welcoming African students. For a long time, the African student pool was fed mainly by French-­ speaking countries in the West African subregion; however, the emergence of a network of private universities has enabled Dakar to maintain its position as a hub for student mobility. Today, even though Senegalese public universities continue to enrol African students, the proliferation of private universities has helped to maintain Senegal’s attraction in terms of student mobility. This study has

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highlighted several other factors that explain foreign students’ choice of Senegal for pursuing their higher education. The major conclusion that results is that Senegal can be considered as a first-choice destination based on various social, financial, linguistic, symbolic and cultural reasons. Relatively easy social integration into Senegalese society and the socio-­ political stability of the country further contribute to making Senegal a first-choice destination, especially for students from the West African subregion. While private universities are looking for ways to attract even more African students, Senegal’s public universities have suffered from the competition with private universities and the lingering crisis in which they are trapped. Foreign students are looking forward to a stable academic environment and enabling conditions, which public universities are no longer able to offer. This situation contributes to a sense of dissatisfaction on the part of the students themselves, especially students coming from other African countries.

References Dimé, M. (2018). Research and PhD capacities in sub-Saharan Africa: Senegal report (Report to British Council and DAAD). https://www.daad.de/medien/ der-­daad/analysen-­studien/research_and_phd_capacities_in_sub-­saharan_ africa_-­_senegal_report.pdf Ministry of Higher Education and Research (MHER). (2013). Plan de développement de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche au Sénégal 2013–2017. http://ifgu.auf.org/media/document/Plan_de_developpement_de_lenseignement_superi_eur_et_de_la_recherche_PDESR.pdf Sagna, O. (2013). L’enseignement supérieur sénégalais à l’heure de la réforme. Direction générale de l’enseignement supérieur. Ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche, Programme des réformes prioritaires, PDSER 2013–2017. Sakho, B. (2010). Élite africaine et projet de transformation sociale. In M. Gassama (Ed.), 50 ans après, quelle indépendance pour l’Afrique? Philippe Rey. Sall, A.  S. (2012). Mutations de l’enseignement supérieur en Afrique. Le cas de l’UCAD. L’Harmattan. Sall, M. (2014). Le Quartier latin sénégalais à la croisée des chemins, Hommes et migrations 1307. Retrieved April 16, 2018 from http://hommesmigrations. revues.org/2879

CHAPTER 9

Conclusion Chika Trevor Sehoole, Olaide Agbaje, and Jenny J. Lee

Cross-border education, often referred to as international student mobility, remains an increasingly essential aspect of international education. According to Knight and Woldegiorgis (2017), an important and perhaps unexpected development of globalisation has been the increased importance of regionalisation, another form in which cross-border student mobility finds expression. According to Knight (2020), the expansion of the number of regional and subregional research and university networks, the growth in intra-regional student and scholar mobility, the new emphasis on regional quality assurance frameworks, the work towards

C. T. Sehoole (*) Faculty of Education, University of Pretoria, Groenkloof, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] O. Agbaje University of Pretoria, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] J. J. Lee Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8_9

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establishing academic credit systems, the efforts to develop qualification recognition frameworks and the mutual recognition of qualifications are testimony to the growing importance of higher education regionalisation. The case studies in this book demonstrate how these two global developments in higher education, namely, academic student mobility and the regionalisation of higher education, are prevalent in higher education in Africa. This book does not claim to provide a comprehensive picture of student mobility practices in the countries under study, but is based on two universities in each country and thus provides a snapshot of international student experiences of internationalisation policies and practices based on those countries and institutions. The aim is not to generalise the entire process of student mobility based on this snapshot, as this might lead us to an ill-informed conclusion on the complex process of student mobility. Nevertheless, the cases demonstrate that as with global student mobility, intra-African student mobility is driven by, amongst other things, the desire to acquire a quality education, which might not be available in one’s home country. In this chapter, we present some key issues with regard to intra-African student mobility. Specifically, we highlight some of the challenges constraining the success of student mobility, the roles of regional relationships in promoting it amongst students from member countries, as well as continental initiatives based on the evidence presented in the preceding chapters in this book. At the time of writing this book, the Covid-19 pandemic has affected every aspect of human endeavour and is rapidly changing the world in more ways than we could ever imagine, and has exposed the fault lines not only in the higher education systems of Africa but of the entire world. It is on this premise that this concluding chapter takes a snapshot of the emerging ‘new normal’ in education, while also reflecting on the dynamics of intra-African student mobility after Covid-19. Covid-19 presents a new and unusual challenge to student mobility in Africa and the rest of the world. While countries in the developed part of the world might be better prepared to navigate this new reality, African higher education institutions (HEIs) may find coping with e-learning and its demands difficult, to say the least.

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Benefits of Intra-African Student Mobility Intra-African student mobility holds enormous benefits for students, institutions, nations and the African continent. Of importance is the role of African universities in promoting intra-African mobility to address developmental issues confronting the continent. In spite of the challenges confronting its higher education system, Africa has not been entirely left behind in the sphere of research and innovation sweeping across universities in the Global North. If well harnessed, the benefits of intra-African student mobility will enhance the visibility of Africa and its HEIs and serve as a means through which the continent can profit from internationalisation. Based on some of the reports of the country chapters in this book, we have identified some benefits of intra-African student mobility as follows: Quality Education Evidence from the preceding chapters suggests that quality education exists in Africa. Most of the African students found the quality of education in the host country to be better than was obtainable in their home country, both in terms of teaching and research. This implies that some African countries and some African HEIs are making crucial efforts to offer innovative education, conducting cutting-edge research and increasing knowledge production. Quality education in Africa is also evident through institutional rankings—a growing number of African institutions rank high in the global ranking system. For example, the University of Cape Town in South Africa, Makerere University in Uganda, Aswan University in Egypt, and the University of Ibadan in Nigeria ranked among the best 500 universities in the world according to the Times Higher Education World University Ranking 2021. Brain Drain and Brain Circulation Intra-African student mobility plays a vital role in curbing the perpetual issue of brain drain associated with Africa. Although globalisation and internationalisation have further heightened the problems faced by higher education in Africa (Waghid, 2009), African universities are now taking proactive measures to promote research collaborations on the continent through knowledge sharing. The full mobilisation of Africa’s best brains

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circulating on the continent is largely sufficient to revitalise Africa and attain sustainable development for the good of Africa. Importantly, some of the research participants reported in the book had a desire to return home upon graduation and were also willing to recommend their institutions to peers in their home countries. This goes a long way in retaining the best talents in the continent and minimising the loss caused by the brain drain. Increase in Human Capacity The fact that African students are choosing to study on the continent enhances the much-needed human resources crucial for Africa’s development. Having enough human power to tackle socioeconomic needs contributes to the prosperity of not only the individual but also the region and the continent as a whole. African graduates have been criticised for lacking employability skills (Trust Africa, 2015); however, evidence from the preceding chapters suggests that students who undertake an international study in Africa are satisfied that they have acquired the requisite skill needed for employment in their home countries. This implies that international education obtained in Africa prepares students for the real world of work and is instrumental in building the human capacity needed for the political and socioeconomic advancement of the continent (Deardorff, 2014). Furthermore, intra-African student mobility holds the capability to usher in a new set of African leaders who are competent in making use of African human and material resources for the promotion of a prosperous, peaceful and integrated Africa. Cultural Benefit Besides obtaining an educational qualification, studying in Africa offers numerous opportunities to explore diverse cultures and be exposed to various beautiful sights including artefacts and natural landscapes (Rushwaya & Mutambara, 2018). In his chapter, Marei reports that cultural rationales ranked high among the reasons why international students from outside Africa chose to study in Egypt. The same reasons hold true for non-Africans studying in South Africa (Lee & Sehoole, 2015). In addition, intra-African mobility helps to strengthen the African cultural identity, which is at risk of being eroded by globalisation. Some of the cultural identities of the African people include warmth, friendliness and

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hospitability, which are crucial to the adjustment and overall sociocultural experiences of international students in their host countries. In his chapter, Kiiza reports extensively on the hospitability of Ugandans towards foreigners, including international students, an act that the country found important enough to include in its policy framework. In essence, international students can experience what Mazambani and Mutambara (2018, p.  1) term ‘education tourism’—a combination of studying towards an educational qualification while at the same enjoying tourism in the host country. Regional Benefits The opportunities presented to African students through regional cooperation cannot be overemphasised. African stakeholders realise that higher education and research are fundamental to socioeconomic development and that pan-African cooperation holds the potential for advancing internationalisation in Africa. Hence, a number of bilateral and multilateral agreements have been established between African countries to promote internationalisation in Africa. These include a number of scholarship opportunities offered to African students to study in another African country, with the aim of promoting programmes relevant to Africa’s needs. Another regional opportunity is that enjoyed by refugees—as discussed by Nyerere and Marei in the Kenyan and Egyptian country cases. Notably, intra-African student mobility encourages increased regional movement for undergraduate and postgraduate African students who would have studied outside the continent (Campus France, 2016). Some African countries such as South African in the south and Egypt in the north have become regional hubs for African international students and have taken advantage of this feat to strengthen their institutional capacities, boost their institutional status and enhance their ranking profiles. Safety and Security International students reportedly feel safe and secure studying in Africa. Countries such as Ghana and Uganda leverage their peaceful environment and political stability to attract international students. International students also find countries like Kenya, Nigeria and Egypt relatively safe study destinations in spite of some form of terrorism going on in these countries. In his article published in the University World News, Hinson (2020)

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argues that African countries and African universities are safer during the Covid-19 pandemic than their Western competitors. Needless to say, the benefits of studying in Africa are vast and may not be adequately captured in a single chapter. In addition to the afore-­ mentioned benefits, intra-African student mobility is a viable avenue for the financial sustainability of African HEIs; it goes a long way in relieving the problem of underfunding for institutions and ultimately translates into revenue at the national level. In addition, international students who choose to study in Africa receive good quality education at relatively low cost. Concisely, choosing to study in Africa opens up international students to a unique experience they will never forget (Murphy, 2019).

The Role of Regional Integration in Intra-African Student Mobility The expansion in the number of regional and subregional research and university networks, the growth in intra-regional student and scholar mobility, the new emphasis on regional quality assurance frameworks, the work towards establishing academic credit systems, the efforts to develop qualification recognition frameworks and the mutual recognition of qualifications are testimony to the growing importance of higher education regionalisation (Knight, 2020). Intra-African student mobility has taken a regional dimension such as the East African Community (EAC), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as evidenced in this book. These regional initiatives are also reflected in the agenda of regional university organisations such as the Inter University Council for East Africa (IUCEA) and the Southern Africa Regional Universities Association (SARUA). In Africa, regional student mobility is regarded as a form of support for and cooperation between countries in the same region towards regional development and geopolitical redress (Majee & Ress, 2020), unlike in Europe where regionalisation in student mobility was seen as a way to promote regional identity and establish European citizenship after World War II (De Wit, 2002). Africa is made up of five different regions, namely, Southern Africa, North Africa, East Africa, West Africa and Central Africa. Each of these regions have made consolidated efforts towards their member states concerning student mobility. With the exception of Central

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Africa, all the regions are represented in this book. Regional cooperation encourages intra-African mobility for mobile African students who would have studied outside the continent. Regional quality assurance frameworks that have been developed both in the Southern African and East African regions facilitate the mutual recognition of member states’ qualifications, which enables the transfer of students from one system to another. Member-state countries also treat students from the region as home students in terms of fees. In particular, regional cooperation is beneficial for disadvantaged African students who would not ordinarily have been afforded the luxury of acquiring an international education. One such benefit is the preference given by Kenya and Egypt to international students from war-torn neighbouring countries. In the case of Egypt, international students from within the North African and Middle Eastern regions such as Libya, Palestine, Yemen and Syria enjoy up to 50% tuition fee discount and a fast-tracked enrolment process. In addition, international students from Syria have the opportunity to transfer relevant course credits from home institutions to their Egyptian higher education programmes. Similarly, in the case of the SADC, nearly half of internationally mobile students in the SADC region study in South Africa (ICEF Monitor, 2014; UNESCO, 2012). These countries include Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. SADC students in South Africa are treated as domestic students with regard to fees, while they also have a 5% admission slot reserved for them, following the SADC protocol of 1997 (Majee & Ress, 2020).

Impact of Covid-19 on Student Mobility The impact of the unprecedented situation posed by the Covid-19 pandemic has been widespread and has influenced almost all facets of life, including higher education. The World Health Organisation (WHO) declared the coronavirus, also known as Covid-19, a global pandemic on 11 March 2020. At the time of concluding this book, confirmed cases of Covid-19 globally amounted to about 46.2 million with 1.2 million deaths, while Africa had about 1.8 million confirmed cases and 43,869 deaths. A further look at each country presented in this book shows that South Africa had about 725,500 confirmed cases and a little over 19,000 deaths; Kenya had 55,192 confirmed cases and 981 deaths; Nigeria had about 63,000 confirmed cases and 1144 deaths; Ghana had about 48,100 confirmed cases and 320 deaths; Uganda had about 12,500 confirmed

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cases and 111 deaths; Senegal had 15,616 confirmed cases and 324 deaths; while Egypt had about 108,000 confirmed cases and about 6300 deaths. These Covid-19 statistics globally, on the African continent and in the countries presented in this book offer an insight into how the pandemic is affecting our world. Since the outbreak of the global pandemic, so many countries (including those reported in this book) have had to suspend their education processes by closing schools and shutting down their campuses. According to UNESCO (2020, 9.8 million African higher education students are grappling with disruptions to their studies due to the closure of HEIs. The impact of this pandemic on both inbound and outbound academic student mobility in Africa and beyond has been at the frontline of discussion since its outbreak. For example, a survey conducted by Rumbley (2020) for the European Association of International Education (EAIE) devoted numerous questions to the subject of mobility in order to gather information on the impact of the global pandemic on academic mobility in European higher education. Out of a total of 805 survey responses gathered, 73% reported that outbound student mobility had been affected by the pandemic, while 54% reported that outbound staff mobility had been affected. By contrast, 48% of the survey respondents indicated that the inbound mobility of students had been affected in some way by the pandemic, while 27% indicated that the inbound mobility of staff had been affected. The reason for a lower percentage in the case of inbound mobility was attributed to the timing of events, given that most international students, visiting scholars and mobile staff had already arrived in their European institutions in early 2020 before the WHO declared the coronavirus pandemic on 11 March 2020. Notably, the respondents cited cancellations and postponements of mobility programmes as some of the major effects of Covid-19 on academic mobility. Apart from postponing or extending academic terms, countries in the Global North took proactive measures to contain the spread of the virus by banning incoming international students from entry. In South Africa, the African country that hosts the majority of internationally mobile students, all higher institutions campuses were shut down on 16 March 2020 following the government’s directives. This closure left many international students in the country stranded, while some, who were proactive enough, made it back to their countries or wherever they chose to stay just before a national lockdown was implemented.

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Of importance is the impact of the Covid-19 outbreak on the experiences of international students. Before Covid-19, international students around the world were confronted with discrimination in their host countries (Lee, 2010). Some of the authors in this book also report that international students experienced challenges in the form of discrimination from their host institutions (Marei, Ratshilaya and Badoo). However, the global pandemic ushered in a different form of discrimination. Individuals from countries most hit by the pandemic were treated differently. For instance, Chinese international students in the US, UK and Australia particularly suffered “stigmatisation of the ‘Chinese virus’” (Wang, 2020, p. 2). In particular, international students have had to grapple with unprecedented challenges arising from Covid-19. Similarly, in the US, international students were thrown into a frenzy when an announcement by the government suggested that international students who were enrolled for online programmes might have to return to their home countries since teaching and learning had been fully moved online. These emerging forms of discrimination against international students have future implications for the choice of study destinations. Actions targeting Africans and African Americans, allegedly in the name of disease control, were also reported in Guangzhou, a southern Chinese city that is home to more than a dozen universities with diverse student bodies. Reports of ‘racism’ included Africans being barred from equally accessing hospital care and public transport, and Africans being taken for coronavirus testing, when students from other countries were not. With travel bans and campus closures having stopped the flow of international students worldwide, and international students in some regions experiencing the kind of hostility as reported above, there is an opportunity for African governments and institutions to take advantage of this situation to woo students to study locally and within the continent. This will require investment in quality facilities, relaxation of visa regimes and making international students feel at home with a view to capitalising on this resource which was previously the market for overseas countries and institutions.

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Reflections on Student Mobility in the Post-Covid Dispensation Rather than absolutely viewing the Covid-19 as a disruption to the norm in international education, it is important to reflect on some of the possible opportunities presented by the pandemic and see ways of adopting these to shape and refine the international higher education landscape. According to Rumbley (2020), we can leverage the lessons learnt during the Covid-19 pandemic to enhance our capabilities to deal with similar situations in the future. There is a need for institutions to start thinking of innovative medium- to long-term plans for dealing with the pandemic, as experts have warned that Covid-19 and its effects will remain with us for a long time to come. Covid-19 also exposed the limitations as well as the risks of physical cross-border student mobility during pandemics. With the closure of national borders in many countries of the world, cross-border student recruitment and travel to study destinations to access education were made impossible. In such situations, leveraging technology as an important resource in teaching and learning, as well as administrative functions, became an integral part of facilitating teaching and learning. Following the entry of Covid-19 into our world, one pattern was common in most countries around the world—“emergency e-learning protocols” (Murphy, 2020, p. 492) were developed. The swiftness with which many educational institutions transitioned from the traditional classroom procedures to online education, which is fast becoming the new model in education delivery, cannot be overemphasised (Basilaia & Kvavadze, 2020). Attempts made by some African universities through the setting up of Covid-19 institution-wide taskforces, participation in research towards finding a cure for the virus and shifting classes online are commendable (Tamrat & Teferra, 2020), even though it could be argued that the move was abrupt, hasty and rapid without contingency plans in place. However, taking education online is not as simple as it sounds, especially on the African continent where only 24% of the entire population has access to the internet and where power interruptions, high costs and poor internet connectivity constitute serious problems (All Africa, 2020). Some institutions, especially in South Africa, were forced into early recess as the academic year was still young. They used the recess for preparation and the extension of online learning and the delivery of programmes. The delivery of online programmes had implications for the development of capacity and capability in institutions, staff, students, infrastructure and resources

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to be able to deliver education through this mode. This mode of delivery, popular as it might have been, also highlighted the inequalities in our society between the haves and the have nots, which cut across institutions, families and individual students. Covid-19 further highlighted the need for institutions to develop strengths in the area of risk and crisis management. Obviously, there will be a change in the mode of recruiting international students. The University of Pretoria, for example, has adopted a virtual undergraduate (ChooseUP) and postgraduate day to advertise its various programmes to potential students (both national and international). HEIs on the African continent should also consider managing the wellbeing and experiences of international students—in terms of finances, discrimination and so on—in a way that will not leave these students feeling lost or stranded during a crisis. In addition, there should be an emphasis on more support for vulnerable international students. African countries in particular have to challenge the education status quo and brace themselves to accept innovative ideas in education. Covid-19 has indeed exposed the weaknesses in the African university systems. As Jansen (2020) argues for the case of South Africa, Covid-19 has not ushered in a crisis in the South Africa education system but rather has exposed it. Similarly, in Nigeria, the entrance of Covid-19 exacerbated the inherent predicament in the education system of the country. This was exacerbated in Nigeria by the fact that university lecturers had embarked on nationwide strike action prior to any case of coronavirus being recorded in the country. At the time of writing this book, the fate of public school learners, including public university students, was not yet known. Online education was almost impossible for these learners owing to challenges with devices, internet and enabling environments. Issues of this nature aggravate the already reduced chances of the country in attracting internationally mobile students. As the world evolves and changes so does the internationalisation of higher education (Knight, 2020). The crisis caused by Covid-19 and its impact on student mobility worldwide may open up opportunities for other forms of cross-border higher education. The cross-border movement of people, programmes, providers, policies and projects has steadily increased during the last decade. This also finds expression in the configuration of academic partnerships, the emergence of new leading sending and host countries as well as the emergence of new modes of programme and provider mobility. Natural disasters, displacement of people through

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droughts and wars, economic sanctions, financial constraints and migration affect the scope and scale of international academic mobility. All these developments affect the patterns of academic mobility which finds expression in people choosing to study closer to their homes, contributing to growth of higher education regionalisation (Knight, 2020). To sustain the future of student mobility in Africa, transnational education higher education (TNHE) may be proposed as a way forward. One important feature of TNHE is that the programmes are mobile, instead of just the students. This implies there is no need for individuals to cross borders in order to attain an international qualification. The pandemic has definitely affected mobility in all spheres, and international students have not been spared. In this Covid era, international students who are already in their host countries still have to attend online classes from their respective home countries as university campuses have been shut down. Ultimately, the purpose of being internationally mobile in the first place is defeated if there is no face-to-face interaction with faculty and peers (Sutrisno, 2020). Africa can maximise the opportunity of restricted mobility in these uncertain times to enrol students who are interested in study abroad programmes without necessarily leaving their home countries, thereby minimising the risk of contracting and spreading the coronavirus. Nevertheless, it is important that African universities that intend to take advantage of the flexible opportunity of TNHE should offer academically prestigious programmes to international students and give them value for money. The programmes should not be seen as another income generation strategy devoid of quality educational experience. Certainly, “the lesson learned from the pandemic of 2020 will force the development of new laws, regulations, platforms and solutions for future cases, when the countries, governments and population will be more prepared than today” (Basilaia & Kvavadze, 2020, p. 2).

Conclusion Some of the evidence presented by the authors in this book suggests ways in which the dynamics of student mobility are unfolding in Africa. This evidence also indicates that promoting intra-African student mobility holds both regional and continental benefits for Africans. Africa is relatively safe for international students, even safer than some popular international study destinations in the Global North, and most Africans are

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hospitable, warm and welcoming towards foreign nationals, including international students. Geographical proximity and the relatively low tuition fees are some of the other benefits of studying in Africa. Besides obtaining academic degrees, studying in Africa offers rich cultural and linguistic experiences to international students. One of the ways of tackling the challenges facing the continent is by training and developing its human resource capacity. That said, intra-­ African student mobility is a crucial engine for redefining the growth and progress of Africa at large, not only by turning the tide of the brain drain but also by improving the quality of life of the African populace. Most of the international students that participated in the case country interviews plan to return to their home countries on completion of their studies, an aspiration that presents a beam of hope for human capacity development in Africa. In spite of the challenges confronting Africa’s HEIs and intra-­ African mobility, some international students still find other African countries to be their dream study destinations, expressing satisfaction with their study experiences and willingness to recommend studying in their host country or institution to peers back home. Based on the evidence provided by the case countries, we therefore make a few recommendations for the improvement of intra-Africa student mobility. First, African universities should consider developing goal-oriented internationalisation policies. Second, African universities should pay more attention to data collection and data keeping concerning international students. Third, there is a dire need to invest and take more proactive steps towards digital teaching and learning. We hope that the insights gathered from the experience of Covid-19 shed some light on the gaps militating against effective intra-African student mobility and proffer possible pathways to addressing these gaps. Indeed, Covid-19 has changed the narrative of international student mobility and its future. With emergency and contingency online learning programmes put in place to mitigate the impact of the lack of travel and face-to-face teaching, new innovations, capabilities and possibilities for delivering education and exchanging knowledge have been developed that have changed the landscape of teaching and learning and the character of international education. Experts have warned that the coronavirus will remain with us for a long time to come and its impact will change our society and lives forever. It is therefore important that African governments and institutions seize the ‘opportunity’ to critically analyse the inequalities, injustices and crises that have hitherto beset our education

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systems. We say opportunity because, so far, the novel coronavirus has further uncovered the problems that beset the learning chances for learners across various backgrounds in our society. In particular, the ongoing pandemic has presented us with many prospects for redefining the public good of the university.

References All Africa. (2020, June 22). Africa: Impact of COVID-19 on higher education in Africa: The transition to online teaching and learning. https://allafrica.com/ stories/202006220650.html Basilaia, G., & Kvavadze, D. (2020). Transition to online education in schools during a SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in Georgia. Pedagogical Research, 5(4), 1–9. Campus France. (2016, October). The international mobility of African students (HS no. 16). English version. https://ressources.campusfrance.org/publications/notes/en/note_16_hs_en.pdf De Wit, H. (2002). Internationalisation of higher education in the United States of America and Europe: A historical, comparative, and conceptual analysis. Greenwood Press. Deardorff, D. K. (2014). Why engage in mobility? Key issues within global mobility: The big picture. In B. Streitwieser (Ed.), Internationalisation of higher education and global mobility (pp. 35–42). Symposium Books. Hinson, R.  E. (2020, June 4). Africa can be a top foreign student destination: Here’s how. University World News. https://www.universityworldnews.com/ post.php?story=20200601193644341 https://pau-­au.africa/ ICEF Monitor. (2014, September 1). Surging demand provides new opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa. https://monitor.icef.com/2014/09/ surging-­d emand-­p rovides-­n ew-­o ppor tunities-­i n-­s ub-­s aharan-­a frica/ https://monitor.icef.com/2014/09/surging-­d emand-­p rovides-­n ew-­ opportunities-­in-­sub-­saharan-­africa/ Jansen, J. (2020, April 09). Let’s face facts, the 2020 school year is lost. So what to do? Timeslive. Retrieved August 15, 2020, from https://select.timeslive.co.za/ ideas/2020-­04-­09-­lets-­face-­facts-­the-­2020-­school-­year-­is-­lost-­so-­what-­to-­do/ Knight, J. (2020). Higher education internationalization: Concepts, rationales and innovations. In P.  Davies, C.  Ebin, & Greetal, C. (Eds.), International encyclopedia of education (4th ed.). Elsevier. Knight, J., & Woldegiorgis, E. T. (2017). Regionalization of African higher education: Progress and prospects. Sense.

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Lee, J. J. (2010). International students’ experiences and attitudes at a US host institution: Self-reports and future recommendations. Journal of Research in International Education, 9(1), 66–84. Lee, J. J., & Sehoole, C. (2015). Regional, continental, and global mobility to an emerging economy: The case of South Africa. Higher Education, 70(5), 827–843. Majee, U.  S., & Ress, S.  B. (2020). Colonial legacies in internationalisation of higher education: Racial justice and geopolitical redress in South Africa and Brazil. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 50(4), 463–481. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057925.2018.1521264 Mazambani, L., & Mutambara, E. (2018). Deepening sustainable value creation in market-led poverty alleviation through a demand and supply integration framework: Significance to tourism. African Journal of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure, 7(2), 4–16. Murphy, A. (2019, June 6). Four African countries for international students. https://www.masterstudies.com/article/four-­african-­countries-­for­international-­students/ Murphy, M. P. A. (2020). COVID-19 and emergency eLearning: Consequences of the securitization of higher education for post-pandemic pedagogy. Contemporary Security Policy, 41(3), 492–505. https://doi.org/10.108 0/13523260.2020.1761749 Rumbley, L. E. (2020). Coping with COVID-19: International higher education in Europe. European Association for International Education. www.eaie.org Rushwaya, T. J., & Mutambara, E. (2018). Attractions of Cape Town to African francophone students. African Journal of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure, 7(1), 1–14. Sutrisno, A. (2020, July 18). Landscape of post-pandemic transnational higher education. University World News. https://www.universityworldnews.com/ post.php?story=20200714143605966 Tamrat, W., & Teferra, D. (2020, April 9). COVID-19 poses a serious threat to higher education. https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story= 20200409103755715 Trust Africa. (2015, March). Revitalising higher education for Africa’s future. African Higher Education Summit. UNESCO. (2012). New patterns in student mobility in the Southern Africa Development Community. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/ pf0000217095 UNESCO. (2020, March 4). 290 million students out of school due to COVID-19: UNESCO releases first global numbers and mobilizes response. https://en.unesco. org/news/290-­million-­students-­out-­school-­due-­covid-­19-­unesco-­releases-­ first-­global-­numbers-­and-­mobilizes

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Waghid, Y. (2009). The university as key concepts in higher education studies. In E. Lategan (Ed.), Higher education in South Africa: A scholarly look behind the scenes (pp. 71–83). Sun Press. Wang, T. (2020). The COVID-19 crisis and cross-cultural experience of China’s international students: A possible generation of glocalized citizens? ECNU Review of Education, 1–6. https://doi.org/10.1177/2096531120931519

Index

A Academic culture, 138, 142, 144, 145, 147 Academic experiences, 21, 22, 105, 108, 132, 138, 140–151, 172–175 Academic integration, 22, 137–153 challenges, 138, 152 strategies, 138 Academic standard, 146, 147 Africa African continent, 2, 3, 8, 12, 30, 46, 75, 119, 120, 139, 183, 188, 190, 191 African countries, 2, 3, 6, 8, 10–13, 23, 24, 44, 46, 47, 54, 70, 73, 80, 86, 88, 93, 104, 118, 120, 122, 138, 139, 143, 145, 146, 158–160, 165, 166, 169, 179, 183, 185, 186, 188, 191, 193 African students, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 23–25, 46, 69–88, 122, 158, 159, 163–169, 178, 179, 183–185, 187

African universities, 6, 7, 22, 54, 59, 93, 137–149, 152, 153, 183, 186, 190–193 developing countries, 8, 15, 52, 53, 55, 88, 115, 137, 139 francophone Africa, 23 intra-Africa student mobility, 5–8, 25, 193 sub-Saharan Africa, 2, 3, 9, 32, 46, 69, 116, 141 African Centre of Excellence (ACE), 5, 6 African Institute of Management, 22, 157, 159, 164, 167–169 African presidents, 158 African regionalisation, 23 African union, 6, 13, 64, 139 Afrikaans, South Africa, 144 Afrikaans speaking, 147 Ain Shams University, (ASU, Egypt), 21, 120, 125 Al-Shabaab, 19, 44, 45, 62 American university in Cairo, (AUC, Egypt), 12, 21, 118, 120

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 C. T. Sehoole, J. J. Lee (eds.), Intra-Africa Student Mobility in Higher Education, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78517-8

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INDEX

Anglophone countries, 36, 148 Arab countries, Arab region, 118, 119, 121, 125 Arab spring, 21, 116, 119, 122, 124 B Bilateral agreements, 24, 77 Black institutions, 144 Boko haram attacks, 40 deterrent, 18, 48 insurgency, 33, 41, 43, 45, 48 Islamist terrorist group, 33 kidnap(ping), 32 media, 43 Nigerian government, 32, 34, 43, 45 north-east Nigeria, 30, 34, 36 northern Nigeria, 33, 34 religious extremism, 32, 33 suicide bombing, 30, 34 Border crossborder, 25, 91, 94–96, 100, 181, 190–192 shared border, 5 Brain drain, 3, 9, 44, 45, 88, 115, 133, 139, 183–184, 193 C Cairo University, (CU, Egypt), 21, 118, 120, 121 Case studies, 8, 10, 11, 17–20, 22, 58, 74, 119, 120, 182 Central University, Ghana, 20, 71, 73, 80, 82–87 Colonial history colonial administration, 158 colonial era, 158, 165 former French colonies, 158 Covenant University, Nigeria, 18

Covid-19, 3, 10, 11, 24, 25, 182, 186–191, 193 corona virus, 187–189, 191–194 pandemic, 3, 10, 182, 186–190, 192, 194 Credit transfer, 5, 59 Cross-border, 25, 91, 94–96, 100, 181, 190, 191 Curriculum, 22, 63, 79, 102, 108, 145–147, 149, 153, 168 D Democracy, 22, 70, 76, 78, 83, 87 democratic nature, 70, 71 Discrimination, 24, 86, 131, 189, 191 E East African community (EAC), 98, 99, 109, 186 East African region, 19, 57, 187 Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), 6, 186 Educational hub, 1, 116, 119, 166, 167 Educational migrant(s), 1 Educational migration, 7–9 Egypt, 3, 8, 10–12, 21–22, 115–134, 184, 185, 187 E-learning digital learning, 193 online education, 2, 190, 191 Employability career aspirations, 11, 65, 74 employment, 13, 63, 94, 100, 109, 146, 184 job prospects, 65 English-speaking countries, 47 Enrolment, 4, 9, 19, 23, 25, 31, 32, 36, 52, 59, 60, 70, 79, 92, 101, 103–104, 138, 139, 176, 187

 INDEX 

F Foreign exchange, 79 Foreign students, 9, 20, 23, 73, 79, 80, 82, 86, 88, 100, 106, 160, 165, 169, 170, 172–177, 179 Francophone countries, 7, 166 French-speaking African students, 158, 159 French-speaking country, 22, 149, 159, 165, 167, 178 French-speaking West Africa, 165 Friendliness of citizens, 23, 97, 106–108 Future plan(s), 10, 18, 64, 65, 86, 138 G Gaston Berger University, (GBU, Senegal), 22, 157, 161, 163 Ghana, 3, 6, 8, 10–12, 19, 20, 69–88, 139, 185, 187 Global partnership(s), 53, 78 Global peace index, 83 Government policies, 20, 91, 94, 95, 97 H Higher education policy, 94 Higher education qualification(s), 53 Historic destination, 157–179 Home country, 7–9, 13, 15, 19, 23, 38, 40, 43, 47, 48, 53, 61–65, 70, 76, 81–83, 85, 86, 95, 115, 123, 139, 140, 143, 151, 167, 171, 182–184, 189, 192, 193 Hospitality, 21, 60, 91–109, 159 citizens’ hospitality, 21, 108 Host country, 12–16, 22, 52–54, 65, 123, 129–132, 139, 153, 183, 185, 189, 191–193

199

I Immigration permit, 94, 96, 99, 100 policies, 94, 96, 99–100 visa, 94, 99 Initiatives continental initiatives, 182 regional cooperation, 9 regional initiatives, 5–7, 186 Institutional framework, 97 Integration, 5, 7, 22, 23, 100, 108, 137–153, 157, 159, 169, 172, 173, 175–179, 186–187 International community, 53, 76, 77, 83 International education, 2, 5–7, 20, 24, 25, 80, 82, 85, 181, 184, 187, 190, 193 Internationalisation agenda, 74, 78, 93, 100, 102, 106, 109 drivers, 51, 79 efforts, 20, 31, 59, 65, 79, 121 policies, 58, 59, 74, 78–80, 91, 93, 97, 101, 109, 182, 193 practice, 80, 94, 182 programmes, 59, 79, 97 International office, 60 International perspective(s), 145, 147 International recognition, 71 International student enrolment, 23, 31, 59, 103–104 International student experiences, 8, 128, 131, 182 International student mobility, 2, 24, 25, 30–32, 70, 80, 91–109, 116, 131, 133, 138, 181, 193 International student mobility in Africa, 2, 116, 119

200 

INDEX

International students, 1, 29–48, 54, 57–59, 69–71, 91–109, 115–134, 137–153, 162, 167, 173, 175, 184, 185 foreign students, 73, 88, 106, 173 Ivorian crisis, Ivorian conflict, 167, 168 K Kampala International University, Uganda (KIU), 20, 95, 99, 101, 102, 105 Kenya, 3, 6–8, 10–13, 17, 19, 33, 42–45, 48, 51–65, 92, 107, 139, 185, 187 Kenyatta University, Kenya, 19, 56, 58–62, 65 L Latin quarter district etiquette, 158 Legal framework, 20, 21, 91, 96, 97, 107 Lusophone, 148 Portuguese, 148 M Massification of higher education, 100 Medium of instruction, 47, 85 Memorandum of understanding (MoU), 53, 79, 80, 104 Middle East, Middle Eastern region, 2, 116, 118, 120, 126, 131, 187 Ministry of Education, 71, 78, 169 Mobility academic mobility, 7, 51, 53, 58, 64, 188, 192 educational mobility, 4, 9 inbound mobility Rate, 4 international mobility, 7, 116

intra-Africa mobility, 3, 12, 23–25, 51, 59 intra-continental mobility, 10 outbound mobility rate, 3 rationales driving mobility, 7–8 regional mobility, 4, 7, 12, 13 Motivation(s), 4, 8, 11, 73, 157, 159, 167, 169, 172, 173 Multilateral organisation(s), 78 N National policies, 21, 92, 96 Neighboring Arab countries, 118, 121 Neighbouring countries, 1, 8, 9, 20, 57, 62–64, 75, 81, 139, 187 Neo-nationalism, 24, 132 Niger Delta militant group, 30 Nigeria, 3, 6–8, 11–13, 17, 18, 20, 29–48, 62, 69, 70, 75, 79, 81, 82, 86, 139, 167, 183, 185, 187, 191 Non-English speaking, 1, 2, 116, 148, 149 Non-regional international students, 122, 124, 127, 128, 132 O Orientation(s), 8, 21, 117, 120, 130 P Parental influence, 18, 46 Paris, 31, 32, 123, 158, 165, 166, 168 Partnership agreement(s), 166 cooperation, 139 linkages, 59 Peaceful environment, 19, 20, 23, 70, 71, 73, 76, 81–83, 86, 185 Permit, 77, 83, 86, 87, 99, 100, 129

 INDEX 

Policy document(s), 58, 59, 64, 97 framework(s), 20, 58, 81, 96–97, 185 instruments, 78, 91–109 Political instability, 75–77 Political stability, 13, 20, 23, 24, 69–88, 159, 167, 185 Postgraduate (education), 6 Postgraduate students, 6, 38, 39, 42, 74 Preferred destination, 24, 116, 132, 137, 159 Private university private higher institution, 71 private institution, 10, 20, 95, 118, 158, 163, 164, 166, 167 private tertiary institution, 77 Privatization, 118 Profit, profit-driven, 163, 166, 183 Programme mobility, 25, 102, 104 Proximity, 17, 23, 47, 71, 82, 83, 159, 170, 193 Public university public higher institution, 10, 20, 77, 95, 167 public institution, 10, 20, 41, 77, 95, 167 public tertiary institution, 77 in Senegal, 162 Push-pull model pull factors, 7, 19, 20, 29–48, 54, 73, 75, 94–99, 106–108, 116, 139, 147, 159 push factors, 7, 18, 37, 41, 45, 75–77, 95, 115 Q Qualification recognition, 182, 186 Quality education, 13, 14, 51, 53, 59, 73, 88, 109, 182, 183, 186 Quality resources and programmes, 24

201

R Ranking, 92, 183, 185 global ranking, 183 Rationale(s), reason(s), 2, 4, 7–15, 17–20, 23, 38, 46–48, 55, 61, 74, 75, 87, 88, 94, 95, 115, 116, 130–132, 138, 140, 144, 145, 147, 150, 151, 157, 159, 165, 169–171, 177, 179, 184, 188 Receiving countries, 126 Recommendation(s), 87, 88, 109, 193 Recurrent strikes, 173, 174 Refugee asylum, asylum seekers, 55–57, 65 camp, 19, 56, 57, 62, 65 children, 19, 52, 53, 61, 64 conflict, 19, 52, 55, 57, 64, 65 convention, 55 displaced persons, 53, 55, 57 displacement, 52, 55, 57 education, 19, 51–65 students, 19, 57 youth, 64 Regional cooperation, 9, 185, 187 Regional hubs, 2, 3, 8, 9, 21, 22, 33, 45, 46, 116, 134, 185 regional educational hubs, 1, 116, 119, 167 Regional international students, 122–126, 128, 130, 132 Regionalisation, 20, 23, 139, 181, 182, 186, 192 Regional organisations, 77 Regulatory framework(s), 21, 92, 93, 96, 98, 109 Religion, 18, 33, 46, 55 Reputation, 9, 21, 23, 92, 159, 167, 168, 170

202 

INDEX

Research, 2, 3, 5–8, 10–13, 15, 18, 24, 36, 43, 46, 48, 51, 57, 59, 71, 73, 74, 77–80, 88, 92–94, 102, 105, 106, 115–118, 120, 127, 130–133, 137, 143, 158, 159, 172, 175, 177, 181, 183–186, 190 Residence permit, 83, 86, 87

Study destinations, 8, 9, 18, 29, 36, 38, 39, 41–48, 69, 99, 104, 185, 189, 190, 192, 193 educational destinations, 71, 133, 134 Survey, 4, 9–17, 58, 73, 74, 188 Sustainable development, 5, 6, 59, 69, 184

S Safety, security, 13, 17–19, 24, 29, 30, 32–36, 40–42, 44, 45, 48, 58, 62, 63, 75, 76, 88, 97–99, 115–134, 163, 168, 185–186 Scholarship(s) conditions, 46 opportunities, 18, 46, 77, 86, 185 Secondary data, 22, 58, 138 Sending countries, 3, 12 Senegal, 3, 6, 8, 12, 14, 22–23, 75, 80, 157–179, 188 Social integration, 23, 108, 140, 141, 157, 159, 175–177, 179 South Africa, 2, 3, 6, 8–14, 21, 22, 44, 47, 69, 70, 116, 131, 137–153, 183, 184, 187, 188, 190, 191 Southern African Development Community (SADC), 5, 9, 47, 139, 186, 187 South African universities, 22, 137–149, 152, 153 Strategic plan(s), 58, 60, 166 Student(s) inflow(s), 21, 69, 70, 95, 96 integration model, 138, 140, 141 integrative moment, 138 migration, 1, 115 Study abroad, 7, 9, 15, 25, 37, 48, 77, 129, 131, 192

T Teaching and learning independent learning, 142, 143 interactive learning, 142, 143 pedagogy, 142, 171 styles, 22, 142–144, 152, 153 Technology, 2, 11, 71, 72, 116, 161, 190 Terrorism, terrorist attack(s), 17–19, 23, 24, 29–33, 35–43, 45, 46, 48, 62, 63, 69, 70, 75–77, 82, 83, 87, 119, 123, 124, 185 Tertiary education, 2, 3, 51, 55, 56, 77, 78, 117, 118, 122, 130, 131 Tertiary students, 2, 70 Themes, 23, 38, 96, 157, 172 Theoretical framework, 95–96, 138 Tinto, V., 138, 140, 141, 151 Tourism academic tourism, 104 tourist(s), 22, 105, 128, 132 tourist attraction, 88, 104, 185 Transnational education (TNE), 2, 192 Tuition fee discount, 187 U Uganda, 6–8, 12–14, 19–21, 54–56, 91–109, 183, 185, 187 Undergraduate, 12, 21, 38–42, 44, 74, 80, 92, 121, 122, 130, 142, 146, 147, 185, 191

 INDEX 

Undergraduate students, 38, 43, 46, 59, 81, 124, 130, 167 United States International University-­ Africa (USIU-A) Kenya, 19, 58, 60 University La Sorbonne, 158 University of Ghana, 20, 70, 71, 73, 76, 78–87 University of Ibadan, Nigeria, 7, 18, 36, 183 University of Makerere, Uganda, 183 V Visa, 77, 78, 83, 86, 94, 98, 99, 125, 130, 159, 189

203

Vision, 78, 105 Vocational skills training, 56 W War-torn, Arab countries, 125 West Africa Agricultural Productivity Programme (WAAPP), 6 West African region, 23, 32 Wolof, Senegal, 173, 174, 176 Workload, 132, 142, 144, 150–152 X Xenophobia, 24, 131