Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World: Responses and Resilience Through Global Perspectives 9811987211, 9789811987212

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Bina Sengar A. Mia Elise Adjoumani   Editors

Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World Responses and Resilience Through Global Perspectives

Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World

Bina Sengar · A. Mia Elise Adjoumani Editors

Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World Responses and Resilience Through Global Perspectives

Editors Bina Sengar Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture School of Social Sciences Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University Aurangabad, India

A. Mia Elise Adjoumani Department of French Language and Literature Felix Houphouet-Boigny University Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire

ISBN 978-981-19-8721-2 ISBN 978-981-19-8722-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

This book is dedicated to all the ecological and indigenous communities of world which are nurturing their ancestral knowledge and wisdom with positive resilience for future. Special dedication to Grandpa Larry Sellers, Grandpa Ron Thiry and Grandma Linda Thiry, Uncle Arvind Singh Sengar our Native American/Indian relatives from Oklahoma and India, as they travelled to the ancestral lands while making of this book.

Foreword

This book conveys the liveliness of the expanding indigenous movement worldwide. It displays the intellectual insights as well as the social accomplishments of the growing collaboration of indigenous peoples. While the indigenous movement itself is too widespread and too diverse to be compressed into a single book, this volume is remarkably successful in documenting the dimensions of indigenous thinking and action. The editors, based in South Asia and West Africa, have gathered impressive analyses of recent social and conceptual advances. The chapters reveal how indigenous peoples have arisen, in the postcolonial era from the 1970s, reclaiming their recognition, identity, legal status, and political status. Yet the same chapters lay out the serious challenges of continued oppression, neglect, and growing environmental crisis. The theme of resilience stands out in each of the chapters—the resilience of indigenous peoples, their ways of life, and the innovations by which they defend themselves. Examples include the reaffirmation of identity and environmental nurture for the Seminole, Osage, and people of coastal Ecuador in the Americas; for the Bundelkhand, Kalasha, and Jungle Mahal peoples in Asia; and the struggle against disease in southern Africa. Resilience arises from more than a single strength in identity. Rather, resilience is an umbrella that provides space for tracing many issues, many perspectives, and their interactions. The approach of indigenous thinking explores several factors at once—it requires overcoming the narrow, positivistic study of one factor at a time. Indigenous identity goes beyond ethnicity, linking multiple levels of human existence, while ecology ranges from local nurture of land and waters to a global concern for the mishandling of the Earth’s resources. Culture and knowledge are not only inherited from the past but expanded in new studies and exchanges, at home, in public gatherings, and in universities. The timeframe of indigenous resilience takes the form of several overlapping periods. The current period—the postcolonial era—centers on the past fifty years of indigenous activism. Indigenous activists have already reshaped the world in political representation, education, and the growing call for reparations. In this complicated postcolonial time, the energies of indigenous peoples must contend with the conflicting influences of former colonial powers, global economic concentration, vii

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and the new hegemonic powers of national governments. Yet the earlier times remain important to understanding indigenous life. The Indigenous people of today must also hold on to memories of greater autonomy in their precolonial past, before the brutal time of colonization. They must revisit the colonial era, whether an indigenous society experienced colonization for one century or four, as a time of dispossession, loss of land, massacres of populations, and denial of indigenous identity. Colonialism then collapsed into the calamitous warfare of World War II, which brought decolonization through national movements that created over a hundred new nations. Decolonization brought the hope that colonialism was disappearing, but the shadow of past imperial domination still limited the peoples seeking self-determination. Even more, new directions of capitalist expansion brought environmental degradation and financial consolidation along with decolonization. Still, it was only with the postcolonial era that indigenous movements gained the strength and unity to insist that nations recognize the distinctive communities within their borders. In a remarkable reversal, indigenous peoples began to reverse their marginalization in important ways, such as the formal role of the Arctic peoples in the intergovernmental Arctic Council. Yet indigenous activists have had to struggle against those who oppose toleration within nations, oppressing and expelling communities, as with the expulsion of Rohingya from Myanmar. This is the complex character of the postcolonial era: It is dominated on one side by hegemonic forces and exploited through imperial knowledge; yet on another side, it is a time of reaffirmation and emergence of indigenous thought and identities of all formerly colonized peoples, relying both on their heritage and on new ideas for how to make the Earth livable. The chapters of this book trace the resilience of indigenous societies, not only across these successive time periods but also through three main topical concentrations—socio-political recognition, identity at multiple levels, and interaction of humans with the Earth through its lands and waters. In struggles for recognition, the peoples of Bundelkhand, a large and forested region south of the Ganges valley, lost much of their land and were divided into two administrative units by the British conquest of the late 18th century. To this day, they call for reunification and recognition of their identity, in a story that is parallel to many others. The Osage people, who inhabited the Ohio River Valley, lost a long but vigorous fight against invaders from the USA and were deported to Oklahoma. Today, they are noted through a ballet troupe that celebrates at once their militancy and their current distinctive participation in the larger national culture. In a contemporary case, an analysis of the national flags of Central Asian nations shows an application of indigenous thinking: In their revised national symbols, these peoples emphasize local and forward-looking forward images rather than look back to imperial or macro-religious hegemonies. The second section of the book shows that indigenous identity extends to levels beyond ethnicity and nation. Co-editor Mia Elise Adjoumani summarizes the long debate on the “invention” of Africa by colonial powers and then draws on indigenous outlooks to point toward a postcolonial “reinvention” of the continent by African peoples. Anjali Gavali extends this argument, calling on the peoples of Africa and the African diaspora to adopt an indigenous identity for the future. The reinvention of culture is displayed in the realistic and imaginary writings in African literature

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and also by marking identity through the bodies of individual women. The third and largest section of the book focuses on the fundamental concerns of ecology. In a geographical study of biodiversity, physical geography, and human ecology, two studies explore regions of Maharashtra, one focusing on fluctuations in rainfall and the other on comparison of multiple factors in two distinctive zones. Other studies provide details on the handling of lands among the Seminoles, the balance of ecology and economy along the Pacific littoral of Ecuador, and long-term community survival in the three valleys of Kalasha. Even through Spanish-language proverbs about maize, indigenous Mexicans reaffirm their ancestral knowledge. The chapters of this section on ecological change, when combined with those on issues in identity and the achievement of recognition of indigenous communities, convey a sense of the energy that must be expended to sustain indigenous movements and their alliances. The formal study of indigenous societies takes place at once in community organizations and in universities. “Triangulation,” a term developed in detail by co-editor Bina Sengar, reaches in several directions. It reaches back to the complexity of indigenous thinking in earlier times and then reformulates those ideas to express indigenous perspectives on the world of today. Such thinking must grapple with scholarship from imperial communities even as it seeks to amplify the knowledge of indigenous communities. In this encounter, scholars find that the term “indigeneity” tends to reflect a colonial view of indigenous stasis, while the term “triangulation” conveys an active process of analysis. In another terminological step, the term “Adivasi” is coming to embrace all of the peoples of India who have otherwise been known as indigenous or tribal; proponents of Adivasi identity rely on analytical triangulation to explore their unity. Readers will find that this remarkable volume holds chapters that are substantial, innovative, and pathbreaking, clarifying the challenges that continue to face indigenous societies, yet also reflecting the growing strength and influence of indigenous social movements, as they protect their homelands and provide leadership in safeguarding the Earth as a whole. Patrick Manning Emeritus Mellon Professor of World History University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, USA

Preface

Working on this book on indigeneity was a journey in itself. As now I write the preface for this edited volume, I could fondly and sometimes with endurance remember several pathways which are taken, and which came across while working through it. We all are living in the historic years of the human history with the COVID-19 around. The pandemic taught us several lessons and prompted us to introspect the way we understand our cultures and identities. While myself along with my co-editor Mr. Elise were working through the collected essay, we also endured the pain of the pandemic-related crisis. The manuscript had to take different meandering paths as we lost some of our dear ones during this writing process. Some of the contributors who were there could not contribute because COVID did not allowed them to pursue further the task. With recurrent perusal and our determination alas, we could bring together some of the excellent authors and scholars to contribute for the collected essays on the pressing issues of indigeneity. The passage of writing book of course does not occur overnight; the idea and its various connected thoughts evolved over a long period of time. My travels and studies through different places of indigenous communities of India, South Asia, Europe, Southeast Asia, and Americas introduced me to problematic of identity, dissensions, and discourses on indigeneity issues. The neoliberal globalized world at one instance has connected the entire world and mobilized several cultural identities to come together and interact through different platforms of digital media, market systems, virtual popular media, and scholarly networks. At the same time, it has also prompted several dissenting views on the universality of these platforms. The connected world is equally disconnected through its diversity and assertion for self-identities. Even though we all are similar in our academic and cultural spaces in the globalized world of similar material life systems, yet we state our dissimilarities and raise voice and space for equity through our expressions. We as diverse identities, which we define as indigeneity in collective in decolonizing world, are seeking equity in representation. Representation is asserted by the indigenous ecological communities in their own ecological spaces, global cultural, political and scholarly spaces. The identities which eventually arise from our ancestry and knowledge systems are manifested through our land and its cultures. With the enforced global homogenization, resilience is happening xi

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and proclaiming the diversity. The diversity is the identifier that our regional local identities will resurrect always to make us understand that “Specificity leads to universality.” With these expressions of indigeneity which we experienced while working through writing of this book, we brought together with us our scholarly friends and colleagues. All the contributing authors in the volume are sealessly working on their respective spaces for the enlivening and strengthening of the indigenous identities. Significant credit for writing of this book goes to Fulbright USA and India Alliance Grant which received during 2018–2019, as it gave me opportunity to work as a scholar in USA and connect with dedicated scholars in their respective fields. In December 2018, during one of the Fulbright scholars meet in Raleigh, North Carolina, I met co-editors of the book Prof. Elise and Prof. Miguel where we could discuss the nuances and complication within the ideas of plurality and their global acceptance. Thereafter, we retained our communications and connected other scholars also. While exploring the world of Native American cultures through reservations and nations in the South and Central midlands of USA, I visited the very famous Haskell Indian Nations University in Kansas and got the opportunity to meet Prof. Jimmy Beason. Member of the Osage tribe of Oklahoma himself, he has brought into both scholarly and popular mediums of expressions representation of native voices. As visiting scholar of Fulbright, I was affiliated to Florida International University, Miami, which enabled me to connect widely with scholars from Caribbean, Native American, and African American cultures. Professor Michelle Grant Murray who is performing arts faculty with Miami Dade College not only contributed a significant chapter in the collections of the essay of this book, but we also shared several thoughtful discussions while making of this book. To bring together indigeneity aspects from diverse spaces, especially our approach was to bring together voices from every continent; thus, Prof. Elise and her colleague Prof. Troh empowered us with the voices of African indigeneity and gender resilience from Western parts of Africa. Roche Myburgh brought current theme of pandemic and indigeneity from South Africa; Anjali Gavali gave us perspectives from Indian and African American discourse; essays by Sengar and Koreti discussed the theoretical aspects of Indigeneity in Indian and global perspectives. Special attention in the microregions of indigeneity came up with writings of Sengar and Illyas, Bhattacharya, Vidya and Kisan Algur, Sanjay Swarnkaar, Miguel Reyes, Nirmal Mahato, Saima Siddiqui, and Vanessa Leon where they all explained through their empirical studies the patterns of resilience in the indigenous ecological spaces. Sincere thanks to Prof. Dennis Weidman my mentor and invitee for the Fulbright in Florida International University, Miami. My yearlong stay in Miami and consistent discussions with him and colleagues in universities, especially with community members of Miccosukee and Seminole community Betty Osceola an indigenous rights activist, Samuel Tommie, Montana Cypress, and many more gave me broader perspectives about the global indigenous issues for which I would further like to thank Maria Luisa Veisaga special friend and constant support, an indigenous herself from Latin American and presently director of Andean studies in FIU who brought several perspectives to my thoughts and encouraged me always with my thought process on indigeneity. The work could also take a suitable scholarly shape because of our consistent discussions

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with different scholars who are expert in the field of indigeneity and gave us consistent insights to improve our textual drafts for which we give special thanks to Prof. Heather Goodall as she went through drafts of the manuscript and gave her valuable insights to improve. We also received critical viewpoints from Prof. Dinizulu Gene Tinnie and Prof. Wallis Tinnie, which significantly helped us to improve our drafts. Comments and discussions were with Guy Attewell, Neil Hockey, Prof. Louis Obou, Dr. Klohinwele Koné, Prof. Dominique Traoré, Prof. Deepak Kumar, Prof. Shuja Shakir, Ranbir Singh Phogat ji, Dhruv, Prof. Tink Tinker, Prof. Lee Hester, Prof. Mushtaq Kaw, Prof. Rajan Kumar, Mary Beth Rosenberg, Prof. Sayyed Illyas, Prof. Iqbal Akhtar, Prof. Balram Uprety, Prof. Kevin Grove, Prof. Massimo Marchi, Prof. Ami Rawal, and Prof. Paramita Ghosh. I sincerely thank Paramita for her friendship and several discussions on the manuscript. She went through the entire manuscript and gave her critical review comments on language and styles. Our special thanks are to Prof. Patrick Manning who went through our efforts in entirety and wrote foreword for these collected essays. There are many more persons who made this journey possible, and we sincerely thank them all and believe that this journey will continue to make it grow further. We both also sincerely thank our families, siblings, and young ones who in these two years of home isolations due to COVID kept us motivated to work through the collected essays; credit goes to several digital video call, which kept us connected even while being in quarantine. With gratitude to mother earth and our ancestral legacy, we give these writings with hope that it will add to the knowledge system we built upon our future. Aurangabad, India Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire

Bina Sengar A. Mia Elise Adjoumani

Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bina Sengar and A. Mia Elise Adjoumani

1

Postcolonialism and Indigeneity: Some Global Issues Ideas of Indigenous Resilience through Triangulated Model: Ecological Society Experiences of the United States of America and India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bina Sengar

15

Fracturing and Formation of Cultural Spaces of Florida Seminole: From Settlements to Reservation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bina Sengar

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Osages or Americans? The Lingering Effects of Colonization on Notions of Osage Resiliency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jimmy Lee Beason II

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Role of Symbolism in the Making of Secular Cultural Identities: Experience of Post-soviet Central Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nandini Bhattacharya

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Contextualizing the Separate Statehood for the Bundelkhand Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sanjay Swarnkar

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Postcolonialism, African American Identities, and Indigenous Narratives The Reinvention of Africa or the Counter-Discourse of an Identity Assignation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 A. Mia Elise Adjoumani

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Black Identity and Narratives: Postcolonial Interventions from Global South . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Anjali Gavali Omi: Water in Comparison to the Black Female Body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Michelle Grant-Murray Confronting Gender Models and Strategies of Resilience in Postcolonial African Novels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Léontine Troh-Gueyes Postcolonialism, Climate Change and Ecological Aspects of Indigeneity Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed . . . . . . . . . . 189 Bina Sengar and Shaikh Feroz Iliyas The Unintended Outcomes of Sustainable Development: Hybridizing Beaches Through Small-Scale Tourism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Vanessa León-León Corn, Language, and Culture. Ecological Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 Miguel Reyes Contreras Impact of Fluctuations in Rainfall on the Livelihoods of Families in the Rain Shadow Zone of Maharashtra State: A Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 Vidya Kachkure and Kisan Algur Saving the Tree for the Forest: Lessons from Pandemics for Postcolonial Indigeneity in South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 Roche F. Myburgh Kalasha People in Pakistan: A Mountain Indigenous Tribe’s Struggles to Protect Identity, Culture, Ancestral Lands, and Survival . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Saima Siddiqui Notion of Resilience Among the Adivasis of Jungle Mahals, Eastern India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 Nirmal Kumar Mahato Adivasi’s of India as Indigenous People in Postcolonial World . . . . . . . . . 315 Shamrao Koreti

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Bina Sengar Associate Professor, Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, School of Social Sciences, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India. She is also Fulbright Nehru Academic and Professional Excellence Awardee (2018–2019) and continues as Faculty Fellow in Global Indigenous Forum of Florida International University, Miami. Her research areas are in the fields of rural and community histories, cultures, and policy studies for indigenous societies of South Asia, Native American studies, and Global Indigeneity. A. Mia Elise Adjoumani is Associate Professor of General and Comparative Literature at Félix Houphouët-Boigny University, Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire). Her research focuses on African Diaspora, Interculturality, Postcolonialism in Francophone and African-American literatures. She is Fulbright Fellow (Howard University, Washington, D.C., 2018–2019).

Contributors A. Mia Elise Adjoumani is Professor in French Language and comparative Literature, Maitre-Assistante, Department of French Language and Literature, Felix Houphouet-Boigny University, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire and Fulbright-Fellow, Howard University, Washington D.C. (2018–2019). Kisan Algur is Post-doctoral Fellow, International Institute of Population Sciences, Mumbai. Nandini Bhattacharya is Associate Professor at the Department of History, Calcutta Girls College, Kolkata.

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Miguel Reyes Contreras is Professor of Linguistics, Ixathuaca University, Mexico city, Mexico. Fulbright Fellow, IAIA-Santa Fe (2018–2019). Anjali Gavali is Research Scholar in English Language at Department of English, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India. Michelle Grant-Murray is Associate Professor of Dance and Performing Arts, Miami Dade College, Miami, Florida. Shaikh Feroz Iliyas is Professor of Zoology, Milia College, Beed, Maharashtra, India. Vidya Kachkure is Assistant Professor of Geography (2019–2020), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India. Shamrao Koreti is Professor of History, Department of History, Nagpur University, Maharashtra, India. Jimmy Lee Beason II is Professor of Social Work and Native American Studies in the Haskell Indian Nations University, Lawrence, Kansas. Vanessa León-León is Professor, ESPOL Polytechnic University, Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral, ESPOL, Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas, Guayaquil—Ecuador. Léontine Troh-Gueyes is Professor in Comparative Literature and Gender Studies, Maitre-Assistante, Department of Gender Studies, Felix Houphouet-Boigny University, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire. Nirmal Kumar Mahato is Associate Professor, Department of History, Vidyasagar University, Paschim Medinipore, West Bengal, India. Roche F. Myburgh is Senior Lecturer of History and Political Science, Cambridge school in Istanbul and Freelance author, Istanbul, Turkey. Bina Sengar Assistant Professor, Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India. Saima Siddiqui is Adult Program Coordinator, Marlene Street Community Resource Centre (MSCRC), Winnipeg, Canada. Sanjay Swarnkar is Professor of History in Government Girls College, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, India.

List of Figures

Ideas of Indigenous Resilience through Triangulated Model: Ecological Society Experiences of the United States of America and India Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3

Model of Subbarao (1958) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Model of Guha (2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Triangulated Ecological Societies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Fracturing and Formation of Cultural Spaces of Florida Seminole: From Settlements to Reservation Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4

Ecoregions of Florida. Source Map based on ecoregions of Florida by Griffits and et al. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Florida Indians in eighteenth century. Source Map reworked on source map by James W. Covington . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early settlements of Seminole in Florida. Source Map redrafted based on map by James W. Covington . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Seminole reservations of Florida. Source Map redrafted based on map by James W. Covington . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Gautala ecological region and Bhil community habitations in the area of Aurangabad as stated in B. Source Google maps and further editing by the authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ecological cultures of Beed dependent on Bindusara river. Source Google maps and further editing by the authors . . . . . . . . . .

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Corn, Language, and Culture. Ecological Relationship Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Taxonomy of paroemias (adapted from Maestre Fraile 2013) . . . . . Typology of paroemias (own elaboration) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Figures

Impact of Fluctuations in Rainfall on the Livelihoods of Families in the Rain Shadow Zone of Maharashtra State: A Historical Perspective Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Geography (316): The National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS), 2021 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rain-shadow zone of Maharashtra (Authors analysis) . . . . . . . . . . .

244 253

Notion of Resilience Among the Adivasis of Jungle Mahals, Eastern India Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Integrated nature of (i), (ii) and (iii); these tools when applied properly, can bring sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Component of ecological moral economy. Source Mahato and Bhattacharya (2013), Mahato (2020): 140 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Images

Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed Image 1 Image 2

Image 3

Patna Devi Temple, Gautala ecological region. Source Image through authors collections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lenapur village on the ecological region of Gautala (Bhil and Malhar community village) Source Field work by author in February, 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Khandoba Temple, Beed. Source Wikicommons . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Maps

Contextualizing the Separate Statehood for the Bundelkhand Region Map 1 Map 2

Map 3 Map 4

Map 5

Map 6

Map 7

Map 8 Map 9

Map 10 Map 11

Source Maps of India/State Formation in India. https://www. mapsofindia.com/maps/india/formation-of-states.html . . . . . . . . . Source Wikipedia/Aspirants States of India. https://en.wik ipedia.org/wiki/Proposed_states_and_union_territories_of_ India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Maps of India/Political map of India. https://www. mapsofindia.com/maps/india/india-political-map.html . . . . . . . . . Source Alamy/Madhya Pradesh Red Highlighted in map of India. https://www.alamy.com/madhya-pradesh-red-hig hlighted-in-map-of-india-image331271890.html . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Alamy/Uttarpradesh Pradesh Red Highlighted in map of India. https://www.alamy.com/uttar-pradesh-redhighlighted-in-map-of-india-image331271752.html . . . . . . . . . . . Source State Planning Commission/Proposed area of Bundelkhand in MP. http://mpplanningcommission.gov. in/bundelkhand/bundelkhand.html . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/District Covered Under Bundelkhand Package. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/ bundelkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand2Bali/Hindustan ka Dil. http://bundel khand2bali.blogspot.com/2010/12/blog-post.html . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Maps of India/Bundelkhand Proposed State. https:// www.mapsofindia.com/maps/uttarpradesh/bundelkhand. html . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand on India’s map. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand Region Map. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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118 119

119 120 120

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Map 12 Map 13 Map 14 Map 15

List of Maps

Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Prastavit Bundelkhand Map. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand in MP and UP. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/ Map-of-study-site-Bundelkhand-region_fig1_327743742 . . . . . . . Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand Districts. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand . . . . . . . . . . .

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Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed Map 1 Map 2

Marathwada region with Aurangabad and Beed districts. Source Wikicommons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bhil and Koli community distribution prior to 1961. Source Census of India 1961 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Tables

Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed Table 1 Table 2

Ecological cultures of the Gautala region and Bindusara river . . . . Census-wise population of Bhil and Koli community population in Aurangabad and Beed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

199 199

Impact of Fluctuations in Rainfall on the Livelihoods of Families in the Rain Shadow Zone of Maharashtra State: A Historical Perspective Table 1 Table 2

Level and trends in annual rainfall records established on Mann–Kendall’s test . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Long-term trends and changes in the annual rainfall records of the rain-shdow zone of Maharashtra state using the Mann–Kendall test (Authors analysis) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Kalasha People in Pakistan: A Mountain Indigenous Tribe’s Struggles to Protect Identity, Culture, Ancestral Lands, and Survival Table 1 Table 2

Kalasha temples and places of respect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Education enrolment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

290 294

Notion of Resilience Among the Adivasis of Jungle Mahals, Eastern India Table 1

Plant and animal species that used as food, medicine, and other usage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Introduction Indigeneity in the Postcolonial World: Perceptions and Problematic Bina Sengar and A. Mia Elise Adjoumani

Abstract The global societies of the world in the last twentieth and twenty-first century have come a long way. Simultaneously, in these times, postcoloniality and indigenous are two terminologies receiving the maximum debate in the societies of the decolonized nations post-Second World War. The post-world war era saw world interacting on several plinths of political, cultural, and social networks. There are mobilities within the continents and human interactions which have traversed across the cultural spheres drastically changing the community identities and their perceptions.

1 I The global societies of the world in the last twentieth and twenty-first century have come a long way. Simultaneously, in these times, postcoloniality and indigenous are two terminologies receiving the maximum debate in the societies of the decolonized nations post-Second World War. The post-world war era saw world interacting on several plinths of political, cultural, and social networks. There are mobilities within the continents and human interactions which have traversed across the cultural spheres drastically changing the community identities and their perceptions. The two far-reaching implications in the human navigation patterns in the colonial era were “Colombian Exchange” (Crosby, 1972) and “Eurocentric domination over the Indian Ocean Trade Systems” (Chaudhuri, 1985; Roy, 2012). Transition in these two oceanic and continental pathways brought different identities in close contacts with the world systems. In the historic timelines, cultural contacts and community connectedness were well established within the Asian-African and European continents, which B. Sengar (B) Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India e-mail: [email protected] A. M. E. Adjoumani French Language and Comparative Literature, Department of French Language and Literature, Felix Houphouet-Boigny University, Abidjan, Ivory Coast © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_1

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allowed the formation of cultural identities across these continental borders (Lockhard, 2020). Historic connectedness within these three continents, led to formation of identities in their historical contexts. As a consequence, when we assess the identity quest and indigeneity in Asian-African regions, we come across identities formations and their cultural frameworks cutting across the inter-continental histories. The concepts of community identities and indigeneity are layered within the community interactions in context of Asia and Africa. It could also be interpreted that the idea of indigeneity is also not well accepted in Asian and African contexts, as the quest here resides in the fact about; ‘Who is indigenous?’ Wherein, all the communities of Asia and Africa claim their rootedness in their lands, how then we distinguish the idea of being indigenous and non-indigenous. Contrary to it, in the Colombian exchange process, the New World got exposed and its products were circulated by the European trading networks in the Indian Ocean networks. This exchange of goods also brought exchange of ideas and identities. The New World came to be identified in popular European discourse as ‘Indian’ and its people as “Indigenous” (Smithers et al., 2014). The two-differing notion of community identities in western and eastern hemispheres, thereafter, led to a discourse about people of land and people as settlers (Wolfe, 2006). The settler colonialism and elimination of the native is a postcolonial discourse which evolves in academic debates of Colombian exchange and Americas indigeneity. Contrary to it, the assimilative settlers discourse becomes oblique in context of Africa and Asia because assimilation remains a two-way process in the Asian and African peoples community histories. The formation of triangulation remains a long overdue process which allowed so-called settlers as indigenous and indigenous as settlers and interchangeability in the indigeneity. Therefore, the ideas of indigeneity and nativism become concepts which require reassessment in the postcolonial debates and indigeneity discourse as well.

2 II Before addressing these defining aspects of colonization, it is useful to carry out a semantic analysis of the concept of “colonization” even though its meaning and significance may seem obvious, as it is often used. Going back to the etymology of the verb “colonize,” “colore, cultivate”, colonization, originally, is considered to be the process consisting “essentially in exploiting a piece of land or territory, either wild or in its natural state, or already partly developed, but nevertheless still in an economic position too poor to produce a regularly advantageous product” (Harmand, 1910; D’Andurain, 2017). This primary objective assigned to colonization could be considered as the basis of the definition that, according to Julie d’Andurain, is nowadays given to colonization: “any action, of whatever nature, carried out either by a state on a conquered people or on a dependent territory, or by independent individuals or groups of any nationality in perfectly independent countries” (D’Andurain, 2017).

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Beyond this theoretical framework, the imperialist enterprise is, in practice, based on arguments that give colonization a concrete content. If the argument of the “civilizing mission” is one of the main ones that has served as the Trojan horse of the colonial enterprise, its disqualification by several critics is confirmed by its implementation in the colonized territories. The economic motives of the colonial enterprise,” writes Albert Memmi, “are today brought to light by all historians of colonization. No one believes any longer in the cultural and moral mission, even the original one, of the colonizer” (Memmi, 1973). Confirming the rejection of this main motive, Aimé Césaire proposes a definition of colonization that underlines the motivations underlying the colonial enterprise: “What in principle is colonization? To agree on what it is not; neither evangelization, nor philanthropic enterprise, nor willingness to push back the frontiers of ignorance, disease, tyranny, nor enlargement of God, nor extension of Law; to admit once and for all without will to stumble at the consequences, that the decisive gesture here is of the adventurer and the pirate, of the great grocer and the shipowner, of the gold-seeker and the merchant, of the appetite and the strength, with, behind it, the evil shadow cast by a form of civilization which, at some point in its history, finds itself obliged, internally, to extend the competition of its antagonistic economies on a global scale” (Césaire, 1955). The imperialist aims described by these authors are, to cite only the case of French imperialism, systematized by “doctrinaires du fait colonial” whose important role in the colonial process gave it “its letters of nobility,” according to Julie d’Adurain (D’Andurain, 2017). This role was notably not only that of setting the theoretical framework for efficiently achieving the imperial objectives, but also, at the same time, that of laying the foundations for the restructuring, the upheaval of the world of the colonized. An overview of the doctrinal references of French colonization is proposed by Xavier Yacono, in his book on the History of French Colonization (1973). The colonial doctrine, which he states is not “unique” but refers to “three currents of ideas,” is summarized in three words: “exploitation, assimilation, association” (Yacono, 1973, p. 53). “Exploitation is the conception of the business world and is expressed in particular by Jules Ferry’s description of colonization as a means of placing capital; assimilation: There is no longer any question of ethnic assimilation, but one speaks of political and administrative assimilation, of “love of the common homeland,” and some dream of transforming all the colonies, including Black Africa, into French departments”; “Association might seem a middle way [to compensate] for the impossibility of assimilating different races” (Yacono, 1973, 53–54). Putting into perspective, nowadays, the consequences of such ideological conceptions on colonized societies and the colonized themselves have provoked reflection on the question of the response and resilience of indigenous societies. Indeed, colonization was the occasion of the upheaval of the colonial society in its most essential components. It called into question the worldview of the colonized to impose on them a system to which they had to try to adapt. Xavier Yacono lists a certain number of factors that constitute the barometers of the appreciation of the restructuring of the world of the colonized. In his book, he describes the “transformations of the indigenous world” in terms of “revolution”: “demographic revolution,” “economic

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revolution” and “social revolution.” From the demographic point of view, “colonization has upset the indigenous population not only in terms of its numerical size but also in terms of its distribution” (Yacono, 1973) “the indigenous have found themselves so out of step that they sometimes no longer wish to make the necessary effort to survive” (Yacono, 1973). On the economic level, “colonization created a new economy: this economy seems at first foreign to the indigenous world and as if it were being dumped on the country” (Yacono, 1973: 81). At the social level, we note a precarious condition of the individual, “social disintegration” (Yacono, 1973: 90) and the “upheaval of social classes” (Yacono, 1973: 93). “If it is not destroyed, the mind is profoundly transformed, if not regenerated in the true sense of the word, and there has been talk of true mental colonization” (Yacono, 1973: 90). The combination of these invasive and corrosive factors sometimes explains the preference of some critics for the term “colonialism,” thus underlining the cleverly thought-out political doctrine whose disastrous consequences are, at the same time, highlighted. Henri Labouret, thus, explains the debate launched on the subject of “colonialism,” which “can cover in turn or globally the evils for which dominations are blamed in their dependencies: the ferocious and shameless waste of the indigenous people’s lives, the anarchic monopolization of natural resources thanks to the employment of local labor forced to work for derisory wages and to make up to the limits of human strength for the inadequacy of material organizations” (Labouret, 1952, p14). If the term “decolonization” generally evokes, at first sight, an aspect of the end of colonial wardship, the political aspect, it also implies decolonization relative to other aspects of the colonizer-colonized relationship, especially cultural, economic, etc. More than the first form of decolonization, it is the second that feeds our reflection on the response and resilience of Indigenous societies with its presuppositions. Indeed, there are many definitions that relate to the political context in which this decolonization is taking place. A logical continuation of colonial imperialism as described above, decolonization, in the broadest sense, refers to “voluntary dispossession by the masters of the colonies, as a result of negotiations and transactions or as a result of political and military war, “a struggle for national liberation.” In these two meanings, decolonization was neither spontaneous nor sudden, but was a long process that, for some people, was within colonization itself” (Brocheux et al., 2012). If this definition highlights the process that led to the realization of this event, Raymond Betts definition rather evokes the context that favored its advent. “Whatever its assigned chronology, he writes, decolonization was foremost considered a global-scale political change, most intense and successful in the three decades following World War II” (Betts, 2012). Betts, thus, evokes one of the major causes that set the decolonization process in motion, alongside other factors that seem to be less prominent during decisive turning points. “In fact, historians distinguish three series of determining factors or agents: those that are internal to the metropolises and colonies, those that are external to them and that come under international forces” (Brocheux et al., 2012). The confrontation of “international forces,” supported in their war efforts by the contribution of the colonized, will, in fact, awaken the consciences of both colonizers and colonized: “The First and Second World Wars were two turning points in the

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evolution of relations between colonizers and colonized. The racialist hierarchy instituted by the masters of empires was shaken and even subverted: white nations called on nations of color to fight other white nations” (Brocheux et al., 2012). This reality constitutes one of the aspects of the long process that led to political decolonization, which was to be enshrined in ‘Resolution 1514 of the UN General Assembly of December 20, 1960. (Brocheux et al., 2012). “[This] Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples […] is at the origin of the creation in 1961 of the Decolonization Committee” (Brocheux et al., 2012). Although (political) decolonization has been effective for decades, there is still the question of whether decolonization in other sectors of the life of the former colonies has taken place in a clear and assumed manner, both by the former colonizers and the former colonized. It seems difficult to respond in the affirmative, especially concerning the cultural domain. According to Betts, “That bomb [colonization] caused cultural destruction, the annihilation of a people’s culture through the imposition of the colonial power’s cultural system. The mind had to be decolonized as well. Such was the thought of Ng˜ug˜ı (1986), well expressed in the eponymous title of his small but provocative book Decolonizing the mind.” (Betts, 2012). This last analysis on decolonization is particularly interesting for our reflection on the response and resilience of indigenous societies. These concepts will, in fact, constitute a kind of means of evaluating this decolonization while transcending it in order to reflect on the ways and means to complete or at least advance the process of decolonization of former colonies. The historical events previously analyzed are at the origin of the emergence of a current of thought that applies to the analysis of the consequences of colonization. This current is named postcolonialism. This concept, evoked by the subject of our book by the reference to the “postcolonial world,” also deserves to be considered. The term “postcolonial” used in the title can refer to the idea of a chronology as well as to that of a logic (in this second case, its most recurrent spelling is “postcolonial,” in one word). Thus, the work is based as much on the idea of the “aftermath” of colonization as on that of postcolonization. Thus, the texts of postcolonial theorists prove to be essential reference points for approaching the question of the answer and the resilience of indigenous societies. From Edward Saïd to Bill Ashcroft et al., Homi Bhabha, Achille Mbembe, to name but a few, the postcolonial current will irrigate the analysis of these concepts and their application to concrete situations. The concepts of response and resilience, although semantically divergent, refer to a common reality: that of a backlash, a reaction. The specificity of the first, however, is based on the idea of positioning, of self-affirmation that it implies. The response of indigenous societies (or former colonies) to their colonial history can, thus, be achieved through deconstruction, in the mode of postcolonial thought. For example, it is a question for these peoples of questioning the entire founding discourse of colonial imperialism, which aimed to disqualify and inferiorize the colonized in order to achieve imperial designs. The answer supposes not only deconstructing the colonialist ideology, but also opposing this discourse of the time with concrete evidence of its inconsistency. It can be expressed, in particular, by the approach of these indigenous societies to take an active part in the dynamics of the contemporary world, to take its place by affirming its specificities which are not fixed, but which

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are open to the permanent and constructive dialog that takes place in a globalized world. As for the term “resilience,” it evokes the benefits derived from a “destructive” situation that one manages to transcend. In a general sense, it is defined by Christa Langeland as “the capacity of a system, enterprise, or person to maintain its core purpose and integrity in the face of dramatically changed circumstances” (Memmi, 1973; Langeland et al., 2016). Beyond this definition, the definition in the psychological field proposed by these authors seems more precisely applicable to the present context: “resilience is a quality that allows an individual to recover from adversity stronger than before” (Langeland et al., 2016). Applied to the context of our book, the resilience of indigenous societies could be translated by their capacity to (re)build societies where the mental foundations of men and women, the economic and cultural foundations, etc., would not suffer from major weaknesses that would handicap their progress. In order to delimit the conceptual frameworks of “indigeneity” this book engages its entire debate. It is important to define various terms in and around the idea of identity and indigeneity and what underlie within their local–global discourses especially after the era of postcolonialism. Therefore, to engage a theoretical and empirical narrative around the indigeneity beyond the prisms of dominant discourse, the collected essays narrate the diverse aspects of indigeneity through this book. The indigeneity debates often are discussed within the concepts of climate change and colonial domination. Wherein postcolonialism and how it is perceived within the framework of “indigeneity,” “community identities” of the decolonized or postcolonial nations are some of the differing aspects of debates. The primary objective of this book engages discourses on peoples and their identities and why they were questioned, situated in the place, space dynamics, and how do we understand them in the different political-national discourses. Some of the prevalent norms and narratives around the ideas of postcolonialism and indigeneity are the given perceptions from the post-imperial geographic frameworks. Even then, the idea of indigeneity is largely guided around the way people situate their identity in global perspectives. The solidarity movements of identities with local rootedness connects the global movement for indigeneity (Lorin and Taraud, 2013; Merlan, 2009), yet, highlighted quest remains about idea of “indigeneity” in a contested idiom in political and bureaucratic discourses. The political complexity of this term “indigenous” and its diverse appropriated connotations in academic, political, and popular cultural discourse further adds to the possibilities to probe indigeneity and its diverse narratives. A reflection on the thematic title of the book “Indigenous Societies in the Postcolonial World—Response and Resilience through global perspectives” necessarily calls for a reminder of the historical background of the term “indigenous” that gives it all its meaning and relevance. The historical investigative narratives are constituted in the various chapters of the book where indigeneity and its conceptual and empirical genesis are attempted to be explored. Through the terminological frameworks of colonization and decolonization, the problematic of indigeneity is explored within its discourses of domination and radicalization. Two major turning points in the history of indigenous or formerly colonized peoples are reached out with climate change and revivalism of the indigenous knowledge systems. How far

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these radicalization and climatic change concepts enable and empower indigeneity is a major contested discourse in academia and neo-liberal market system. As our book project is a continuation of the historiography demonstrating the resistance of colonized peoples. Therefore, the approach towards the colonization is need for response and resilience of indigenous societies and work towards decolonization.

3 III When we started collecting essays for the book, we kept in priority peoples voices, thus, emphasis was laid on the fact that the contributors must belong to the culture they are giving scholarly inputs about. In certain instances, inputs of scholars to their subject area also became essential for inclusion. How an indigenous identity understands and visualize indigenous of another territory gives a perspective to indigenous discourse as well. Based on these narratives on indigeneity, the book is divided into three broad sections. The sub-section-I discusses about the “Postcolonialism and indigeneity: Some global issues” Sub-section-II emphasizes on “Postcolonialism, African American identities and indigenous narratives,” and sub-section-III discusses issues on “Postcolonialism, Climate change, and Ecological Aspects of Indigeneity.” In the first section, we have five articles which are discussing postcolonial aspects of indigeneity through theoretical and regional perspectives, where contributing authors are discussing about the theoretical frameworks of indigeneity, the implications of the indigeneity theories in the identity formations, and how the resilience is taking place within the indigenous identities in the global contexts. In the first section of the book, first article is by first editor of the book Bina Sengar discusses about the theory of Triangulation in Ecological Societies resilience. In the article, Sengar discusses about methods of triangulation and how the idea of indigeneity is different from its proposed structure in the mainstream narratives of indigeneity. Taking examples from her field-based experiences both in India and the USA, she proposes the framework of triangulation among the native-nomadic and settler communities around the notions of “ecological societies.” She further builds on her theory through her second chapter on Seminole identity and indigeneity aspects in Florida. The triangulation process in the ecological societies is explained through historical narratives about the Seminole communities of Florida, where from their cultural connections with the Creek confederacy to native lands of Florida their community cultures and settlement patterns are explained through their ecological spaces. The third article in this section is by Jimmy Beason an Osage Native American scholar. Beason, critically assess the narratives of Osage ceremonies and how the community retained and thrived its identity while the settler colonialism suppressed them to the worst. Nandini Bhattacharya in her article discusses the various identities of Central Asia, which for long were not allowed to say for themselves under the Soviet regime are now becoming assertive and paving paths for the neo-indigeneity debate. How nativist movements lead to sovereignty and how in the decolonized nations, concept of nation within the nations, or multiple cultural identities are evolving is well discussed in the article

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by Swarnkaar. In this article, Swarnkaar discusses about the identity formation and separate statehood movement of Bundelkhand in India. Thus, in the first section of this book, indigeneity questions are seen through multiple paradigms in global perspectives. Through the three articles of the sub-section II—entitled “Postcolonialism, African, American Identities, and Indigenous narratives,”—the authors reflect on the responses and manifestations of resilience of postcolonial societies affected by the history of the encounter of Africa and the West. These are African, African American, and Indo-African societies that adopt approaches to deconstruct colonialist ideology, that identify and denounce the traces of the survival of this ideology in the contemporary world and that, on the other hand, value the African or African-origin ways of thinking and being which are likely to consecrate the full participation of these postcolonial worlds in the progress of the world. Indeed, in the analysis of the “Reinvention of Africa,” Elise Adjoumani demonstrates how, from a fixed and devalued representation of Africa, we have moved to another, highlighting a new « face», dynamic, translating the controlling, by Africans, of their destiny. The discourses emanating from the “Colonial library” and Afro-pessimism are, thus, replaced by other valorizing and self-centered ones. These express an intellectual empowerment, an emancipation from the identity paradigms that defined Africa’s relationship to the other, to the outside world, in reference to colonialist conceptions of identity and otherness. They also suggest concrete paths to resilience. Echoing these theorizing approaches, some African fictional texts depict allegories of an overvalued Africa, in an inversion of geopolitical power relationships. These fictional texts also highlight a humanity grappling with the human condition and illustrate the openness of an Africa whose values are alive both on the continent and in its diaspora. Anjali Gavali’s contribution on “Black Identities and their Narratives” elaborates on the developments in Indo-African and American theoretical and literary discourses on black identities that reflect the resilience of Africans, Indo-Africans, and African Americans. The first evolution is the emergence of the postcolonial theory. Through a discussion of this current of thought, the author shows how postcolonial discourse, through an analysis of the geopolitical and ideological divisions of the world, and through a deconstruction of the foundations of colonialism, allows the understanding of narratives about postcolonial societies. The other reality that is the object of deconstruction of the critical discourse is that of the image of African systems of thought conveyed by the colonialist utterance. If in this discourse this system of thought is presented as fixed, some African critics demonstrate, on the other hand, that this system, through the reappropriation of external values, is in constant renewal. This specificity of the African system of thought makes it possible to define indigeneity as a response to colonialism, which transits through the production of a language emphasizing the cultural authenticity of the former colonized. As a result, some critics have called for the use of this term to designate black identities. The author then offers personal life stories related to this term, presenting them as potentially inspiring experiences. She concludes by presenting how new ethnicities are formed in response to experiences of racism. This experience of racism, reflected in the aftermath of the history of transatlantic slavery, is the basis for the address of the third

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article of this section, which focuses on the black woman’s body. In her contribution, Michelle Grant-Murray establishes a comparison between the woman’s body and water, with the aim of revealing the harmful effects of institutionalized racism in the context of the United States of America. The author demonstrates how, through characteristics that evoke those of water—its power, its mystery, its role as a provider of life, etc.—the Black woman’s body symbolizes her resilience—and beyond that, the resilience of the African American community, in spite of the oppressive context in which she lives. Her story is not only a hymn to the power of the black woman and her fundamental role in American society, but it is also a call to acknowledge the violence to which this body has been subjected as a result of the history of slavery and the capitalist system. The gender issue addressed through this reflection on the black woman's body is presented from another point of view by Leontine Troh Gueyes’ article “Gender Model Tensions and Resilience Strategies in Postcolonial African Novels and quote;. In this contribution, the author analyzes the confrontation of African and Western social gender roles, its consequences as well as the process of resilience through which the crises resulting from this confrontation can be overcome. Indeed, one of the upheavals imposed on African societies by the colonial system is the implementation of social gender roles based on the Western value system. The consequence of this fact is a dysfunction of the social links within the colonized society and an identity split of the colonized. In order to get out of this crisis, the approach of resilience presented by the novelists consists of the break of the silence created by the trauma, the opening to foreign values and the implementation of the decolonial spirit, that is to say the reconsideration, by both the ex-colonized and the ex-colonizer, of the relationship with oneself and of the social links. The sub-section III “Postcolonialism, Climate change, and Ecological Aspects of Indigeneity” considers the contemporary challenge of climate change and resilience for the identity questions of indigenous globally. In this section, we have eight essays. In all the essays, the notion of imperialism is relegated. Here in the discussed case studies, the resilience and policy frameworks are questioned within the community identities. The postcolonial challenge of reviving and addressing the resilience of community identities has to occur from within societies. In the process of cultural resilience of the decolonized, postcolonial nations do we get the favorable policies and cultural frameworks? While answering these questions, each of the article investigates the community’s internal historical narratives and postcolonial policy structures. The first article in the section by Sengar and Illyas explores ecological systems of two important tribal communities of Western India “Koli” and “Bhil” in their ecological spaces of Beed and Aurangabad-Ajanta. The two communities although displaced could evolve resilience in the similar landscape ecology and contribute to the environmental revivalism. The second essay in this section by Leon takes us to the Ecuador and its ecological spaces of ‘unintended outcomes of sustainable development: hybridizing beaches through small-scale tourism.” Leon discusses the local community and its role in the ecological tourism and the resilience of the socioecological order in the beach. In the essay on Corn and its ecological relationship with the Mexican indigenous culture by Miguel brings out the varied aspects of corn, linguistics, and cultural manifestations through products of ecology. Corn is integral

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part of Mexican culture, and it retains its various traditional values and nuances through its usage. In essay by Kachkure and Algur, rainfall assessment of Maharashtra state is considered with special reference to its influence over the community cultures in the stated terrain. Over a century, how the rainfall fluctuations led to community cultures to seek resolve in resilience of patterns of agricultures and rainfall restoration is explained in the essay. In essay from South Africa’s resolve to combat pandemic, Roche Myburgh raises quest about the pandemic as a global crisis and how the indigenous communities are severely affected by them. Through the examples from South Africa and indigenous communities of Africa, he brings out problematic of new age health systems and indigenous health issues globally. In the essay on Kalasha community of Pakistan, Saima Siddiqui presents crisis of ethnic minorities in the dominant indigenous or theocratic cultures. The Kalasha community which is integral part of the indigeneity of northern parts of Pakistan is consistently bearing brunt of cultural assimilation and dissolution of their own cultures. In essay by Nirmal Mahato, ecological resilience practices of people of Jungle Mahals are explained. Jangal Mahalas of Eastern India where in Purulia region case study is taken to substantiate the empirical findings. In this study, the communities of Santals and their ecological practices are considered. In the last chapter of the section, Shamrao Koreti explains through his essays the identity quests of adivasi communities of India in the global indigeneity debate. Thus, through these collected essay, theories, narratives, and empirical studies are shared to further encourage discussions around the evolving discourses on indigeneity in the postcolonial and decolonizing global societies.

References Betts, R. F. (2012). Decolonization a brief history of the word. In Beyond empire and nation (pp. 23–37). Brocheux, P. (2012). Cosaert Patrice (dir.), Les enjeux du Pacifique, 2009. Outre-Mers. Revue d’histoire, 99(374), 360–361. Césaire, A. (1955). Discours sur le colonialisme, suivi du Discours sur la Négritude. Présence Africaine. Chaudhuri, K. N. (1985). Trade and civilization in the Indian Ocean: An economic history from the rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge University Press. Crosby, A. W. (1972). The Columbian exchange: Biological and cultural consequences of 1492. Greenwood Publishing Company. D’Andurain, J. (2017). Colonialisme ou impérialisme? Le parti colonial en pensée et en action, Lèchelle, éditions Zellige. Labouret, H. (1952). Colonisation, colonialisme, décolonisation. Larose. Langeland, K. S., Manheim, D., McLeod, G., & Nacouzi, G. (2016). How civil institutions build resilience: Organizational practices derived from academic literature and case studies. Rand Corporation. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7249/j.ctt1btc0m7 Lockard, C. A. (2020). Societies, networks, and transitions: A global history. Cengage Learning Lorin, A., & Taraud, C. (2013). Nouvelles histoires des colonisations européennes (XIXè-XXè siècle). Société, culture, politique, sous la direction de. PUF

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Memmi, A. (1973). Portrait du colonisé, précédé du Portrait du colonisateur. Les Editions L’Etincelle. Merlan, F. (2009). Indigeneity: Global and local. Current Anthropology, 50(3), 303–333 Roy, T. (2012). India in the World Economy: From Antiquity to the Present. Cambridge University Press. Smithers, G. D., & Newman, B. N. (2014). Native diasporas: Indigenous identities and settler colonialism in the Americas. University of Nebraska Press. Wolfe, P. (2006). Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native. Journal of Genocide Research, 8(4), 387–409. https://doi.org/10.1080/14623520601056240 Yacono, X. (1973). Histoire de la colonisation française, PUF.

Postcolonialism and Indigeneity: Some Global Issues

Ideas of Indigenous Resilience through Triangulated Model: Ecological Society Experiences of the United States of America and India Bina Sengar

Abstract The present study in the book chapter discusses about emerging thoughts to develop a framework for a discourse on response and resilience of Indigenous communities in postcolonial world. The study remains an empirical intervention through proposition of “TRIANGULATED MODEL” on indigenous questions in India and the United States of America (hereafter USA). The colonial legacy of India and United States of America on several common grounds conspired through the parallel policy frameworks and actions thereafter for the native or indigenous communities. What transpired shared colonial legacy in two distant colonies of British, evolved as a conglomerate of collected ideas for governance and repression. Postcolonial policies and discourse which affect global south have its equally repressive and overwhelming influence on global north as well. Indigeneity as resilient force remains the major push factor for postcolonial studies. On the contrary to it, indigenous resilience in northern nations remarkably engages itself on decolonization (Duara, 2004; Duarte and Belarde-Lewis, 2015). In the twenty-first century context, when postcolonial societies of India restructure their societies in globalized world, do they resolve to build a decolonized indigeneity? Whether the decolonial frameworks of the United States of America and India “South Asian indigeneity “constructs or deconstructs its decolonizing theoretics through indigenous rhetoric of global north? How the contesting ideas of indigeneity in two different frameworks yet, connected through terminologies, colonial legacy, settler colonialism have shown resilience in similar patterns which definitely give answers to many of the questions raised through postcolonial and decolonial constructs. The proposed chapter will discuss these questions and will glean its answers through archival, observational, and empirical interventions of theory of triangulated model of ecological cultures carried among indigenous societies of India and United States of America.

B. Sengar (B) Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_2

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Keywords Indian · Indigenous · Native American · Tribal · Triangulated model · Ecological societies

1 Introduction World in which we live today is conflicted and aligning itself on diverse ideas of identities. Diversity within the concepts of identities1 which are influenced by nativism, reformism, radicalism, etc., also posits the challenge of post-Truth (Fraile-Marcos, 2020). These extremes of ideas and confusing scenarios after the colonial, postcolonial, and neo-liberal global policy influences brought the challenge of “Climate Change” (Chakravarty, 2012). On the contrary to it, indigenous resilience in northern nations remarkably engages itself on decolonization (Duarte & Belarde-Lewis, 2015; Duara, 2004). Contemporary theories of indigeneity in twenty-first century have various implications in academics and policy frameworks. Postcolonial societies like India, China, etc., restructure their societies and policies according to the demands of globalized world. With these implications, what will be the nature of indigeneity theories and policies in these postcolonial societies? Will they resolve to build a decolonized indigeneity? Whether the decolonial frameworks of India and South Asian indigeneity construct or deconstruct its decolonizing theoretics through indigenous rhetoric of global north? The contesting ideas of indigeneity in two different frameworks yet, connected through colonial legacy, definitely give answers to many of the questions raised through postcolonial and decolonial constructs. The threat of mass mobilization due to excessive climatic disasters requestioned the systems in which we are living today. The models of postcolonial and neoliberal systems have further severely threatened the cultures and livelihoods of the communities in the last two centuries.2 In the pre-colonial global systems, wars and exodus were not unknown, yet the transformative changes and challenges retained the possibilities of life and living in ecological spaces of the communities. The communities retained their practices and thrived through resilience of their livelihood practices. These resilient practices thrived on the ecocultural patterns which communities learnt through their cyclic understanding of the geographical spaces

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Ana María Fraile-Marcos (2020) “Precarity and the stories we tell: post-truth discourse and Indigenous epistemologies in Thomas King’s The Back of the Turtle,” Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 2020, Vol. 56 No. 4, pp. 473–487. 2 Dipesh Chakrabarty (2012) “Postcolonial Studies and the Challenge of Climate Change” New Literary History (The Johns Hopkins University Press), Vol. 43, No. 1 (WINTER 2012), pp. 1–18. Stable https://www.jstor.org/stable/23259358.

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(Sengar, 2021).3 With the coming of colonization and postcolonial, exploitive practices4 (Bockman, 2015) and their several colonial models of economy dislocated5 the established systems of community cultures (Gardner & Bryson, 2021). With these intruding practices, community engagements within the colonized and neo-colonized spaces severely got disrupted and the triangulated models6 (Sengar & McMillin, 2020) of the community spaces got traversed with modernity7 and reformist models (Mukherjee, 2021). These reformist models guided by the Eurocentric rationalism8 and European Catholic and religious puritanism often were countered by the colonized cultures and values.9 The postcolonial response of colonized spaces globally comes in the form of decolonization, radicalism, or anti-colonialism (Grovogui, 2016). The cause-and-effect analysis takes us to the idiom of “triangulated model” of co-dependent community cultures which were in root structures of the colonized spaces. The Triangulated model of socio-economic-political structures of the ecological societies in the pre-colonial cultures primarily remains the foundational schema for the decolonization and revivalism of the native/indigenous cultures. How these models of ecological spaces and triangulated cultures connect the postcolonial societies remains the primary debate and proposition of this research chapter. Theoretical framework of triangulated model of ecological societies is, thereafter, explained through the empirical and observation studies of two models. 1. Seminole and Miccosukee reservations in Florida and their formations and transition in the twentieth century in the southeastern region of the United States of America 2. Bhil territories in Western India in the pre-colonial times and their resilient structural frameworks in the postcolonial contemporary societies of India. 3

Bina Sengar (2021) “Vanijya aur Ghumantu Samudaay” (In Hindi) in Chaumasa (Quarterly Journal of Madhya Pradesh Tribal Museum), Special Vol. 117, November, 2021-February, 2022, pp. 54–61 Author also worked on the theory of “Triangulated Model of community exchange” and disseminated it as part of her course developed during the Fulbright assignment in 2018–2019. Course details: https://gss.fiu.edu/courses/current-graduate-courses-and-syllabi/spr ing-2019-graduate-courses-1/syd6901sylspr2019sengar.pdf. 4 Johanna Bockman (2015) “Socialist Globalization against Capitalist Neocolonialism: The Economic Ideas behind the New International Economic Order,” Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development, Volume 6, Number 1, Spring 2015, pp. 109–128. 5 Emma C. Gardner & John R. Bryson (2021) “The dark side of the industrialization of accountancy: innovation, commoditization, colonization and competitiveness” Industry and Innovation: The Dark Sides of Innovation, Vol. 28, Issue-1, pp. 42–57. https://doi.org/10.1080/13662716.2020.1738915. 6 In the following discussion of the paper the Triangulated Model of Society and Ecological Spaces is discussed as part of the theory propounded in the paper. 7 Asha Mukherjee (2021) ‘Gandhi and Sri Aurobindo: Reconstruction and Reformation of Philosophical Traditions’ in Ananta Kumar Giri (Ed.) Mahatma Gandhi and Sri Aurobindo, Routledge, London. 8 Jackson et al. (1995) Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians. United States, University of New Mexico Press. 9 Grovogui, S. (2016). Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy: Memories of International Order and Institutions, United States, Palgrave Macmillan US.

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With these two trans-continental regional studies, author correlates the regional frameworks of ecological societies and develops the triangulated community models. These resilient indigenous/tribal communities in the historic times have shaped their histories and community cultures with resilient ecological-economic-cultural methods.10 It is proposed in the paper that among the various propositions in the environmental studies and indigenous-environmental historical studies, the precolonial models and their resilience occur with revivalist tendencies of human-nature resilience methods which is determined by ecological cultures and their triangulated methods. (Sengar, 2016).

2 Triangulated Model and Ecological Societies: Methods and Theoretical Approach as an Alternative to Indigeneity Studies The native/tribal/indigenous societies in Asia and Americas have their own conceptual terminological debates. In the following sections of the paper, we will be discussing about them. The decolonization of the societies and community cultures varies from Asian epistemologies to that of the Americas. The internal hierarchies of the community structures often are the determinants, which steer the passage through which the postcolonial narratives are framed for indigeneity/ tribal communities. The transition in the epistemologies follows the process of convergence, retractions, and circular paths so to evolve its resilient structures as well. The study here, therefore, derives its hypothesis on transitions in the epistemologies of human-nature relationships and their resilient pathways through revivalist models. These revivalist models are about transition within the community culture and their correlation and codependent relationships with other community cultures as well, which is understood as “triangulated” (Casey & Murphy, 2009; Carter et al., 2014) connected community cultures in pre-colonial Indian societies (Subbarao, 1958). Parallels of community cultures and their triangulated ecological cultural relations were evidently observed in the South Florida (Ebert, 2020) as well, as part of southeastern region of Indian territories of the United States of America. Through empirical studies, observations carried by me over the years in the “tribal regions” of India and “Indian territories” of United States, I tried to posit my theoretical understandings. Parts of these empirical understanding carried in South Asia and United States were published earlier, which are referred in the text wherever required. Further, the analysis and wider discussions with scholars and their readings enabled me to develop my perspectives about the communities inter-relationships before we categorically give them names such as “Tribes” and “Indigenous”. The chapter,

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The concept of indigenous and tribal are used in different parts of this text with reference to “ecological societies.” These terms which even though used in popular terminologies in administrative and academia is not universally accepted either by the community or academic discourse.

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thus, enters into the debates of nomenclature, epistemology, and how the alternative terms could be framed to define the community identities in their homeland or lands of inhabitations. The frameworks of indigeneity/tribal derive its epistemology and ontological perspective through the linguistic and geographical contexts. How communities engage and evolve their ecological identities are explained through the theoretical frameworks of “Ecological Societies” and “triangulated communities co-dependent relationships.” These frameworks are explained through the empirical observations, as observed, and studied to develop models of connectedness in different parts of India, South Asia, and its “tribal territories” and to those in the Indian/Native American territories of the United States. The people of land and its geographical spaces are identified or denoted with several terms in past and contemporary times. Ideas and identities framed around the concepts of nationalities, regionalities, ethnicities often restrict the past processes inherent in the evolution and transition of a community identity. In varied circumstances to balance or to create a secular harmony in so-called liberal intonations,11 we use the terminology of “composite” or “secular” cultures (Pradeep and Deepak, 2011). The composite cultural dynamics is a triangulated model12 (Aiello & Simeone, 2019) of communities’ co-dependence which arises out of the necessity of cohabitation (Woollacott, 2015: 47–49), although in the historical-cultural narratives, it often remains ignored. Especially in the South Asian colonial and postcolonial narratives, we come across the co-dependent triangulations often seen with critical subjectivity which got purged with Eurocentric liberal reforms13 (Hardiman, 2008). In some of the studies with the postcolonial narratives, critical inquiries were engaged about the colonial reforms. The colonial transitions which derived their justifications by destructing the pre-colonial structures of society and economy bring about resilience through revivalism of these structures. These resilient practices on various plinths revive themselves and connect the eroded paths of pre-colonial economic and cultural patterns. Studies by Tucker (2012) and Kashwan (2017) critically analyze about how the native systems based on their traditional culture, economy, and resource utilization were damaged with colonial policies. During the nationalist era, the traditional patterns of Indian land systems and cultural orders were revived, and attempts were made to reinstate them (Sengar, 2001; 2018a, 2018b). There are evidences of several affinities in patterns of resilience of indigenous cultures among the native cultures of America or “Native America” to that of India. In India, we come across different patterns of resilience in cultural practices and also in the economic models. The chapter of this book by Bina Sengar and Feroz discusses empirical studies of Western India on these resilient models of anthropogenic ecological spaces. In similar patterns, chapter following to this paper in the present volume by Sengar further 11

Pradeep Kumar Deepak (2011) “Identities of Tripura and Identities in Tripura” in Ruma Bhattacharya (edited) Identity Issues in Northeast India, New Delhi, Akansha Publishers. 12 Kenneth D. Aiello and Michael Simeone (2019) “Triangulation of History using Textual Data” Isis, Volume 110, No. 3, pp 522–537. 13 David Hardiman (2008) Missionaries and Their Medicine: A Christian Modernity for Tribal India, Manchester, and New York: Manchester University Press.

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discusses Seminole community’s resilience in the ecological space of southeastern region. The present chapter discusses aspects of the empirical study from the above stated two observed territories from Western India and Southeast region of United States of America as a singular theoretical framework of triangulated ecological societies resilience. Triangulation and “ecological societies” contexts are attempted to be explained with the part extracts from these two transcontinental regional studies. The studies are connected with the frameworks of their human–environment relations and community co-dependent models. In the traditionalist approach, often the communities are studied in isolation with their community practices, contrary to it, when we study the triangulated societies, we understand them with their networks (Guha, 2003:1; Harris & Wasilewski, 2004: 4). The South Asian societies co-dependence and interconnectedness of cultures and economy are a well-studied and scholarly explained phenomenon. The Indian social structures are explained and studied as a co-dependent model of Rural-NomadicUrban spaces of human cultural communities which remain connected through a triangulated model (Sengar & Mcmillin, 2020). Noted archeologist Subbarao (1958) explains the co-dependent relationships of Indian society as follows; according to him, there have always been three main categories of ecologically situated cultures and societies prevalent in India and South Asia14 from the prehistoric to historical and contemporary times, which are as follows: (1) Communities living in secluded territories “Areas of Isolation” (2) Communities living in areas of moderate contact and “Areas of Semi-Isolation” (3) Communities of dominant cultures living in the area of the river valley “Areas of Interaction”. The categorical three cultural biomes were connected and kept in continuous motion by the nomadic communities (Hiro, 2011) which traversed through the isolated, semi-isolated, and mainstream cultural spaces (Guha, 2003). The nomadic communities of South Asia were the transmitters of these knowledge systems and cultural flow which formulated the concept of a regional, physiographic cultures which further bridged the cultures of two territorial divisions. The perspectives of these studies highlight the indispensable role of human cultures and community practices in retaining and sustaining the ecological cultural biome for humanenvironmental relations (Sengar, 2020a, b). In studies of resilience, the framework of ecological spaces is accepted, and resilient community’s transition is often studied as a foundation of these frameworks (Chiaravallotti et al., 2021). In earlier studies of twentieth century, ideas of ecological societies was further studied on lines of Subbarao’s above stated three-tier system. In work by Guha, where he explains the cultural biomes as “ecosystem people” and “ecological refugees” where the two communities consistently remain connected through the “Omnivores societies” (Guha, 2003). In this study, he articulated the imbalance which is created when 14

Subbarao, Bendapudi (1958) The Personality of India: Pre and Proto-historic Foundation of India and Pakistan, Faculty of Arts, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, pp. 2–10.

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there is unequal exchange and domination of one group of cultural biomes against the other. Thus, according to him, “if the ecosystem people maintain the sustainability of exchange and co-dependence then environmental sustenance remains,” With these lines of thoughts, Asian models of human–environment balance remained in these studies, where exchange and isolation of the ecological spaces are not considered a viable solution for environmentalism. Developed on these lines of thoughts critique of deep ecology with assessment of environmental criticism from South Asian perspectives was proposed by Guha, according to him, as he develops his critique he states: ‘I make two arguments: first, that deep ecology, is uniquely American, and despite superficial similarities in rhetorical style” with models of ecological systems, and despite superficial similarities in rhetorical style, the social and political goals of radical environmentalism in other cultural contexts (e.g., … Germany and India) are quite different; second, that the social consequences of putting deep ecology into practice on a worldwide basis …are very grave indeed.’ (Guha, 1989: 1)

In the conservative theories of environmentalism and conservationist philosophy of environmental theory (Sutter, 2003; Tucker, 2012), ecology was often seen as a non-transient and could only be seen with closed biomes and systems with norms of deep ecology. Deep ecology’s fundamental theoretical thrust is about the concept that the environment is biocentric and human economic-cultural designs are centered around it. Contrary to it, Asian (See Note 2) or the indigenous/nativist commercial cultural frameworks explain that the ecology and anthropogenic activities in precolonial social structures were interconnected and created the complex and sustainable human-environmental relations (Sengar, 2016). In the administratively accepted and generic methods of environmental conservation, the policy structures are guided with top-to-down designs. When we study the environmental proposition of conservation, then we fittingly are trained to look toward the approaches where the conservation is carried with the colonial scientific methods (Tucker, 2012: xi–xvii). The colonial methods were promoted as ideal way to resource documentation and utilization of them by the dominant societies. Contrary to it, they were the major cause for the dislocation of the complex ecological models of pre-colonial sustainable societies which are also defined as socio-ecological systems (Ostrom, 2009). Studies in South Asian ecological derivatives explored these dynamics extensively from the times of nationalist historiography which critically assessed the colonial reforms. Whereas, through the empirical data, it is proven that how much detrimental were colonial and postcolonial structures for the colonized societies. In American environmentalist studies in relation to the indigenous studies and ecological frameworks, the correlation studies were attempted by Sutter (2003: 110–111). In this seminal essay, “What Can U.S. Environmental Historians Learn from Non-U.S. Environmental Historiography?” Guha attempted to explore the empire and environmental correlation in context of “settler colonialism.” Thus, a discussion thereafter, ensued the seeking parallels which were critiqued in writings of Guha and Richard Grove (1996) with that of American areas of influence and in American West too (Sutter, 2003: 111). The US Environmental studies movement which began with 1960s and 70 anti-war

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cry and back to nature spirit with writings of Carson (1962) turned the table and rigorous academic discussions began on environmentalist movements and academic discourse too. The debate to assess and protect environment on conservationist lines continued. The 1990 Journal of American History round table functioned as the culmination of the first generation of environmental history scholarship and a springboard for a second generation of scholars. Worster explained that environmental history sought to give voice to a set of “autonomous, independent energies that do not derive from the drives and intentions of any culture,” and he urged environmental historians to utilize the “wisdom of nature” to assess human-induced environmental change. He focused on “the concept of modes of production” to understand how humans had altered ecosystems to serve their ends, and he made the rise of capitalism the central drama of environmental history. The respondents—Alfred Crosby, Richard White, Carolyn Merchant, William Cronon, and Stephen Pyne—found much to applaud in Worster’s ambitious vision, but they also noted the tensions between his definition of nature as an ordered nonhuman realm with its own inherent values, and nature as a realm necessarily constructed through culture” (Sutter, 2013: 94–95)

With such propositions of bringing debates of anthropocentric human–environment approach, transition in the environmental history did take place. Thereafter, we come across environmental history in the United States and American academia enters the global discussions on resilience and human-environmental relationship debates. Studies of Alfred Crosby (2003), with their Colombian Exchange theory exposed the intrinsic connections of empire and environment in the “Global North” and “Global South.” Simultaneously, indigenous studies vocally addressing the environmental and indigenous “Native American” land and sovereignty rights brought into academic discussions the issue of “Indigeneity and environmentalism.” The anthropocentric approach discussed in Guha’s writings in 2003 criticizing traditionalist biocentric deep ecology, thus, by the beginning of the twenty-first century united the global discourse on environmental and anthropocentric approach. The contemporary global discourse on environmentalism doesn’t restrict itself in the United States and its traditionalist conservationist environmental rhetoric or colonial vs decolonizing narratives (Coulter & Mauch, 2011). Contrary to it, the environmentalist debate is open-ended quest in the academic circles. It seeks solutions to ever-growing challenges between nature and humans, where questions are addressed with multiple sources of solution providers. As quoted in Coulter & Mauch, 2011: Is environmental history our “best hope for the future”? The field is young, dynamic, and poised to contribute knowledge and understanding to a variety of problems facing the entire planet. Its work is in demand, but to what extent can its offerings provide hope, or better yet, practical solutions? Which fields have we neglected? Are there directions we should encourage and support?

With resilient studies, Anthropocene debate15 and analytical models of resilience in the empirical field sites are pragmatic solution seeking theories and agencies. Wherein as historians could we find solutions to the environmental debate in history? This remains an examining quest to me as I delved into my own research prism 15

https://en.unesco.org/courier/2018-2/anthropocene-vital-challenges-scientific-debate.

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and field sites. As a historian or learner of history, we get to see and understand societies in totality of their locational cultural with the neighboring and connected cultures as well (Subramanyam, 1997). The Eurocentric colonial cultural narratives had a sectional approach when explaining about histories and cultures of the nonEuropean societies, which remained predominant structure of community history writing. The varied examples of these writings are evident in the anthropological accounts and ethnographic narratives both in India “South Asia” and the United States of America. These narratives gave holistic narratives about the community and its identity. Yet, the limitation remained that they remained accounts of the community’s cultural analysis through narrow prism of community as a microscopic identity. These approaches could be understood in ethnographic writings of Florida Native Americans accounts in per se. writings of Gatschet (1884) Sturtevant (1958), similar to what we come across in writings of communities ethnographies of Hunter (1886) Enthoven (1922) and the several writings which followed the ethnographic methods of these groundbreaking anthropological narratives. It is only in the later decades of twentieth century that we come across methods as proposed by Beteille (1986), Tiger & Kersey (2002), Guha (2003), Sutter (2003) which adopt more inclusive approach and emphasize on studying the community connection with their wider connections and transitions. Could then the study of a community be understood and analyzed with its micro and macro connections as triangulation? This remains by proposition. The tri-structural community connections of isolated, semi-isolated, and mainstream cultural connections methods of Subbarao (1958) were further addressed by Guha (2003) and Hayward (2013). Guha with his seminal writing “How much should a Person consume” (2003) addressed a major question on environmental history through three tier of society classification alike to Subbarao as ecosystem people, ecological refugees, and Omnivores. He also addressed the correlative and co-dependent methods of community structures similar to Subbarao and defines that communities correlate and connect to each other with ecology as their foundation. The imbalance among these three-tier systems leads to environmental destruction. The correlational projections of societies are evident in the study of Tiger & Kersey (2002) also where Tiger explains as follows: Learning the White Mans”s ways; Florida Indians have interacted with non-Indians on a limited basis since the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when they carried on an intensive trade in bird plumes, otter pelts, and alligator hides with white storekeepers, Indian families would make camp at Fort Lauderdale, Miami, or other towns while trading, then return to their Everglades village. (Tiger & Kersey 2002:53, 353)

The findings of the empirical observations and reviewed literary evidences prove that that, all the societies irrespective of their regional-continental relations perceived a system of livelihood which enables them to live in harmony and co-dependence with the three-tier systems of societies. The trans-continental patterns, thus, steer a pattern, which enables us to perceive a model of patterns of co-existence within and among the societies. Let us compare the models of Subbarao (1958) and Guha (2003) where both build themselves on the model proposed by Hayward (2013) of “ecological spaces” (Figs. 1 and 2).

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Fig. 1 Model of Subbarao (1958)

Fig. 2 Model of Guha (2003)

Wherein Subbarao explains the co-dependent correlation among the three community cultures which are connected by the semi-isolated cultures, Guha (2003) proposes that the omnivores cultures are the cultures of power which determines the nature and level of exploitation which will be carried on the ecosystem people and ecological refugees. The model Guha derives from his empirical study of the Chipko (Tree Huggers) movement. His explanations of ecosystem people also appear in environmentalist movements of twentieth century. The empirical observations of Guha define that the environmentalist movement and indigenous/ecosystem people went hand in hand and destruction of these communities globally will lead to the environmental degradation, and the steering of destruction is done by the Omnivore cultures of the societies. Both the models, thus, work on the concept of domination of the mainstream/Omnivore cultures which determine the fate and future of the ecosystem dependent cultures. The foundational adaptability as explained in the diagrammatic equation laid on the first-tier and second-tier cultures. The cultures which essentially own the knowledge of the ecosystem, therefore, become essential as how they perceive and evolve the ecological and geographical knowledge. Based

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Fig. 3 Triangulated Ecological Societies

on these methods and models proposed in the earlier historical-ecological studies, the model proposed in the triangulated ecological society method is as follows: (Fig. 3) As we study and observe the resilient models of the cultures and demographic shift and shifting modalities of peoples and places, we come across different historic evidences to prove that the cultures even though co-dependent depend on their longevity and sustenance so long as they retain the balance. The model as proposed by Guha determines that the domination of “Omnivores” leads to the destruction or overall depletion of the cultures. This phenomenon is applicable and discussed in the study by Covington (1968) Sumit Guha (2006) Grovogui (2016). In the studies and their empirical analysis claim that urban settlements dependent on the ecological cultures declines and remerges in spaces where the over exploitation or displacement of ecological cultures was imposed, and later, the migration induced in similar or reclaimed ecologies steers the resilience. Thus, the diagrammatic model explained above as through my perpetual subjective analysis and empirical studies16 works on the concept that the ecological cultures are the anthropocentric community cultures of a region. The anthropogenic ecological culture derives its genesis with evolved impressions and living human cultural traces in the ecological biome of a region. The region then derives its human-ecological identity through the intensive and longterm association of a community with its region. The human-ecological interface, thereafter, leads to the subjective growth of ecological knowledge which informs of cultural practices, economic engagements, and political structures. The socio-cultural evolution and transition of a community is not limited to the way they interact within 16

The studies which I carried as part of my research used in this chapter have theoretical models which are derived through observational and empirical field-based methods. The detailed empirical, archival, and observational versions of these studies are part of this book in two chapters titled: “Fracturing and Formation of Cultural Spaces of Florida Seminole: From Settlements to Reservation” and “Bio-Diversity Habitats, People, Policies and Problematics: Through case studies of ecological hotspots of Aurangabad and Beed”.

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the community. The co-dependent structures, thus, define the continuous transition which occurs with triangulated interaction among the three-tier systems of interactions in all spheres of cultures, commerce, and political systems. The community as ecological societies continuously engage themselves and evolve themselves in technological systems, increased interface with their own ecological spaces with knowledge they garner through their co-dependent interactions and relationships with the migratory/nomadic communities, and the urban settling cultures which thrives on the earlier two cultures production and processing skills. The concept of connectedness is the foundation of the triangulation which is about harmony and co-dependent process of learning. The essential base of the triangulated ecological cultures is “co-dependence,” “mutual and shared learning” with respect and harmony.

3 Triangulation and Ecological Models in the Native American and Tribal Indian (India) Societies The proposition of “triangulated” “ecological cultures” as carried in this research and stated in the beginning is used through two historical analytical studies in the United States of America and India. 1. Seminole and Miccosukee reservations in Florida and their formations and transition in the twentieth century in the Southeastern region of the United States of America 2. Bhil territories in Western India in the pre-colonial times and their resilient structural frameworks in the postcolonial contemporary societies of India. The community networks and historical web of these societies are comprehensively discussed in other two chapters of this book. Here, in this chapter, I will take selected aspects which explain the historical evidence to the theoretical stand of the ecological societies and their triangulated resilience as an ecological and environmental solution. The derived approach from writings of Guha (2003) and Crosby (2003) and Sengar (2001; 2016; 2018a, b; 2020a, b) states that the exchange and domination often lead to destruction of the societies. However, in the last two decades since these studies appeared, we also came across the resilience and re-strengthening of the ecological communities. Seminole and Miccosukee are now two most affluent and influential Native American communities of Florida and similarly in India if we observe then the ecological communities of Bhil in Western parts of India have reinstated their cultural practices in a strong way and their political assertion determines the policy structures of the region. The commercial and political structures of the southeastern region of the United States of America and Western India are also now determined by how much space and importance is given to the community and their co-dependent networks in the region. Thus, to a certain extent, the transition in the policy structures determined how the societies integrated their regional triangulated networks inclusive of the community practices and the solutions proposed by them.

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In the American continents, resilient and decolonization practices are establishing themselves in the cultural rhetoric of indigenous communities which are widely discussed in academia and popular culture. The theoretical foundation discussed above, thus, discusses about the process of decolonization is more about an equitable balance which has always been part of the historical evolution within the communities of the triangulated networks of ecological cultures and co-dependent cultures to the ecological systems. The two cultures of Native America and India (South Asia) though connected with nomenclature of Indian also have historical and ecological trajectories of commonalities. Studies on Indian identity by Kennedy and Fisher (2007), Deloria & Salisbury (2008), Lyman (2010), Cave (2014), Huddleston (2015), and Lima (2016) have comprehensively discussed about the ecological strengths and foundations of the Native American cultures which derive its affinity with Indian (India) cultures. The cultural and structural parallels among two ecological cultural groups were widely discussed in the studies by already been mentioned above in detail by Beteille, Guha, Parry (2011), Marchi et al. (2016), Treuer (2013), Subbarao (1958) and Woollacott (2015). The connected norms and of ecological cultural identities strengthened themselves with their historical legacies. The Seminole and Miccosukee resilience since the times of their association with the Creek confederacy (Sturtevant, 1958, 2001) reflects their intrinsic relationships with the land and cultures of southeastern regions of the United States of America and Floridian peninsula. With the arrival of Settler colonialism in the United States of America (Sutter, 2003), the transition in the indigenous and Native American resilient patterns evolves on lines of the triangulated model. Therefore, when Seminoles were displaced from the southeastern lands with swamp ecology their adaptation in the ecology of the Everglades, they could adapt to a similar ecology and experience relocation resilience. Similarly, when Bhils were repressed and displaced, they retained their ecocultural understanding of Western India (Sengar, 2017; 2018a b) and reinstated themselves in the postcolonial era in Western India. The reestablishment of Bhil communities in the ecological spaces of Western highlands as power players and knowledge holders of the Western Indian highlands are the evidence of their resilience (Nilsen, 2018). The reinstating of a knowledge owning society of an ecological region doesn’t just reinstate the ecological biome and structural ecosystem, it also strengthens the migratory-nomadic passages building and revival of the urban centers dependent on these two cultures of ecological systems. In the era after eighteenth century, the Florida evolved as a touristic and demographic hub because of the communities codependence and resource utilization efficiency. Similarly, in Western India, the trade route of Delhi-Mumbai-Hyderabad is strengthening itself in ever stronger ways since its ebb phase of colonial era (Sengar, 2017). The gradual rise of the urban center’s which was almost dormant since last two centuries are becoming active trading hubs again, because of the Bhil lands of Khandesh and Marathwada in Western India have shown the ecological resilience17 in the last two centuries.

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Details about these reemergence of trading centers is discussed in the chapter by Bina Sengar and Shaikh Feroz Illyas in this edited volume.

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4 Conclusion The discussion above, therefore, thrusts a response framework of the indigenous/tribal communities from the United States of America and India. The postcolonial discourse which structures itself in the idioms of decolonization in the United States of America, somehow doesn’t qualify itself in the Indian (India) framework for a discourse on response and resilience of Indigenous communities in postcolonial Asian world. The ideological conflicts and internal community dissensions to a great extent are the cause for this non-decolonial response in Asia. Even then, we do come across resilience, revivalism, and reclaiming land and culture movements in India. The reclaiming of sovereignty, land, and its ecological cultures in India by the so-called Tribal communities has reinstated triangulated models of ecological societies. The colonial and settler colonial legacy of the United States of America and India on several common grounds followed the British or the Imperial model for the governance over the natives, which to a great extent distorted and fractured the way the traditional frameworks were functioning in several parts of the world. With the postcolonial policy transitions and the new streams of global connections, what transpired in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries are a shared decolonizing and reconnecting the world, although yet again among the distant yet connected societies of the neo-imperial world. The Indians of United States of America and the tribals of India evolved as conglomerate of collected ideas for governance and repression. The counter solutions to these repressions came in form of resilience, the socio-political resilience is redefined by the immersed understanding of land and its knowledge systems. Studies on Miccosukee, Seminole and Bhils are the best practices examples, which enable us to further understand these triangulated systems of ecological societies. The ecological cultures could revive because they knew the land and its cultural frameworks, thus, arranging their transitory socio-political-economic models formulated them to reinstate their power and significant roles in the contemporary socio-political order. Notes 1. In discussion of the research paper about ‘Triangulated Model’ of spaces and communities and Ecological Societies phenomenon are discussed as part of the theory propounded by the author. Author also worked on the theory of ‘Triangulated Model of community exchange’ and disseminated it as part of her course developed during the Fulbright assignment in 2018–2019. Course details: https://indigenous.fiu.edu/news/2018/gif-news-for-november2018/https://www.academia.edu/38180671/Bina_Spring_Course_Final_3_pdf 2. While explaining the ecological societies and Triangulation model the historic analysis of resilience and post-colonial models of social frameworks are discussed from Asian societies in this research paper. In the research essay selected pre-colonial models are then attempted to be compared with the Southeastern models of United states.

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Acknowledgements The research for this subject and theory is carried by me over a decade long engagement in the parts of Western India, Northeast India, and Northern parts of India, where I was supported by different granting agencies per se Wellcome Trust UK (2011-2012, 2018-2021) and Indian Council of Historical research (2017-2019). For my research carried in the United States of America, I am truly indebted to Tata Trust (2013) AAS Grant (2014) and Fulbright Nehru Fellowship (2018-2019). During my Fulbright grant period, I got tremendous support to understand and work in the Florida and its ecological regions. About the historical perspectives, my discussions with several scholars and their writings enabled my perspectives on this research. Declarations Partial funding to complete this paper was received from Wellcome Trust-UK and Fulbright Grant: United States of America-India grants, I have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

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Weblinks Democracy In America Alexis de Tocqueville 1831, Chapter XVIII: Future Condition of Three Races in The United States—Part I, The Present and Probable Future Condition of The Three Races Which Inhabit the Territory of The United States. https://americanliterature.com/author/alexis-de-tocqueville/book/democracy-in-america/ chapter-xviii-future-condition-of-three-races-in-the-unites-states-part-i. https://tribal.nic.in/ST/LatestListofScheduledtribes.pdf. Seminoles of Everglades. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4aJL7BtBrq8. The Bhil_Ministry of Tribal Affairs India. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uhTXN-ua3NA.

Fracturing and Formation of Cultural Spaces of Florida Seminole: From Settlements to Reservation Bina Sengar

Abstract The displacement, reallocation, and repatriation often create zoning of communities from their ecological spaces of habitation to created “reservations” (Dippel in J Econ Soc 82(6):2131–2165, 2014; Adams in Who belongs? Race, resources, and tribal citizenship in the native south. Oxford University Press, 2016). Creating reservations or nations within the nation had been a Federal and State politics in the twentieth century United States of America (hereafter USA). How these spaces of “Reservations” affected the cultures of the communities which were displaced from their actual ecological spaces (Guha in Environ Ethics 11(1):1–7, 1989; Hayward in Ecological space: The concept and its ethical significance. Just World Institute Working Paper 2013/02. University of Edinburgh, 2013) in Native American history? For these reservations as spaces defined transitions in the cultural identities, value systems, ethics, and cross-cultural relationships of Native American communities with the neighboring settler cultures. In the research paper, the ecological-cultural-geopolitics of reservations will be discussed in context to formation of Seminole identities in Florida and how it affected their cultural spaces in the twentieth and twenty-first century. The dynamics of reservations will then be investigated further through the socio-cultural relationships and formation and transitions in the identities of Seminole community. The research methods in the paper are primarily based on archival and public domain data available in print and visual media resources. Some aspects of ethnographic observations in the public domain are in the form of field notes and digital observations, which are also applied in the This research paper is the outcome of my Fulbright grant period 2018–2019. During my work period as research affiliate and visiting faculty to Department of Global and Sociocultural studies of Florida International University, I got tremendous support to understand and work in the Florida region. There I could interact and observe the Miccosukee and Seminole communities. During my stay in Florida, I had several discussions with distinguished colleagues and scholars which enabled my perspectives on this research. I am especially thankful to Prof. Dennis Wiedman, my Fulbright fellowship invitee during my nine months stay and affiliation to Florida International University with whom I had several discussions related to research carried for this paper. B. Sengar (B) Department of History an Ancient Indian Culture, School for Social Sciences, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad 431004, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_3

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narrative as a methodology to discuss historical transition of Seminole identity in Florida. In the chapter, discussions and arguments are raised about the creations of Seminole reservations through the multiple narratives. These reservations of Seminole community are in spatial geographies which are integral part of the microscopic historic narratives of state of Florida and Native American history. Thus, the research paper will discuss upon the ideas of identities in the historical context of the Seminole community in their ecological-cultural spaces of Florida. Keywords Everglades · Florida · Seminole · Miccosukee · Native American · Reservations

1 Introduction The history and historical contributions of Seminole as Native American community of Florida have transformed the way we understand “Indian” identity in the North American continent. From the times of their settlements in the Florida’s swamp lands to being the most affluent societies of the Florida’s touristic landscapes, Seminole community has acquired and reinstated the idea, that the Native Americans were there and are there to retell the stories of Native America. When I began my understanding of Seminole and Native American histories as an Indian from India, there were certain question which were there with me for my research about the methodology and approaches, per se, such as how the native histories to be understood? What are the perceptions toward the cultural interpretations? How does the community reciprocate to the external agencies seeking historical narratives and interpretations? Such questions and apprehensions stated were not limited to me, the scholars from India prior to me had also probed into the similar questions regarding Native American history when they wrote about American Indian traditions through Indian (India) perspectives.1 Therefore, for my preliminary understanding of Indian cultures and histories of the America, various historiographical interpretation and historical narratives became important for initial analysis. I come from an academic culture where the historical narrations are constantly discussed within the Eurocentric, Orientalists, and Marxists debates, and the Indic approach to reinstate Indian version of community histories in India continues to be a debate on its own as “Nationalist” approach. The context of South Asia or Asian indigeneity is often criticized and problematized as the idea of “ecological nationalism,” in writings of South Asian environmental historians, the nativist version of ecological space acquisition and its reclamation refers to “a condition where both cosmopolitan and nativist versions of nature devotion converge and express themselves as a form of nationpride in order to become part of processes legitimizing and consolidating a nation. This concept of nationalism links cultural and political aspirations with programs of nature conservation or environmental protection, while noting their expression in, and through, a rhetoric of rights and includes civil, human, and intellectual property rights,” (Cederlof, Sivaramakrishnan, 2006: 6) “This key recognition—of the hybrid

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nature of identity politics in a political universe of right-based government and political activism—leads us to refuse the insistence that all indigenous and traditionalist claims are merely act of strategic self-essentializing cultural identity politics. [Assertion for land and its ecological sanctity with community ownership] …of recognizing claims to territory, resources, and the desire to maintain subsistence livelihoods. The language of nature intimacy, stewardship, and respect for lived landscapes, as also other claims that affirm affinities between cultural identity and the environment, is perhaps “new political performatives” that seek to assert forms of sovereignty that groups and communities hope to establish on the hitherto unelaborated ground of human rights mediated by place attachments. Ecological nationalism pre-supposes a radical change in the human relations with the environment, which may imply change in social and political life. (Cederlof, Sivaramakrishnan, 2006: 7). Ecological Spaces and Ethnicity: Whether in Europe, India, or the Western Hemisphere, environmental thought is almost always tightly connected to the closely related concepts of homeland and landscape. While narrating details in this chapter, I have identified these homeland and landscapes as “ecological spaces” and “ecological communities.” Bramwell (1989), for example, locates “ecologism” within a context of Northern European, [or American] nationalism and nativism. Environmental concerns within the indigenous spaces arise when their traditional environs are altered or spoiled, contrary to it, the settles come with an objective to alter the land as per their suitability. Thus, altering of indigenous spaces by the settler is bound to be destructed by the settlers, making it not suitable for indigenous to continue their traditional methods of life and livelihood (Lynch, 1993, Sengar, 2016b). While new age postcolonial Native American histories and cultural narratives profusely contained in itself nativist approach. The critical stands of Native American narratives about their histories against the America-centric, Eurocentric, and Western view (Fixico, 1996) gave a fresh perspective to look toward the problematic in the settler colonial narratives (Veracini, 2010) to homeland ecological spaces. As an Indian from India, my introduction to Seminole identity initially began with the many writings which one comes across about the community. These writings range from historiographical approaches of diplomatic frontier positioning (Henneton, 2015) to postcolonial approaches of Native narratives. The historic narratives about Seminole are diverse in their approaches. They introduce to a scholar about various perspectives defining the Seminole community identities. The historical evolution of the Seminole in the historic time frames of the Florida’s history also helps us in exploring external agencies which brought significant transition in the Seminole histories and cultures. In the America-centric ethno-histories of Seminole, the community narrations are in the contexts of United States of America and its history. These narratives cannot be considered as internal or as the voices of the communities, but they are more like a diplomatic version of the State. As we could see in the writing below. The Indians that we are dealing with are those in the South-east who were not Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, that is, they were not considered to be part of the other southeastern “civilized” tribes. Refugee bands of Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, did live among the Muscogulges and usually were knows as Creeks or Seminoles. Muscogulges

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B. Sengar lived in Alabama, Georgia and Florida and had geography as much as anything in common. Osceola was a Creek in Alabama and a Seminole in Florida. He did not change-he remained a Tallassee-but white perceptions of him did. A matter of further confusion was the fact that in the late eighteenth century an observer could look at …Indians and discover that, though they dressed in usual native fashion, their skins were black, and they had {Ne…} [African] features. The African influence in these southeastern Indian was considerable. (Wright, 1986:6).

Although written in the late twentieth century, the above quote from James Wright’s work predominantly developed its arguments on the writings of nineteenth century travel writers, administrative historians, anthropologists, and ethnographers. Brent Weisman in his book “Unconquered People: Florida’s Seminole and Miccosukee Indians” begins his narratives about the Seminoles with the question: who are the Seminoles? While detailing on the question about the historically explained identity of the Seminole, he further elaborates that we cannot write an accurate account of Seminole, because; “They tell their own stories, they speak their own voices.” (Weisman, 1999:2) There are several limitations in the positivist historical methods which when applied to understand native histories, it fails to meet the requirements and judicious narration of the versions with people’s perspectives, about whom we want to write about. Within the Seminole community histories too we come across such problematic, wherein paucity of Seminole versions of history fails to address the past in objectivity. Somehow, the historical methods applied in writing history are not sufficient when we write histories of native cultures, be it Native American communities or Tribal communities of India or any of the indigenous community of the world (which remains the primary subject of debate in this edited volume and present chapter too). With native communities enabled with limited written records, their historical understanding and repository of knowledge are lived in their cultural traditions (Salisbury & Deloria, 2008). Without access to collaborative participation of communities in writing or narrating their own histories, what we produce then is an outsider’s version of past. As given in the quote by James Wright in his book on histories of Seminoles of Florida, he too navigated through sources which were there in the ethnographic or administrative accounts which further problematized the identity and historical accuracy of Seminoles past. The questions on “native identity” and Americanization of the New World narratives are often juxtaposed with the “Indian”/“Native American” with in the frameworks of American history when Native American communities and their histories are brought into mainstream historical debates. In postcolonial narratives, where we address aspects of decolonization of historical eurocentrism or here in context of Seminole history, we will be developing critique of Americacentric approach. While addressing the historical events of Florida and their impact on the society and culture of Seminole, we are required to have a nativist version of Florida Indians to elaborate our arguments. The research is primarily an investigation through secondary and primary archival sources on Seminole as community transitions from Southeast bands of Muscogee creek to being Cimmaron, and later being as “Seminole” in Florida. The transition of community identity after displacement and resettlement in the similar ecological spaces may have brought transition in the

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nomenclature, yet the adaptation with the similar ecological habitat and accentuating it with the cultural adaptation is what marks, Seminole as the perfect “Glades People” of Everglades. Ecological adaptation to Florida by the Seminole community members is a long historical process, which not only enabled them to imbibe its eco-cultural elements but also to safeguard its ecological territories from colonial settlements. As part of the study and methodology, I am truly grateful to and acknowledge my Fulbright tenure in Florida International University during 2018–2019 which enabled me to do my groundwork and research on Seminole and other Native American communities of Southeast and Central parts of the United States of America. My colleague in Florida International University Prof. Wiedman was great support and mentor during my Fulbright grant period in Miami-Florida. During our several discussions about Seminole community’s contributions in Florida, we brainstormed on their historical contribution and contemporary remarkable roles. Along with Seminole, it is the Miccosukee community which equally deserves significant details, while we address Seminole Reservations as Native American cultural spaces in Florida. Therefore, in this chapter, I will discuss about Seminole where references of Miccosukee will appear. The ethnographic observations about the Seminole and their relationships with neighboring communities in Miami urban spaces and those in the reservations are primarily based on my visits during the open to public events in the Seminole and Miccosukee festivals. Also, during my works in Ah-Tah-Thi-Ki Museum and library in the Big Cypress Reservation of Seminole, I interacted with several scholars who contributed through their research on Seminole and Everglades ecology. Everglades, also defined as “river of grass,” primarily remains the defining ecological space for Seminole and Miccosukee communities in Florida. How did the cultural identity of Seminole become synonyms with Everglades and its ecological spaces? This question was attempted to explore by me during my several visits in Everglades with Miccosukee and Seminole boat riders. Also, while understanding the Everglades, I could situate the cultural contexts of Seminole identity formation around the Everglades and its ecology. The methodological framework and their outcomes through observations, discussions, and correlating primary and secondary textual references are discussed in the chapter below. However, in the present study due to limited access and paucity of active collaborative participation of the Seminole community in narrating the past, what I am presenting is a problematized version of the Seminole history in the late nineteenth and twentieth century.

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2 Fracturing Ecological Societies and Indigeneity in the Seminole Society: Linearity and Plurality of Narratives The fracturing and formation of cultural spaces of Seminole in Florida is a debated discussion in the ethno-historical and anthropological accounts in American history. Through this chapter, an attempt is made to discuss the dynamics of transition in the history of Seminole community during the late nineteenth and twentieth century. What brought the subjectivity in the indigeneity of the Seminole in Florida is their settlements history. The histories of Seminoles are discussed extensively in the massive writings from the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and contemporary ethnographers, anthropologists, and historians. In these histories, we come across a historical trajectory of movements and settlement patterns of Seminoles in Florida. How did Seminole become settlers in the Floridian Swamps? What were the processes of indigenizing the land? What were the traditional skills and kinship among the Seminole and settlers of Florida? Consequently, how these settlements got transformed into reservations of Seminoles? Thus, the chapter will build upon the ideas of identities in the historical context in the last one century for the Seminole in Florida, where the displaced community, their origin, and situational space and place are debated with their community identities and thereafter, how they were denied access to their own land. The questions of investigation will enter into space place debate. As discussed in the first chapter of this edited volume, the context of space and place of ecological community identities evolves with their human-environmental correlation. The determinants of the ecological habitat determine the nature and culture of community identities. The formation of community cultures evolves in its eco-terrain which gives impetus to structured socio-cultural and economic models based on the ecological sources and their utilization. With the gradual human creative exchange evolves the patterns of community networks. These networks glide and connect the three-tier systems (Refer chapter-1) of triangulation among ecological societies, dependent urban models of these cultures and the settler-migrants. While we examine the patterns of demographic expansion and shifts of historical traditions in Seminole cultures, we come across linearity in the settlement and ecological networks. For example, Seminole who are essentially part of the Creek confederacy followed the Urban-Forest/Rural-Swamp ecological systems in their economic-cultural patterns of growth. This triangulated system of their cultural economy continued even when they were displaced to habitats of Florida Everglades. For the displaced terrain was similar and they could further build upon it, with their ecological knowledge systems. Let us delve into the historic details of the Creek confederacy and their close-knit relations with the “swamp ecology” and “Seminole.” The southeastern “ecological cultures” which were known as “Creek Confederacy” or The Creek Indians who are more properly called the Muscogee, alternatively spelled Mvskoke. These groups of Indians or Native Americans had a wide community network speaking languages of the various linguistic groups. According to Oklahoma Historical Society narratives.

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Creek oral tradition, recorded in the eighteenth century, told a legend of migration of one group of ancestral Creeks who established a colony at the Ocmulgee site near present Macon, Georgia. From that colony grew the pivotal towns of Cusseta and Coweta, in the period of A.D. 900–1000. The historic Creek Confederacy eventually was widespread and influential. Early twentieth century scientists speculated that Mississippian migrants had left their homeland in the central Mississippi Valley and journeyed onto the Macon Plateau, settling at Ocmulgee before beginning their regional expansion. Archaologists corroborated that Ocmulgee Mounds was one of the ancestral Creek residences.1

The explanations above bring into light the systems of governance among the Creek confederacy with the transition in economy and demographic change. It also highlights on the aspects that the community which has habituated itself in a terrain which they evolved ancestrally as ecological system preferred to migrate also in the similar ecosystems. Thus, demographic shift in a similar ecology enables the ancestral or traditional knowledge of community to further thrive their demography and economic-cultural traditions. In the quote below, we could further see how the swamp cultures were part of the community practices of Creek confederacy. The name of the Cusabo first appears in the form ‘Cocapoy’ in a letter of Governor Pedro Menendez Marques dated January 3, 1580. It is there given as the name of a big town occupied by … [–-] Indians and strongly placed in a swamp, about 15 leagues from the Spanish fort at Santa Elena. The tribe appears later as one of the accused of fomenting an uprising against the Guale missionaries in 1597, and afterward among those appealed to for help in putting down. There is every reason to believe that its appellation was connected in some way with that of the Coosa Indians of South Carolina, how is not certain. (Swanton, 1922: 16).

The Creek Confederacy Indians/Native Americans were efficient community knowledge holders and knew intensively to thrive on the ecology of the Southeast plains, river valleys, and swamps. Therefore, when conflicts among the settlers and communities within the Creed confederacy began, then there were channels of migrations which ensued toward in significant numbers toward the Swamp territories of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippian region. Among the group of linguistic communities which came toward Florida and its southern territories were” Muskogean Group Southern Division: Apalachee, Hitchiti group: Hitchiti, Apalachicola, Sawkili, Okmulgee, Oconee, Tamali, Chiaha, and Mikasuki. Muskogean Group-Northern Division were Kashita, Coweta, Coosa, Abhika, Holiwahali, Enfaula, Hilibi, Wakokai, Tukalahasee, Okchai, Pakana, Seminole. Other than these two Muskogean linguistic-based communities, there were Timuquanan stockTimucua and South Florida Indians of Calusa, Tekesta, Ais, Jeaga and Tamahita. (Swanton, 1922: 16) In present scenario, the two linguistic groups which primarily living in Florida are Seminole and Mikasuki or Miccosukee communities. How these linguistic groups when got pushed by the colonization of settler colonialism adapted themselves with ecology of Florida and got their diverse linguistic stocks curtailed in few communities linguistics? What were the transition in their settlement patterns and how they formulated the resilience patterns of Creek confederacy in Florida? In 1

Oklahoma History Society: Creek Indians- Weblink: https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/ entry.php?entry=CR006 accessed on 15th November, 2021 09:00 p.m.

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the contemporary history of twentieth century, was the Seminole resilience corroborated with the triangulation method of ecological societies? The following sections of the chapter will be discussing about all above investigative questions and their historical transitions in the history of Seminole community. From the times of early writings on Seminole community and their history as written by scholars and early administrators like Chapman (1897), Winsor (1888), Swanton (1922) to the interventions of anthropological accounts of Sturtevant (1958) to Jessica Cattelino (2008), these are versions on writings about Seminoles from the outsiders perspectives. With the establishment of the Tribal Historical Preservation Office (THPO) and their archives and publications, the native version of the Seminole history also happens to be most vividly explained and fortunately, a lot of their contents are also on public domain. With many of these writings, a history researcher like me, who comes with an outsider yet with the non-Eurocentric world view could distinguish the various versions of narratives with their own colonial and indigenous perspectives. While assessing the writings on Seminole from the times of early nineteenth century ethnographers to that of twentieth and twenty-first century narratives of historians and anthropologists, it remained a question for me as how these various interpretations determine what remains exclusive to Seminole pasts? That is what written is going to be absolute for Seminole and not to what we identify as Creek confederacy. As an interrogative version to explore passages of narrations of Seminole and their pasts, through the Creek history determines a coherent model of codependence among the communities of the confederacy. Simultaneously, as the communities shifted due to political reasons from north to south, these patterns of codependence continued. Yet the plurality of linguistic and cultural diversity within the communities of “Florida Indians” pertains to shift toward a linearity. The historical literature available in the repositories of Seminole and other native communities of Florida describes the diversity both in cultural patterns, community co-dependent working relationships, and exchange in the community knowledge systems. Fracturing of a terrain or an ecological space is an outcome of multiple factors. When we study the past of the fracturing of Creek confederacy and Seminole wars, we come across colonization, settler community domination, and dislocation caused due to inter-tribal conflicts within the ecological spaces of community cultures (Wright, 1968). Colonization and conflicting territorial colonization among Spanish, British, and Creek communities confederacy led to the splintering and sparse dispersal of linguistics groups of communities within the Creeks. Seminole who was a branch of this confederacy is described with their migratory patterns in Florida by Covington as follows: Seminole migration in Florida came into three phases: Between 1702 and 1740 the Seminoles made raids against the Spaniards and their Apalachee allies; although they acquired much knowledge of the Florida terrain, they made no significant settlements during this period. Between 1740 and 1812, at least six Seminole villages were established in the northern part of Florida; small parties explored the entire peninsula in search of deer, bear and other game and made contact with Cuban fishermen. The third phase came between 1812 and 1820, when the pressures in Alabama and Georgia forced many Upper and Lower Creeks to move into Florida…. The first Seminoles were really Creeks who had migrated to Florida, and so they operated under the Creek form of government [Covington (1993:5)].

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3 From Seminole a Linguistic Group of Creek Confederacy to Seminole Tribe of Florida Colonial perceptions of community identities are situated in the bloodlines, kinship, and association to lands of habitation.2 The concepts associated to community identities in the colonial/Eurocentric narratives were often derived from the borrowed world view which brought subjectivity in identity narrations (Poddar and Subba, 1991). In these narratives, tremendous amount of information is lost in interpretation and transliteration leading to often relegated and appropriated narratives which in definite terms do not qualify to the cultural traditions to which the community belongs (Harris and Wasilewski, 2004). Contrary to the prevailing ethnographic narratives, interconnected community relations are subjective in the native/indigenous cultures. 3 Weisman in his above stated book further highlighted these complexities in the Seminole identity narratives and reiterated by stating; “This is a book about the culture and history of the Florida Seminoles, but it is not their story. It is not truly possible, much less even remotely desirable, for any anthropologist or historian to speak for the Seminoles.” (Weisman, 1999:1). Colonial settlers and their consequent political crisis which emerged after their arrivals in any given colonized land brought displacements and fracturing of the community identities (Dipple, 2014). Post-conquest era when required the administrative ethnographic narratives, it brought with them their complex narrative styles, which although remain the primal documents of anthological accounts, yet they posit the challenge about their authenticity and projectile clarity in objective analysis of the actual truth of the community relations which were prevalent in the actual terrain. Thus, their scope for further explorations in the identity quests remains. Florida is the southeastern peninsular part of United States of America (Hereafter USA). The State became part of the USA in 1821 with the Adams–Onís treaty signed between United States and Spain on February 22, 1819, by John Quincy Adams, U.S. Secretary of State, and Luis de Onís, Spanish minister. The Treaty shifted to a large extent the Native American and African American history of Florida (Rosen, 2015). Before we discuss in detail the historical transition Seminole community of Florida, we need to understand the physiography of Florida and its influence over its inhabitants (Fig. 1).

4 Physiography and Ecology of Florida The physiography and location of Florida as a peninsula make it one of the most favorable regions to connect cultures from different parts of the world. On the southeastern borderland, territory of the North American continent with the Atlantic Ocean on the east and the Gulf of Mexico on the west gave the peninsula benefits of connectivity with diverse cultures and favorable tropical climatic zone. The geographic location of Florida made it accessible to different trans-Atlantic cultures, especially the African

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Fig. 1 Ecoregions of Florida. Source Map based on ecoregions of Florida by Griffits and et al.4

and Eurasian continents through the seafaring routes. The ecoregions of Florida are identified as Upland of Tallahassee and flood plains of Northern Florida. Thereafter, we come across in Eastern and Western Coastal lands, which enclose the marshlands of Florida, well known as “Everglades.” In the central part of Florida, we have the large lake of Okeechobee which remains one of the central eco-cultural regions of Florida. As we go south, we come across swamp ecological space of Everglades and coastal plains and marshlands along the coral islands of the Keys.2 Connected geographic spaces of Florida (Hackney, 1992) to southeast region of the United States determines the community cultures and their interconnectedness. How these spaces affected the cultures of the communities defined transitions in their cultural identities, value systems, ethics, and their cross-cultural relationships with communities of neighboring cultures. Review of literature and discussions on parallel studies on displacement and re-acquisition. (Seminole in Florida are more about Acquisitions than displacement). 2

The ecological affinity in the Southeastern states of the United states https://www.usgs.gov/news/ ecosystems-southeastern-us-are-vulnerable-climate-change.

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Native peoples lived and thrived throughout the peninsula for thousands of years. Archeological evidence indicates humans in northern Florida at 14,500 BP and the southernmost areas of the peninsula as early as 11,000 years ago BP (Carr, 2012). European explorers encountered hundreds of different Indian/Native American groups living in every part of the peninsula. Most notably, at the time of European contact, South Florida was inhabited primarily by the Calusa on the southwest Gulf coast and Tequesta on the southeast Atlantic coast. In the northern peninsula were the Timucuan and Apalachee (Milanich, 1998). All the communities lived in the natural zones and proficiently utilized habitat of their natural surroundings. As we see in Fig. 2: Apalachee and Timucuan communities lived in the panhandle and the northeastern coastal lands of the Northern parts of Florida and had access to both sea and highlands. They lived in towns supported by hunting, fishing, and the farming of corn, beans, and squash and were part of the Creek confederacy and its socio-economic network. Through extensive trade routes, they were connected to the large cities of Etowah and Moundville to their north (in current day states of Georgia and Alabama). Calusa and Tequesta were living in South Florida around and south of Lake Okeechobee. On the southwest coast, the Calusa thrived on the marine resources of the Gulf of Mexico using large canoes. Their towns were situated on islands among the coastal wetland estuaries which were built up above sea level and were extended by the large amount of oyster shells they consumed. Governed by chiefs and kin-based family lineages, they built canals to facilitate transportation and connect key resources with their living spaces as their populations grew (Granberry, 2011). In the center part of South Florida is Lake Okeechobee where fresh water flowed south in a wide river of grass to the Gulf of Mexico, known today as the “Everglades.” During the times of these tribes, Lake Okeechobee used to be called as Mayaimi, which meant “Big water” in the language of the Calusa, from the same lake emerged river Miami based on which today’s Miami town got its name. The Tequesta on the southeastern side of the peninsula is most noted for their town on the north and south side of the mouth of the Miami River where the city of Miami is today. From here, they exploited the fish and marine resources of the bay and ocean, as well as the inland marshlands. Archeological evidence indicates that Tequesta people seasonally lived throughout the southeastern coastal plains, bays, and islands extending into the Keys. For decades, the Tequesta collected European products from the numerous Spanish shipwrecks along the ocean reefs of Keys, and Tequesta people resisted the Spanish raiders, missionaries, and settlers who were primarily located to the south in Havana, Cuba. The famous Tequesta sacred site is today one of the major protected monuments of Miami known as “Miami Circle” at Brickell point. The area of the habitation of Calusa and Tequesta today comes under Miami Dade County, Broward County, Monroe County, Collier County, and Hendry County. They habituated the marshland and coastal regions of Florida and knew well to live in the difficult marshlands and turbulent coastal and islands ecology. It is important to know that today’s Miami Dade, Collier, Monroe, and Broward County gain a lot of their cultural, environmental, and territorial legacy from Calusa and Tequesta indigenous communities. The present lands we see today in Miami Dade County were not like the way it was

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Fig. 2 Florida Indians in eighteenth century. Source Map reworked on source map by James W. Covington

in the past. The entire region of South Florida to a large extent was marshlands like that of the “Everglades,” and the urban lands along the east and west coasts today were built up from soil dredged from canals and lakes since the 1920s. Living in these marshlands required special skills to which Calusa and Tequesta people were proficient. In early decades of sixteenth century, it is stated by some sources that the first Spanish explorer who reached Florida was Juan Ponce De Leon who after several attempts met people of Calusa tribe. However, there were already trade relations among Spaniards with other indigenous communities of the region through Gulf of Mexico trade. (Treuer, 2014).

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5 Early Triangulations and Ecological Cultural Transition: Early Native Americans, African Enslaved and Freed People, and European Settler Colonialists in the Florida When Spaniards came to Florida as explorers and traders, African people accompanied them as trading partners and adventurers. Famous among such free African people was Juan Garrido who accompanied Juan Ponce De Leon to first visit Florida in 1512 C.E. Thus, earliest arrivals of African people in South Florida go back to sixteenth century. (Colburn et al. 2017) During those times, people of African community settled and became trading mediators or even started living with the communities of Tequesta and Calusa people, traveling between Caribbean territories and Southern Florida. They learned how to survive and thrive. When the Spanish explorers came along with them, they brought Africans initially as enslaved population and later as free explorers. These African explorers and enslaved people further explored Florida and established the major African American settlement in the Northern part of Florida known as St. Augustine established in 1565. St. Augustine became a major center for the people coming from different parts and communities of Africa. (Colburn & Landers, 2017). With more and more incursions of Spanish colonizers in Florida, indigenous communities of South Florida were nearly annihilated, becoming more confined in the deep interiors of the peninsula and the Everglades marshlands. This brought a Spanish need for more African workforce. Eventually, African free explorers and slaves became significant work force in Florida along with Spanish towns. By late decades of sixteenth century, Spaniards gained control over territories of Calusa and Tequesta communities, also in Northern parts of Florida, they exerted control over Timucuan and Apalachee communities through their base of St. Augustine. Meanwhile, African population was a major workforce in the Cuba, Puerto Rico, Bahamas, and neighboring Caribbean Islands comprising both free and bonded slaves. African people were used as filling the deficit in the workforce of Florida. Due to coming of Spaniards, the original indigenous communities were vanquished, sold as slaves in different parts of Spanish colonies, or died because of diseases and warfare in defense of their lands. The Spaniards made the conquered lands to be cultivated and mined by the remaining Native Americans and African communities brought in Florida.3 The different geographic regions from northern highlands to the eastern coastal parts of Florida were started to be used for cattle ranching, logging, cultivation, plantation, and mining. For further trading of these goods and similar market purposes, coastal towns were developed: Fort Caroline (Present Jacksonville), Apalachicola in the Panhandle, Tampa on the west coast, Miami and earlier town settlements were established near the present Fort Lauderdale area by the Spaniards in Florida. The emerging urban settlements and patterns of work which thrived along brought Native Americans and the enslaved African communities in alliances, where 3

Walter Schmidt and et al. (2013); prepared by the Bureau of Geology, Division of Resource Management, Florida Department of Natural Resources. (https://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00001275/00001/ citation).

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many African Americans joined the Seminole camps and worked with them. The relationships between the communities of the Native Americans and the enslaved African and freed men were based on mutual alliance. Whereas, with the “White” or colonial, settlers relationship was more about exchange and servitude. This kind of cultural praxis of triangulation model of settlers, slaves, and natives in Florida continued for almost a century till 1763, where indigenous communities of Florida and African people exchanged their knowledge to live and thrive in the environments of Florida. The interiors of marshland were now developed ecological human habitats by the Native Americans with strengthening support and assistance from African American communities. The African enslaved population was often assimilated among the Native cultures of Seminoles as “Black Seminoles” and some of the African people living in Florida since the sixteenth century both as free migrants coordinated and contributed in the growth of the Seminole establishments in the Florida. A lot of free slaves who lived since long in Keys and present Miami Dade County contributed to the growth of agrarian, plantation, and ranching activities under the Seminole and Mikasuki communities (Wasserman, 2010). Arrival of Native American and African Slave Communities from Appalachian Mountain and Mississippi Valley Cultures to Florida “Creek Confederacy,” 1763– 1783: In the year 1763, due to seven years of wars in Europe under an agreement, Spaniards gave Florida to British in lieu of which Spanish received Philippines and Cuba for imperial colonization. Meanwhile, Florida became part of the expansionist proviso of the British against France. Britishers divided Florida into two parts: East Florida and West Florida. In the new territory, British were trying to extend their thirteen colonies from New England throughout the southeast (of present USA) along with Florida. Hence, to gain full control of the region, they started aggressive land grabbing in Florida from Native American communities. As a result, a lot of Native American communities from Creek confederacy and Mississippi cultures started migrating or joining the indigenous communities in the marshlands of Florida. Similarly, a lot of African slaves working under French and British plantation owners also fled from Southeastern parts (Present USA) of Virginia, Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and New Orleans and joined native American in their struggle against aggressive British occupation (Fig. 3). Villages and communities of Creek displaced southeastern tribal groups and runaway African slaves formed among the lush pine and oak forests in northern Florida, beyond the southern border of the English colony of Georgia. Cowkeeper, the first leader and forefather of the Seminole tribe had settled around 1740 in Coscowilla in central northern Florida, south of present-day Gainesville. Here, the expansive Paynes Prairie provided rich grazing lands for large herds of cattle. Their identity as a people is noted in a letter written in 1774 by Lieutenant Governor of British East Florida addressed to “The Cowkeeper and other Headmen and Warriors of the Creek Nation.” Coscowilla is recognized by the Seminole today as the first settlement of their people in Florida where many of their famous leaders derived from relatives of Cowkeeper (Ah-Tha-Thi-Ki, 2008:7–9).

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Fig. 3 Early settlements of Seminole in Florida. Source Map redrafted based on map by James W. Covington

While Spaniards were leaving Florida in 1763, they had made St. Augustine in East Florida a free town for African Slaves. This political shift created vacuum of power for a while and a lot of free African slaves joined against British with the Native Americans who were already living in Florida and those who came in eighteenth century to Florida from southeastern territories. So, late decades of eighteenth century saw a strong alliance of African population and Native Americans of Florida joining hands against Britishers. This alliance led into several skirmishes between British and Native American African alliances. This alliance proved strengthening in a lot many ways. As a strengthening outcome with this new alliance between 1763 and 1783, Native Americans and Africans re-explored a lot of possibilities in the regions of Florida and glades cultures were revived. New trading towns were established and reclaiming of the glades was done by them. Along with new population also arrived in Florida, immigrants of Irish and British descendant who were given opportunity as free settlers by the colonizers of thirteen colonies of East coast of the United States.

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6 Seminole and Miccosukee Settlements to Reservations The discussion in the following section will further problematize and discuss the formation of Seminole reservations in a spatial geographies and microscopic historic narratives. Although in the present day, we find in Florida a blend of different cultures, but essentially, the indigenous culture and environment of Florida have evolved to a large extent because of Seminole, Miccosukee, and African American communities. During the American war of Independence, Spaniards supported French and captured West Florida from British. Exhausted with a war already Britishers ceded East Florida also to Spaniards through treaty of Paris in 1783. As a result, the divided Florida was now becoming larger part of New Spanish Empire in American Continent. When Spanish arrived again in 1783, Florida had more complex population with African slaves, Native Americans, and new arrived Europeans. Africans slaves largely were bought and sold among Native Americans and Europeans and few of them retained to be free. Most of their population worked in the plantation and cultivation fields in east and west coast plains and trading towns of Florida. (Coker et al., 1991) (Fig. 4). From the early decades of eighteenth century, several groups of Native American communities of southeast US region continued to migrate to Florida to evade conflicts with the British and French. Prior to the eighteenth century, there were cultural and trade connections among Native American communities and nation of Muscogee Creek, Yamasee, Mikasuki living in the southeast (Present Georgia and

Fig. 4 Seminole reservations of Florida. Source Map redrafted based on map by James W. Covington

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Alabama) with those of the indigenous communities of Florida Apalachee, Timucua, Calusa, and Tequesta. During the Creek civil wars and the first Seminole wars, the intercultural alliances within the Native American communities of Florida and the African enslaved and freed community people also evolved among two main native American communities who are known in Florida now as Seminole and Miccosukee. Several bands of Native Americans by the end of eighteenth century took over highlands, forests, and marshlands “glades” region of Florida. These Native American groups were resisting British and French colonizers in the north and Spanish in the east and southern parts. The Spanish collectively called the Native Americans as Cimarron, meaning “wild or runaway” (Tiger & Kersey, 2002). The Native Americans, on the other side, called themselves “Isti Siminoli” or “Yat siminoli” which means “Free People” (Tacakas, 2003). The term eventually became “Seminole.” The “Yat siminoli” people broadly spoke two languages; those coming from the upper towns of Muscogee Creek confederacy spoke “Muscogee,” whereas those living in the lower towns of the region spoke “Hitchiti” who were mainly of the Mikasuki communities. Eventually, the two language speaking communities living in eighteenth century Florida came to be identified as “Seminole” and “Mikasuki or Miccosukee.” “Black Seminole” and Native American Afro-American relations: The second phase of Spanish rule in Florida was empowering to both Native Americans and African communities. The slavery in Spanish Florida was not rigid and exploitative like those of the British and French colonial areas. Moreover, Native American had favorable control over the major territories of forest lands, where many African runaway slaves took refuge and became part of Seminole communities. These runaway slaves were adopted as family members by the Seminole families and came to be known as “Black Seminole” (Porter, 2013). The number of runaway slaves taking refuge with Seminoles was demographically empowering and gave martial strength to two different ethnic groups. The result of this alliance was “Negro Fort,” which was built by Black Seminoles overlooking Appalachicola river of Florida panhandle. The fort and territories east and south of it were controlled by Native Americans and Black Seminoles and free African community people, which led to various skirmishes among British and French against Black Seminoles and Native Americans in Florida. The fort was also a major battle site during Seminole wars. The overgrowing conflicts due to runaway slaves and British claiming land and people in Florida brought the United States in conflicts with Spain. The Treaty of The Adams–Onís was signed between USA and Spain on February 22, 1819, by John Quincy Adams, U.S. Secretary of State, and Luis de Onís, Spanish minister. The Treaty eventually ceded all rights of East and West Florida to USA and Spain gave up all its rights on Florida. By 1821, the USA took complete rights over Florida, however, Seminoles, Mikasuki along with Black Seminoles did not accept the rule of the USA and waged wars against the new rule. Three wars were fought between USA and Seminoles: First Seminole war from 1816 to 1819, Second Seminole War from 1835 to 1842 and Third Seminole War from 1855 to 1858. In all these wars, the United States fought to eliminate Native American and Black Seminoles from

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Florida and make them leave to live in Indian territory (present Oklahoma). However, the resistance given by the Native American along with Black Seminoles was difficult for settler colonialists to completely isolate and remove Seminole and Mikasuki from Florida. After Third Seminole war, an undeclared truce prevailed and none of the group fought. Eventually, less than 500 Seminole remained in the Everglades leading to their identity as the “Unconquered Seminole.” After 1858, Seminole, Miccosukee, and Black Seminole chose to go in deep interiors of the Everglades marshlands living in family groups on tree islands and higher land from where they could hunt the abundant animals and plant their gardens of fruits and vegetables. Each village had a focal point of a cook house surrounded with living “Chickees.” Family lineages followed the female line, with each matrilineage a part of a clan linking all of the Seminole. To be a recognized tribal member, one must have a Seminole mother. Annual gatherings brought them all together to celebrate the “Green Corn,” to build consensus on political matters, and to reaffirm their Seminole identities. Seasonally, they would travel in dugout canoes to the coasts to trade feathers, furs, and hides at trading posts at the mouth of the Miami river, Fort Lauderdale, and Chokoloskee Island on the southwest coast (West, 1998) Northern visitors frequented the camps along the Miami River paying for crafts, photos, and alligator wrestling. Here, the women excelled in their creation of “patchwork,” sewing colorful strips of cloth together forming designs for their clothing (Downs, 1995). In 1928, the road “Tamiami Trail,” well known as “US-41” divided the Everglades into broad territories. The central part of the Everglades remained marshland, whereas the east and west coasts turned into filled up land for urbanization and tourism. Dredging a canal to build the Tamiami Trail linking the east and west coasts formed a dike limiting the flow of water from north to south interrupting Seminole way of life and canoe paths connecting their tree island communities. With the 1949 founding of Everglades National Park encompassing most of the Everglades south of Tamiami Trail, Seminole were once again forcibly removed from their land and resources. Displaced families moved to the edges of the Tamiami Trail where dirt from the canal provided small areas above the waterline. From these camps, they continued selling crafts and wrestling alligators to travelers as they had done earlier at the Miami River camps. These families became known as the Miccosukee. This transition brought a lot of upheavals in the environment of South Florida. Ironically, the communities of the Native Americans and of the African American origin, who immensely contributed to the building and developing of the Tamiami Trail, were worst affected with this new pathway. The trail brought major transitions in the environment and economy of Florida, yet fracturing the ecological settlements of the Native Americans and the enslaved communities.4 For long, USA did not allow the Seminole, Miccosukee, Black Seminoles, and African American communities to have citizenry rights in Florida. The Seminole and 4

Schellhammer, Mark, “Florida’s Paradox of Progress: An Examination Of The Origins, Construction, And Impact Of The Tamiami Trail” (2012). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004–2019. 2418. Also see: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2418 https://scholar.harvard.edu/hawk/publicati ons/what-happens-when-flow-stopsa-look-tamiami-trail%E2%80%99s-ecological-impact-evergl ades.

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Miccosukee communities however, established their territories in form of various forest tracts zones. In 1957, Seminole community became part of Bureau of Indian Affairs and as a result, their territories in different parts of Florida came to be known as recognized Indian lands and Reservations of Seminoles. Although prior to it with the interventions of, such as Brighton, Big Cypress, Hollywood, Immokalee, Fort Pierce, and Tampa. In 1968, the Miccosukee Tribe of Florida was recognized by the Federal Government under the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Their reservations also received recognition, they are Tamiami Trail Miccosukee Reservation, Alligator Alley Miccosukee Reservation, and Krome Avenue Miccosukee Reservation. Tribal recognition and reservation status brings self-government under Federal laws, not the laws and rules of local or state governments. They manage their own health clinics, schools, infrastructures, and resources. Each of these reservations enjoys unique physical environments, economic potentials, and relationships to neighboring peoples. Seminoles on Brighton reservation on the northwest coast of Lake Okeechobee continue their long tradition of cattle ranching (Ah-tha-Thi-Ki, 2008). Hollywood, Coral Springs, and Tampa thrive with gaming and entertainment among the millions of people on the urban coasts. In 1981, the Seminole successfully won the US Supreme Court decision to operate bingo and gaming on their reservations, free of local, state, and national taxation. This major legal precedent for tribal sovereignty enabled federally recognized tribes throughout the US to begin gambling and casinos as major revenue sources. (Cattelino, 2008). Seminole are so successful; they now own “Hard Rock Cafes” in over 100 major cities throughout the world. Seminole Tribe of Florida Incorporated are well known for their “Hard Rock” brand on the major football stadium in South Florida. Their “Guitar Hotel” at the Hollywood Casino and Resort can be seen for miles around and they are one of the leading employers in Broward County Florida. As multi-national corporation, their enterprises employ tens of thousands of people from a wide array of ethnicities and nationalities. Their individual and tribal identities are manifested every day in their wearing dresses, shirts, and vests with their colorful patchwork designs. Eventually with the coming of urbanization at a massive scale, with the beginning of the twentieth century and opening of railroads and navigable interconnected highways peoples mobility increased and along with tourism refined the financial avenues in Florida. With that came up diversification and bargaining skills at the foundation of the identities and business successes of Seminole community (Wiedman, 2010). Besides these reservations, we come across a lot of large-scale farm culture areas where African American community contributed a lot in the agricultural and ranching activities. However, with the abolishing of plantation activities, large-scale farming emerged. As stated above, the African Americans and Native Americans worked in tandem and cooperation in developing environment and economy of South Florida. The major large-scale farming activities, which contribute to the food supply of Florida, are garnered in the areas of South Florida. With the increased urbanization post-1927 and increased transportation and communication with US-41, other than cropland and farming, groves and gardens also developed massively in South Florida to meet the food supply demand in the State. Native Americans and African Americans remain the major work force and skilled professionals who grew food of diverse

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variety in South Florida, mainly Miami Dade County. With changing times, a lot of people are migrating in Florida especially in Miami Dade County from different parts of the world and becoming active work force in the agricultural and animal-based food productions. The diverse population coming in Florida have brought with them different varieties of food and eating habits which has further enriched the food plate of Florida. Being tropical in its environment, Florida has adaptability to different food crops. However, the indigenous plant and animal-based food products were nurtured well by the Native American and African American communities in various plains, marshlands, and coastal areas of Florida and till today they have maintained the indigenous nature of Florida alive. Since the sixteenth century, the agriculture, plantation (later large-scale farms), gardening, and fishing activities in the Florida were well understood by the African American community. They shared this knowledge with the indigenous communities of Florida and reshared them with Seminole and Miccosukee communities. While most of the settlers remained in the established coastal towns per se Miami, Fort Lauderdale, Tampa, etc., in Florida. African Americans and Native Americans essentially learnt the essential skills of the vibrant and turbulent environment of Florida and developed viable skills to produce food and shelter in this land, with the transmitted ancestral ecological knowledge of earlier communities of Florida and also the kind of knowledge systems they inherited from the ancestral system of riverine and swamp ecological community systems of Southeast Creek confederacy. The hardest part of living in Florida was excessive rains and marshland of Everglades, where it was difficult to retain and understand the methods of living and sustaining in swampy habitat. With the traditional skills, Native Americans developed great abilities to construct houses known as “Chickees” and canoe to sail through the marshlands (Dillie, 2015). They also learnt to live with the ferocious alligators and a variety of birds and animals of everglades. Infact, alligator skin, flesh, bones, and teeth are important cultural parts of Seminole and Miccosukee traditions. While Native Americans of Florida established their reservations and after 1986, developed a lot of their economy through casino and trading centers, a lot of their food, agriculture and ranching activities were developed through workforce of African American communities. Besides, the culture of Florida, which was not exclusive to Native American reservations, saw contributions of African American contributions immensely. The transformation in the agrarian, fishing, and ranching cultures developed with various indigenous produce. The native varieties of corn, rice, hominy, plantains, citrus fruits, and melons remain essential products of Florida and have legacy from Native American and African heritage. Through various plantation and ranches, diversity in food of Florida was maintained and that actually gave almost a new concept of “Floribbean Cuisine” in Florida which evolved because of essentially in beginning from African heritage in the Caribbean Islands and Native American heritage of Florida. How can we now imagine our Miami dinner complete without a flavored Key Lime Pie from Keys which developed in the sixteenth century Keys when African slaves and Spanish brought Asian lime in Florida. Similarly, a morning breakfast without home produced grits of hominy, a sofkee, alligator meat, and bacon are incomplete when we visit a Seminole or Miccosukee reservation in Florida. Thus, what we come

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across, is a consistent growth in the co-dependent models of cultural transitions in ecological communities and societies of Florida among Natives American, Colonial Settlers and connecting displaced communities of the Afro-American communities which created models of fracturing of the native cultural identities and formations of linear and cross-plural identities with the indigenous societies of Florida.

7 Conclusion The displacement, reallocation, and repatriation through reservations often create zoning of communities from their ecological spaces of habitation to created “reservations” (Adams, 2016; Dippel, 2014). Creating reservations or nations within the nation had been a Federal and State politics in the twentieth century United States of America. How these spaces of “Reservations” affected the cultures of the communities which were displaced from their actual ecological spaces (Guha, 1990, Hayward, 2013) in Native American history, is what we tried to understand through above discussions. For these reservations as spaces defined transitions in the cultural identities, value systems, ethics, and cross-cultural relationships of Native American communities with the neighboring settler cultures. Yet, through observations and cross-cultural community relations, we could observe that the communities are consistently thriving through the triangulations models. The plurality of the Native American cultures which Seminole inherited through the Creek confederacy is retained through formation of a linear identity. Simultaneously, what evolved in these past two centuries among the Native American identities is multilateral codependent cultural identities. The relationships which are established with the settler and displaced communities from colonial vestiges displaced migrating communities from African enslaved heritage, West Indian, and Latin American heritage are further empowering and enabling the ecological and cultural transitions. Although the ecological challenges are becoming an ever-growing threat, yet the consistent sharing of knowledge systems is paving paths for the consistent search for solutions. The paths which seek to resolve ecological disasters and cultural diversity, which is rooted in the indigeneity of Florida. Declarations Partial funding to complete this paper was received from Fulbright Grant: USA-India grants, I have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

Notes (1) As part of my Native American and Indian experiences I have discussed these aspects at length in chapter-II of this book. In this chapter we will be discussing more about the Seminole in history and their perceptions of indigeneity as understood by the external and internal narratives.

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(2) Christian Dippel, ‘Forced Coexistence and Economic Development: Evidence from Native American Reservations’, Econometrica: Journal of Econometric Society, Vol. 82, Issue-6, November, 2014, pp. 2131–2165. (3) In the paper, first author is from India, where definitions of indigenous are complex. Thus, Native/Indigenous are used in derivative ways. Especially whenever, the explanation is not restricted to Native America alone and cultural connectedness is understood in Indian (American) traditions from Indian (India) perspectives as well. (4) Griffith, Glenn E., and James M. Omernik, Mark McGinley (2008). “Ecoregions of Florida (EPA).” In: Encyclopedia of Earth. Weblink: https://lakewatch.ifas.ufl.edu/media/lakewatch ifasufledu/research/historical-reports/Griffith-et-al.-2008.pdf

References Adams, M. M. (2016). Who belongs? Race, resources, and tribal citizenship in the native south. Oxford University Press. Ah-Tha-Thi-Ki. 2008. Cattle keepers: The heritage of Seminole cattle ranching: an exhibition. Ah-Tah-Thi-Ki Museum. Bramwell, A. (1989). Ecology in the 20th century: A history. New Haven: Yale University Press. Carr, R. S. (2012). Digging Miami. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Cattelino, J. R. (2008). High stakes: Florida Seminole gaming and sovereignty. Durham: Duke University Press. Cederlöf, G., & Sivaramakrishnan, K. (Ed.). (2006). Ecological nationalisms: Nature, livelihoods, and identities in South Asia, New Delhi, Orient Blackswan. Chapman, J. A. (1897). History of edgefield County: From the earliest settlements to 1897: Biographical and anecdotical, with sketches of the Seminole war, nullification, secession, reconstruction, churches and literature, with rolls of all the companies from edgefield in the war of secession, war with Mexico and with the Seminole Indians, Newberry, Elbert A. Hull. Coker, W., et al. (1991). Florida: from the beginning to 1992. Houston, TX: Pioneer Publications. Colburn, D. R., & Landers, J. L. (Eds.). (2017). The African American heritage of Florida. Gainesville: FL, University of Florida Press. Covington, J. W. (1993). The Seminoles of Florida. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Dilley, C. (2015). Thatched roofs and open sides: The architecture of chickees and their changing role in Seminole society. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Dippel, C. (2014). ‘Forced coexistence and economic development: Evidence from native American reservations. Econometrica: Journal of Econometric Society, 82(6), 2131–2165. Douglas, M. S. (2007). The Everglades: River of grass, Pineapple Press Inc. Downs, D. (1995). Art of the Florida Seminole and Miccosukee Indians. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. Fixico, D. L. (1996). Ethics and responsibilities in writing American Indian history. American Indian Quarterly. 20(1), 29–39. Granberry, J. (2011). The Calusa: Linguistic and cultural origins and relationships. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Griffith, G. E., Omernik, J. M., McGinley, M. (2008). Ecoregions of Florida (EPA). In C. J. Cleveland (Ed.), Encyclopedia of earth. Environmental Information Coalition, National Council for Science and the Environment. Guha, R. (1989). Radical American environmentalism and wilderness preservation: A third world critique, Environmental Ethics, 11(1), pp. 1–7. Guha, R. (1990). Toward a cross-cultural environmental ethic. Alternatives, 15(4), 431–447. https:// doi.org/10.1177/030437549001500403 Hackney, C. T., Boyce, S. G., Adams, S. M., Martin, W. A., Martin, Echternacht, A. C, & Martin, W. E. (Ed.) (1992) Biodiversity of the southeastern United States: Aquatic communities. Wiley.

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Hackney, C. T. et al. (Ed.). (1992). Biodiversity of the southeastern United States: Aquatic communities. Wiley. Harris, L. D., & Wasilewski, J. (2004). Indigeneity, an alternative worldview: four R’s (relationship, responsibility, reciprocity, redistribution) vs. two P’s (power and profit). Sharing the journey towards conscious evolution. System Research and Behavioral Science, 21(5), 489–503. https:// doi.org/10.1002/sres.631 Hatch, T. (2012). Osceola and the great Seminole war: A struggle for justice and freedom. Macmillan.. Hayward, T. (2013). Ecological space: The concept and its ethical significance. Just World Institute Working Paper 2013/02. University of Edinburgh. Henneton, L. (2015). Frontier diplomacy: Cross-cultural adjustments and conflict resolution in seventeenth-century North-Eastern America. Caliban: French Journal of English Studies: Forms of Diplomacy 16th to 21st Century, 54, 95–121. https://doi.org/10.4000/caliban.2846 Hill, E. E. (1974). The office of Indian affairs, 1824–1880: Historical sketche, United States. National archives and records service. Clearwater Pub. Co. Lynch, B. D. (1993). The garden and the sea: U.S. Latino environmental discourses and mainstream environmentalism. Social Problems: Special Issue on Environmental Justice, 40(1), 108–124. Milanich, J. T. (1998). Florida’s Indians from ancient times to the present. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Poddar, P. K., & Subba, T. B. (1991). Demystifying some ethnographic texts on the Himalayas. Social Scientist, 19(8/9), 78–84. Porter, K. W. (2013). The black Seminoles: History of a freedom seeking people. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Rosen, D. A. (2015). Border law: The first Seminole war and American nationhood. Harvard University Press. Salisbury, N., & Deloria, P. J. (2008). A Companion to American Indian History. Germany: Wiley. Sarmiento, F., Hitchner, S. (2017). Indigeneity and the sacred: indigenous revival and the conservation of sacred natural sites in the Americas. Berghahn Books. Schellhammer, M. (2012). Florida’s paradox of progress: An examination of the origins, construction, and impact of the Tamiami trail. Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004–2019. Schmidt, W., et al. (2013). Prepared by the Bureau of Geology, Division of Resource Management, Florida Department of Natural Resources. https://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00001275/00001/citation Sengar, B. (2001). Gandhian Approach to Tribals. In Published in the Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 62nd Session, Kolkata, pp. 327–336. Sengar, B. (2016a). Colonial landscape in a princely state: British land policies in rural spaces of Ajanta. Conference Souvenir Old and New Worlds: the Global Challenges of Rural History International Conference, Lisbon 27–30 January 2016: https://lisbon2016rh.files.wordpress.com/ 2015/12/onw-0118.pdf Sengar, B. (2016b). Prospects for Sustainability in Human-Environment Patterns–dynamic management of common resources (co-authored with De Marchi M and Furze, J). In Furze, J. N., Gupta, A. K., Reynolds, D., McClatchey, R., Swing, K. (Eds.), Mathematical advances towards sustainable environmental systems. Switzerland: Springer, 2017, ISBN: 978-3-319-43900-6, 319–347. Sturtevant, W. C. (1958). Accomplishments and opportunities in Florida Indian ethnology’ in Charles Fairbanks (Ed.). Florida Anthropology, Florida State University, pp. 15–56. Sturtevant, W. C. (1987). A Seminole source Book. United Kingdom: Garland. Swanton, J. R. (1922). Early history of creek Indians and their neighbours. Washington: Government Printing Office. Takacs, S. (2003). The Seminole: A true book. New York: Childrens Press. Tiger, B., & Kersey, H. A., Jr. (2002). Buffalo tiger: A life in the Everglades. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Treuer, A. (2014). Atlas of Indian nations. National Geographic, New York: National Geographic Publications. Veracini, L. (2010). Settler colonialism: A theoretical overview. London: Palgrave Mcmillian.

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Wasserman, A. (2010). A people’s history of Florida, 1513–1876: how Africans, Seminoles, women, and lower class whites shaped the Sunshine State. Florida, Sarasota. Weisman, B. R. (1999). Unconquered people: Florida’s Seminole and Miccosukee Indians. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. West, P. (1998). The enduring Seminoles: From alligator wrestling to ecotourism. Tampa: University Press of Florida. West, P. (2008). The enduring Seminoles: From alligator wrestling to ecotourism. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Wiedman, D. 2010. Global marketing of indigenous culture: discovesring native America with lee tiger and the Florida Miccosukee. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 34(3), 1–26. Winsor, J. (1888). The United States of North America. Mifflin: Houghton. Wright J. L. (1968). A Note on the first Seminole war as seen by the Indians, Negroes, and Their British Advisers. The Journal of Southern History, 34(4), 565–575. Wright, J. L. (1986). Creeks & Seminoles: The destruction and regeneration of the Muscogulge people. United Kingdom: University of Nebraska Press.

Osages or Americans? The Lingering Effects of Colonization on Notions of Osage Resiliency Jimmy Lee Beason II

Abstract Osage people maintained resiliency as best they could during the colonization of their lands. They maintained trade relationships with colonial governments to bolster their hold over Osage territories. However, the United States of America forced Osage people into conflict with neighboring tribes, coerced them into signing questionable treaties that took away millions of acres of land, and corralled them onto a small reservation in southeastern Kansas to confront White American squatters illegally moving into their lands. Congress then mandated the removal of Osages from their Kansas reservation to a new reservation in Indian Territory, present-day Oklahoma. Once there, the Osage community was further harmed through paternalistic policies and government operated boarding schools. At these “schools,” Osage children were indoctrinated with Euro-Christian values and American nationalism. As a result, Osage worldviews were so fundamentally altered, that today, Osage socio-cultural resiliency is conflated with American nationalism and Christianized interpretations of Osage language and culture that demonstrates the lingering effects of colonization. Keywords Osage · Oklahoma · Kansas · Sharecropping · Colonization · Treaties · Reservation · Ration system · Squatters · White Americans · Native · Indigenous

1 Introduction The colonization of Osage land is a violent legacy rooted in Euro-Christian supremacist ideology. As with all Indigenous people in North and South America, New Zealand, Australia, Africa, and elsewhere around the world, European colonizers viewed us as nothing more than semi-naked savages who were in desperate need of clothing, an appreciation for materialistic greed and Jesus. This arrogant attitude was bolstered by Pope Alexander VI of the Catholic Church who issued a Papal Bull in 1493 that led to the policy of the Christian Doctrine of Discovery. This J. Lee Beason II (B) Indigenous and American Indian Studies, Haskell Indian Nations University, KS Lawrence, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_4

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policy gave Euro-Christian invaders such as the Spanish, British, French, and later the Americans, the justification to subjugate, forcibly displace, and murder Indigenous people obstructed their access to resources to expand their empires. Needless to say, religious sanctified violence was a cataclysmic event for all Indigenous people resulting in mass trauma from genocide and violent displacement at the hands of pious self-righteous mercenaries.1 As a result of this invasion, Osage ancestral territory that predominately encompassed parts of present-day Missouri, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Kansas2 was eventually eroded down into a small strip of land in the southeastern portion of Kansas, which was then exchanged for a 2,200 square mile reservation in Indian Territory known today as Osage County.3 Inevitably, this led to a severe disruption in Osage socio-cultural organization and the ability to live according to their traditional values. Osage worldviews have been so fundamentally altered through colonization, that key social and cultural observances of resiliency have become paradoxically conflated with Euro-Christian American nationalism. This fusion of the colonizer’s principles into the social fabric of Osage life has contributed to a glaring misconception toward understanding our history with colonialism and its current impact on present-day Osage worldviews. It is my contention that the effects colonization has had on our worldviews ought to be challenged with an effort toward embracing decolonization. It is not my intention with this writing to disregard the choices that Osage people have made in the past under extreme duress. Physical and mental colonization was a brutal process that resulted in mass trauma that our Osage community, as well as other Native communities, contend with today. Nor is this a way to denigrate the many ways in which individual members of the Osage community have carried on traditional ways of knowing. There are Osage’s young and old, who still uphold traditional worldviews free from Euro-Christian ideology and intend to foster a path toward decolonization. The examples here do not represent all the ways in which colonization is reinforced within Osage communities, nor does it ignore the current ways in which the Osage community is striving for better lives navigating a society that has historically and presently, been hostile to the inherent claims of our lands. The examples within this writing were chosen for some external ways in which colonization has transformed Osage worldviews, culture, and resiliency into a carapace for an underlying layer of Euro-Christian American nationalism.

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Brave Heart, Maria Yellow Horse, Josephine Chase, Jennifer Elkins, and Deborah B. Altschul. “Historical trauma among indigenous peoples of the Americas: Concepts, research, and clinical considerations.” Journal of psychoactive drugs 43, no. 4 (2011): 282–290. 2 Hunter Andrea, “Ancestral Map,” Osage Culture, August 17, 2021. https://www.osageculture. com/culture/geography/ancestral-map. 3 U.S. Dept. of Commerce, “U.S. Census Bureau Quickfacts: Osage County, Oklahoma,” United States Census Bureau, 2021. https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/osagecountyoklahoma.

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2 Colonial Theatrics One of the more recent ways in which Osage resiliency has been celebrated is through the contemporary ballet titled Wazhazhe. This dance performance celebrates 400 years of Osage history from spirituality, and encounters with European colonizers to boarding schools, and the reign of terror during the 1920’s, where Osage men and women were murdered for their oil headrights by white Americans. Wazhazhe consists of two acts with titles such as Morning Prayer, Pre-Contact Wedding, Treaties, and Boarding School. Around 30 dancers are involved with the production, including 12 professional ballerinas, from different Natives communities such as the Osage, Cherokee, Pawnee, Seminole, and Potawatomie. The ballet has been recognized nationally and internationally and has been invited to perform at the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. It is commendable that Osage history is being contextualized through the arts for broader audiences and brings more visibility. Although promoting a sense of Osage fortitude, the colonial undertones of Wazhazhe become apparent with further analysis. 4 The very beginning of the performance starts with a screen projection of white text onto a black background that states: As European settlers slaughtered scores of buffalo and other animals, building fences up, blocking the hunt, Osages were starving. The clan system was diminished because of so much death, and life as they once knew it would never be the same…. After their way of living was changed, this fighting spirit still remained strong. When our ancestors signed treaties with the United States of America, they became allies. Osage men and women have participated in every war along with other Americans from all walks of life, including the civil war.5

Although these snippets of information educate the audience of Wazhazhe somewhat about the challenges Osage people faced during colonization, the information presented about the treaties in particular and the issues surrounding their implementation lack context. The number of treaties and proclamations drafted by U.S. officials between 1808 and 1865 never stipulated the Osage should or would provide military assistance to the United States of America as allies in times of war.6 In fact, the only mention of “war” is found in the 1865 treaty which commands the Osage “to abstain from war, and commit no depredations on either citizens or Indians…”.7 Wazhazhe’s introductory statement distorts the nature of Osage treaties into a revisionist history where Osage people wholeheartedly and unquestioningly supported America in times of war. Describing the “fighting spirit” of the Osage as a benefit 4

Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet— Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo. 5 Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet— Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo. 6 Laws and Treaties. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GOVPUB-Y4_IN2_11-1c227893bfbe 1da6dd96b6883fd0205b/pdf/. 7 H.R. Rep. No. 63, 40th Cong., 2nd Sess. (1868). https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/indianser ialset.

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to the U.S. military because of implied treaty obligations is also puzzling when analyzing some Osage views toward Americans in the past. Renowned Osage author John Joseph Mathews in his celebrated book, The Osages: Children of the Middle Waters, stated how the Osages hated the “American long knives.”8 Also, in 1791, a contingent of Osages fought alongside other tribes with the Northwest Indian Confederacy against the U.S. military at the Battle of the Wabash where American forces suffered over 900 casualties.9 It was at this battle that famed Osage leader Pawhuska earned his name after attacking an American officer and attempting to scalp him as well as the source of the Osage Nation headquarters namesake.10 When cultural celebrations such as Wazhaze promote this false narrative that Osage people were unquestioning “allies” of America, after America’s genocidal policies led to the slaughter of vast herds of buffalo, thus forcing our ancestors into starvation, it does a disservice to modern Osage audiences in particular, as they are not accurately informed about of the nuanced history of their Osage ancestors and how they lost their lands through violent conflict facilitated by the colonial American government.11 Aside from the Battle of the Wabash, there is no record of Osage warriors engaging the U.S. military directly on the field of battle. This lack of direct combat with American colonizing forces has been misconstrued by many modern Osages as a sign of respect. However, this was not a matter of Osage “respect” for the U.S. as allies, but more a matter of inopportune conditions. Osage akida were vigorous defenders of their territories and would confront and if need be, kill intruders who posed a threat to their welfare regardless of they were Native or White.12 In the case of Osage-U.S. relations, Osage akida were protecting their communities from an invasion of hostile tribes who were forced west of the Mississippi River due to Indian Removal policies and were encouraged to wage battle against Osages at the behest of the U.S. government under the presidency of Thomas Jefferson.13 Meriwether Lewis, governor of Louisiana Territory, wrote a letter in July of 1808 addressed to the U.S. secretary of war discussing his deliberations with Osage enemies stating: I have in several councils held with the Shawnee, Delewares, Kickapoos, and other friendly [Ioways] & [Siouxs], declared them (Osages) no longer under the protection of the U’States [sic] and that they were at liberty to wage war against them if they thought

8

Mathews, John Joseph. (1961) The Osages, Children of the Middle Waters. United Kingdom: University of Oklahoma Press. 9 Calloway, Colin G. The Victory with No Name: The Native American Defeat of the First American Army. Oxford University Press, 2014. 10 McAuliffe, Dennis. Bloodland: A Family Story of Oil, Greed and Murder on the Osage Reservation. United States: Council Oak Books, 1999. 11 Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet— Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo. 12 Burns, Louis F. (2004) A history of the Osage people. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. 13 Indian Claims Commission. (1974) Osage Indians V. commission findings on the Osage Indians. Garland Publishing Inc., 1974.

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proper, under this restriction only, that they should attack in a body sufficiently large to cut them off completely or drive them from their country14

President Thomas Jefferson personally interceded and responded with a letter dated August 21, 1808, supporting Lewis by declaring: I regret that it has been found necessary to come to open rupture with the Osages, but being so, I approve of the course you have pursued…. I have stated to Gen Dearborne that I think we may go further, & as the principal obstacle to the Indians acting in large bodies is the want of provisions, we might supply that want, & ammunition also if they need it.15

The Indians mentioned, of course, were those tribes who the U.S. were forcing west into Osage territory. Exact information on how many conflicts occurred between eastern Natives and Osages as a result of this policy are not known but it is undeniable Osage villages were repeatedly attacked for years, even after Jefferson was no longer president.16 In 1817, a 700-man armed force composed of Cherokee, Choctaw, Delaware, Chickasaw, and White Americans attacked Claremore’s Village in present-day Rogers County, Oklahoma killing mostly elders and women, while Osage men were out on a buffalo hunt.17 In 1821, Claremore’s village was attacked yet again by a 300-man militia led by the Cherokee that included Delaware, Creek, Choctaw, Shawnee, “half-bloods,” and White Americans. Around 100 Osage were killed or taken captive. The Osage mistakenly believed the soldiers at Ft. Smith would protect their families while they were away on a buffalo hunt. Instead of stopping the Cherokee, U.S. Maj. Bradford who was caretaker of the fort, provided the Cherokee militia with a barrel of gunpowder.18 While these eastern tribes were attacking Osage communities with relative impunity, the U.S. government was drafting up treaties beginning in 1808 and placing them in front of Osage “delegates” to sign away millions of acres of land in exchange for promises of “peace and friendship.” They were also promised “protection” from hostile enemy tribes, although it is clear from the Jefferson letters, the only reason the Osage were attacked in the first place was because the U.S. instigated hostilities to acquire Osage land using eastern tribes as paramilitaries. A role the Cherokee were more than willing to fulfill. To what extent the Osage knew the U.S. was responsible for orchestrating a war on them using eastern tribes is not known, although in 1807, the Osage suspected the Americans were behind an attack on their village by the Potawatomie and Sauk & Fox which resulted in the deaths of a few Osage men. Then in 1821, Reverend Vaill, an American Protestant missionary who lived among the Osages expressed 14

Indian Claims Commission. (1974) Osage Indians V. commission findings on the Osage Indians. Garland Publishing Inc., pp. 142–141. 15 Indian Claims Commission, Ibid. 16 Hoig, Stan. (2008) The Chouteaus: First Family of the Fur Trade. UNM Press, Albuquerque. 17 Rollings, Willard H. (2004) Unaffected by the Gospel: Osage resistance to the Christian invasion (1673–1906): a cultural victory. UNM Press. 18 Hoig, Stan. (2008) The Chouteaus: First Family of the Fur Trade. University of New Mexico Press. pp. 87–88.

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his concern that the U.S. government was sending “Indians from the east” to wage continuous war on the Osage.19 It would be imprudent to assume, given the facts, Osage people would look favorably on the U.S. government’s failed promises of “protection” as a reason to uphold “treaty agreements” to lend military aide considering these conflicts forced them into signing away their land.20 This narrative about the Osage being “allies” promoted by Wazhazhe insinuates the creators either did not know about this history, or do know but completely dismiss it as unimportant. In any case, it reinforces the flawed notion that Osage “warriorhood” was only a worthy attribute when used for the benefit of the U.S., as opposed to their own resistance to U.S. colonization via proxy Native combatants. Aside from overlooking the nationalistic undertones of Osage loyalty to the U.S., Wazhazhe also trivializes the Catholic Church’s role in colonizing the minds of Osage children by disconnecting them from their families and thus, their traditional teachings. Children were viewed by Osages as a great blessing by Wakon da, as they ensured a long lineage. Osage children were primarily taught by their mother and when a son got older, he would be raised primarily by his father. Girls would remain with the mother. They were taught Osage men and women had different roles and responsibilities among the community. Osage men were responsible for protecting and taking life as akida, if necessary, through hunting meat and combat, while Osage women were the givers of life. Osage men hunted deer, buffalo, beaver, and black bears, while the women scraped and tanned hides for clothing and other materials. Osage women also picked berries, gathered nuts, gardened, and tended to crops such as beans, maize, and squash to feed their families. They were also taught that Osage women and men shared risks and suffering based on their community roles. As life takers and defenders of their families, Osage men risked death and pain, just as Osage women risked death and pain in giving life through childbirth. Mothers taking immediate care of their families and men taking care of their families through defense of the land were equal attributes that created a strong community.21 Maternal uncles also played a very important role in teaching children and never joked around with their nieces or nephews.22 The Osage way of life was based on respect and balance. Wazhazhe hints at this but stops short of delving further into these cultural strengths. This atmosphere of familial bonding, balance, love, and respect would change forever. While living on their “diminished reserve,” Osage people were becoming numerically outnumbered by the hordes of white squatters who invaded their territory. With the federal government doing little to stop the intruders, Osages initiated minor acts of resistance in response. They tore down settler cabins and burned their crops. They also stole cattle for food since buffalo was becoming scarce. Osage men 19

Wm. W. Graves (1949) First Protestant Osage Missions. The Carpenter Press. Oswego, KS. Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet— Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo. 21 Bailey, Garrick (2010) Traditions of the Osage: Stories collected and translated by Francis la Flesche. University of New Mexico Press. 22 Wilson, Terry P., and Frank W. Porter (1988) The Osage. Chelsea House, New York. 20

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intimidated American squatters into paying a “tax” or tribute for the “right” to occupy their land.23 It was a precarious time and the Osage eventually agreed to move from Kansas to a new reservation in Indian Territory.24 Once there, they were at the mercy of U.S. government bureaucrats and the Catholic, Protestant, and Quaker missionaries who circled them like saintly vultures yearning to feast on heathen souls. For a few hundred years, the majority of Osage people resisted the gospel and maintained their traditional value systems but this time the Christians would finally have their way and Osage children would be the ones to endure the brunt of mental colonization.25 In 1884, the Osage National council enacted a law that called for annuity payments to be withheld from parents who didn’t send their children to so-called boarding schools.26 Then in 1887, the Catholics opened up the St. Louis School for Girls and the St. John’s School for Boys. These institutions subjected Osage children to mental and physical abuse when they didn’t wear the right clothes or spoke their language. If they ran away or didn’t show up, the whole family was punished by having their food rations withheld.27 Osage children endured similar treatment at other indoctrination camps such as Haskell Institute and Osage Manual Labor School located in Kansas as well as Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. Despite governmental threats, Osage children continually ran away from these institutions. At Haskell, the majority of runaways were reportedly either Osage or Oneida children. They also ran away from Chilocco Agricultural Indian School located in Indian Territory to be with their parents 70 miles away at the Osage Agency. In 1891, Capt. Richard Henry Pratt informed Osage Indian Agent Miles, that three Osage boys ran away from Carlisle Indian School, and they shouldn’t be sent back as they were too resistant to boarding school life.28 Despite this tendency of Osage children to rebel and run away from their captors, there is a lasting misconception within the Osage community that Osages chose to send their children to these internment sites or so-called boarding schools. To a very minimal extent, that was true for some Osages. For the most part, this choice was made under very daunting circumstances as the decision was determined by two extremes—either send their kids away to live with Euro-Christian strangers who

23

Kaye, Frances W. “Little Squatter on the Osage Diminished Reserve: Reading Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Kansas Indians.” Great Plains Quarterly (2000): 123–140. 24 Linsenmayer, Penny T. (2001) “Kansas Settlers on the Osage Diminished Reserve: A Study of Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House on the Prairie.” Kansas History 24, no. 3. pp. 168–85. 25 Rollings, Willard H. (2004) Unaffected by the Gospel: Osage resistance to the Christian invasion (1673–1906): a cultural victory. UNM Press, Albuquerque. 26 Wilson, Terry P. The underground reservation. Osage oil. 1985. 27 Hess, Janet Berry. (2015) Osage and Settler: Reconstructing Shared History Through an Oklahoma Family Archive. McFarland. 28 Wilson, Terry P. (1985) The underground reservation: Osage oil. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

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loathed Native culture or have money and rations withheld and starve. Many chose the former.29 Osage children who remained at these institutions were brainwashed into thinking their culture was “bad” and “evil,” then when they got older and returned home, many of them regurgitated this prejudiced sentiment to their own families who still lived with traditional Osage values.30 They also developed a sense of internalized and lateral racism as some boarding school policies allowed mixed blood parents, as in Osage families with White ancestry, to eventually take their children home on the weekends while the full blood Osages could not.31 These blatant acts of forced assimilation, racism, and overall mental colonization endured by Osage children are totally overlooked in Wazhazhe, although in the Boarding School scene, a dancer dressed as a Catholic priest cuts off the braided hair (the hair is fake) of a young, somber looking Osage boy. That is the extent of acknowledging the pain they went through. Then this scene is quickly swapped for dancing nuns and young Osage girls wearing white gowns who happily converge into a kneeling prayer group while a nun stands over them. In other scenes, the nuns are delightfully wagging their fingers at “unruly” Osage children and priests are shaking their hands with amused contempt for an Osage child who stumbles along. Rather than expose the crimes of missionary “schools” and their government sanctioned psychological warfare, Wazhazhe manages turns this dark history into a whimsical display of historical amnesia. 32 In 2015, Wazhazhe was performed at the World Meeting of Families where Pope Francis was “in attendance.”33 This pandering before the Catholic pope, the figurehead of the very religious institution that waged what can only be tantamount to a holy war upon their ancestors, denotes a complete disassociation between celebrating Osage culture and the Catholic efforts to destroy and undermine that culture. Wazhazhe as a social celebration of Osage resiliency misses an opportunity to truly educate Osages and non-Osage audiences about the impact of colonization, the effect of boarding schools and U.S. sanctioned attacks resulting in land loss and death. Granted, there is only so much correct history that can be packed into a one-hour long ballet. However, if Wazhazhe is going to be promoted and viewed by thousands, if not millions of non-Osages as well as other Osage unfamiliar with their own history,

29

Larry Sellers (Osage traditional leader) in discussion with the author, August 2021. Larry Sellers (Osage traditional leader) in discussion with the author, August 2021. 31 Wilson, Terry P. (1985) The underground reservation: Osage oil. University of Nebraska Press, 1985. 32 Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet— Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo. 33 Osage News. Osage Ballet to perform at World Meeting of Families in Philadelphia. Aug. 12, 2015. http://osagenews.org/en/article/2015/08/12/osage-ballet-perform-world-meetingfamilies-philadelphia/. 30

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it is most definitely an important vehicle for prompting insight, debate, and discussion into our collective past and has a responsibility to ensure that history and the ramifications of it are presented accurately.34 Otherwise, it will continue to act more as a propaganda piece for Euro-Christian American values and misplaced military allegiance and strengthen the erroneous notion that the pontificators of Catholicism and U.S. government “allies” were working in the best interests of the Osage community when it is clear they were not.

3 Linguistic Missionization To overcome the cultural eradication imposed by Christian indoctrination camps, in 2003, the Osage Nation implemented a more robust pursuit of language revitalization by transcribing and translating taped recordings of fluent Osage elders speaking from the 1960s and 1970s.35 Overtime an orthography was created with workbooks and Osage language courses.36 Today, there is a mobile Osage Language app that contains quizzes, games and commonly used phrases and sentences.37 Guiding these endeavors is the mission statement of the Osage Nation Language Program which states: Our mission is to revitalize the Osage Language to its purest from, and to teach our people to speak Osage within the realm of our unique ways and in daily conversation—our endeavors will be unwavering; our future depends on it.

Current Osage language preservation efforts have resulted in 20 speakers who can currently make lengthy speeches to the public at Osage community events. There are also, reportedly, five students who are well versed enough in Osage to be considered “advanced” and have made great strides in becoming semi-fluent. Typical enrollment numbers state there are around300 students enrolled in Osage language courses.38 This is a laudable effort in remedying generations of psychological and physical abuse at the hands of Christian missionaries who punished Osage children for speaking their language and in some cases, forcing them to endure the indignity of

34

Wahzhazhe Ballet (2021) An Osage Story. https://www.osageballet.com/inside-wahzhazhe. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-we-are/language-department. 36 Barrett-Mills, Jake. “Applications of Indigenous Presence: The Osage Orthography Amplifying Traditional Language Resurgence”. 37 Osage Nation. Osage language app now available on Android and Apple iOS. Nov. 2, 2017. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/news-events/news/osage-language-app-now-availableandroid-and-apple-ios. 38 Osage Nation (2021a, 2021b) Language department. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-weare/language-department. 35

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having their level of intelligence or “inferiority” measured against that of white children.39 Implementing a language program that has produced semi-fluent speakers and cultivates a sense of pride is much needed to counter the effects of colonization and should be applauded. This language resiliency, however, is soiled with the fingerprints of colonization when examining some of the language learning activities found within Osage mobile language app and it is apparent the goal of bringing back Osage to its purest form has been stymied by Euro-Christian American colonialism which present a distorted interpretation of Osage traditional worldviews. Although this is not a comprehensible example of language distortion, these are prime examples based on the colonial impressions they make. Within the Audio component of the Osage language app, there are three recordings of Christian songs titled Blessed Be the Ties That Bind, Jesus Loves Me, and Kumbaya as well as a recitation of the Lord’s Prayer. In the prayer, Jesus Loves Me, “Jesus” is interpreted as Wakon da. This translation completely misrepresents the original meaning and understanding of the term Wakon da.40 Christian missionaries and a few hundred years of their incessant meddling in the socio-cultural structure of Osage people have corrupted the concept of Wakon da to fit within Euro-Christian paradigms. The concepts of wakon damon shita ski and wakon da udetsa, representing both male and female cosmic energies, are completely absent from the information provided in the Osage language app.41 Instead, what is provided is solely a form of Euro-Christian patriarchal worship promoting religious supplications for divine intervention exemplified with terms such as “heavenly father” and a given that “Jesus” is a male deity. This disregards the sense of balance Osage traditional outlooks held and corrupts Osage teachings that recognized the dual nature of the universe into one that is strictly masculine. The Lord’s Prayer and Jesus Loves Me impose this hierarchy of gender upon Osage language learners in which a man (Jesus as Wakon da) represents “God,” and the feminine counterpart is not even considered worthy of receiving requests for help nor looked upon with reverence. Likewise, the word wa.da is used to define “prayer,” which in the top-down organization of Christianity now intertwined with “pure” Osage language instruction denotes an appeal for help from a “higher power.” To use wa.da in this manner modifies the closer translation of this word which means to “talk” or to “express.” In an Osage worldview absent of Christian colonial influence, this would indicate speaking to relatives from the wanagi world living parallel to us rather than “above” us.42 39

Rohrer, John H. “The test intelligence of Osage Indians.” The Journal of Social Psychology 16, no. 1 (1942): 99–105. 40 Thornton Media, Inc. Wahzhazhe. Play.google.com. 12.00. November 17, 2019. https://play.goo gle.com/store/apps/details?id=com.languagepal.osageandroid&hl=en_US&gl=US. 41 Tinker, Tink. “American Indians and Ecotheology: Alterity and Worldview.” Bohmbach and Hannan, Eco-Lutheranism (2013): 71–72. 42 Tinker, Tink (2013). “Why I do not believe in a creator.” Buffalo Shout, Salmon Cry: Conversations on Creation, Land Justice, and Life Together: 167–79.

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The Osage language program’s inclusion of Christian hymns as synonymous with Osage culture demonstrates the fulfillment of Euro-Christian colonial goals of disassembling the language and reconstructing it in a manner that reflects their own ideology to create new perceptions among Osage language learners. It is a selfperpetuating form of colonization in which Osage people are now fulfilling the role of the missionaries who Christianized the Osage language to fit their Euro-monotheistic vision of the world. Another Osage word that has been corrupted to bolster Euro-American nationalism is akida. The Osage language app translates akida to mean “police” or “soldier,” but these concepts are the exact opposite of what akida means.43 Modern-day policing is based on enforcing laws created by colonial state bureaucracies to protect property and reduce crime as well as being rooted in supporting the American institution of slavery. As America expanded its colonial empire further “west” the rationale for sheriffs and constables needed to uphold “law and order” increased.44 The purpose of modern-day police forces is to support the colonizers laws and is the total opposite of what Osage akida are responsible for when we look deeper into its meaning. Akida can have varying but similar meanings depending on the context and is challenging to translate. The closest English translation we can get from akida is that it means “land defender” or “one who watchers over the land” as Osage men would regularly patrol the boundaries of their territory to protect the community from enemies who may enter. Osage akida operated strictly as a defensive force. Going on the offensive to obliterate enemies were not a part of their purpose nor worldview.45 These concepts of akida as defenders of the land and conducting ceremonies prior to any action that would result in the loss of life are vastly different from how police forces operate today. Not only do police agencies function more as revenue collectors with no constitutional requirement to protect American citizens, but police agencies are continually regarded as bastions of racism, abuse, corruption, sexism, hyper-militarization, and unlawful use of deadly force.46 Osage akida actually provided defensive measures to protect their families and communities. They would not be allowed to abuse, detain, restrict, arrest, or impose unchallenged notions of authority onto their own people without consequence. Although Osage Nation police officers patrol Osage lands, they are very limited in what they can do in regard to non-Osages violating Osage autonomy. To use akida in reference to Osage Nation police officers as “land defenders” is disingenuous as

43

Thornton Media, Inc. Wahzhazhe. Play.google.com. 12.00. November 17, 2019. https://play.goo gle.com/store/apps/details?id=com.languagepal.osageandroid&hl=en_US&gl=US. 44 Kappeler, Victor E. Jan. 7, 2014. A Brief History of Slavery and the Origins of American Policing, https://ekuonline.eku.edu/blog/police-studies/brief-history-slavery-and-origins-ame rican-policing/. 45 Tinker, Tink. July 24, 2019.Osage kettle carriers—marmitons, scullery boys, deviants, and gender choices. https://thenewpolis.com/2019/07/24/osage-kettle-carriers-marmitons-sculleryboys-deviants-and-gender-choices-tink-tinker-wazhazhe-osage-nation/. 46 Longley, Robert. July 30, 2020. The History of Modern Policing. https://www.thoughtco.com/ the-history-of-modern-policing-974587.

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the land cannot be properly defended due to the overbearing laws and policies of the colonial state of Oklahoma who impede their capabilities.47 The other translation of akida to mean “soldier” is also problematic when compared to the original meaning of akida as “defender of the land” who is meant to protect the Osage community through defensive actions. Osages who enlist in the modern U.S. military are not strictly accountable to the Osage community in their actions and deeds, but ultimately to the U.S. president as their commander in chief and the secretary of the Department of Defense.48 Regardless of how Osages feel about America’s wars abroad in places such as Iraq or Afghanistan and whether or not they agree or disagree with them, or if Osage people should even risk life and limb to be involved in these territorial invasions is irrelevant as enlisted Osage soldiers carry out orders passed down to them from colonial military leaders, not Osage people.49 To conflate the concept of akida with a soldier who engages in needless offensive actions in other countries (typically full of other brown people) on behalf of reckless U.S. foreign policies is to distort the meaning and intention of mon shon akida.50 Today, the few Osage elders who still aspire to live traditionally outside of Christian influence encourage a need to provide interpretations of Osage as close as possible without the missionized and Americanized version of the language that is currently being lauded as “pure Osage.”51 Continuing this curriculum of language learning that distorts traditional Osage views while imposing Christian songs and American nationalism onto children and adult language learners violates the mission statement regarding the need to return to pre-1906 interpretations by conflating Euro-Christian concepts with traditional Osage worldviews. Although current Osage goals for returning the Osage language to its purest form to ensure a differentiation between Osage and mainstream American society, the Euro-Christianization of Osage words and cultural understanding end up actually reinforcing “mainstream American society” values.52

47

RedCorn, Louise. Jan. 15, 2018. Osage County Sheriff nixes cross-deputization for Osage Nation Police Department. Bigheart Times. http://osagenews.org/en/article/2018/01/15/osage-county-she riff-nixes-cross-deputization-osage-nation-police-department/. 48 Military.com. What Are the Branches of the US Military?. 2021. https://www.military.com/joinarmed-forces/us-military-branches-overview.html. 49 Howe, Miguel. The Military’s Modern Role in Securing Freedom. The Catalyst. 2016. https:// www.bushcenter.org/catalyst/freedom/howe-military-and-freedom.html. 50 Tinker, Tink. Osage Kettle Carriers—Marmitons, Scullery Boys, Deviants, and gender choices. The New Polis. July 24, 2019. https://thenewpolis.com/2019/07/24/osage-kettle-carriers-marmit ons-scullery-boys-deviants-and-gender-choices-tink-tinker-wazhazhe-osage--nation/. 51 Osage Nation. Language department. 2021. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-we-are/lan guage-department. 52 Dennison, Jean. “The logic of recognition: debating Osage Nation citizenship in the twenty-first century.” American Indian quarterly 38, no. 1 (2014): 1–35.

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4 Star-Spangled Osages Osage subservience to Euro-American nationalism has also revealed itself to be present within the social observances of Osage governance. According to Dennison (2013) during the 2012 inauguration of the Osage Nation 3rd Congress, Osage selfdetermination was celebrated with a rendition of the Star-Spangled Banner while Osage U.S. military veterans stood proudly at attention in full military dress in the presence of the Osage Nation flag, the American flag, and the State of Oklahoma flag. Honoring Osage sovereignty while groveling before these symbols of colonialism delegitimizes the very “sovereignty” we claim to hold.53 The inclusion of the Oklahoma state flag as a symbol of reverence is particularly ironic, considering Oklahoma historically and presently, has concocted various legal maneuvers to undermine Osage autonomy. When Oklahoma became a state in 1907, it superimposed Osage County on top of the Osage Reservation which resulted in challenges to Osage territorial control involving tax issues, cross deputization of policing services and jurisdiction issues. In 2010, a court ruling dismissed the Osage claim against the State of Oklahoma that the Osage Reservation was never disestablished citing the intention of U.S. congress in the 1906 Osage Allotment Act was to destroy its reservation status. As a result, Oklahoma can continue to infringe on Osage autonomy and collect taxes from Osage employees within Osage territorial boundaries.54 Osages doubled down on symbolically embracing their colonizers during the 2019 Osage Sovereignty Pow-Wow (live streamed and recorded on YouTube). The color guard carried in four flags: the American flag, American Legion Post flag, State of Oklahoma flag and the Osage Nation flag. Oddly enough, the American flag was carried in first and held the highest, while the Osage flag came in last and was carried much lower than the other three. Osage leadership in the past was initially against this level of colonization, but interference from the Bureau of Indian Affairs resulted in an Osage tribal council that consisted mainly of “mixed bloods,” who had White ancestry and embraced White values. Due to these “progressives,” many traditional Osage outlooks were relinquished. According to the description of the Osage Nation sovereignty day on YouTube, Osage Sovereignty Day is described as follows: Osage Nation Sovereignty Day is celebrated each year on March 11 in recognition of the ratification of the Constitution of the Osage Nation on March 11, 2006. Since that day the Nation has celebrated by hosting an open to the public Sovereignty Day dance. This year we stay home and observe our holiday. Happy Sovereignty Day!

We have become so mentally colonized that an Osage celebration of sovereignty not only included the flag of the Nation that collaborated with Osage enemies to take our lands, but was held much lower with less prestige than the state of Oklahoma 53

Dennison, Jean (2012) Colonial Entanglement: Constituting a Twenty-First Century Osage Nation. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill. Pp. 130–135. 54 https://www.courthousenews.com/osage-county-isnt-a-reservation-court-says/.

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flag which is tragically ironic considering the state continually seeks to terminate Osage autonomy. Not only are the stars and stripes of colonial dominance present and held to a higher standard at the Osage “sovereignty” celebration, but they are also proudly displayed during the most important cultural celebration of every year.

5 Uncle Sam Approves The I n lon schka ceremonial dances take place at the villages of Gray Horse, Hominy, and Pawhuska every summer. After being forced to Indian Territory and enduring the continual implementation of racist policies and cultural eradication, the older traditional ways became unstable. Prior to colonization, the Osage worldview was expressed through various ceremonies that were meant to restore balance for actions performed. This is also reflected in the way they organized their communities with Tzisho and Hunka moieties.55 Osage villages were strictly arranged with a dirt path or road down the middle on an east to west trajectory with the two Tzisho and Hunka moiety leaders positioned on opposite sides. Clusters of eastward facing lodges housed Osage families and members of clans that were associated with either the tsizho or hunka.56 Osage life was guided by codes of conduct issued by the Non .hon .zhin ga or “Little Old Men.” These men were elders who earned odon or battle honors and contemplated the world around them through study and observation and recommended courses of action involving times of conflict and prosperity.57 The people usually adhered to the advice of the Non .hon .zhin ga, and maintaining peace among the community was their primary role. Fighting, gossip, murder, and other forms of inter-relational conflict among the Osage community were deliberated by them.58 Ceremonies and spiritual outlooks were situated around the notion that the east represented life, day, and birth, while the west was associated with matters of death, night, and destruction. They usually convened in the “House of Mystery” although this was more of a metaphor as they did not always meet inside an actual house or lodge. What was most important was the seating arrangements of the representatives from all 24 Osage clans within the Sky and Earth divisions and the direction the “house” faced.59 When times of conflict arose, they would conduct “war” ceremonies overseen by the dodon hon ga or spiritual leader for the impending battle. A sweat lodge would be 55

Tinker, Tink. (2018) “The Irrelevance of euro-Christian Dichotomies for Indigenous Peoples.” Peacemaking and the Challenge of Violence in World Religions, p. 206. 56 Wilson, Terry P., and Frank W. Porter. The Osage. Chelsea House, 1988. 57 Burns, Louis F. (2005) Osage Indian customs and myths. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, p 7. 58 Ibid. 59 Bailley, Garrick A. (1995), The Osage and the invisible world: From the works of Francis La Flesche. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

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built, and stones would be heated in the fire to be brought in for water to be poured on them. The waxobe or hawk bundle would be placed on top of the lodge by “kettle carriers,” during the course of the ceremony and the lodge would be tipped over by the eighter battle leaders and the configuration of the hawk laying on the ground would guide their decisions regarding their overall strategy.60 These waxobe ceremonies were all but discontinued during the Osages initial arrival into Oklahoma. Clan leaders and ceremonial practices could no longer be continued due to some clans no longer functioning. As a result of these traditional practices no longer functioning, Osage people were gifted a ceremony from their kinship relatives the Kaw and Ponca. Reportedly, the Ponca gifted the I n .lon .schka to Osages at Grayhorse village, while the Kaw gifted this ceremony to the Osages at Pawhuska and Hominy villages. However, it has been noted that important concepts specific to the older Osage philosophy were infused with this new ceremony.61 The cultural reinforcement provided by the I n lon schkais described as “islands of resistance to the continued encroachment of dominant ideologies.”62 Taken at face value this seems true, but it is apparent that dominant ideologies are not always viewed as something to resist but embraced and upheld within Osage concepts of cultural fortitude. In fact, they have bafflingly become one in the same. Ironically, the I n lon schka became a celebration of resiliency only after American colonization led to the destruction and abandonment of the older traditional ways. Therefore it is strange, and somewhat insulting, that the symbol of the very nation who took Osage land and made efforts to destroy Osage culture, would be prominently displayed outside the dance arbors.

6 Conclusion So, what is to be done about the subtle and not so subtle ways Euro-Christian American ideology and symbolism have infringed upon Osage social and cultural observances? Is it even worth analyzing with further study and challenges? I believe so. This is a difficult challenge to address that are beyond this current writing. However, it is my contention that grassroots, community led concerted efforts toward decolonizing language and cultural programs can begin the steady process of reversing a few hundred years’ worth of genocidal conquest. We can continue to challenge living in a postcolonial society by creating learning curriculums that educate Osage community members about the ways in which oppressive social constructs operate. To also understand the nature of the oppressive 60

Tinker, Tink. Osage Kettle Carriers—Marmitons, Scullery Boys, Deviants and gender choices. The New Polis. July 24, 2019. https://thenewpolis.com/2019/07/24/osage-kettle-carriers-marmit ons-scullery-boys-deviants-and-gender-choices-tink-tinker-wazhazhe-osage-nation/. 61 RedCorn, Alex. (2020) “Considerations for building a prosperous and self-determining Osage Nation through education.” Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 23, no. 1, pp. 21–39. 62 Dennison, Jean. (2014) “The logic of recognition: debating Osage Nation citizenship in the twenty-first century.” American Indian quarterly 38, no. 1, pp. 1–35.

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relationship and how it can be overcome through knowledge building and strategy development that is beneficial to the community, while fostering self-determination on the macro and micro levels.63 Although the Osage have persevered and have maintained a small portion of our land base, have some level of economic autonomy, maintain cultural dances, and have developed language and cultural programs, concerted efforts should be made toward decolonizing these features, particularly in the language and cultural programs. One step would be removing the missionized interpretations of key cultural terminology and replacing them with a closer translation. In this way, educating and inspiring the youth with pre-colonized, traditional worldviews can ensure future generations are guided by traditional Osage principles. Osage elder, Larry Sellers, has stated quite poignantly that Osages “don’t want to accept the reality of their colonized state or accept the reality of who their ancestors were.” As a result, many Osages think our culture didn’t begin until we were forced to live in Oklahoma. This perception ignores the sacrifices our ancestors made in upholding, protecting, and securing Osage traditions regarding the land and social organization. To challenge these colonial undertones would require decolonization of the mind and it can be challenging as you have to be open to understanding what your place is in a colonized society. Further elaborating on what Sellers stated, many Osage community members do not attempt to study, analyze, or read informational resources about the consequences of colonization or scholarly works that “criticize” their Christian beliefs. Considering this reality, it may take well over 150 years, if not more, to really decolonize this mindset. This disregard for Osage traditional views, prior to the move to Oklahoma, is what generations of Osages learned from White Christian missionaries and continues to surface in some of the key social and cultural celebrations of Osage life. EuroChristian beliefs have always strived to destroy the cultural and traditional beliefs of other cultures and should not have any influence on the way we view ourselves.64 In order to fully understand the depths of this phenomenon, it is my contention that a rigorous study would need to be conducted in which members of the Osage community would need to be interviewed with questions about colonization, intent, background, worldview, and motivation for upholding American nationalism and Christian ideology. We can also entertain the possibility that the Osage community, along with all the other Indigenous communities of North America, are dealing with generational mass trauma that manifests itself through a phenomenon known as identification with the aggressor. According to Sandor Ferenczi who coined the term in 1933, identification with the aggressor is a result of people, typically abused children who feel they cannot escape a threat. As a survival mechanism, identification with the aggressor encourages the victim to rationalize the threat by mimicking their behaviors, mannerisms, and worldview. This reaction to a much stronger opponent is a protective tactic of those in a weak 63

Alfred, Gerald R., and Taiaiake Alfred (2009). Peace, power, righteousness: An indigenous manifesto. Oxford University Press, New York. 64 Larry Sellers (Osage traditional leader) in discussion with the author, August 2021.

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position who are unable to successfully defend themselves. This leads to the possibility the victim will choose to blend in with their hostile surroundings and can risk transforming into the very thing that seeks to do them harm.65 Based on the history of Osage people in dealing with an abusive system, particularly in so-called boarding schools and continual racism, the automatic acceptance of Euro-Christian American values within our cultural and social observances may be explained by looking further into this occurrence. Regardless of the heavily Christianized undertones of Osage modern culture and penchant for embracing American nationalism, some Osages still follow the noni om pa (sacred pipe). Those Osages who try to decolonize their thinking and actions are at the forefront of reinforcing traditional value systems and challenging colonial ideologies. Younger Osages who are taking language classes are asking questions and they will be the ones to make a difference in how decolonization and challenging colonial influences will be carried out. According to Sellers, “In our ways, we don’t have to right. In their ways, they have to be right which is why they are always trying to force it onto people.”66 Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study. Notes and Interviews Larry Sellers (Osage traditional leader) in discussion with the author, at his place: Pawhuska, Oklahoma, August 2021.

References Alfred, G. R., & Alfred, T. (2009). Peace, power, righteousness: An indigenous manifesto. Oxford University Press. Bailley, G. A. (1995). The Osage and the invisible world: From the works of Francis La Flesche. University of Oklahoma Press. Bailey, G. (2010). Traditions of the Osage: Stories collected and translated by Francis la Flesche. University of New Mexico Press. Barrett-Mills, J. Applications of indigenous presence: The Osage orthography amplifying traditional language resurgence. Burns, L. F. (2004). A history of the Osage people. University of Alabama Press. Burns, L. F. (2005). Osage Indian customs and myths. University of Alabama Press. Calloway, C. G. (2014). The victory with no name: The native American defeat of the first American army. Oxford University Press. Dennison, J. (2012). Colonial entanglement: Constituting a twenty-first century Osage nation (pp. 130–135). University of North Carolina Press. Dennison, J. (2014). The logic of recognition: Debating Osage Nation citizenship in the twenty-first century. American Indian Quarterly, 38(1), 1–35.

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Frankel, Jay. “Exploring Ferenczi’s concept of identification with the aggressor: Its role in trauma, everyday life, and the therapeutic relationship.” Psychoanalytic Dialogues 12, no. 1 (2002): 101– 139. 66 Larry Sellers (Osage traditional leader) in discussion with the author, August 2021.

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Frankel, J. (2002). Exploring Ferenczi’s concept of identification with the aggressor: Its role in trauma, everyday life, and the therapeutic relationship. Psychoanalytic Dialogues, 12(1), 101– 139. Hess, J. B. (2015). Osage and Settler: Reconstructing shared history through an Oklahoma family archive. McFarland. Hoig, S. (2008). The Chouteaus: First family of the fur trade (pp. 87–88). University of New Mexico Press. Indian Claims Commission. (1974). Osage Indians V. commission findings on the Osage Indians. Garland Publishing Inc. Kaye, F. W. (2000). Little squatter on the Osage diminished reserve: Reading Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Kansas Indians. Great Plains Quarterly 123–140. Linsenmayer, P. T. (2001). Kansas settlers on the Osage diminished reserve: A study of Laura Ingalls Wilder’s little house on the Prairie. Kansas History, 24(3), 168–185. Mathews, J. J. (1961). The Osages, children of the Middle Waters. University of Oklahoma Press. Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, Chase, J., Elkins, J., & Altschul, D. B. (2011). Historical trauma among indigenous peoples of the Americas: Concepts, research, and clinical considerations. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 43(4), 282–290. McAuliffe, D. (1999). Bloodland: A family story of oil, greed and murder on the Osage reservation. Council Oak Books. RedCorn, A. (2020). Considerations for building a prosperous and self-determining Osage Nation through education. Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership, 23(1), 21–39. Rohrer, J. H. (1942). The test intelligence of Osage Indians. The Journal of Social Psychology, 16(1), 99–105. Rollings, W. H. (2004a). Unaffected by the Gospel: Osage resistance to the Christian invasion (1673–1906): A cultural victory. UNM Press. Rollings, W. H. (2004b). Unaffected by the Gospel: Osage resistance to the Christian invasion (1673–1906): A cultural victory. UNM Press. Tinker, T. (2013). Why I do not believe in a creator. Buffalo Shout, Salmon Cry: Conversations on Creation, Land Justice, and Life Together 167–79. Tinker, T. (2013). American Indians and ecotheology: Alterity and worldview. Bohmbach and Hannan, Eco-Lutheranism 71–72. Wilson, T. P. (1985). The underground reservation: Osage oil. University of Nebraska Press. Wilson, T. P., & Porter, F. W. (1988). The Osage. Chelsea House. Wm, W. G. (1949). First protestant Osage missions. The Carpenter Press.

Web-Based References Andrea, H. (2021). Ancestral map. Osage Culture, August 17, 2021. https://www.osageculture.com/ culture/geography/ancestral-map. Ballet, W. (2021). An Osage story. https://www.osageballet.com/inside-wahzhazhe Howe, M. (2016). The military’s modern role in securing freedom. The Catalyst. https://www.bus hcenter.org/catalyst/freedom/howe-military-and-freedom.html. H.R. Rep. No. 63, 40th Cong., 2nd Sess. (1868). https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/indianserialset. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-we-are/language-department. Kappeler, V. E. (2014). A brief history of slavery and the origins of American policing. https://eku online.eku.edu/blog/police-studies/brief-history-slavery-and-origins-american-policing/. Laws and Treaties. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GOVPUB-Y4_IN2_11-1c227893bfbe 1da6dd96b6883fd0205b/pdf/. Longley, R. (2020). The history of modern policing. https://www.thoughtco.com/the-history-ofmodern-policing-974587.

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Military.com. (2021). What are the branches of the US Military?. https://www.military.com/joinarmed-forces/us-military-branches-overview.html. Osage News. (2015). Osage Ballet to perform at World meeting of families in Philadelphia. August 12, 2015. http://osagenews.org/en/article/2015/08/12/osage-ballet-perform-world-meeting-fam ilies-philadelphia/. Osage Nation. (2017). Osage language app now available on Android and Apple iOS. November 2, 2017. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/news-events/news/osage-language-app-now-availableandroid-and-apple-ios Osage Nation. (2021a). Language department. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-we-are/lan guage-department. Osage Nation. (2021b). Language department. https://www.osagenation-nsn.gov/who-we-are/lan guage-department. RedCorn, L. (2018). Osage County Sheriff nixes cross-deputization for Osage Nation Police Department. Bigheart Times. January 15, 2018, http://osagenews.org/en/article/2018/01/15/osage-cou nty-sheriff-nixes-cross-deputization-osage-nation-police-department/ Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. “Wahzhazhe: An Osage Ballet—Youtube.” YouTube, March 26, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ipwe0Jluhpo Thornton Media, Inc. Wahzhazhe. Play.google.com. 12.00. November 17, 2019. https://play.goo gle.com/store/apps/details?id=com.languagepal.osageandroid&hl=en_US&gl=US Tinker, T. (2018). The irrelevance of Euro-Christian Dichotomies for Indigenous Peoples. Peacemaking and the Challenge of Violence in World Religions, p. 206. https://www.courthousenews. com/osage-county-isnt-a-reservation-court-says/ Tinker, T. (2019a). Osage Kettle Carriers—Marmitons, Scullery Boys, Deviants, and gender choices. The New Polis, July 24, 2019a. https://thenewpolis.com/2019a/07/24/osage-kettle-carriers-mar mitons-scullery-boys-deviants-and-gender-choices-tink-tinker-wazhazhe-osage-nation/ Tinker, T. (2019b). Osage Kettle Carriers—Marmitons, Scullery Boys, Deviants and gender choices. The New Polis. July 24, 2019b. https://thenewpolis.com/2019b/07/24/osage-kettle-carriers-mar mitons-scullery-boys-deviants-and-gender-choices-tink-tinker-wazhazhe-osage-nation/ U.S. Department of Commerce. (2021). U.S. Census Bureau Quickfacts: Osage County, Oklahoma. United States Census Bureau. https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/osagecountyoklahoma

Role of Symbolism in the Making of Secular Cultural Identities: Experience of Post-soviet Central Asia Nandini Bhattacharya

Abstract The five Central Asian Republics attained their independence as a biproduct of the demise of the USSR in 1991.Being a remote and backward zone of the Soviet experiment, this region had to reorient its identity as it had to face the world with a new national entity and a sovereign statehood. As the end of Soviet Union left them into an ideological vacuum, they needed to redefine their identity from available components, rejected or untapped so far. The outside world showed apprehension of political Islam as a powerful common alternative ideology to the Central Asian people. However, the short history of the region shows that one supra-national image of soviet socialism could not be easily substituted by another supra-national force of Islam. This chapter would rather address this question of alternative ideology from another end. This is to assess the source, scope and strength of secular culture and their symbolic expressions in the formation and sustenance of new nationhood in a region seemingly susceptible toward religious statehood. A granular study of the elements of symbolism, both material and ideational, in present-day Central Asia, assembled from both remote and recent past will unfold here through a collective collage of ideas and icons. Keywords Central Asia · Symbolism · Secular · Identities · Islam · Soviet

1 Introduction: Identity Formation as a Sequel of Unwarranted Independence The five Central Asian Republics attained their independence as a bi-product of the demise of the USSR in 1991.Being a remote and backward zone of the Soviet experiment, this region had to reorient its identities as it had to face the world along with certain new national entity reflected in their sovereign statehood. This reorientation took a long process of experimentation on part of these states, as there were a number of ideological issues linked with their recent and remote past related to the image N. Bhattacharya (B) Department of History, Calcutta Girls College, Kolkata, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_5

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of new Central Asia. There can be two ways of looking at the process of identity formation, one being the official position taken by the successor nations to portray their image to the world; the other, as to how the outside world viewed the region and its sudden emergence as new national entities, which is more nuanced and divergent in nature. These states, namely, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kirgizstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan had a difficult journey through the uneven track of world politics while combating socio-economic crisis, political uncertainty, and ideological vexation after the collapse of the communist experiment of seventy years. In fact, these five republics were somewhat unprepared to attain the new status of independent statehood and therefore, appeared indecisive and confused at the very outset of their journey toward independent statehood. To make their task even tougher, in the international arena, they were to face the end of cold war and the beginning of globalization. However, small and weak their position might have been within the USSR; these states were nevertheless an active component of the cold war as part of one of the Superpowers. The loss of that supra-national identity and redefining their nationhood to a world that was hardly aware of their separate existence was no small challenge. As the end of Soviet Union left them into an ideological vacuum, they needed to redefine their identities from available components, rejected or untapped so far. However, once left to themselves, the Central Asian states gradually caught the limelight of world politics and much academic attention mainly because of three reasons: (1) their strategic location and how that affected the geo-politics of the postcold war world: (2) natural resources in reserve and its impact on the international market; (3) the apprehension of resurgent Islam and their negotiation with the Islamic States of West Asia. This article is tangentially related to the third issue as the short history of the region shows that one supra-national image of soviet socialism could not be easily substituted by another supra-national force of Islam.(Carrère d’Encausse, 1978, 255) Although the artificial imposition of atheism under the previous regime that officially restricted the sway of Islam left the region perpetually dissatisfied, and the removal of the Soviet power saw the revival of Islam in divergent and multiple layers, yet, it could not provide the single alternative ideology to fill in the ideological vacuum left by the retreat of the Soviet socialism. This essay would address this question of alternative ideology from another end. This is to assess the sources, scope, and strength of secular culture and their expression in the formation and sustenance of new nationhood in a region seemingly susceptible toward religious statehood/extremism. The experiences of the last two decades portray those negotiations with Islam in the politics and culture of this zone which have proved to be a much more subtle and complex one than what the academic hypothesis could predict at the outset. With time, academic discourses began to credit the new authoritarian regimes of the successor states for keeping political Islam and Islamic fundamentalism at bay. In depth research increasingly focused on the understanding of Islam and its innate characteristic which gave Central Asian Muslims a distinct identity, different from their West Asian counterparts. (Khalid, 2014, 140–199). However, while one variant of scholarship remained obsessed with Islam and its limited influence in the new

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regime, the other, more investigative research began to probe the secular components in the making of national identities in this region. This work undertakes a granular study of the elements of secular culture in present-day Central Asia, assembled from both remote and recent past experiences, using symbolic representation to fill the ideological vacuum through a collective collage of ideas and icons. The impact of Soviet rule in creating the rationale of secularism in the modern sense to this part of the world is undeniable. Nevertheless, a further probing into history reveals the innate nature of this region to be inclusive and absorbent of diverse cultures that made the scope of secular experiment even more tenable. Since, the new successor states, in spite of their faltering political existence, were not drawn into Islamic fundamentalism, and the quest for identity pushed them to delve deeper into the history and heritage of each nation state. They were viewed so far (under the Soviets) as part of sub-national identities, bracketed under ethnicity and regionalism. Recovering the forgotten glorious moments, resurrecting lost heroes, reorienting regional history and culture, so far downplayed, or rejected by the highly motivated Soviet system of learning, and reinventing powerful symbols and icons to represent the national image, were integral to the quest for new nationhood for these states, distinct from one another. A detailed empirical study of the symbols adopted by different states would be an interesting process signifying their contextual purport. It would explore the signification of the national flag, emblem, and currency of these states as illustrative cases. It would further explore the roots of secular culture and its manifestation from the historic past and the existing social context, and try to link them with the official project of identity formation through the selective use of symbols. Even beyond the official icons carefully chosen with special insights, it would be interesting to explore the symbolism represented in the material culture and diverse literary and artistic imagination of the land ever since their independence. This collective movement in quest for new identities embedded in a collection of symbols, from both traditional and acquired through the Soviet experiments which were instrumental in wielding power, had been significantly titled as ‘politics of the spectacular’ by Sally N. Cummings at the very title of her edited book on Central Asia (Cummings, Title Page, 2013).

2 Flags and Emblems: A Synthesis of Plural and Multilayered Entities The preliminary symbol of an independent state is traceable in its national flag. The nascent states of Central Asia initiated their renewed journey toward new nationhood in a strange roundabout circumstance. It was Perestroika and Glasnost, the movements toward intense reforms and reawakening along with the scope of openness that had created an atmosphere of transition in these regions. The local identities and interests were reflected in many of the Glasnost papers revealed during the final phase of Soviet era. (Glebov and Cowfoot (eds), 1999) However, in spite of animated

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discussion and expression of indignation and protest against the existing regime and its corrupt practices, none of the representation of Central Asian republics did expect or anticipate the disintegration of the regime in their wildest dreams. However critical they might have been, the local level leadership, in power or in opposition, was simply not prepared to take up the charge of sovereign statehood—their independence came as a strange bi-product of the collapse of the USSR. (Patnaik, 2016, 8) Thus, the five republics of the Soviet orient had to initiate their independent journey under innumerable challenges and uncertainties of circumstances. Their territorial states continue to be the same as had been demarcated under the Soviet ethno-national delimitation. However, each of the republics also carried their own flags, emblems, and anthems over and above the supra-national Soviet icons. The breakup of the USSR did not simply signify the end of a regime, it rather marked the end of a system, an epoch, an experimental regime that aspired toward certain values and principles, an ideology—Marxist socialist path that was initiated by Lenin and his followers. The collapse of the regime from within had brought this entire way of life to a sudden halt. Rejection of an ideology demanded an alternative. Some of these alternatives were to be immediately replaced in order to make these countries stand upright against their sovereign status. The national flags were the foremost essential symbols without which these states could not have initiated even the first step toward their journey ahead. Each state found the flags as their preliminary symbols of identity which were to represent their national image to the world around. The choice of colors and symbols and designs within the given scope of small and compact space indicated how distinctive each state had been in their imagination of nationhood—that included their religious, regional, historic, and cultural legacies represented in notional and manifest symbiotic imagination. It is interesting to study the semblances, divergence, and distinctiveness imbibed and displayed upon the flag space. Visual representation of each flag emanates the essence of their faith, practice, and inheritance of age-old material culture. Interestingly, the flag of Kazakhstan is based on sky blue and depicts the bright yellow sun upon the wings of a golden eagle at the center. Situated in the seamless steppe land, seat of endless nomadic Turkic clans, this part of Central Asia was devoted to the worship of the sky—or Tengrism. The national flag made vivid representation of nomadic symbolism of open sky and bright yellow sun beaming with the golden falcon, which resembled power and freedom for various Turkic tribes. Interestingly, the flag of Kirghizstan, another state of nomadic inheritance, depicts the golden sun upon red base. The color red seems sacrosanct for the Kirghiz as per their indigenous traditional hero Manas. However, the most significant symbol of nomadism is depicted at the center of the flag, that denotes a visual impression of the center of a tent, called Tenduk—the conventional home (yurt) of the nomadic life. It is interesting to note, that neither of these Turkish states denote any Islamic symbols upon their national flag—rather both showcase their pre-Islamic religious faith and practices as part of their centuries old cultural synergies. The other two republics of Turkic ethno-linguistic inheritance, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, however, had undergone more sedentary civilizational experiences, before and after the advent of Islam. In the design of their flags, some distinctive Islamic symbolisms can be

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traceable. The flag of Turkmen nation has a maze of green, the holy color of Islam, and depicts the holy crescent at one corner along with five stars. It seems the stars depict the five regions of the state. However, the most interesting and intricate symbolic depiction was found at the pole-end of the flag where five distinctive carpet florals had been illustrated which are specific of five regional ethnic carpet designs. Turkmen flag is thus a combination of religious and regional cultural identities. The Uzbek flag is made into three major colors—each carrying specific connotations. The azure blue, the satin white, and velvety green, each in broad stripes carries meaningful connotations, while the thin red stripes that divide the major stripes also carry subtle implications. The green signifies the holy color of Islam, the blue and white azure indicate the Central Asian natural ambience of sky and water. However, some other claim that white is a holy color for Zoroastrianism—one of the ancient religions of this region. The red stripes imply the presence of the other minorities of the land. Upon the azure blue, there is a white crescent along with twelve stars. The crescent indicated the holy Islamic symbol, while the constellation of stars if joined as dots can be read as Allah! These two flags, thus, carry significant symbolism of the religion in practice, although, none of these states did proclaim themselves as Islamic states or behaved like any. (Kudaibergenova, 2014, 164–65) The last one, Tajikistan, is the smallest of these five republics and is apparently, the weakest and the most obscure of the five Central Asian republics. However, notwithstanding the present-day distress and crisis-ridden condition of this country, her historic lineage goes down with rich and diverse cultural inheritance that had reflected in the tri-color flag with the symbol of a golden crown surrounded by seven golden stars illuminating the center. The state with Persian ethno-linguistic distinctiveness, standing slightly apart from the Turkophone neighbors, Tajikistan had drawn her symbolic references from diverse historic legacies. In fact, one needs to delve deeper below her turbulent surface immediately after the freedom, ravaged through the catastrophic civil war to rediscover her new identity based upon the spontaneous process of acculturation evolved through ages. The stripes of colors in red, white, and green supposedly carry multilayered connotations. For example, red was the major color of the flag during the Soviet era, as the color of the revolution, but currently, it is interpreted as the color of sovereignty, green implying agricultural prosperity, and white signifying the flourishing production of cotton or else, the presence of snowcapped mountains of the land. Moreover, the green carries the spirit of Nowruz, as the harbinger of new crop every year—a pre-Islamic Persian festival which is part of a great national celebration annually in this state. (Smith, Britannica, 2021) While the colors of the flag are subjected to multiple interpretations, the crown at the center resonates the initiation of this particular land under the sway of the Samanids under Ismail Somoni—the invented political icon for the land to take up its course through the new era. The stars signify the harmony of happiness and virtues tied in a string of seven—a magic number in Tajik tradition. The flag of each titular nation, thus, signifies a set of symbols collectively representing its identity, both Islamic and secular, but embedded in the traditional cultural

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practices. Kiril Nurzhanov has made a very thoughtful observation about the priorities of these states to remain steadfast to their secular identities (especially Tajikistan). In spite of having an overwhelmingly Muslim majority population, they consciously chose such symbols that would be conducive of national emotional integration projecting a secular image for the outside world. Interestingly, Nurzhanov found predecessors of similar experimentation in Pakistan, Egypt, and Indonesia in the early phase of postcolonial days. In his own explanation, “This balancing act has indeed been tricky at times, but secular regimes have shown an almost infinite capacity and creativity in achieving a desired synthesis.” (Nourzhanov, 2013, 71). The national emblems or coat of arms in their new makeover carry a cluster of symbols, in many cases common to more than one state. For instance, the presence of sheaves of wheat as a symbol of prosperity is found in every state symbol. Cotton, the signature crop of this region, famous as white gold during the Soviet era also appears in Uzbek, Tajik, and Kyrgyz emblems along with the image of a rising sun and/or, mountains covered with snow. The Uzbek emblem also depicts the two epic rivers Amu Daria and Syr Daria, while the Kyrgyz emblem symbolizes the azure nature with a still water body (implying Aral Sea? or all the beautiful lakes this mountainous country possess?). One can find the overwhelming presence of a falcon-like regal bird in open wings in Uzbek and Kyrgyz emblems, while the presence of crescent and stars and the star-like symbol of Rub-El-Hizb is found in almost all the emblems as part of Islamic belongingness. One unique symbol seen in the Tajik emblem is an open book upon a wooden bookrest. This was probably an indication of the Persianate culture of learning and quest for knowledge which remains part of the subtle pride of this particular state. The emblem of Kazakhstan depicts the symbol of the center of the yurt (identical with the Kyrgyz flag, only the base color being different) and two very ornamental, winged horses facing in two opposite directions. The Turkmen emblem carries a real-life image of a horse at the center of the emblem, while the design of five carpet flowers reappears from the national flag itself. While, the horses depicted in Kazakh symbol is ornamental and figurative, the one appearing in the Turkmen symbol depicts a real horse, a pet of the previous President Nursultan Nazarbaev! Overwhelming presence of azure blue is remarkable in the cases of Kyrgyz and Kazakh symbols. This rich collage of the depiction of nature in its bounty along with local traditional values intertwined with Islamic faith and belief represent a composite culture at work while these nations thrived for a functional image where no supra-national image would overwhelm their regional distinctiveness, not even Islam. In fact, Islamic symbols appeared both in flags and emblems in one or more combinations to remain as part of the multilayered identities, not to dominate as the major determining force behind the process of new identity building. Though overlapping, each of the nations could make their identities reflect in these very basic markers, sometimes ubiquitous, often unique. However, notwithstanding the strength of Nurzhanov’s argument for creating a secular state being already there in the post-World War II situation, one needs to bring the historic context of these post-Soviet countries along with the geo-political condition that they are situated in. Given the contiguous attachment to Afghanistan, and proximity to the Orthodox Islamic belt (Arab and Iran) while the Global Islamic terror looming large,

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it was no small challenge for these countries to pose a secular face to the new world view they were forced to face, recovering from their seventy years’ long experience of serving as the agro-economic backyard of the erstwhile super power. Interestingly, could or did either of these states overthrow the image or identities of the previous regime? The answer was not only in the negative, but also with a rejoinder—that they consciously chose not to get over all the experiences and principles absorbed under the Soviet tutelage. The images of the coat of arms or the emblems in their stylized designing carry the shadows of Soviet era—cotton, to name one item, which was a crop newly introduced to this region and was a huge success throughout the Soviet experimental regime. This item of pride, which is still featured in the present-day emblems, however, has their sad stories reflected in the environmental tragedy of causing the spread of desert and drying up of the Aral Sea which had destabilized the water balance of the entire region.

3 Icon Breaking and Icon Making—A Process of Reinventing the National Identity In the early days of post-Soviet era, one finds the growing trend of knocking down the larger-than-life human icon of Lenin along with the omnipresent hammer and the sickle. In order to bid farewell to the state and its founding father, this drive toward icon breaking was a common feature in all post-Communist countries, within and outside the Soviet land. However, the makers of the nation were well aware of the fact that removal of an icon as large as Lenin would demand replacement of a similar stature. This challenge was taken up by delving down in the regional history and resurrecting heroes of the past, mostly rulers of Turko-Persian origins, representing the Islamic culture (which somewhat took a backseat during the Soviet rule, that carried a stigma toward the religious faith and any formidable power before the advent of the Bolsheviks in Central Asia, as reactionary feudal overlords). Thus, the revival of political icons in these titular nationalities was also somewhat, a recovery of the history of the region, consciously obliterated by the saga of communism, where the image of Lenin was the one and only destiny to conform with. In fact, similar idolization of Stalin had been washed off a few decades prior, under Nikita Khrushchev’s drive for destalinization. Renaming of provinces, streets, and natural objects like mountains had been an added feature of this process of dismantling and reviving national heroes as part of the new national identities. For Uzbekistan, Timur, the Great ruler of Turko-Persian lineage, whose seat of power was Samarquand, was considered the father of the nation. Not only the statues of Lenin were replaced by that of Timur, but also the state currency depicted his regal image in certain denomination. The pejorative epithet on Timur as Timur Lane (Lang), which marked an obvious body shaming, was carefully replaced by the respectful honorific of Amir Timur. Great care was taken to revive the historic legacy of Timur as a PanCentral Asian Empire builder during the fourteenth century. The region at that point

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known as Transoxiana or Mavrunnar, meaning the land between the two rivers, encompassing a much wider territory which included the present-day Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Iran, and Afghanistan(beyond Uzbekistan). One can find in the initial days of state building, a hegemonic drive toward creating a Pan-Central Asian power with Uzbekistan at its apex. A large part of the source of strength to develop such a mega territorial dream was definitely inspired by this historic character of Timur. This drive was to some extent hyped by the American army stationed in Uzbekistan at the initial days of state building and border issues. With her geo-strategic advantage of touching each and every Central Asian state and the formidable leadership of President Karimov, the people were fed by the collective dream of getting back to the future that resonated the aura of Amir Timur’s legacy. However, scholars, both indigenous as well as Western had branded this nation building process as a synthesis of elite political ambition made attractive for popular consumption (Dagiev, 2014). In fact, if not so illustrious as Timur, each of the republics could invent some or other political icon that suited their own specific history and culture. For instance, the nomadic land of the Kyrgyz had resurrected their epic hero Manas as a rallying point. The saga of Manas is an oral tradition of the land, pre-Islamic in origin, and marginalized during the Soviet era, as part of the Bolshevik drive toward uniform secular education (Jumaturdu, 2016, 188–189).However, the images of Manas in armor clad attire, mounted upon his gallant horse began to adorn the street corners and squares as an elegant dream of the new nation. Though not a real-life hero, this epic hero could create a larger-than-life image that could successfully provide a new rallying point for the Kyrgyz nationalism to take off under the new political context. Tajikistan, the smallest of the five republics, had redefined their political journey with the Samanids, especially, the reign of Ismiol Somoni, whose territorial base largely resembles today’s map of Tajikistan. Hardly known in history even before the coming of the Bolshevik power, this particular political icon not only began to replace the images of Lenin in the capital city and elsewhere but, the very currency of the land came to be known as Somoni, instead of sum—the common term for currency in her other Central Asian neighborhood. Even more interestingly, the mountainous land had the highest mountain peak of the entire Soviet land—this peak had a history of amendments of its name since the Soviet days. At first, it got the epithet of “Stalin peak” and then as part of destalinization was called Communism peak—with the independence, the same had been branded as the Somoni peak. In fact, Somoni was torn from the pages of history, where he was rather an obscure regent for the Samanid empire of Persia (his responsibility was to govern this mountainous terrain of the eastern Transoxiana) and superimposed upon the contemporary Tajik context as a mythic hero who had been the harbinger of this nation centuries ago (Adams, 2010, 36). One cannot locate any single hero from the past to replace the cult of Lenin in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. However, breaking of icons and replacing with local figures and renaming of streets and squares to remove the Soviet influences had been part of early nationalist fervor. For example, “……in Almaty, the Lenin statue was removed from its location in the city center and gave way to the monument dedicated to WWII heroes–Manshuk Mametova and Aliya Moldagulova.” (Pevnev,

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2021, Dreamstime.com). There are plenty of historic and imaginary figures, which came up to adorn the public spaces of this land. To begin with, one may name Koshek Batyr (Alamy stock photos). In fact, the strategy of commemoration had taken an even more interesting turn in cases of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. It was within a decade, that the Presidents of these two states, Nursultan Nazarbaev (Kazakh) and Sapurmurad Niyazov (Turkmen), had become the cult heroes whose larger-than-life images began to adorn all significant squares and grounds in the renovated urban space of the post-Soviet states. Interestingly, in Turkmenistan, to create a pseudohistoric image of the President, his autobiography (which is largely a commissioned job), Ruhnama (meaning, book of the soul), had also been idolized as a symbol of national pride and exhibited on the beautifully manicured lawns and gardens in the city. Even their images began to adorn different denominations of the new currencies of the states. This selfimposed idolization on part of the rulers is not an unknown feature of autocratic or semi-autocratic modern states. In fact, the three other Central Asian states also have the similar trend toward cult of Presidential charisma and its fall out. Both Karimov and Rakhmon (still continuing), the leaders of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, respectively, had imposing personality cult during their prolonged regimes. Nevertheless, none of them could reach the extent of their Kazakh or Turkmen counterparts. Thus, the stories of icon making and icon breaking that were initiated with remaking of history and reimagining of mythologies had ultimately culminated in the cult of leadership of a spectacular range. Nonetheless, this cult was not entirely novel to this region, rather it grew as an amalgamation of the images of the military warlords of the pre-Soviet era and the robust personality cult portrayed by the Bolshevik model of “from top to downwards” from the times of Lenin-Stalin to Gorbachev. In the expression coined by Scott Newton, Presidents of all the five republics are actually, Super Presidents practicing autocracies within a constitutional framework, amidst the withering shadows of the superpower (Newton, 2017, 123–148).

4 Image and Imagination Beyond Direct Power Politics: Nature, Knowledge, and Culture at Diverse Proportion to Create a Rich Collage of Identities Interestingly, the drive for image making in these post-Soviet states did not remain confined to the political icons of various stature from different historic epoch. The process of identity formation had actually included the territoriality and its distinctiveness for each of these five titular republics. In fact, based on an authoritarian variant of leadership, each of these states carries a huge scope of subversive reaction and actually experienced civil war at various moments of crisis. Therefore, the ruling powers felt the urge to create a more cohesive platform to legitimize their role as leaders of the entire nation along the sub-regional diversities. The images that reflect beyond the political icons are actually more thoughtful and broad-based to

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accommodate and reflect the diversity and heterogeneity of the plural socio-cultural environment inherited as the most powerful legacy of entire Central Asia. The imagined communities within the official national framework actually thrived toward a multicultural embodiment that would at least attempt to create a kaleidoscopic mirage that would enable the state to have spontaneous allegiance of the multinational citizen body—aspiring to receive their due acknowledgment from above. One very interesting display of heterogeneous icons is in the currency—especially the paper currency—which can accommodate a number of visual representations on its limited surface. On this area, almost each Central Asian country had shown their uniqueness to showcase the rich and powerful legacy of academic and cultural potentials. The most unique of such representations entail the medieval poets of the Islamic world who were part of the Central Asian pedagogy and intellectual treasure. Interestingly, both Persian and Turkish scholars and poets of world class intellect and talent had been resurrected, often along with their mausoleums as a retrospective commemoration for the post-Soviet generation to know their prevalent roots and proud linkages. For example, Kazakh currency showcases Al Farabi, the great scholar of the medieval science and philosophy, as he had supposedly been born in some place in Kazakh territory, as early as 870 CE. Although his entire life and career had been spent in Baghdad and Byzantium, contributing mostly in the sphere of Arab, Greek, and Persian knowledge system, still, attachment to this great thinker had been thoughtfully grafted into this semi-nomadic area of steppe culture, in order to enrich and glorify their academic and intellectual legacy. Interestingly, in the initial years, Al Farebi’s image had been repeated in a number of currency denomination—starting from 1 tenge, his image had been consistently repeated in 200, 500, 1000, 5000, 10,000 currency notes. However, in later issues, those images in the bank notes of higher value had been changed with cluster of other icons, without any human face. Not only in the currency denomination, Al Farabi’s icon is internalized and projected in the famous national university established by his name. This trend is in its highest intensity in Tajikistan. With Persian as their official language and historic lineage, their currency proudly showcases the classical Persian intellectuals, like Abu Ali Ibn Sino (Ave Sina) and Rudaki. However, it has been historically established that Rudaki was a native of Panjikent, western Tajikistan, a province situated in the passage of the ancient silk route, very close to Samarqand. Ibn Sino was however, a native of Bukhara which now belongs to Uzbekistan, but Tajikistan has a historic and emotional belongingness to that city of classical Persian knowledge and culture. It is interesting to see, that the currency denominations often included the images of Soviet day leaders and poets as well. Thus, one can find the presence of famous folk artists, poets, and musicians’ portraits depicted in Kazakh and Kirgiz currencies. One marked feature in Kirghiz currency is the presence of more than one female faces. Mention must be made of Kurmanjan Datka, (more famous for the biopic to commemorate her life), who was the ruler of the province Alai during the Russian inroads into this region and remained so by accepting the Russian suzerainty around the turn of the twentieth century. Also the image of Bubusara Beysenalieva, the famous ballerina of

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the Kyrghiz, appears on the five sum currency note. Sadriddin Aini and Mirzo Tursunzoda in Tajikistan, Alykul Osmanov, Abdilas Maldibaev in Kirghizstan are Soviet literary genius, who were acknowledged as proud inheritance of the successor states. Significantly, there are very few religious figures resurrected in the visual collage of currency designs. There are two personalities, linked with Islamic teachings, found in Tajik and Kazakh currencies, Hamadoni, the Sufi saint and singer who made to and fro between Tajikistan and Kashmir region as a cultural ambassador during the phase of regional fluidity during the fourteenth century appears in Tajik somoni, and Abay Kunanbayev, the Hanafi theologian who acted as a cultural reformer in the turn of the century is depicted in Kazakh Tengi. Uzbekistan, somehow, had maintained a more conservative approach in the display over currency, as one can find only two human figures from history, in two distinct denominations—one obviously that of Amir Timur, in 500 sum, the other is in the denomination of 100,000, that of Ulugh Beg. Ulugh Beg was a sultan of the Timurid lineage, but his name was more attached to his contribution in astronomy and mathematics. His observatory in Samarqand is still a great site of historic pride. The Perestroika phase under the USSR had commemorated Ulugh Beg in a postal stamp as an Uzbek astronomer and scientist. (Image study from Wikipedia). Interestingly, the currency surfaces, which are one of the smallest and restricted space for displaying national identity, had actually created one of the richest and most diverse canvas of cultural collage of the past and present of this region. The obverse of the currencies are mostly displaying monuments of history, such as mausoleums minarets or buildings and structures of the new era, like the new parliament house, Presidential palace, power station, and so on. Even proud natural resources like mountains and lakes also appeared in the currencies of various states. At times, the composition of so many icons within such a little piece of paper (that needed to carry many official information as well) made the currencies appear a bit clumsy and the images jostling for attention. As the demand of everyday material life goes, the depiction of so many images hardly draws attention of the citizens who make transaction of them every day. Nevertheless, the thought behind the drafting of these currencies, the plural representation of national icons from so many diverse areas of distinction made these currencies a very interesting site for studying the nature of symbolism at work in post-Soviet Central Asia. In fact, going beyond the currency images, one can find the presence of the same characters in the names of roads, provinces, educational institutions, and so on, that keep expanding into further wider frame of the state and society as part of the same conscious process of reinventing identities corroborating and conforming to the nation state. This process, as it was initiated by the state had its ripples and ramification in the socio-cultural sphere as well. Proud inheritance of history in terms of rich legacy of knowledge and culture, the common experience of the strange Soviet experimentation, sometimes repressive, again at times beneficial had been similar for every region. One can notice, while the icons of Lenin had been knocked down and removed (though not always demolished), the day of victory against Fascism, or the Great Patriotic War (World War II) had been exalted and commemorated in each state and commonly considered as a great mile stone for all the successor

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states of Central Asia. Faceless heroes of this war had received acknowledgment in modern sculptural monuments of multitude. Some such heroes are also acknowledged for their sacrifice in distinctive memorial effigies. Manshuk Mametova and Aliya Moldagulova of Kazakhstan (Pevnev, 2021, Dreamstime.com) were two such war heroes. Similarly, the statue of Ogul Muhammadloni from Penjikent (Personal visit to the statue), Tajikistan, commemorates her contribution as the first Tajik woman fighter pilot to combat the Nazi forces. Among the new set of holidays and days to observe, the victory day on 9th May is a common feature for all Central Asian republics. (Denison, 2010, 94) Thus, a selective approach to replace or resurrect the recent historic legacy of the Soviet system is also visibly apparent in the process of icon breaking and icon making spree. It is rather worth mentioning, that the holiday list for these states is not much crowded with religious occasions. Rather countries like Tajik, Uzbek, and Turkmen republics revived the pre-Islamic Persian New Year on spring equinox—Navruz or Nuroz as one of the most spectacular national festival. The symbol of navruz as sprouting harvests is also considered sacrosanct and is visible in many public display and media representation. The spontaneous participation of the people in the spectacular observation of the day in processions, music, dance, and food fest confirms the validity of this chosen day and its symbolic potentials. One can find an apparent binary of nomadic and sedentary cultural attributes distributed among the five republics. Kazakh and Kirghiz regions are marked for being more attached to nomadic way of life since the time immemorial, for their geographical location in the steppe and mountain terrain. In fact, their state symbols vividly conform to the notion of nomadism. Tajik, Uzbek, and Turkmen territories are on the other, situated in the oasis zone of the surrounding desert areas and had experienced sedentary civilization ever since the pre-historic times and have attachments to the rise and fall of the great empires in and around this happening historic region. In spite of contrasting cultural forms, nomadic and settled cultures did not create water tight compartments, rather, there are sporadic interface and exchanges between the two broad typologies if delved into minute analysis. One such area of intermingling is visible in the musical arena. Classical and folk traditions are in open dialog in this broad area of cultural interaction. Yet, music and dance forms of each region and sub-region are specific and distinctive. While vocal and instrumental music is often demarcated as classical or folk genre, dances are identified by the region-specific characteristics it had practiced and handed down for generations. Interestingly, the Soviet era had nurtured and encouraged some of the indigenous art forms, but they were never brought to the limelight or appreciated as much as they deserved. Singers, dancers, and musicians made their way even outside the region to showcase the treasure of their own land and acquired the due acknowledgment as they deserved so far. These facets remain the refined and subtle features of these nations and help the conscientious citizens to develop their identities on highly elevated intellectual and aesthetic domain. A subtle yet distinct binary between the Turk and Persian identities also surfaced as part of identity politics in Central Asia which had its most intense manifestation between the two neighboring states of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. This was a

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development caused by the Soviet Nationalities policy which took a shape of bitter antagonism in the post-independence years. Nevertheless, they had a largely shared past in the pre-Soviet era and therefore still continue to possess and practice a large number of common material culture. Although, Tajikistan remained steadfast toward her Persianate language and cultural attachment and revived this rich legacy manifold after the collapse of the Soviet yoke. Rest of the four republics proclaimed some or other variant of the Turki language, although each had developed their distinctive language and literary forms already during the Soviet era. It is between Uzbek and Tajik states, the politics of language took an intense tension during the initial years as in the pre-Soviet days, the literary language of the region was Persian and all the diverse Turki dialects available were mostly part of the oral tradition and nomadic life. Uzbek as a literary language was a creation of the 20th Century learned linguists who made Chagatai Turkish language of the Turks available for academic purposes. Thus, the language itself had a symbolic value for each republic, it had provided them their titular national identity from the Soviet epoch and in spite of continuing the Russian Esperanto as a language of communication under the Soviet territories, revival of language and manifestation of literary hoard as well as creation of new literature in vernacular became a manifest symbolic behavior of the entire region in the post-Soviet era. In fact, in the sphere of literary revival, one can see the subtle binary of classical and folk tradition. For example, Tajikistan and Kirgizstan, both are undergoing difficult times, ever since their very inception as sovereign states— yet attention toward national language is remarkable. Manas (as has been mentioned earlier), a nomadic oral tradition had its parallel in the immortal epic creation of Firdausi in Shah Nameh. These books form proud symbol of the new nationhood as well. Some more interesting tendencies began to surface on the question of language identity and its manifestation within the republics. For example, Uzbekistan took an early drive to reject Cyrillic script as an obvious sign of Russian imposition, and shifted toward Latin scripts to attach the nation with the world language of the contemporary times. This, however led to a number of practical problems of publishing as well as managing the lexicons phonetically in Uzbek language expressions. Shift from one symbol of power to another—replacement of one international language with another was no smooth sail and the printing of Uzbek books in Cyrillic scripts still continues. “The issue has been on the public agenda for a quarter of a century.” (Eurasia Net, 29.3. 2017) Same plan of shifting from Cyrillic to Roman lexicons was found in Kazakhstan as well. However, Nazarbaev had changed his mind about a decade ago not to replace the script of one European / alien language with another (William Fierman, 2010, 134–135). What Tajikistan did in the bout of initial urge to cater to the national language was even more drastic. It had made the use of Tajik language mandatory for all government officials and civil servants. The Russian language had a change of status—called the language of the interethnic communication. Moreover, outmigration of large number of ethnic Russians in the initial years had caused lack of proper trainers and experts for the school curricula. Persian, or precisely, Tajiki was, however, continued to be written in Cyrillic along with certain unique symbols. However, as posterity

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shows, that the Tajik migrant workers in Russia were considered as incapable of communicating in Russian language. In order to continue the flow of migration, which brings a sizable remittance for the country to manage its finance from complete collapse, the state had to revive the Russian language as part of regular curricula after initial decades of indecision (Eurasianet, August 19, 2015). Thus, the symbol of language or languages, although taken up as the major medium of communication among indigenous people, presence of Russian Esperanto actually gave the Central Asian people a common medium of expression across the little barriers within Turkophone languages or the long standing tension over the TurkoPersian binaries. The most colorful representation of identities, however, developed through the course of new cultural paradigms. Interestingly, in the new genre, drive toward image making became visible in the cultural pursuits of the state as well as beyond state. Along with the revival of distinctive pre-Soviet trends in literature, art and architecture, music and dance, games and sports, a way of life began to be practiced and portrayed. The scope of cine media and electronic media provided great support for this image to be articulated and shared. In spite of high state control over electronic media, and limited resources to be allotted to the making of films, the post-Soviet Central Asia began to make its exotic culture a matter of exhibition and appreciation for the outer world. It is worth noting, that the symbolism harped and highlighted in these platforms are more diverse and often more spontaneous in their manifestation. Not that these platforms do not conform to the state ordained perspectives to relate respective symbols as native/national identity. The images portrayed through literary forms such as poems, novels and lyrics or visual and performing arts of diverse genre have a much deeper and meaningful representation that encompass or expand beyond the apparent features and facets of the state. Thus, the musical instruments of the entire zone with their semblance and variety mark a subtle and refined characteristic of the people and their life. The sleek and elegant string instruments remind the tradition of handmade lutes of Central Asia—connecting the region culturally with West and South Asian musical heritage. The instruments of both classical and folk genre had been revived with serious zeal and intense eagerness in the post-Soviet era to face the world with their proud legacies. In fact, UNESCO had acknowledged the classical musical tradition of Tajik-Uzbek people, ShashMaqam, as their common intangible heritage (UNESCO, 2008). Such cultural inheritance also adds special dimensions in the process of symbolic attachments and remaking the identity of each and every ethno-cultural segment within the vast expanse of this seamless multicultural space. Similarly, paintings (miniature and other genre), sculptures, handicrafts, or hand embroideries depict the topography, flora, and fauna as part of the image making of the land. This is a spontaneous practice of every ethnic culture; however, this has been consciously revived in this region as part of their quest for identities. It is worth mentioning the overwhelming presence of two animals in the visual narratives, namely horse and camel. These two animals had been quintessential support system for human habitation to grow in the seamless grasslands converging into semi-desert circuits around prospective oasis zones. Both these animals had been the means of communication for this land till the entry of automobiles and even then continue

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to be as natural part of the region even during the age of mechanization under the Soviets and after. It is the horses that gave movement to the people of this land and the camels made them conquer the challenges of desert ways. The nomadic life received its tremendous motion and dynamism due to the support of these two animals. Actually, the dialog between nomadic and sedentary cultures that had led to the marvelous saga of silk route would have been impossible without the horse or camel. The cultural manifestation in diverse ways acknowledge the obvious gratitude of the people of the land toward these two animals as two auspicious symbols of the region. Human dependence and association with these two creatures had been immortalized in literary imagination as well as showcased in traditional art forms and contemporary cinematic representations.1

5 Rationale Behind the Secular Overtone: Role of Political Islam to Induce a Conscious Identity Drive Away from Religion As observed by Olivier Roy at the onset of the present century, following the dynamism of politics and culture of this entire region, this whole trend of accepting and highlighting pluralism had an underlying perspective. None of the states actually wished to fall under another greater identity to overshadow their national entities— built and matured under the Bolshevik tutelage yet always downplayed at the face of supra-national identity of the Soviet state. Two major forces at work to supplement and complement Soviet supra-national structure were pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism as had been observed by Olivier Roy (Roy, 1997, 161–199). The careful segregation of each titular nations was marked not only by keeping religion at bay but also to keep away the way of life that would be an obvious appendage that would accompany the orthodox Islam, if imported from the neighboring states of West Asia. In fact, those still in power can carry on their semi-autocratic regime solely for the promise of a secular state strong enough to prevent the inroads of political Islam of diverse variants. Here one must mention the role of Tajik state in maintaining a stern secular identity in the public image standing adjacent to Afghanistan for decades. In spite of visible seepage toward Islamic extremism in overt and covert ways, the mainstream politics continue to be endorsed by a large number of people just for the sake of being safe and protected against Islamic inroads. There are a number of apprehensive scholars signaling the possible dangerous turn of these states with subversive elements always active in clandestine mode to transform this entire territory into an extension of Arab Islam or even worse, into active base for Islamic terrorist factions like Talibans or ISIS. However, so far as history of this region shows, ever since their independence, these states, however weak and incapacitated they might appear in terms of economic development and political integrity, they could herald an unwritten consensus from their larger population about the risk and peril entailed in the courses of extremist Islamic fervor.

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This is not only the habit of a Western secularism imposed upon the region for slightly more than half a century. In the keen observation of Olivier Roy, the nature of Islam and its internalization in the Central Asian region under the Hanafi sect had been markedly different and non-interfering in the state functioning compared to the Wahabi Islam, or Shiism common in the Arab and Iranian belt in the post-World War II days. ( Roy, 1997, 153). Of course it goes without saying that the distorted variants of Islam, with their heinous magnitude of destruction and retrogression in no way suited the common spirit of these region and their people. To the people, Islam meant a way of life, life cycle rituals, certain traditional values and a huge inheritance of culture—which has nothing to do with destabilizing forces of political Islam. Still, each titular republic along with this broadly common backdrop has resurrected their distinctiveness that made them stand apart from one another in spite of such strong similarities. In fact, given the ethno-cultural feature of the entire Central Asian region, each state, irrespective of their geographical location and size has a multi-lingual, multi-ethnic composition along with the variation in their natural environment. In fact, due to divergence of natural surroundings, mountains, valleys, plains, and desert being the major physical feature of the region, the way of life differs markedly within this geo-cultural space. The forces of sub-national identities are no less powerful and active in real terms in this vast zone of diversity than the supra-national entities developed under the Soviet or pre-Soviet era. These regional variations had actually led to serious conflicts, often leading to the outbreak of civil wars. However, during such tumultuous moments, the role of Islam as an overarching binding force had been visible to bring a number of oppositional groups together against the ruling bloc. However, there too, Islam acted as a lose binding force to bring diverse ethno-linguistic and regional factions together aiming at the authorities in power, which visibly demonstrate an overtly secular image. In fact, more the proximity and probability to skid through the treacherous path toward Islamic terror and regime change, more the demonstration of secular practices and restrictive religious behavior in the public image of the nation. The geo-strategic position of Tajikistan being in close proximity to Afghanistan and Iran, (and being dominated with Persian linguistic culture) always carries the potential danger in her underbelly of some or another variant of subversive Islam. The state policy, therefore, goes astonishingly strong in keeping Islamic way of life away from general practice. Although, the President of this state had removed the Russian appendage of his name, turned Rakhmon from Rakhmonov, and made holy pilgrimage to Mecca to prove his steadfast allegiance to Islam, yet, the state laws remain unbending and often stringent against the practice of demonstrative Islamic ways, like, beard, hijab, mosque culture, and so on. In fact, with the rise of global Islam, negotiation with religion in these lands had grown even further complex than it used to be under the Soviet regime. Under the Soviet system, there was little scope for religious freedom and during the Glasnost movement, one of the most common demand articulated by the people were to recover their spiritual space and get rid of the atheistic imposition. However, it was after freedom of choice arrived, that the realization had dawned in the general conscience that they need not be carried away by the Islamic fervor all

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around and maintain their own distinctiveness from their neighboring Islamic states of Afghanistan, Arab, Iran, and Turkey. In order to understand the drive toward identity building and search for symbols from remote and recent past, a common tendency that often led to a cluster of chaotic conglomeration of images and representation for each states, one needs to reckon with the ever-growing challenge of Islamic extremism constantly threatening the thresholds of Central Asian national identities. In order to create an image of what they are, actually, they had portrayed the sublime message of what they are not. Instead of uniformity and monochromic entities, each tried to encompass as much variety and diversity to reflect a multilayered collage of facets and features which creates the complex tapestry of national identities. This was to accommodate multiple shades of identities as much as possible within the frame of state hegemonies. However, this great expanse and accommodative symbolism could hardly be effective in bringing cohesion in real politic, the scope of power share remained narrow and limited to the autocrat and his/her coteries, often within the extended family network. Not that this chaotic jamboree of symbols could actually bring harmony to the social existence of a land highly destabilized and disturbed by economic confusion and geo-political complexities. In Sally N. Cumming’s analysis, “It is, however, misleading to claim that the content of the chosen symbols expresses cultural authenticity or essence. Identity as a process of becoming captures better the nature of a journey that can often be quite arbitrary in the form it ends up adopting.” She further added in the same context, “The varied functions of symbolism explain why they may end up meaningless for the population.” (Cummings, 2010, 8).

6 Conclusion: A Fusion of Diverse Identities at Work as Against the Risky Alternatives of Supra–National Identities Available at Hand The conglomeration of uncountable symbols attached to the national identities of each nation, at times appearing like a chaotic canvas crowded with so many faces and facets that apparently had no link within, actually, provides for the countless rubrics essentially required for the conceptualization of the new nationhood. These states thus created an endless fusion of diverse sets of identities, reaching away from the immediate past and keeping safe distances from the alternative of PanIslamic fervor. Even distinctive from the scope of pan-Turkism as well. However, they might try to segregate their images from the immediate past experiences of the imposed Soviet culture, some of its perspectives and pretentions continued to be absorbed and adapted to the new setup—consciously or unconsciously. Russian language being the most powerful remnant that still connects the Central Asian nations and continues the linguistic cultural dominance. Uzbekistan’s attempt to remove the shadow of Cyrillic alphabets is a notional rejection of the linkages which in real-life scenario cannot be fully removed. Carrying forward the legacy

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of Soviet concept of political hero worshiping, the contemporary Presidents also are blatant supporters of ideas of icon worshiping of the leaders. The depiction of a cluster of natural resources in the national emblem was also a reflection of the Soviet training. Above all, the concept of a secular state and its sanctity is undoubtedly a very strong legacy of the immediate past—with which each and all of these Central Asian republics had a somewhat uneasy equation. Amidst the process of identity building by both official and academic intellectual initiatives, one consensus is rigorously engaged about the distinctiveness and indigenous identities of the regional states and nations. Of this particular territorial space-identity concept raises few questions: how and where the communities are different? What makes communities of Central Asia unique from their surroundings, be that Europe or Asia? These intense thoughts and involvements in the process of image making, creating so many overlapping strands and their “spectacular” manifestation, are actually a loud outcry to make their presence felt beyond their immediate neighbors of the orient, possessed by the most devastating variants of political Islam—a compelling challenge that these nascent nations hold on to ever since the onset of their independent journey toward an unsure future. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study

Notes 1. For ready reference, one can mention the contemporary miniature paintings of Olim Kamalov, Tajikistan, whose initiative has a motto toward revival of classical miniature forms and his relentless drive showcases various representation of the land and its natural ambience, horses and camels are found as inalienable part of those depictions. (Personal visit to his studio.) It was in the fag-end of the Soviet era, that renowned Kirghiz author Chengiz Aitmatov wrote his epic novel Proshay Gulsari, or Good Bye Gulsari, 1980, which narrates the failed experiment of communism in the Central Asian land, evolving around the life of its main protagonist, - a horse named Gulsari. Just at the turn of the century, a Tajik film maker, Bakhtiyar Khudojnazarov had migrated to Germany and had created world class films like Luna Papa (1999), winner of many awards, had its beginning with the horses in motion in a seamless steppe zone. In his last film before his untimely demise, V’Zdaniye Moriya, waiting for the Sea, one can see camels as icons of desert life, reaching the dried-up Aral Sea. Mention may be made about the contemporary Kazakh poem, Washing the Horse, by Lyubov Skashkova, which situates the horse as an icon of the steppe that echoed the movement of this seamless terrain from time immemorial.

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References Web Resources Adams, L. L. (2010) The Spectacular State, Culture and National Identity in Uzbekistan, Duke University Press Cummings, S. N. (2010). Landscapes and greyscepes: The politics of signification in Central Asia Cummings, S. N. (Ed.). (2013). symbolism and power in Central Asia: Politics of the spectacular, Routledge d’Encausse, H. C. (1989). L’Empireéclaté: la révolte des nations en URSS. Dagiev, D. (2014). Regime transition in Central Asia, Stateness nationalism and political change in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, Routledge Denison, M. (2010). The art of the Impossible: Political Symbolism, and the Creation of National Identity and Collective Memory in Post-Soviet Turkmenistan. In A. N. Cummings (Ed.), Symbolism and Power in Central Asia, Politics of the Spectacular, Routledge Eurasianet. (2015). https://eurasianet.org/tajikistan-russian-language-woes-stymie-labor-migrantambitions Eurasia Net. (2017). Latin Alphabet in Uzbekistan: To B or Not to B. https://eurasianet.org/latinalphabet-in-uzbekistan-to-b-or-not-to-b Film: Khudojnazarov, Bakhtiyar, Luna Papa. (1999). Tajikistan, Russia, Uzbekistan, Germany, Pandora Films, Paradis Films Glebov, O .,& Cowfoot, J. (Eds.). (1999). The Russian empire: its nationalities speak out, the first Congress of Peoples’ Deputies, Moscow, 25 May-10 June, 1989, Apchur. Harwood Academic Publishers. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kazakhstani_tenge https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyrgyzstani_som https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tajikistani_somoni https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmenistani_manat https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uzbekistani_so%CA%BBm Khalid, A. (2014). Islam after communism: Religion and politics in Central Asia, University of California Press Kudaibergenova, D. T. (2014). National identity formation in post-Soviet Central Asia: The Soviet legacy, primordialism and patterns of ideological development since 1991. In S. Akyildiz & R. Carlson (Eds) Social and Cultural Change in Central Asia: The Soviet Legacy. Routledge, UK, USA. Newton, S. (2017). The Constitutional Systems of the Independent Central Asian States, A Contextual Analysis. Oxford and Portland, Oregon, Hart publishing Nourzhanov, K., Bleuer, C. (2013). Tajikistan, A Political and Social History, Australia. Australian National University, E Press https://library.oapen.org/viewer/web/viewer.html?file=/bitstream/ handle/20.500.12657/33528/459996.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y. Accessed November 9, 2020 Patnaik, A. (2016). Central Asia, Geopolitics, security and strategy. Routledge, India, NY, UK Pevnev, Alexey, Image ID: 142320716, Manshuk Mametova and Aliya Moldagulova, Dreamstime.com, https://www.dreamstime.com/almaty-kazakhstan-july-monument-to-heroes-sovietunion-aliya-moldagulova-manshuk-mametova-city-park-sculptor-k-image142320716. Accessed September 3, 2021 Roy, O. (1997). The New Central Asia: Geopolitics and the Birth of Nations. New York University Press, New York, London Smith, Whitney, Flag of Tajikistan, Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/flag-of-Tajikistan, Accessed August 28, 2021

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UNESCO, Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2008 https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/shashmaqom-music00089 Visual images of different currencies. Wikicommons

Contextualizing the Separate Statehood for the Bundelkhand Region Sanjay Swarnkar

Abstract Mass movements with shared pasts of misery and exploitation with garnered leadership to create their own spaces of regional autonomy in form of states or provinces are addressed as “Regional Movements.” The people’s movements to seek autonomy are classified in three categories: (a) Statehood movement or seeking provincial status or separate statehood, (b) Autonomy movements or seeking regional autonomy within a nationalistic regime, (c) Secessionist movement or seeking separate nation status. These variations of regionalism could be categorically understood as regional movements which are emerging within India due to their historical cultural legacy. Indian constitution has permitted the discussion and possible creation of the first two categories in its several provisions under “States Reorganization Acts,” however, the secession is not permitted. Various scholars have done research work on the movement for the establishment of a separate state in different regions after the independence of India. Chaketi Raju wrote on Vidarbha region, K. Kamala has expressed her views on small states of India, Rakesh Nath Tiwari on Bundelkhand and Sangeeta Mishra on the movements for the establishment of Uttarakhand state and these are the notable writings on proposed study. The backwardness of the people residing in the Bundelkhand region and the Sour tribe here being away from the purview of development of this area compels the government to take specific measures and the apathy of the government is distraught them, that is why the demand for the establishment of a separate Bundelkhand state has also been going on for the last several decades to improve the status of the Indigenous people. This research has done to study the relevance and inevitability of the movement related to the creation of a separate Bundelkhand state. This article attempts to address the issue of statehood for Bundelkhand in the growing political development in the state of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh in the post-polls period. This study is also proposed to demonstrate the barriers and hurdles in achieving the statehood for Bundelkhand.

S. Swarnkar (B) Department of History, Government Kamala Raja Girls P. G. Auto. College, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_6

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Keywords Bundelkhand Statehood · Economic discontentment · Exploitation · Political backwardness · Migration · UP-Bundelkhand · MP-Bundelkhand · Govt. of India

1 Introduction States or provinces within the Indian Union are composite in nature with linguistic, religious, socio-cultural assemble, and shared heritage among its peoples. Often these shared cultural values have hierarchy in socio-political status. The diversity within the demography of these people intrinsically composed of nativism and migratory patterns which evolved in the South Asian human ecology since ages. Communities living in these strategic geographies identify themselves as “regional communities” living in these spaces and demanding for themselves “regional statehood” which often comprises concept “State within a state.” Seeking validation for a state within a state. Demands for such new states delve into visible in effect ideas of autonomy to own resources of the region and govern and administer them as per the vision of the community which dominates the region. Often, advocates of new states engage themselves in collective action and mass mobilization of their followers to empower the movement for separate statehood. Since the independence of India in 1947 more than “30” thirty separate sate formation movements emerged. Several of them began within the first decade of independence, i.e., 1950s. As a result of these initial statehood movements, following new states were created in the 1948 (Jammu and Kashmir), 1950 (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam, Odisha, Tamil Nadu), 1953 (Andhra Pradesh), 1956 (Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka), 1960 (Maharashtra, Gujrat), 1963 (Nagaland), 1966 (Punjab), 1971 (Himachal Pradesh), 1972 (Manipur, Meghalaya, Tripura), 1975 (Sikkim), 1987 (Goa, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram), 2000 (Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttarakhand), and in 2014 (Telangana). The demands for these separate states didn’t end there itself, and with the beginning of new millennium in the twenty-first century, we come across rise in the demands for such movements based on their demographic and physiographic structures.1

2 Geographical Condition of Proposed Bundelkhand State Proposed Bundelkhand region constitutes geographical terrain shared with the two states of Indian Union, i.e., Madhya Pradesh (hereafter MP) and Uttar Pradesh (hereafter UP). The part of Bundelkhand region in M.P. is in northeast area of this state and the part included from UP is situated in the South of this state.2 Bundelkhand is spread over about 69,000 km2 . of land in seven districts of UP which are as follows: Chitrakut, Banda, Jhansi, Jalaun, Hamirpur, Mahoba, and Lalitpur, and eight district of MP which are: Datia, Niwari, Tikamgarh, Chhatarpur, Panna, Satna, Damoh, and Sagar. Out of the total population of about 14.5 million (as per the Census of 2011), 1 2

See the Map 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. See the Map No 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12.

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about 7.8 million people live in the roughly 29,000 km2 area of UP, while about 6.7 million people live in the roughly 40,000 km2 area of MP. Clearly, the part located in UP is more densely populated. On the basis of linguistic and cultural homogeneity, the statehood movement is mobilized to bring together people who all speak Bundeli language to come under one “Bundelkhand” state. Prior to independence of India, this region of proposed “Bundelkhand” constituted in itself princely states and territories of British domain of United Provinces and Central Provinces, which later in 1950 and 1956 were shared within the domains of UP and MP respectively. On studying the sources related to the separate Bundelkhand movement, it appears that by bringing these two areas under one state, there is a high possibility that different types of obstacles may come in the operation of the state. Bundelkhand in Madhya Pradesh (MP-Bundelkhand): As we delve into the proposed territories of Bundelkhand in the MP region, we need to know the physiography of MP which is the second largest state in the Indian Union. With a geographical area of 308,245 km2 , it is geographically one the most diverse state located within the 21’6” and 26’30” north and the longitudes 74’9” and 42’48” east of Greenwich. Previously known as Central Provinces, this state in actual determines the centrality of India and therefore, as its name says in Hindi language “Madhya” meaning center it is the central part of India, where this state shares its borders with five other state which are UP, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Chhattisgarh. Another significant aspect of MP is that irrespective of being in central part of India, this state neither has any seacoast, nor the international border aligned to it, which further renders it to the complexity of internalized cultural and economic pathways of India.3 Geographically, the terrains of MP divide the fertile Gangetic plains of UP in the north from the broad tableland of Deccan Plateau, through one of the oldest hill ranges of Gondwana land known as the Vindhyanchal mountain range. MP is predominantly a hilly and tableland area and part of “Bundelkhand” which is also a physiographic sub-region of MP or central parts of India. Located in the northern mid-high region of MP-Bundelkhand constitutes of plains, tablelands, and highlands. The districts which are the part of the present study mostly fall within the Bundelkhand hilly areas. One district of Baghelkhand-Vindhya region is also in reconsideration to be a part of Bundelkhand because it is bordering the Bundelkhand. The Bundelkhand region of MP, which we address as “Bundelkhand-MP,” is a difficult terrain with rocks and ravines and largely barren and uncultivable, and the soil texture is yellow to black with low organic matter making it not so fertile. This region is also rain shadow area, thus, lacks monsoon irrigational patterns. Due to its low agricultural productivity, majority of the region’s population which is primarily dependent on agriculture suffers from poverty. Although, MP is one of the richest states in India with its forest resources, Bundelkhand region of MP lacks in forests and terrestrial ecology. So, in the contemporary times, the forest as a means of livelihood is almost scarce in the region, which was not the cultural ecological nature of the communities inhabiting the region in the past. The decline of the forest cover 3

Kumar. (2000), Madhya Pradesh Ek Bhougolik Adhayyan, Madhya Pradesh, Hindi Granth Akadamy, Bhopal, p. 7.

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in the region could largely be blamed to mining and quarrying which is one of the significant economic sectors of the region.4 Among the eight districts proposed to be included in the Bundelkhand state, Datia, Niwari, Tikamgarh, Chhatarpur, Panna, Satna, Damoh, and Sagar constitute almost half of the region of northern highland MP. Among all these districts, Datia is situated in the north-western part, while Satna is in the east. Datia is little cut-off by a trench of UP, while other four districts are closely located together, thus, making districts of MP-Bundelkhand essential part of the Bundelkhand statehood movement.5 Individually, if we study each of these districts of MP-Bundelkhand region, then they reveal a distinct historical cultural patterns. Datia which is the essential part of this movement is part of Gwalior administrative division of present MP state and comprises significant economic and cultural significance to the MP state. Niwari is situated in the north of Tikamgarh District and surrounded by district Chhatarpur in the east and Lalitpur (UP) in the west and south. Tikamgarh, situated toward the west to the center of plateau of Bundelkhand is surrounded by district Niwari of MP and Jhansi of UP in the north and Lalitpur (UP) in the west and south. Toward its east, district Chhatarpur is situated. Chhatarpur district is in the valleys of rivers Ken and Dhasan which form the physical boundaries on the east and west, respectively, of this district. This district is surrounded on the north by district Hamirpur (UP), on the south by Damoh, on the east by Panna and on the west by Tikamgarh. The rivers Ken and Dhasan separate the districts, respectively, from Panna in the east and Tikamgarh in the west. Panna, a district with a high concentration of forest, is surrounded in its north by Banda (UP) and some parts of Satna district, in its west by Chhatarpur and Damoh, in its south by Jabalpur and in its east by Satna district. District Satna, a part of the Rewa division, has its northern boundaries completely covered by the districts of UP. On its west, Panna is situated, while its east is covered by Rewa and Sidhi. Its southern boundaries are touching the districts of Jabalpur and Shahdol. District Sagar is in the south of Jhansi (UP) and surrounded by districts Guna, Vidisha, and Raisen in west, Narsinghpur in north and Damoh and Chhatarpur in the east. District Damoh has similar culture of district Sagar, and it is situated in the east of this district.6 Climatically, entire Bundelkhand is marred by heat waves and severity of cold waves in summer and winter seasons. It receives its maximum rainfall during the monsoon season coming through the monsoon inception from Arabian Sea from the southwest in mid-June which ends in mid-October. The region receives average rainfall of 500–700 mm approx. which facilitates the rabi (winter crops) crops such as wheat, gram, barley, and oilseeds which are the backbone of agricultural economy of the state and the Bundelkhand region. Therefore, Bundelkhand region of MP is one of the significant regions for the present state of MP which helps in accelerating agrarian and economic standards of the state, at the same time, the region has its own challenges of backward and poverty-stricken demography which adds to the liabilities of the state of MP. 4

See the map of India. Map No 6, 11, 12, 13, 14 and 15. See the map of India. Map No 12. 6 See the map of India. Map No 12. 5

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Bundelkhand in Uttar Pradesh (UP-Bundelkhand): As I already mentioned above, the Bundelkhand region covers roughly 29,000 km2 . area of Uttar Pradesh state and seven districts are: Chitrakut, Banda, Jhansi, Jalaun, Hamirpur, Mahoba, and Lalitpur which will be the part of proposed separate state. Presently, Jhansi (Jhansi, Lalitpur, Jalaun) and Chitrakoot (Chitrakoot, Banda, Hamirpur, Mahoba) are two divisions who manage these districts. In all districts except Jhansi, more than 70% people live in rural areas, with some districts exceeding eighty “80” percent. The climate of this region is quite hot, and sometimes, district Banda and Chitrakoot experience intense heatwaves in the summer season. It leads to sudden deaths, acute draught, and starvation in this area. See the location of districts covered under UPBundelkhand.7 District Jhansi is situated on the Delhi-Mumbai Railway route which was an essential pathway through railways during the colonial regime connecting Bombay Presidency to United Provinces and so does today that in the postcolonial era, it plays the similar role. It is popular railway junction from where people can board the train leading to Kanpur, Lucknow, Gorakhpur, Varanasi, Ahmedabad, Sagar, Mumbai, etc. It is surrounded on the north by Jalaun, south by Lalitpur and Niwari, west by Datia, and east by Mahoba and Hamirpur.8 Lalitpur district is geographically a difficult terrain, connecting riverine plains of the Bundelkhand region with the Vindhyan plateau. Vindhyanchal table land and plateau is running parallel to the Betwa river in the southeast direction and is gradually breaking up into a limited mass of hills. Some parts of it reach an altitude of 650 m above sea level. It is bound by district Jhansi in the north, Sagar and Tikamgarh districts of Madhya Pradesh state in the east and Ashoknagar district of Madhya Pradesh which are separated by the Betwa river in the west.9 Jalaun is situated in the heart of the flat plains of Bundelkhand. There are some hills in the north to this area which is surrounded by river Yamuna, which forms the northern boundary of the district. Its tributaries are the river Betwa and river Pahuj, which form the southern and western boundaries of the district. The districts of Etawah and Kanpur are situated to the north across the river Yamuna, while Hamirpur district lies to the east and southeast, Jhansi district is located to the southeast, and Bhind district of MP to the west across the Pahuj.10 The district Banda largely consists of irregular uplands with outcrops of rocks intermingling with lowlands, which are frequently under water during the rainy season. The Baghein river passes over the district from southwest to northeast. Other important rivers are the river Ken in the east and the river Yamuna to the north. It is bound in the north by district of Fatehpur in the east by the district of Chitrakut in the west by the district of Hamirpur and Mahoba and in the south by Satna, Panna, and Chhatarapur the districts of adjoining MP.11 The district Hamirpur is a part of Chitrakoot Dham Division of Uttar Pradesh state of India. It is bounded by districts Jalaun (Orai), Kanpur, 7

See the map of India. Map No 6 and 11. See the map of India. Map No 9. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 8

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and Fatehpur in north, Banda in east, Mahoba in south, and districts of Jhansi and Jalaun to the west of Hamirpur.12 Mahoba district one of the smallest districts of UP. It is famous for its glorious past which is sung widely in the folklores of Bundelkhand in its Bundeli language. The district headquarters of Mahoba city are also known as Alha-Udal Nagari, two protagonist heroes of Bundeli heritage and living legacy.13 Chitrakoot the pilgrimage city associated to “Ramayana” in UP is one of the most significant districts of Bundelkhand region. It is surrounded by Banda, Fatehpur, and Prayagraj in the north, Panna and Satna in the south, Banda in the west, and Prayagraj in the east.14

3 Historical Background of Bundelkhand Region The historicity of Bundelkhand takes the region to ancient times. In Indian mythology, it is stated that Bundelkhand kingdom was founded by King Dandak, son of the famous Aryan king Ikshvaku. The epic Mahabharata mentioned that the descendants of Ikshwaku founded the Chedi kingdom. The Ikshvaku dynasty played a vital role in the epic battle of Mahabharata. After Mahabharat period, Bundelkhand came under the Mauryan rule, and then followed by the Vakatakas and the Kalachuris. The region was ruled by several dynasties, often coming under the suzerainty of other kingdoms, including large kingdoms such as the Gupta, the Vakatakas, the Huns, the Nagas, the Gurjara-Pratiharas, the Gonds, the Mughals, the Marathas, and the British in the colonial era.15 These dynasties did not develop any area indeed or any traits or characteristics in the administrative systems or in the economy of the Bundelkhand region. One thing that comes into existence is that the reigns of various rulers and distant dynasties promoted the tendency to establish local feudatories, thus, sowing the seeds of a strong feudal trend in the region, which has infiltrated into the weft of strong social and religious practice. As Prof. R.S. Sharma mentions that the most important factor which contributed to the development of feudalism in India was the practice of land grants made to Brahmins and religious Institutions,16 Bundelkhand region had also faced such type of practices. There were two features of the grants in this region the transfer of all sources of revenue and the surrender of police and administrative functions which paved the way for the rise of Brahmins feudatories. Similarly, we found that the ruling section created and distributed jagir (land grants) to their adherent, henchman, family members and relatives and strengthened them. So that, the branches of these jagirdars (land grantee) developed and established their dominance in their respective areas. This adversely affected the living conditions of the indigenous residents of that area and they were forced to live at the mercy of these 12

Ibid. Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Tiwari, Gore Lal, Bundelkhand ka SankshiptItihas (1933), Allahabad, pp. 1–106. 16 Sharma, Ram Sharan (1980), Indian feudalism, Macmillan India Limited, Patna, pp. 28–37. 13

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jagirdars. Even today, these areas are dominated by Kshatriya Jagirdars and these feudal elements deeply attack the freedom of the native people. During the process of downfall of Mughals, an opportunity was given to Marathas and this region was occupied by Marathas in first half of the eighteenth century. But soon after the defeat of the Marathas in the third battle of Panipat (1761) and emergence of British power in India, this region passed onto the British in the second decade of the nineteenth century. The Marathas ceded some parts of the Bundelkhand to the British in 1802, under the Treaty of Bassein. In 1818, after the end of the third Anglo-Maratha war, the Peshwa of Pune ceded all his rights to Bundelkhand to the British. The various states in Bundelkhand were organized into the Bundelkhand Agency in1811.17 The Bundelkhand Agency was a British political entity that was managed by Britishers to coordinate several autonomous princely states outside British India, namely Orchha, Datia, Samthar (all three were called treaty states) and twenty-five minor states, of which the most prominent were Panna, Chhatarpur, Charkhari, and Ajaigarh. The headquarter of Bundelkhand agency was established in Naugaon (Dist. Chhatarpur). The second part of Bundelkhand, which is presently part of UP, directly came under the British Indian Government. After the independence of India, this part was merged with United Province in 1950 and it was later called Uttar Pradesh. When we talk about the princely states of Bundelkhand Agency, these were combined with those of the former Baghelkhand Agency to form the state of Vindhya Pradesh in 1950. After the States Reorganization Act of 1956, Bundelkhand was merged into MP on November 1, 1956.18 This research is being done to study the relevance and inevitability of the movement related to the creation of a separate Bundelkhand state. The main objectives of this research study are to study the cultural historicity of Bundelkhand, to recognize the importance of the living conditions of the indigenous inhabitants of Bundelkhand, to study the economic condition of Bundelkhand state, to get information about the organizations working for the formation of separate Bundelkhand state, to determine the role of the state and central governments in the formation of Bundelkhand state, to establish the relevance of the movement for the creation of Bundelkhand state, etc. In order to complete the research work, our research methodology will be applied in such a way where we could attain the results of hypothesis. First, we studied the geographical and historical background of the districts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh belonging to Bundelkhand state. Secondly, we collected and studied documents, records, and primary sources related with this region. Along with this, we went through the secondary sources too to establish the facts on the basis of primary sources. Under this research study, it is hypothesized that if the economic condition and political condition of Bundelkhand state is to be improved, it is essential to give the status of a separate Bundelkhand state so that the level of livelihood of the people of Bundelkhand region for centuries can be raised. 17

H.D.R. Bundelkhand, p.17. Bhattacharya. (1977) Historical Background of Madhya Pradesh from Early Records, Motilal Banarasidas, Delhi, p. 41.

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4 Causes of the Demand for Bundelkhand State Historical and Geographical Isolation: The Bundelkhand region is geographically located in the central region on the map of India. Since the barren hilly terrain and forests are in abundance in this zone, the people of this region did not get the signs of development even after the independence of India. The Central Government and the State Governments have not paid attention in this zone as compared to other regions. Although the history of this region is no less important than that of any other region, the fact remains that the history of Bundelkhand was here to neglected. In this situation of geographical and historical isolation, there is great resentment among the residents and for this reason they have a dream to see their region as a distinct state on the Indian map. Bundelkhand, a Politically Neglected Region: If we analyze politically the areas of Bundelkhand region falling under Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, it is known that there has not been any strong political organization or visionary politician in this zone who have been involved in the state governments and the central government to put moral pressure on them for the development of Bundelkhand since the independence of India.19 It is also a fact that by electing representatives from 10 Lok Sabha seats and 60 assembly seats in this zone, they represent the region in Lok Sabha and Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly, respectively, but due to lack of will power in these politicians, they never forced to the governments to take steps for the development of the region. There is a great lack of political awareness in this zone, due to which the government is neglecting this zone politically. The lack of coordination among the politicians of the region is also a big reason for this. Therefore, the people of Bundelkhand region have determined to form separate government for Bundelkhand and it will be happened only after the formation of separate Bundelkhand State. Lop-Sided Economic Development: Despite the natural resources, the development of Bundelkhand region remains overlooked. The natural wealth of Bundelkhand remains exploited which will surely be harmful for the coming generations. There is sufficient mineral and forest wealth in Bundelkhand, which has not been used positively by the governments and local residents, due to which the development of Bundelkhand is being blocked.20 From where it is very important to systematically use the natural resources and people think that this will be possible only when the people of Bundelkhand will get the opportunity to establish their own Bundelkhand government. The economic development of Bundelkhand has not been done by the Central Government and the State Governments. These governments, ignoring this zone, have paid special attention to the development of other areas. Although economic packages were implemented by the governments for this area, but the people of 19 20

Tiwary, Rakesh Nath, Study of Bundelkhand (Unpublished Project), pp.16–17. Ibid, pp.52–67.

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Bundelkhand have not been able to get their benefits in real terms. In place of onesided economic development being done by the governments, economic development of Bundelkhand region should be done. It forms an important basis for the creation of a separate Bundelkhand state. Droughts in Bundelkhand—Past and Present: The Bundelkhand region has a long history of disasters like drought and famine. 150 years ago, this region witnessed the “Great Famine of 1873–74.” The countrywide famine of 1896–97 started in Bundelkhand in the early years1890’s. The Bundelkhand district of Agra province experienced drought in the autumn of 1895 due to poor monsoon rains. When the winter monsoon failed, the provincial government declared a famine in early 1896. During 1905–06, Bombay and Bundelkhand provinces were affected by severe drought and cholera outbreaks. However, data on drought-related mortality is not available in Bundelkhand. One report suggests that during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there was a major drought in the Bundelkhand region which lasted for 16 years. The consequences of these two-decade long drought years are now on the record. There has been several news of mass migration, starvation deaths, farmer suicides, and even the “mortgaging” of women published in newspapers and various poverty analysis reports regarding Bundelkhand region.21 Cultural Values of Bundelkhand: The Bundelkhand region has its own rich cultural and social background. This region is the cradle of ancient culture and traditions. The region is known for its archeological monuments and places of pilgrimage for all religions, Hindus, Muslims, Jains, and Buddhists. One of the most famous tourist places in India, Khajuraho is located in Chhatarpur district. Khajuraho has a series of temples with erotic romantic stone carvings on their outer walls. These temples were built by the Chandela kings in the ninth–tenth centuries. These Chandela kings ruled Bundelkhand before the emergence of the Bundela dynasty in this region. While Orchha city, on the bank of river Betwa is famous for Ram Raja Sarkar, the notable Gujjarra inscription near Datia, a popular Buddhists site, Jalaun has one of the finest mosques and Dargah in Bundelkhand region, since some prominent Jain temples are located in Papaura and Sonagir. Social Condition of Bundelkhand: The most vulnerable communities in Bundelkhand are undoubtedly women, and those who belong to the Scheduled Castes (SC) and the Scheduled Tribes (ST). The status of women is one of the most oppressed and deprived of the basic requirements. The feudal hierarchy in form of the caste categories continues to be the oppressors of the lower castes and tribal groups. So, also the patriarchal domination creates the divide. Women of all caste groups are oppressed by their male counterparts, while in the case of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the upper castes and the landlords or aristocracy have been acting as exploiters. Such prejudices toward the weaker sections have been established 21

Gupta, A. K., Nair, S.S., Ghosh, O., Singh, A. and Dey, S. (2014). Bundelkhand Drought: Retrospective Analysis and Way Ahead. National Institute of Disaster Management, New Delhi. Available at: http://nidm.gov.in/PDF/pubs/Bundelkhand%20Drought%202014.pdf (Weblink accessed on 30th May, 2022).

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through the political and power structure. This has been promoted by the availability of wealth and physical facilities. Ultimately in all such cases, the consequences are visible in the form of inadequate education, incomplete health facilities, and low economic conditions or insufficient income. The feudal elements of upper castes dominate the society in this region. In order to maintain their status in any way, these classes keep adopting aggressive attitude and the people of the oppressed class are unable to raise their voice against their threats and exploitation and sometimes they have to leave their territory and displaced. The status of women is nowhere equal to that of men, especially in the strong patriarchal and feudal society of Bundelkhand. An irreversible society that established male dominance in customs and traditional practices has contributed to the degradation of the status of women who have suffered centuries of active discrimination. This situation is very bad as compared to other parts of India. Several indicators reflect this disadvantaged position of theirs. Some surveys and studies do not consider cultural customs and practices that deny women a status of equality, security, and respect. In Bundelkhand region, women are considered to be respected by family and society, but they do not have that much respect at home. In Bundelkhand society, they are still a victim of neglect as compared to the male member in the family. Therefore, the sex ratio is extremely low at 885 women for 1,000 men in this region.22 The status of the Scheduled Casts and Scheduled Tribes communities differs in several ways. The Scheduled Caste people in this region face caste-based discrimination in social customs. In politics too, they have to face the treatment of inequality. The literacy rate of Scheduled Castes is 63% and is five to seven percent less than the literacy rate for the general category. Despite decades of continuous efforts by the state governments to educate the girl child and to universalize adult literacy, female literacy here is less than 50%. It is to be noted that the literacy rate of Dalit population is even lower in Tikamgarh, Chhatarpur, Panna, Mahoba, Banda, and Chitrakoot districts of Bundelkhand region. There are many reports on the condition of the tribes located in Bundelkhand, which highlight the dreadful condition and show, there is least chances of sustainable livelihoods for Dalits and Tribals in Bundelkhand Region. Caste-based prejudice is common in Bundelkhand even today; both subtle and open forms of discrimination are seen and practiced. A number of cases of such prejudices and acts of overt and covert violence have been reported about Bundelkhand.23 Despite being in the twenty-first century, the practice of caste discrimination and untouchability is still prevalent in the Bundelkhand region. According to a report in Hindustan Times, Dalits in Lalitpur district cannot attend literacy centers. Report said, five women were beaten up by upper caste people for opening an adult literacy center for Dalit women in Digwara village. Dalit women are not allowed to wear footwear in front of upper caste people in rural areas.24 22

Bundelkhand (2012)NitiAyog, New Delhi, p.133. Bundelkhand (2012)NitiAyog, New Delhi, p.149. 24 Hindustan Times. (2013). Dalit atrocities in Lalitpur: NHRC demands report. Hindustan Times. Available at http://www.hindustantimes.com/lucknow/dalit-atrocities-in-lalitpur-nhrc-demands23

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Linguistic Aspirations for Bundeli: Linguistic and cultural-based connections are distinct and strong within the Bundelkhand region. There is a common dialect Bundeli or Bundelkhandi and a rich literature is available in this dialect. There is a common motivating tradition of bhaand (bardship), including the singing of the famous alha. There is also a rich tradition of achari, a folk song in honor of their goddess and other forms of cultural expressions such as singing hori, Phag, Kajri, Lamtera, Pahunai, Mila, Kachhiyahi, Khayal, and Tambura Bhajan. Due to lop-sided neglect, the spinning wheel of the weavers in Bundelkhand was broken, the paper cottage industry reached the verge of extinction, the pottery and metal crafts business was also reduced to 25%. The customs and policies of the government played an important role in ending the cottage industries in this region. Fear, hunger, and corruption have made the situation more complicated in Bundelkhand. People are dying due to hunger and malnutrition.25 Expression of Ethnicity in Bundelkhand: Sahariya and Kol come under the Scheduled Tribe category in MP, but they do not have this status in UP. Sahariyas are basically forest dwellers. Their main source of income comes from the forest. They have expertise in collecting forest product and getting firewood from the forest. Due to the decreasing size of forests and forest resources, their sources of income gradually started getting exhausted. This situation has made them destitute. Now not only their income but also the resources for their own consumption are reduced. Unable to maintain the forests, they took up labor and miscellaneous work such as woodcutters, basket makers, miners and quarry workers, and stone breakers. They are now classified as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups by the government due to their precarious economic condition. The important fact is that the condition of Sahariya tribals in entire Bundelkhand is pathetic. In Uttar Pradesh, where they do not have tribal status, they live in abject poverty, and there are reports of Sahariya children being sold into bonded labor or even modern-day slaves. The high intensity of migration and the poor condition in their homes confirm reports that there is starvation and widespread malnourishment among the Sahariyas. There are also many stories of change in Sahariya lives, where they are bringing change in their lives through organization, resistance, demanding their rights and in co-operation with other organizations.26 The people of Kol tribe are also dependent on forest resources and are facing the challenge of already depleted forest reserves. The Kol people are not recognized for their rights in the Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh, as they do not come under the purview of Scheduled Tribes there. They are not given the rights under the Forest Act and the Forest Tribal Rights Act. Therefore, the land on which they were cultivating for years was not given to them at all. The Kols have faced exploitation across the Bundelkhand region, and are forced into semi-bonded labor, and face harassment from forest officials, as their livelihood depends on collection of forest report/article1-1073012.aspxhttp://www.actionaid.org/india/what-we-do/madhya-pradesh/sustai nable-livelihoods-dalits-and-tribals-bundelkhand-region 25 https://bundelkhand.in/chunav-mai-bundelkhand-ki-bhukh-aur-garibi-se-nahi-kisi-ko-sarokar 26 Bundelkhand (2012) Niti Ayog, New Delhi, p.152.

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produce. Another form of exploitation that they face is from local dacoits, who often force Kols to give them shelter, and have been known to abuse their women. The Kols face harassment from the local police as well, who accuse them of sheltering dacoits.27 Debt Burden Leading to Death: Due to continuous erratic rains, drought and other natural calamities in Bundelkhand region, agriculture could not become a source of income for farming families. Due to this, these farmers were unable to pay their loans. Many of them also took loans from moneylenders and indigenous bankers. Therefore, the debt burden on them became high so that these farmers were left with no option but to commit suicide. The figures show that the average loan amounts were as little as Rs. 30,000–Rs. 50,000/- to each farmer.28 Farmers’ suicides in Bundelkhand are a result of several years of neglect of the agricultural sector and industrial backwardness. Neither the Uttar Pradesh nor the Madhya Pradesh government has made efforts to address the basic issues of ecological degradation, agricultural modernization, and rural indebtedness. The demand for a separate state only serves to satisfy political ends and is no solution for the multiple problems of Bundelkhand’s farmers.29 Migration from Bundelkhand: According to reports released by several government and non-governmental organizations in Bundelkhand, it has been told that in the last eight years in the Bundelkhand region under Uttar Pradesh, about 2000 farmers or agricultural laborers have lost their lives due to lack of regular employment. Banda, an important district of this region, is most affected. Between January and May 2011 alone, more than 300 cases of suicide were registered in Banda District Hospital. On the contrary, the situation in Bundelkhand which comes under Madhya Pradesh is not so bad, but due to lack of adequate employment opportunities, suicides are taking place and the residents of this region are being forced to migrate. Migration toward industrialized and developed cities has become a hallmark of the residents of modern Bundelkhand. Lack of better employment opportunities in the villages, and better wage prospects elsewhere have made migration a regular feature, and because of this, the Bundeli residents stay alone or with their spouse or the whole family for long periods of time. Depletion of once rich natural resources of the region and fragile farming due to frequent natural calamities droughts, floods, hailstorms, etc., in the past few years has forced the people of Bundelkhand to migrate in search of income opportunities. It is not that migration is a new phenomenon. Until 2000, laborers and small farmers used to migrate for two to three months, during the non-agriculture season but this was largely limited to nearby cities and towns. It is when Bundelkhand region faced its longest and severest drought in recent years that

27

Ibid. Ibid, p.77. 29 https://www.epw.in/journal/2011/28/states-columns/farmers-suicides-and-statehood-demandbundelkhand.html. 28

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this situation changed dramatically. As drought hits agriculture and consequently farmers and laborers, migration became an essential “survival option.”30 The reasons of migration of Bundeli people are mainly—penury, marginal or no land holding, lack of strong irrigation setup, unpredictable and less returns from cultivation because of very little land holdings, low average income from cultivation (Rs 15,000–Rs 20,000 per year), insufficient requisition for agriculture labor during dearth, drought and famine, less alternate employment opportunities, and chances of smart income in other places. It is also expressed that the people of the indebted family do not want to keep their children in such a place where they do not have even an inch of land. The heads of these families also encourage their children to choose better livelihood options in developed areas. The reluctance of the youth of these families to take up farming as earning source has prompted them to move to other places and it is also an important factor of migration. It is also a fact that migration is an alternate goal for the labor classes working in agriculture sector for contributing to family income. It happens because of availability of the opportunities for minimum wages in the villages after the harvesting of Kharif and Rabi crops.31 The people of Bundelkhand region usually migrate to some important states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, (especially Surat and Ahmedabad) Rajasthan, Delhi, Punjab, and Haryana. If we talk about migration of Bundeli people within Madhya Pradesh, popular destinations are Indore, Bhopal, Jabalpur, Gwalior, and Rewa, and in Uttar Pradesh, it is Agra, Kanpur, and Lucknow are suitable places.32 Ravine Formation—A New Challenge in Bundelkhand: In recent decades, the Bundelkhand region is facing a ravine formation in its Northern part. Ravine formation is a natural process which gets accelerated when there is deforestation. Both the Govt. of UP and Govt. of MP of these states are having a separate policy regarding managing ravines. So ravine formation is increasing while the authorities in the both States capital blame each Other, while people of Bundelkhand are facing dire situation of the increase in the barren, arable land.

5 The Movement for Separate Statehood The roots of the present plight of Bundelkhand are associated with the revolution of 1857 AD. The revolution of 1857 AD was a major contribution of many areas of Bundelkhand, in which Jhansi was the main center. In 1858 AD, the British Government of India took power in its hands, and they divided Bundelkhand region into two parts, one part came under the United Province and the other part covered under the Bundelkhand Agency.

30

H.D.R. Bundelkhand (2012), Niti Ayog, New Delhi, p.83. Ibid, p.84. 32 Ibid, p.85. 31

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To raise the voice of separate Bundelkhand state, Bundelkhand lovers33 started working on the basis of individual and through organization. Before independence, some parts of Bundelkhand region were the area of refuge for the revolutionaries and this area was very special in their eyes, hence, they used to support the concept of the separate Bundelkhand state. Revolutionary included among these were Chandra Shekhar Azad, Bhagat Singh, and Bhagwan Das Mahor. Even in this period, a separate Bundelkhand province special issue of famous magazine Madhukar was published by Banarsidas Chaturvedi in the patronage of Orchhesh Madhukar Shah. After independence, many people, Mahendra Kumar Manav Shankarlal Mohan Malhotra, Laxmi Narayan Nayak, Pratap Narayan Tiwari, Dev Kumar Yadav, Comrade Harendra Saxena raised the flag to get Bundelkhand statehood and but many of these people left this world today. First organization Bundelkhand Rajya Nirman Sangharsh Samiti comes into existence in 1980s under the leadership of Mahendra Kumar Manav as president and Dev Kumar Yadav as general secretary of this organization. The committee organized a massive dharna at the GPO Park in front of the Gandhi statue in Darul Safa, Lucknow and raised the voice of a separate Bundelkhand state. Shankar Lal Malhotra, resident of Jhansi, who was actively working in the Bundelkhand Rajya Nirman Sangharsh Samiti, formed a separate organization named Bundelkhand Mukti Morcha and started working through this organization. The leaders of the movement gave up all amenities to give impetus to the separate Bundelkhand state movement. Shankarlal Mehrotra resigned from the Congress Party. He left the post of treasurer of Madhya Pradesh Congress to carry forward the Bundelkhand state movement, which was started by Shankar Lal Mehrotra on September 17, 1989, from Dhavarra on the border of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh.34 To give impetus to the movement, meetings, dharna demonstrations were started all over Bundelkhand. Smaller organizations were also added to the BMM. Villageto-village contact was made. Money was raised for the movement. Shankar Lal Mehrotra sold his factory distillery factory for 1.25 crores when BMM needed money. BMM launched a campaign to stop TV broadcasting in 1993. In 1994, pamphlets were thrown in the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly for the formation of Bundelkhand state. In 1995, pamphlets were thrown in the Lok Sabha too. On this, the then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao got ten agitators arrested. He was later rescued by the Leader of the Opposition, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Along with Bundelkhand Mukti Morcha, a united front was formed to create the states of Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh. They protested for a month at Jantar Mantar in Delhi. Later, on the assurance of creation of Bundelkhand state by Govt. of India, the dharna ended. In June 1998, the Atal government became so 33

It has to be clarified here that these agitators who love Bundelkhand are representing from both the feudal trend and the local tendency. People belonging to feudal tendencies may also be attached to this movement because they want to take political power in their hands somewhere whereas people of local tendency want to strengthen their society in every respect. 34 Weblink: https://www.jagran.com/uttar-pradesh/mahoba-separate-bundelkhand-state-risesfrom-dhavarra-hanuman-temple-21442726.html (Accessed as on 2nd June, 2022).

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angry with the violence at Barua Sagar in Jhansi and as a result Shankarlal and his associates were punished. Bundeli Samaj convener Tara Patkar went on hunger strike for 635 days for the demand of Bundelkhand state.35 Another organization Bundelkhand Vikas Manch was also formed under the leadership of Narayan Singh Parmar. Presently, the enthusiastic people of Bundelkhand carried forward the movement for a separate Bundelkhand state on this platform in the leadership of R.B. Prajapati, retired IAS officer. Bundelkhand Vikas Manch has increased the boundaries of Bundelkhand as proposed earlier. Now, some more districts of Madhya Pradesh, Sheopur, Morena, Bhind, Gwalior, Shivpuri, Guna, Vidisha, Raisen, Narsinghpur, Jabalpur, Bandhavgarh, Shahdol, Sidhi, Rewa have been included in the proposed Bundelkhand, due to which the separate Bundelkhand state has a great expansion in terms of area and population. Now Gwalior-Chambal division, some areas of Mahakaushal region and Baghelkhand region have been included in this proposed Bundelkhand region. This expansion has been done on the basis of language and culture.

6 Barriers to Bundelkhand State Movement When we talk about the obstacles that come in the way of the formation of a separate Bundelkhand state, we see many reasons which have led to the creation of Bundelkhand state. The question of the proposed capital of the state of Bundelkhand is also a major problem. Apart from this, a question arises about the different ideologies of various organizations which are agitating for the creation of Bundelkhand state. Who will lead this state when Bundelkhand state will be formed? Is also a tough question. The question of tracing of Assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies in the proposed state is also pending and is posing as a hurdle because all prominent political parties want to get benefitted from the constituencies based upon caste system. Due to the existence of different political parties in both the provinces for many years, a consensus could not be reached on this subject. But today, in both the states of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, Bhartiya Janta Party rule over these states and even at the central level the same party govern the country and in all the three respective governments, it is possible that there will some positive initiatives be taken in this regard. Although various organizations were established from time to time for the creation of a separate Bundelkhand province and many movements were also carried out under their banner. Among them, Bundelkhand Mukti Morcha, Bundeli Sena, Bundelkhand Vikas Manch, Bundelkhand Ekikrit Samiti, Bundelkhand Ekikrit Party, Bundelkhand Insaaf Sena are notable. Yet the fact remains that we do not see any widespread movement for the existence of Bundelkhand State. In the last two–three decades, the voices of some agitations have erupted, but their emphasis or impact was not so much that they could put pressure on the state governments and the central government to create a separate Bundelkhand state. 35

ibid.

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7 Is This Demand Justified? The Bundelkhand region is politically, socially, economically, and industrially one of the most backward regions in India. Lack of political awareness, low rate of literacy, insufficient transportation facilities, poor communications, and infertile land are some of the reasons for under-development of the region. In spite of being rich in minerals, the people of Bundelkhand are very poor and the region is underdeveloped and underrepresented in State and Central government politics. There are several local parties and organizations—some are promoting further development of the region and some seeking separate statehood. Since the early 1960s, there has been a movement for establishing a Bundelkhand State for proper development of the region. The Bundelkhand region falls in and is being administered by two States. The states of UP and MP possess different strategy and development orientation. This is the root cause of all crises. The common region of Bundelkhand is being administered by two different approaches. Now how this condition affects development can be illustrated by drawing one’s attention toward liberation of Bundel-Bhumi from UP and MP and integration of this land as a new state is absolutely justified and necessary in public interest and national interest. The divided situation of Bundelkhand is being supported by non-Bundelkhand leaders in a planned manner. Sometimes, the show of development is like UP on one side and like MP on the other. Nothing like that of Bundelkhand happens in this showy development. This is the reason that keeping in view the conditions of this land which has been suffocating for a long time, only the creation of a separate Bundelkhand state can prove to be effective to remove the backwardness.36 There are many other such examples but the root cause of all this is the lack of strong political organization. Thus, the demand for a separate State of Bundelkhand is being raised. The people of Bundelkhand have the right to claim political entity that will play pivotal role in shaping the destiny of this poorest region in the country.

8 Conclusion After independence, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Tripura, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Telangana became states on the basis of justification under the provisions of the Union of India. The demand for the statehood of Bundelkhand is older than all the above states but Bundelkhand is fighting for its existence. The Commission has been established for the Formation of the State of Bundelkhand under Bundelkhand Act, 2015. The Bundelkhand region has been in the middle of the two lanes for the past several decades and has always been subjected to injustice. To realize the dream 36

Weblink: https://bundelkhand.in/bundelkhand-rajaya-rajnitik-stunt-nahi (Accessed on 5th June 2022).

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of a separate Bundelkhand state, strong organization and strong-willed politicians are needed. Political parties need to unite keeping their own interests and personal interests at bay. Only then the voice of the creation of Bundelkhand state can be raised with great strength. If this movement is launched with a dedicated spirit, then there is no doubt that the dream of a separate Bundelkhand state can be realized.

Map 1 Source Maps of India/State Formation in India. https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/india/ formation-of-states.html

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Map 2 Source Wikipedia/Aspirants States of India. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proposed_sta tes_and_union_territories_of_India

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Map 3 Source Maps of India/Political map of India. https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/india/ india-political-map.html

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Map 4 Source Alamy/Madhya Pradesh Red Highlighted in map of India. https://www.alamy.com/ madhya-pradesh-red-highlighted-in-map-of-india-image331271890.html

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Map 5 Source Alamy/Uttarpradesh Pradesh Red Highlighted in map of India. https://www.alamy. com/uttar-pradesh-red-highlighted-in-map-of-india-image331271752.html

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Map 6 Source State Planning Commission/Proposed area of Bundelkhand in MP. http://mpplan ningcommission.gov.in/bundelkhand/bundelkhand.html

Map 7 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/District Covered Under Bundelkhand Package. https://bundelkhand.in/maps/bundelkhand

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Map 8 Source Bundelkhand2Bali/Hindustan ka Dil. http://bundelkhand2bali.blo gspot.com/2010/12/blogpost.html

Map 9 Source Maps of India/Bundelkhand Proposed State. https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/ uttarpradesh/bundelkhand.html

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Map 10 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand on India’s map. https://bundelkhand. in/maps/bundelkhand Map 11 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand Region Map. https://bundelkhand.in/ maps/bundelkhand

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Map 12 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Prastavit Bundelkhand Map. https://bundelkhand. in/maps/bundelkhand

Map 13 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand in MP and UP. https://bundelkhand. in/maps/bundelkhand

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Map 14 Source Researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Map-of-study-site-Bundel khand-region_fig1_327743742

Map 15 Source Bundelkhand Research Portal/Bundelkhand Districts. https://bundelkhand.in/ maps/bundelkhand

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Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Bhattacharya, P. K. (1977). Historical Background of Madhya Pradesh from Early Records, Motilal Banarasidas, Delhi. Bundelkand.in. (n.d.). Feudal culture in Bundelkhand. Available at http://www.bundelkhand.in/por tal/info/feudal-culture-in-bundelkhand. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Bundelkhand.in. (n.d.). Flora and fauna of Bundelkhand. Available at http://www.bundelkhand.in/ portal/info/flora-and-fauna-of-bundelkhand. (Accessed: 1 October 2015a) Bundelkhand.in. (n.d.). Folk Culture Forms of Bundelkhand. Available at http://www.bundelkhand. in/portal/info/folk-culture-forms-bundelkhand. (Accessed: 1 October 2015b) Bundelkhand.in. (n.d.). Languages and Dialects of Bundelkhand. Available at http://www.bundel khand.in/portal/info/languages-dialects-bundelkhand. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Bundelkhand.in. (n.d.). Rivers of Bundelkhand. Available at http://www.bundelkhand.in/portal/info/ rivers-of-bundelkhand. (Accessed: 1 October 2015c) Bundelkhand.in. (n.d.). Traditional Tanks. Available at http://www.bundelkhandinfo.org.in/enviro nment/water/traditional_tanks.html. (Accessed: 1 October 2015d) Chandra, K. (2010). The transformation of ethnic politics in India. Journal of Asian Studies, 59(01). Dogra, B. (2008). Double trouble in Bundelkhand. Down to Earth. Available at . (Accessed: 1 Oct 2015) Dainik Rajpath Today, 1 August. (2021a). Sunday. Dainik Rajpath Today, 3 August. (2021b). Tuesday. Dainik Rajpath Today, 4 August. (2021c). Wednesday. Kumar. (2000). Madhya Pradesh EkBhougolikAdhayyan, Madhya Pradesh Hindi GranthAkadamy, Bhopal. Pai, S. (2000). State Politics: New Dimensions. Shipra Publications. Pawar, R.S. & Pratibha, D. Cultural Ecology (A Geographical Analysis), Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi. Rai, P. (2010). Dalits of Bundelkhand. Centre for Environment and Food Security. Available at http:// www.cefs-india.org/reports/State%20of%20NREGA%20in%20Bundelkhand.pdf (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Raibahadur Hiralal. (1939). Madhya Pradesh ka Itihasa, Kashi NagriPracharini Sabha, Varanasi. Rain water harvesting. (n.d.). Chandela Tank. Available at http://www.rainwaterharvesting.org/ Rural/traditional1.html. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Shah, T. (n.d.). Who should manage Chandeli Tanks? IWMI-TATA Water Policy Research Program. Available at http://publications.iwmi.org/pdf/H031795.pdf. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Shrikamal, S. (2000). Bharat ka Bhugol, Madhya Pradesh Hindi Granth Akadamy, Bhopal. Singh, L.B. (2007). Atrocities against UP Dalits in the Wake of Mayawati’s Victory: disturbing trends. Available at http://www.cpiml.org/liberation/year_2007/July/up_dalit_atrocities.html. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Srivastava, P. (2013). The bandits are back: UP police admit dacoits have returned to Bundelkhand ravines. Daily Mail. Available at http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article2295472/The-bandits-UP-police-admit-dacoits-returned-Bundelkhand-ravines.html. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) The Hindu. (2014). In Bundelkhand, dacoits still call the shots. The Hindu. Available at http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/in-bundelkhand-dacoits-still-call-theshots/article5935673.ece. (Accessed: 1 October 2015) Vikas Samvad. (2012). Bundelkhand Palayan ki Nirantarat.

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http://absss.in/alternative-planning-for-sustainable-livelihoods/116-4-a-profile-of-bundelkhanduttar-pradesh-b-u-sub-region https://bundelkhand.in/sookhe-bundelkhand-me-62-lakh-se-adhik-kisano-ka-palayan https://bundelkhand.in/pani-playan-pranant-aur-sukha-chunavi-mudda-nahi-hai

Postcolonialism, African American Identities, and Indigenous Narratives

The Reinvention of Africa or the Counter-Discourse of an Identity Assignation A. Mia Elise Adjoumani

Abstract The topic raises the problem of the ways and voices of resilience that constitute counterpoints to the persistence of an image of Africa, for a long while, reduced to its devaluing aspects. Indeed, from the “invention of Africa” by the West to the Afro-pessimistic narratives, a depiction of Africa persists that seems to predominate in both mentalities and the history of ideas. Through the analysis of a heterogeneous corpus of essays, fictional and autobiographical books, this study, in line with the postcolonial discourse, demonstrates the emphasis on the representation of an Africa that is stripped of recurrent pessimistic, tendentious orientations, and resolutely oriented toward the pathways of rebirth. Keywords Reinvention · Resilience · Postcolonial · Assignation · Africa · Representation

1 Introduction The history of Africa, both before and after Independences, has given rise to certain types of discourses that have contributed to the elaboration of a static, lackluster representation of Africa, which seems to be predominant in the history of ideas about this continent. In this century of globalization where the keywords are, among others, mobility and constant renewal, the permanence of this assigned image is a source of questions, especially since, in parallel to this unflattering perception, narratives of re-conceptualization of Africa are emerging more and more. In light of this kind of epistemological dichotomy regarding Africa, the subject of this contribution raises the question of the origins of the currents of ideas that assign Africa to a devalued status, their development, their legitimacy and shortcomings; it also raises the question of the conditions of possibility, the stakes, and the scope of the other side of the discourse that rethinks the image of the continent. Because of the dynamics of resilience that these questions aim to highlight, the hypothesis developed in this A. Mia Elise Adjoumani (B) Department of French Language and Literature, Felix Houphouet-Boigny University, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_7

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article is that of discursive productions which depict an Africa that rebounds; it, thus, transcends the theories of a defeatism that seems, sometimes, irrevocable. This hypothesis is analyzed through a heterogeneous corpus of essays and fictional or autobiographical texts, whose diversity reflects the attempt to identify the main aspects of the problem, through voices among the most representative of the currents of opinion, aesthetics, and themes related to the topics of this article. These are, on one hand, monographs by Mudimbe (2021), René Dumont (2012), Stephen Smith, Axelle Kabou (1991), Achille Mbembe (2013), Felwine Sarr (2016), and, on the other hand, books by Joseph Conrad (1902), Abdourahman Wabéri (2017), Léonora Miano (2019), Sami Tchak (2018), Fatou Diome (2013), and Tierno Monénenbo (1995, 2015). The reading of these works, generally, follows the paths traced out by the theorists of postcolonial thought: those of an analysis of the aftermath of the colonial history and the deconstruction of the hegemony that a certain western ideology continues to exert on imaginations. It will also be performed, sometimes, in the imagological perspective, since the image of foreigner is at the core of the problematic of the representation of Africa. The process of this study can, therefore, be summarized by two phases: the analysis of the discourse that founds the static and questionable representation of Africa and the interpretation of the renewed image of an Africa considered as resilient.

2 From a Modeled Image to a Simplified Representation of Africa 2.1 “The Invention of Africa” In this first paragraph, whose title is borrowed from Valentin-Yves Mudimbe’s book, the aim is to depict the ideological and pictorial « shakles» in which Africa and Africans have been locked since their first contacts with the West. This experience of identity assignation is, namely, analyzed through the deciphering that Mudimbe proposes in his book, and the fictional illustration by Joseph Conrad’s book, Au cœur des ténèbres (In the Heart of Darkness) (1902). From the long critical arguments through which Mudimbe studies, in The Invention of Africa, “the theme of the foundations of the discourse on Africa” (Mudimbe, 2021, 21), only three postulates are put forth in this context, because of their particularly decisive resonance for certain inflections of the current reflection, and because they describe the processes that lead to the assignation of identity. They represent, in fact, some of the European ideological and paradigmatic structures that Mudimbe elucidates and that the postcolonial discourse of reinventing Africa seeks to deconstruct: “the colonizing structure” (« La structure colonisatrice») (Mudimbe, 2021, 26)—a European-centered epistemology—and “otherness [as] a negative category of the Same” (Mudimbe, 2021, 48).

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“The colonizing structure1 that encompasses all the physical, human, and spiritual dimensions of the colonial experience” (Mudimbe, 2021, 26–27) is presented by Mudimbe as a structure generating “a dichotomous system” (Mudimbe, 2021, 31) which makes Africa the space for the development of a paradigm of marginality. Through colonialism2 and colonization, the means of actualization and implementation of this structure,3 a new African order is created whose logic is imposed on the colonized subjects. These are urged to stray from a known and mastered world order without having the means to fully integrate the new organization which is imposed to them. This “intermediate space” (Mudimbe, 2021, 34) of marginality is experienced at the economic, social, and cultural levels. The economic underdevelopment of Africa is, thus, explained by the integration of this continent into an European-centric capitalist system. This system not only undermines the “traditional production processes (adapted to the markets and forms of commerce, and exchange that existed before), [not only gradually destroy] traditional areas of agriculture and crafts” (Mudimbe, 2021, 32), but it also assigns Africa a subordinate status in the functioning of the capitalist machine in which the imperialist powers are the masters of the game. With regard to African society and culture, Mudimbe refers to “the disintegration of African societies and the growth of the urban proletariat as the result of the destabilization of customary organizations orchestrated through the irrational implementation of new social institutions and arrangements [and] in the cultural sectors[…] the colonial enterprise spread […] new attitudes […] also broke down cultural unity” (Mudimbe, 2021, 32). All of these upheavals inducing the creation of the in-between space of marginality depict an Africa whose destiny has been subjected to external determinisms. Owing to the hegemonic presence of the colonizing powers, the continent has lost the power to choose, by itself and for itself, the direction of its existence and its relations with others. It has, thus, been reduced to the status of a spectator in the geo-political and economic game in which it was nevertheless one of the protagonists. The second postulate that illustrates the process of the invention of Africa is the expression “European-centric epistemology,” which takes into account two realities that consecrate the lack of autonomy and the inauthenticity of Africa in the elaboration of knowledge about itself, the outside world and the world order as a whole. According to Mudimbe, “Western interpreters as well as African scholars use categories and conceptual systems that are based on a Western epistemological 1

This consists of “three complementary principles and actions; the domination of physical space, the reform of indigenous minds, and the integration of regional economic histories into Western strategy,” Mudimbe 2021, 26. 2 The purpose of this doctrine is described by Mudimbe as follows: “To produce a body of knowledge about how to exploit dependencies. It was also to devise a kind of empirical technique for the implementation of structural metamorphoses,” Mudimbe 2021, 29. 3 “Settlers (those who colonize a region by settling there), as well as colonialists (those who exploit a territory by subjugating the majority indigenous population),” writes Mudimbe, “have all participated in the organization and transformation of non-European regions into fundamentally European constructs. “Mudimbe 2021, 26.

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order. (Mudimbe, 2021, 19). These undifferentiated and non-contextualized epistemological options raise, according to Mudimbe, the question of whether “African Weltanschauungen and traditional African systems of thought are unthinkable and cannot be made explicit within their own rationality “ (Mudimbe, 2021, 19). In addition to this first reality, Mudimbe underlines an “epistemological egocentrism” (Mudimbe, 2021, 56) denying Africa and Africans any capacity to produce knowledge other than that of reproducing and being inspired by the knowledge derived from the Western conceptual system, the European “gnosis.“ This form of reasoning that, according to the essayist, is elaborated “about the ‘primitives’,” supports “the belief that nothing scientific can be learned from ‘them’, unless it is already ‘ours’ or comes from ‘us’” (Mudimbe, 2021, 56). These Euro-centric statements portray an Africa that is alien to the rational elevation that allows for a distanced and analytical perception of the world, which is at the origin of the production of scientific knowledge. Africa is, thus, invented as a figure of mimicry which cannot stray from the scent of the “Odor of the father” («les odeurs du père») (Mudimbe 1982). This understanding of Africa illustrates and expresses the third paradigmatic edifice founding the invention of Africa, the one that defines “otherness [as] the negative category of the same.“ As Edward said—who exposes how the East was invented by Europe as “its cultural rival” (Said, 2005, 30), “an inferior and repressed form of itself” (Said, 2005, 33), Mudimbe presents this identity postulate as a reflection of a Western imaginary, governing the perception of the European’s self and the other, the African. “The African, writes Mudimbe, “is […] the Other who […], through his or her abnormal differences, defines the identity of the Same” (Mudimbe, 2021, 49). Thus, from the point of view of the culture that looks at another («la culture regardante»), (the European), the cultural and ontological otherness of the African, the target of this look, occupies the negative pole on a scale of civilizational values. The assignation to this position, therefore, functions as a mirror through which Europe perceives the reflection of its own identity, which its collective consciousness places on the positive pole. This discourse elaborated by European ideologists serves, according to Mudimbe, as an epistemological reference for explorers who were able, through this prism, to comment on “the distance separating savagery from civilization on the diachronic line of progress” (Mudimbe, 2021, 56), as they discovered Africa and Africans. One illustration of the extension of this ideological “tradition” by the explorers is given through Joseph Conrad’s book, Au cœur des ténèbres (In the Heart of Darkness) (1902). Conrad, through the eyes of his character Marlow and the protagonists of the African adventure, depicts an otherness, in this case, Africa and Africans, assigned to the negative end of a “bipolarity: identity vs. otherness” (Pageaux 1994, 60), which is a reflection of a European “social imaginary”4 that Conrad criticizes. The representation of Africa and Africans by the Western characters—situated at the pole 4

This social imaginary confers on the European protagonists the feeling of superiority in relation to the peoples of Africa toward whom their adventures lead them: The bricklayer of a Central Post Office: “We need,” he suddenly began to declaim, “to guide the cause that Europe has entrusted to

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of identity and the culture that looks at another (« Culture regardante»)—is, thus, carried out without being impacted by the realities of the African context, since the explorers make no critical distancing that could likely inflect their preconceived point of view. The depiction of the African space—which the protagonist Marlow sees throughout his journey along the African coast—does not divert from a stereotyped and predictable image of Africa: the coast is, thence, “faceless, hostile. The edge of a colossal jungle […] under a violent sun […]” (Conrad, 1902, 11). The interpretation of the names attributed to the trading posts that border the coast, contributes to the gloomy picture that is drawn.5 As for the cultural and ontological identity of the Africans that Marlow and his companions discover, its essential part seems to be defined only by terms that underline the project of differentiation that underlies the discourse of these adventurers: one of the most recurrent is the word “savage”6 and other terms that are semantically close to it. This paltry image of Africa—beyond the speeches of European ideologists who invented it, systematized it and who have innervated Western and even African imaginations—is, moreover, illustrated, in another way, by the Afro-pessimistic discourse.

2.2 The Afro-Pessimism: Outline of a Miserabilist Image Afro-pessimism—A current of thought which, according to Jean-Pierre Chrétien, poses three questions7 —in the present context, has two sometimes complementary bases. It is insidiously based on the ideological currents, previously described, which are, at first glance, unfavorable to Africa. It also develops from the observation of us, so to speak, an elevated intelligence […] “Who says so ?” I asked. “Many,” he replied. “Some even write it” (Conrad 1902, 22). 5 Names like Grand Bassam, Petit Popo; names that seemed to belong to some sordid farce played on the front of a sinister backdrop,” Conrad 1902, 12. 6 They are employed by the European adventurers, some of whose words are quoted below: Marlow: “And in the meantime, I had to take care of the savage who was a driver. He was an improved specimen” (p32); they are uncultured: “They still belonged to the beginning of the ages, with no inherited experience to teach them” (p36); streams of human beings - of naked humanity assegais in hand, bows, shields, fierce gaze and wild movements, poured into the space below the dark forest” (p53); “I noticed that the crowd of savages disappeared without any perceptible movement of retreat” (p53); “along the lighted shore a woman moved, a wild and beautiful apparition” (p54); “Only the barbarous and beautiful woman did not flinch” (p60). 7 “Afro-pessimism” poses three major questions: first, there is the question of a return to the simplistic view of the Black continent, which was well established more than a century ago and which is marked by the temptation of “revealed” typologies with an eternal claim to be opposed to each other, such as a St. Sulpician diptych of black and white, and which goes against the sense of complexity proper to historians. [On the other hand, the question of the angle chosen to approach current events, marked by a myopia, combined, so to speak, with a selective vision of colors. [Finally, in a deeper historical perspective, we question the globalizing and watertight vision of a continent, treated in a quasi-naturalistic way […] whereas, there as elsewhere, the evolutions in time have supposed multiple interactions,” Jean-Pierre Chrétien 2005, 184–185.

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the multiform dynamics, given as problematic, which are taking place in Africa. These global remarks arise from the reading of three authors whose books titles are strongly suggestive of the orientation of their remarks: L’Afrique noire est mal partie (Black Africa has a bad start) (Dumont 1962, 2012), Et si l’Afrique refusait le développement? (What if Africa refused the development?) (Kabou, 1991) and Négrology: pourquoi l’Afrique meurt? (Negrology: Why is Africa dying?) (Smith, 2003). Indeed, the first foundation of the miserabilist image of Africa is a kind of sporadic and insidious resurgence of a Western discourse assigning Africans to a degrading essentialist status. Some indications of this opinion appear in Stephen Smith’s book, where certain statements echo stereotypes about Africans, even if they are not stated as such by the author. For example, there are references to cannibalism,8 intellectual and physical deficiencies9 and lack of autonomy.10 Even the term “negrology” “does not designate, according to Jean-Pierre Chrétien, a way of studying Blacks, but a pathological character” (Chrétien et al. 2005, 189) of the latter. In addition, in the books of the three essayists mentioned above, Afro-pessimism is translated by various arguments denoting a holistic approach to the continent. While Stephen Smith and Axelle Kabou analyze a multilateral Africa in which Africans have—these authors argue—given up on escaping from underdevelopment, René Dumont makes a point of identifying the causes of Africa’s backwardness, without exonerating Africans, by accompanying these causes with proposed solutions. The first two of these essyists question what could be called African mentalities, founded and maintained by multiform, social, cultural, epistemological and political burdens, among others. Stephen Smith denounces the choices made by Africans in full consciousness, leading to its “suicide” (Smith, 2003, 1), to its “recolonization” (Smith, 2003, 11), to the sabotage of its “institutional capacities of the postcolonial state” (Smith, 2003, 12). In addition, he notes, “Africa is not turning because it remains ‘blocked’ by socio-cultural obstacles that it sacralizes as its identity gris-gris” (Smith, 2003, 4). In the same vein of self-destructive choices, Axelle Kabou denounces the “myth of Africa’s will to develop” (Kabou, 1991, 18), nourished by fallacious practices,11 and the anchoring of the “myth of impotence”12 (Kabou, 1991, 20) in the minds of Africans. She castigates the lack of structure at the origin of the chaos characteristic 8

“Africans are slaughtering each other en masse, and even - if we may be forgiven—“eating” each other», Smith 2003, 11. 9 “Africans are poor people […]: ‘poverty of potential and capacity’,” Smith 2003, 2. 10 “This phrase is reminiscent of the “epistemological egocentrism” analyzed by Mudimbe in L’invention de l’Afrique (2021, 56): “Africans are heirs of nothing and producers of little.”. 11 “The myth of the African will to develop seems to fulfill three essential functions: to exonerate the political class in advance […]; to park Africans indefinitely in single parties that are supposed to channel their energies effectively toward singularly vague development objectives; to fatten up a host of experts on perpetual missions and research, whose uselessness, measured against the yardstick of worsening underdevelopment, brooks no discussion,” Kabou, 1991, 18. 12 -the African [is] totally incapable of perceiving himself as a human being capable of influencing the course of his own existence. Better still. The campaign [of disinformation, of anti-imperialist

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of the state of underdevelopment13 of the continent. Some of the keywords in her relentless indictment of regressive African mentalities are “vendredisme” (Kabou, 1991, 56) and “négrisme” (Kabou, 1991), which, according to her, are a source of cultural regression. Contrary to the Afro-pessimistic discourse of Stephen Smith and Axelle Kabou, whose arguments are, for the most part, endogenous, René Dumont’s discourse emphasizes exogenous causes without omitting to stress the responsibility that falls to Africans. His analysis evokes, in fact, both climatic causes (exposed under the title “Tropical difficulties: diseases and malnutrition, soils and climates…”)14 ), historical (linked to the slave trade, to colonization)15 and those linked to the inconsistent choices of Africans.16 From all these arguments that form the basis of the Afro-pessimist current, a fixed image of Africa emerges, through an uncompromising discourse that predicts a dark future for Africa. If one cannot deny the relevance of some of the arguments put forward by these authors without showing thus an intellectual bad faith, one must nevertheless recognize that their texts are challenging because of the preponderance of deplorable faces of Africa in their analyses. The solutions that they, sometimes, propose to the problems they underline occupy only a minor place—with the exception of René Dumont— as their main project is to make the autopsy of a desperate situation. The eminently alarmist and defeatist tone of their speeches, particularly those of Stephen Smith and Axelle Kabou, completes this static representation of Africa. In contrast to these speeches that consider Africa through the prism of its weaknesses, other dynamics of thought highlight an Africa that, learning from its shortcomings, thinks or rethinks its present, its future and its relationship with the

hype] has been so well carried out that Africa is lagely convinced that it is in no way responsible for its fate,” Kabou, 1991, 20. 13 “One cannot help but be struck by the relentlessness with which Africans refuse the method, the organization. They waste their meager resources, sabotaging everything that could work sustainably for the benefit of the greatest number. They hate coherence, transparency, rigor. At all levels (and this is what gives Africa’s drift its worrying side), favor is systematically given to tinkering, to improvisation, to navigation at sight,” Kabou, 1991, 23. 14 -“From Europe to the United States, from the Soviet Union to China and Japan: none of our great modern economic powers has arisen between the Tropics. […] The insalubrity of the tropical climate adds, to the temperate diseases, always generalized, a monstrous range of specific endemics”. Dumont, 2012, 13. 15 “Too many Europeans tend to make the Black man, quickly baptized by them as “primitive” (if not lazy, thieving, lying…), entirely responsible for his backwardness, for all his ills. We easily forget that, for centuries, the white man has shamelessly exploited this black continent, especially through slavery and the slave trade, followed by colonization,” Dumont, 2012, 20.16 - On the subject of corruption: “For too many African ‘elites’, therefore, independence consisted in taking the place of the whites and enjoying the advantages, often exorbitant, that had been granted to the ‘colonials’ until then. To the high salaries were sometimes added beautiful villas, all furnished, if not palaces for the governors, numerous domestic staff paid out of the budget, cars with drivers,” Dumont, 2012, 70.

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outside world. This reinventing Africa appears through essays and fictional and autobiographical texts.

3 The Revaluation of the Perception of Africa This revalorization finds its expressions in essays as well as in the voices of African fiction and autobiography.

3.1 Thinking the Paths of Resilience In the contemporary history of ideas, we are witnessing the emergence of a discourse that frees itself from “epistemological colonization” (Mudimbe, 2021, 12). This is a response to Jacques Depelchin’s criticism of Mudimbe, namely, the “lack of commitment to the process of reinventing Africa” (Mudimbe, 2021, 14) following the decoding of the “colonial library.“ This commitment is that of essayists Achille Mbembe and Felwine Sarr, who, in Sortir de la grande nuit and Afrotopia, respectively, set out their hypotheses about the means of this reinvention of Africa. From these hypotheses, three main orientations emerge that are responses, certainly not symmetrical, to the postulates that founded the invention of Africa, according to Mudimbe: the reelaboration of the conceptual universe of African epistemology, the thought about the faces of the African renaissance, the reconsideration of the dialectic of identity and otherness. Reinventing Africa consists for these authors in getting out of epistemological eurocentrism, in getting rid of intellectual mimicry. One of the main signals of this intellectual renewal is the creation of linguistic “tools” necessary and appropriate for the conceptualization of renewed thought, which are “the expression of the work of a world that seeks to exist by itself” (Mbembe, 2013, 203). Indeed, “The demand [for] intellectual sovereignty” (Sarr, 2016, 17) requires thinkers to abandon the “motsvalise” (invented words combination) that, according to Felwine Sarr, “have, up to that time, served to describe it [Africa], but above all, to project the myths of the West onto the trajectories of African societies” (Sarr, 2016, 17). As a sign of their endogeneity and the hermeneutical context in which they operate, the terms in this new terminology are formed from the radical “afro,” referring, of course, to the term Africa. These are, in this case, for example, “afropolitanism” (Mbembe, 2013, 14), “Afrotopia” (Sarr, 2016), and “Afrotopos” (Sarr, 2016, 14). The semantic content of each of these terms makes them linguistic standard-bearers of current African worldviews—therorized by their authors—or dreamed worldviews, that these thinkers call for. “Afropolitanism” refers to the new face of Africa that escapes the immobility of essentialisms. It refers, in the words of Mbembe, to: “this African-World-which-is-coming” (« ce monde-africain-qui vient»), whose weft, complex and mobile, ceaselessly slides from one form to another and hijacks

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all languages and sounds since it is no longer attached to any language or its purity” (Mbembe, 2013, 13–14). As for Felwine Sarr, he invents concepts as constituents of an art of foresight that allows one to imagine the new face of Africa. These terms are the followings: “Afrotopia,” “an active utopia that sets itself the task of flushing out the vast spaces of the possible in African reality and fertilizing them” (Sarr, 2016, 14), and “Afrotopos, […] the atopos of Africa: that place not yet inhabited by this coming Africa […] Afrotopos is that space of the possible that is not yet realized, but whose advent can not be prevent by nothing insurmountable “ (Sarr, 2016, 133; 136). These terms participate in the “invention of new images of thought,” the refoundation “of critical thought” which, “states Mbembe, knows how to explain its own world, which seeks to understand the history of which one is a stakeholder and which makes it possible to identify the power of the future inscribed in the present” (Mbembe, 2013, 241). Thus, this dynamic critical thinking proposes the ways and means necessary for the advent and viability of the faces of the African renaissance, along with an analysis of their bounderies and implications. The reinvention of Africa, as this second hypothesis suggests, is, on one hand, initiated by a diagnosis of postcolonial realities that could be sources of resistance to renewal. It also passes through an outline of solutions likely to remedy the deficiencies of postcolonial society. Felwine Sarr suggests to take into consideration the hysteresis, “the degree of persistence of the effects of shocks” (Sarr, 2016, 58) related to the transatlantic slave trade and colonialism, events to which Africa was subjected. This approach will allow, according to him, “to assess the level of dependence on initial conditions, [to know if] those left in the wake of independence, after this historical cycle [were] favorable to political stability and economic takeoff” (Sarr, 2016, 58). Felwine Sarr, thereby, proposes a way to counterbalance the backlash of the “colonizing structure.“ This diagnosis is accompanied by proposals likely to concretize and make this renaissance perceptible through the daily life of Africans. The essayist suggests ways to transform “the return to growth […] into a qualitative improvement of life.“17 The reinvention of Africa is carried out, on the other hand, through the naming and analysis of the faces of the African renaissance, processes that should bring about the awareness and full appropriation of this new image. From the human point of view, this renaissance is that of the “decolonized community” (la communauté décolonisée) (Mbembe, 2013, 16) presented both in its current manifestations and by its future characteristics. Its identity is translated in terms of 17

-He writes, “There is a need for vigorous public policies, investments in basic socio-economic infrastructure, as well as strategic choices aimed at the structural transformation of economies. Meeting the economic challenges of the African continent and responding adequately to the basic needs of its people by ensuring them the conditions for a dignified life is an absolute necessity. To do so, it must make good use of its productive capacities, transform its resources and human capital into wealth, distribute the latter equitably and qualitatively transform its societies by raising the standard of living of its populations and releasing the surpluses needed to finance its fundamental psychosocial functions, i.e., those that ensure its well-being from a psychological point of view, as well as its civilizational models,” Sarr 2016, 63.

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dis-identification from the manichean paradigms of the past, the paradoxes brought about by the “colonizing structure” and/or the valorization of the self, in exclusive reference to fixed origins. Through the reappropriation of its “power of engendering” (“pouvoir d’engendrement”) (Mbembe, 2013, 17), this decolonized community defines itself through the permanent renewal of its being in the world. It is a “protean” entity (Sarr, 2016, 41) whose “daily invention of self” (Sarr, 2016, 41) finds expression, according to Felwine Sarr, in “its religions, its music, its arts, its cities, its relationship to itself, to its body, its presence in time” (Sarr, 2016, 41). The other face of the renaissance of this decolonized community is embodied in the open configuration of its space. Africa is no longer just the closed space that was the destination of adventurers or imperialists. Africa, writes Mbembe, “is no longer a circumscribed space […] that can be bounded. [It is a] place of passage or transit” (Mbembe, 2013, 22). It has entered “a new age of dispersion and circulation [characterized] by the intensification of migration and the establishment of new African diasporas in the world; [it] no longer constitutes a center in itself. It is now made up of poles between which there is constant passage, circulation and spawning” (Mbembe, 2013, 224). This new configuration echoes the redefinition of the terms of the dialectic of identity and otherness, the third hypothesis illustrating the reinvention of Africa by African critical thought. The process of self-definition is no longer carried out either with reference to origins or through the mirror of confrontation with the other. The identity/otherness dialectic, as it was conceived to serve the interests of the “colonizing structure,” is rejected in the background because the individual is now facing himself. The new issues that preoccupy him are “that of self-creation […] self-engendering [ and] self-explanation”18 (Mbembe, 2013, 222). Beyond the individual, the postcolonial community is envisioned as “postracial” and “universal”; this perception confirms the decline of race as a category of appreciation of the human, the latter now being the privileged face of this “humanity-to-be” (l’humanité-à-venir) (Mbembe, 2013, 81). The reinvention of Africa is then a call for the rehabilitation of the values of humanism, those in particular of which African cultures are bearers and which must be, according to Felwine Sarr, exhumed and revived: “its values of jom (dignity), of living together, of teraanga (hospitality), of kersa (modesty, scruples), of ngor (sense of honor)” (Sarr, 2016, 155). The dialectic of identity and otherness is not reduced, in the present context, to the strict paradigm of human identity. It is also observable in the paradoxes that have 18

These are the terms of Mbembe’s analysis of Ouologem’s questioning of the discourse of Negritude relating to “the fetishism of origins”: “Ouologem, for example, is not content to question the very notion of origins, birth and genealogy so central to the discourse of Negritude. It seeks purely and simply to blur them, even to abolish them in order to make room for a new problematic, that of self-creation and self-begetting. But if one can self-create, it also means that one can self-destruct. As a result, the tension between the self and the Other, the self and the world […] takes a back seat to a problematic of disembowelment, where the self, no longer able to “tell stories” is as if condemned to face itself, to explain itself with itself -this is the problematic of self-explanation,” Mbembe 2013, 222.

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arisen from the contact between Africans and Europeans and that have produced what Mudimbe calls the spaces of “marginality.19 ” The need, according to Felwine Sarr, to reflect on and define “African modernity”—one of the ways of reinventing Africa— is, thus, born of the persistent effects of the clash of African tradition and European modernity, a clash caused by the implementation of the “colonizing structure.” “The urgency, for Felwine Sarr, is therefore to rearticulate them [tradition and modernity] according to the principles of inter-fertilization” (“interfecondation”) (Sarr, 2016, 33), which he makes explicit in these terms: “The path of an African modernity would consist in the selective incorporation of technologies, discourses, and modern institutions of Western origin, into an African cultural and political universe, in order to give birth to a distinct and autonomous modernity” (Sarr, 2016, 33). In addition to the voices of these thinkers, the paths to African renaissance are also mapped through fictional imagination.

3.2 A Multiform Reinvention Through the Imagination This reinvention is illustated in literature through texts that could be described as postcolonial and is conveyed through the multiform ways that the creative imagination of novelists allows. In the corpus of this study, it takes place through the conception of a revolutionary future for Africa, a discourse of refocusing on oneself and the description of the new geographical and cultural face of a decentered Africa. The invention of the future of Africa proposed by Abdourahman Wabéri and Léonora Miano in Aux États-Unis d’Afrique (2017) and Rouge impératrice (2019) is done through fables where these authors revisit the relationship between Africa and the West. The perspective of the world order that globally underlies these relationships is done in an uncompromising approach aimed at undoubtedly the overvaluation of Africa long discredited and assigned to a subsidiary role. Here, the logic that was in place in the history of contacts between Africa and Europe is reversed. The “Federation of the United States of Africa” and “Euramerica” in Wabéri’s book, as well as “Katiopa” and “Pongo” in Miano’s book are allegories of an Africa and a West whose representation is revisited. In the context of these fables, Africa occupies the upper pole, while Europe is located at the lower pole. In this representation, the authors, in order to stage the resilience of Africa, play with an inversion of the glances resulting in the rewriting of the History, the redistribution of the roles and the socio-economic statuses in the world geo-political game and the displacement of the centers of production of the knowledge and accreditation of the cultures. Indeed, on the fictional stage of historical events such as the slave trade and slavery, the roles are reversed: in Wabéri’s text, the slaves are Europeans and the slaveholders

19

“Marginality refers, according to Mudimbe, to the in-between space between what is called African tradition and the modernity project of colonialism,” Mudimbe 2021, 33.

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Africans.20 The refugees are “Caucasians of various ethnicities (Austrians, Canadians, Americans, Norwegians, Belgians, Bulgarians, British, Icelanders…” (Wabéri 12) and have washed up on the African beaches of “Djerba and in the cobalt blue of alger” (Wabéri 12). “The World Academy of Cultures” (Wabéri 15) is located in “Goree” (Wabéri 15) in Senegal, Africa. In Rouge impératrice, the multifaceted decline (cultural, social, economic, historical, etc.), described in a less expansive way than in Wabéri, is also the fate of the populations of “Pongo” (Europe)—the “Mindele” (Europeans)—who emigrated to Katiopa, pushed into exile by situations of distress that they experienced in their ancestral land. Miano and Wabéri, thus, propose narratives that are kind of counterpoints to a colonial literature in which the image of Africa tinted with exoticism is conceived as “a negative category of the Same” (Mudimbe, 2021, 48) and distilled into imaginaries by Western perception. The spaces of staging the deconstruction of this representation appear as “Afrotopos,” insofar as the power and resilience characteristic of Katiopa and the Federation of the United States of Africa, actualize the dream of “that other place of Africa whose coming must be hastened” (Sarr, 2016, 14). However, the strict logic of inversions from which this image emanates has a somewhat moralistic symbolic significance: it is like an invitation to reflect on a world order where the dichotomy in inter-human relations could prove to be perilous. In addition to these forward-looking narratives, Africa is also reinvented through realistic discourses of self-refocus. This type of literary “language” proposed in Impossible de grandir (2013) and Ainsi parlait mon père (2018), respectively, by Fatou Diome and Sami Tchak, puts forward a human freed from the determinisms of history and/or collective origins. This human is not stamped by autarkic and destructive differences, and, through the expression of his or her being in the world, “adds his or her humanity” to the formation of “Humanity-to-Be” (l’Humanité-àvenir) (Mbembe, 2013, 81). Fatou Diome’s account of her inner life, through her novelized autobiography, thus paints an intimate picture of a narrator grappling with the ghosts of her past interfering in her present life. Through the staging of the forced dialog of her narrator Salie with “la Petite”—this haunting and untimely voice from the past, from her childhood—Fatou Diome initiates a reflection on the inflection of the personality and the present life by the stories of a past existence.21 She, thus, deals with the fragility of the human condition and the strength of the memorial determinism to which it can be subjected. This approach of “self-explanation,” where “the self […] is condemned to face itself” (Mbembe, 2013, 222), is also the one adopted by Sami Tchak in Ainsi parlait 20

Twenty-three is the number of slave ports in Eritrea, Nubia, Somalia and in the whole of NorthEast Africa blessed by Providence. Ports where Yacouba [a character of Swiss origin] and his kind are bending their backs today. Ports once watered with the blood and sweat of the bold workers who came from the West,” Wabéri 2017, 51. 21 The narrator, Salie: “I would like to move forward with a light step, but a little girl pursues me, harasses me, besieges me, clutches at my pages and I can do nothing against her assaults. Sometimes, believing I am doing as I please, I discover with amazement that I am only succumbing to her moods, growing up seems impossible ! ‘’; Diome 2014, 114–115.

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mon père. In this text of a particular kind—a collection of maxims in which his father’s voice and his own are heard and which recount life in a poetic mode— the author, among other orientations, tries to make explicit the trajectories of his existence. He analyzes, moreover, “the painful melodies of the human condition [and makes] echoes of the vast world from [his] subjectivity” (Tchak, 2018, 101). This vast world recalls this Africa whose reinvention, finally, makes it a geographical and cultural entity that does not have a single center, but whose centers are multiple following the trajectories of its opening to the world. This new Africa that adopts the logics of the “new age of dispersion and circulation” (Mbembe, 2013, 224) in which it evolves is characterized by “the implantation of new African diasporas in the world”; the multiple geographical22 belongings of the character of El Palenque in Tierno Monénembo’s Les coqs cubains chantent à minuit (1995) are an illustration of this. It is an Africa that is also opening up and exploring the ways of reconciliation with the older diasporas that emerged from the transatlantic slave trade. This decentered Africa is described by Tierno Monénembo in Pelourinho (1995) and Les coqs cubains chantent à minuit (2015), by highlighting the dispersion of its cultural values beyond the continent. The adventures of his characters, Escritore and El Palanque in Pelourinho, and Havana are the occasion for the unveiling of an African cultural microcosm23 which remains alive within the communities of people of African descent, who are descendents of former African slaves.

4 Conclusion The path that was to lead to the demonstration of the hypothesis of a resilient postcolonial Africa could not ignore the problematic representation at the origin of the present contribution. Thus, the first articulation of the reflection consisted of an analysis of this unflattering image that the aftermath of colonialism has conferred on this continent. Invented by a colonialist thought, which was motivated by the quest for legitimization of imperialist projects and practices, the representation of Africa arising from the “colonizing structure” could only be that of a devalued otherness. The disastrous orientations of the development of the African continent, after the end of colonization, will, in addition, feed and illustrate this depreciative depiction of Africa in the mode of Afro-pessimism. However, going beyond the inflections of this frozen and desolate image of Africa, the second movement of the reflection consisted in deciphering the facets of a continent that has resolutely taken the

22

This protagonist is Guinean, born in Cuba of a Guinean father and a Cuban mother; he lives in Paris and goes to Havana in search of his parents’ history. 23 This is, among other manifestations, illustrated by religious beliefs inspired by a pantheon of African origin or syncretic practices. There, as here,” writes Monénembo, “there are always hints of paganism in the halls of congress, in the churches and in the mosques”; Monénembo 2015, 125–126.

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paths leading to, and illustrating an inexorable resilience. This resilience, demonstrated both by essayists and through fiction, defines the faces of an Africa that is rebounding and resolutely looking toward an exciting future. If this projection toward the future can evoke Afrofuturism, it does not, however, make the present reflection similar to the theories of this movement. Indeed, contrary to one of its postulates,24 the human being is at the core of the reinvention of Africa, as it has been presented throughout the previous developments. Moreover, this current of thought, through its contribution to considerations on the “possibilities” of Africa, is one of the ways to be explored in the quest—which should be permanent—for the paths of African resilience. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Chrétien, J-P, Boiley, P, Brunel, S, Gruzinski, S, Kabanda, M, Levallois, M, (2005) « Misère de l’afropessimisme », in Afrique & histoire, 2005/1, vol 3, 183–211. Conrad, J. (1902). Au cœur des ténèbres. Diome, F. (2013). Impossible de grandir. Éditions Flammarion. Dumont, R. (2012). L’Afrique noire est mal partie, Préface de Abdou Diouf et Jean Ziegler. Éditions du Seuil, Paris. Kabou, A. (1991). Et si l’Afrique refusait le développement ? L’Harmattan. Mabanckou, A. (2017). Penser et écrire l’Afrique aujourd’hui. Éditions du Seuil. Mbembe, A. (2013). Sortir de la grande nuit. Éditions La Découverte. Mbembe, A. (2014). Afrofuturisme et devenir-nègre du monde. in Politique africaine 2014/4 N° 136, pp. 121–133. Miano, L. (2019). Rouge impératrice. Éditions Grasset & Fasquelle. Monénembo, T. (1995). Pelourinho. Seuil. Monénembo, T. (2015). Les coqs cubains chantent à minuit. Seuil. Mudimbe, V-Y. (2021). L’invention de l’Afrique. Gnose, philosophie et ordre de la connaissance. Présence Africaine, Paris. Said, E. (2005). L’Orientalisme. L’Orient créé par l’Occident. Seuil, Paris. Sarr, F. (2016). Afrotopia. Éditions Philippe Rey. Smith, S. (2003). Négrologie. Pourquoi l’Afrique meurt ? Calmann-Levy, Paris. Tchak, S. (2018). Ainsi parlait mon père. Éditions Jean-Claude Lattès. Wabéri, A. (2017). Aux États-Unis d’Afrique. Zulma. 24

The following statement by Achile Mbembe confirms this assumption: “Afrofuturism is a literary, aesthetic and cultural movement that emerged in the diaspora in the second half of the twentieth century. It combines science fiction, techno-culture, magic realism, and non-European cosmologies in order to interrogate the past of so-called peoples of color and their condition in the present. The latter rejects the idea of the “Afrofuturist” as a means of creating a new world. The latter rejects from the outset the humanist premise insofar as humanism can only be constituted by relegating some other subject or entity (living or inert) to the mechanical status of an object or accident. Afrofuturism is not content to denounce the illusions of the “properly human.“ In its eyes, it is the idea of the human species that is defeated by the Negro experience,” Mbembe 2014, 125.

Black Identity and Narratives: Postcolonial Interventions from Global South Anjali Gavali

Abstract The term “response” actually applies to the struggles and fore bearing of the indigenous communities who have suffered at the hands of colonialism essentially against the Afro-American or well understood in response as “Black identities.” It is defined as a positive outcome of indigenous and displaced communities in times of historical and current stressors. This characteristic is a unique feature of black indigeneity. The threshold of resilience Afro-Americans has developed to endure the effects of colonialism and still continue to do so is remarkable indeed. In the present context, the entire relative political relations rely on this “traditional knowledge” of the indigenous people. This is an ushering in the dawn of a new era. Only if you are naïve enough to believe so. As the Western Euro-American political power and educational institutions are notorious to acknowledge the Indigeneity of these ethnic groups is only superficial as it is a time in the neo-world context where it is impossible to shy away from the past of the colonial history it can be seen as reprimanding on behalf of the west to apologize the injustice, they inflicted which resulted in stealing of land, property, and the forests and most importantly for the “Black” identities. In the present paper, the emphasis is laid on understanding how the narratives of Black identities evolved in the southern nations globally and especially how in the Indo-African and American literary discourse respond to the resilience of African, Afro-American, and Indo-African identities. Keywords Afro-Indians · African American · Black · Identities · Decolonizing Narratives

1 Introduction In order for us to understand the Theory of Indigeneity and status of the postcolonial academics, it is best fit for us to understand the definitive narratives and theories

A. Gavali (B) Department of English, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_8

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established in the academia that undertake the study of these newly developing theories and axioms to help us understand the processes of how these theories can be utilized to further our understanding. As mentioned in my abstract, where I will be taking an understudy of different postcolonial narratives we must first learn and understand the main narrative that will help us to further deploy the dialog into a deeper sense. It can be best explained by maintaining its purity via the introductory article of J Daniel Elam in Literary and Critical Theory Postcolonial Theory—Postcolonial theory. Postcolonial theory is crucial in literary and critical theory to discuss how and to what extent colonialism impacted the facets of southern colonized countries in terms of the politics, native, economics, history as well as the social structure due to the European colonial rule from eighteenth up to the twentieth century. It is also to be noted that the primary reason why postcolonial theory emerged as an important dialog in South Asia and Africa is due to the damage caused by colonialism and British Imperialism had done and to resuscitate the minds and spirits of the colonized audiences. I try to intervene and investigate the postcolonial narratives in the Global South. It is important to establish the definition of what Global South means and what comprises Global South in terms of understanding for the academic as well as for laymen intellectualism. My understanding was deeply solidified when I came across the research article of Dominic Davies, Elleke Boehmer, Postcolonialism, and South–South relations-Postcolonial studies or postcolonialism. A critical theoretical approach that emerged in the 80’s that made such an important distinction that while the western academia propagated the model of postcolonial studies, they always made themselves appear as the other subjects while the colonized world are referred to as the third world or third countries commonly referred as the Global South later on in the postcolonial theory. The emergence of postcolonial theory led to the identification and questioning and challenging of these distinctions made in the first place. With the formation of postcolonial studies, debunked the false pretense of the West; where despite their claims to masquerade as the friendly academia which claims to help the rest of the colonized world to structure their realized new-found identity, also known as neo-colonial theory; resets the nuance of the colonizer self and the colonized others through their theoretical participation, all of this was however identified by the global south postcolonial theorists. The west also with its theoretical implications took matters into their own hands by complicating the study of postcolonial countries through a critical lens and established a deep-rooted western-centric model of postcolonial studies. (2018, p. 48–49). “The global South,” “South–South relations,” and “postcolonialism” all grew out of the mid-twentieth century’s era of formal decolonization, perhaps best encapsulated, by the Bandung Conference of 1955 (Davies & Boehmer 2018, p.49). It encapsulates a spirit of cooperation between countries located in the global South, forged in order to build solidarity against the discriminations of countries in the global North while continuing to exploit Southern countries. Certainly, postcolonialism is primarily concerned with the continents of (Latin America, Africa, and Asia). This distinction is to understand what Global South means in the academe. The fact that once again the recognition that, despite its Southern intellectual, political,

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and philosophical roots, it is in the Northern and often Anglophone academia that postcolonialism has been most enthusiastically taken up. (Davies & Boehmer, 2008, p.50). Postcolonialism is undoubtedly compromised by its predominant Northern positionality and its necessarily selective—and thus problematic—canonization. It has repeatedly set out to deconstruct the “meta-geographic categories” that have “effectively” served “as visual propaganda for Eurocentrism” (ibid., p. 55). (Davies and Boehmer, 2018, p. 55).

2 Critical Direction of Black Identities and Narratives The methodological question of the connection between Black identities and Black Indigeneities is best explained by the discourse put forth where the raised question of how African Diaspora respond to the word “Indigenous” and what it means and how African Knowledge system contributes to the understanding of Indigenous concept in their daily lives and register the impact of colonialism on the mindsets of Africans and whether they do or do not identify themselves as indigenous in the first place is discussed (Zegeye & Vambe 2006, p. 329). Amílcar Cabral even argues that in building sustainable communities and reviving African peoples’ institutions the question of the return to the source could not arise for the masses because their culture remained intact even after years of consistent assault by colonialism. It was discovered further in the African Indigenous Knowledge systems that within Western thought most African indigenous knowledge systems were desecrated and pejoratively described as a superstition. Africa was named a “dark continent” without its own history, culture, and self-defining memories (Zegeye &Vambe 2006, p.331). Western academe worked hard to appropriate and dislocate through funding disciplines such as anthropology to study Africa’s 1970 upsurge of European interest in oral culture and memory. The infiltration describes Africa as ontologically oral, and European thought systems as inherently rationalistic and based on writing (Zegeye & Vambe 2006, p. 332). In assumption, as can be safely derived from the text, the connection between Black Identities and Black Indigeneities is, Black Identity is simply a political identity accorded by the previously ancestral subjected communities to raise and actively put forth issues, a phenomenon applicable to the entire Black community globally, whereas African/Black Indigeneity are the pseudoremnant memories of the formerly colonized community a result due to European Imperial Colonization; that have created a “false sense of Indigeneity” filtered by the Western Academia as to wash out the alleged past, which is naturalistically impossible; hence, African Indigeneity except for actual people within the African continent making it a myth for the other global sphere that lies within African community.

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3 The Essentials of African Indigenious Knowledge Systems This excerpt will try to establish how Black Identities are constructed. For the colonized Africans, knowledge of oppression was constructed around the invasive practices of colonialism. In reality, marginalization of some Africans also came from within the African communities. The facet of Indigenism brings us toward a revelation that the mental faculties of even the African communities are somewhat colonially constructed as they are deeply influenced by the colonial perspective which compels them to discriminate in their own cohort. The irony remains while the facet of Indigenism represents the African cohort and the Black diaspora within the cohort, and it is in some ways mocking the colonialist ways of representing the cohort globally. African indigenous knowledge systems are not impervious from outside faculties; albeit their intentions whether pure or destructive. The Indigenous Knowledge Systems also reject to recognize all the positive outcomes that led to the changes within the African communities due to the impact of colonization. This binary within the cohort led to the construction of Black Identities, a medium that gave courage to former subjugates to voice their opinion via a socio-political franchise. Also as mentioned before, it is crucial to mark a clear distinction how Black Identities are more viable as a theoretical notion as opposed to Black Indigeneity as it operates and limited to continentally as opposed to Black identity that utilize its meaning literally as well as theoretically and methodically as well. (Zegeye & Vambe 2006, p. 329–358).

4 Association of Indigeneity to Blackness In this part of the chapter, two narratives of contemporary black activists are elaborated and summarized which highlight the competing claims of diverse Black identities are embodied. The first issue highlights and elaborates on how the experiences of Black and Indigenous communities are similar to one another. The first part of the distinct essays is narrative by Briana L. Ureña-Ravelo in her essay Stolen bodies, Stolen land: Contemplating Blackness and Indigeneity, illustrates that Black people though subjects of former colonialism are mere Non-native guests on the stolen lands of Indigenous though part of the same protest. The demarcation was made clearer and clearer with every dialog they had with each other. The author claims as non-native guests inhabiting these Indigenous American lands, the issues were Land-sovereignty related and was contested that the original inhabitants of the lands were Indigenous North and South Americans, who were born and ancestral related to these lands. The key breaking point within the dialog was that neither these two-subjected communities were meant to survive. The author claims the colonization of Black folks from African lands was uprooting them from their

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ancestral homelands, in order to make them homeless. The author argues a colonized subject with a remembrance of their ancestral roots and physical memory of the geography in which they were born and lived through, is a ultimate force to be reckoned with, and this was identified by the colonizers when they captured the Indigenous North American lands. The author further claims this tactic gave rise to what sprung the creation of Blackness, the necessary death of the African to create a pastless, futureless dark malleable abyss in her place. She explains this process as Zombification of Black physicality that was the exploitation by the white colonizers where they wiped out all connections to Black parts—their bodies, their existence, their land. Authors adds more saying—“I think that in order to truly grasp Black people’s place in Indigeneity, we have to first posit and understand that “Indigenous” is not a monolithic race, but a naming/framing of a relationship between land and those originally on it.” She adds on saying that even non-native settlers coming from outside to settle in other lands fall into the category of Indigeneity that establishes itself as a Hierarchy. Furthermore, the author claims—“The author further elucidates that in order to truly grasp Black people’s place in Indigeneity, we have to first posit and understand that “Indigenous” is not a monolithic race, but a naming/framing of a relationship between land and those originally on it. She iterates the Diasporic African people historical past and their story is not the same as Indigenous North and South Americans folks or even Indigenous Africans who can always trace back one’s roots. She says concluding that this strategy helps to perpetuate the assumption Black come from nothing hence they are nobody which gives full access and control to the White colonizers to exploit as they see fit. The next part is extrapolated which focuses that Black people are not only colonized subjects but also Indigenous as well and the title is not just a privilege for Indigenous community in Northern America but a philosophy. It can be viewed from the second distinct essay narrated by Hari Zayad in his title—Why we need to stop excluding Black populations from ideas of who is “Indigenous.”” Why we need to stop excluding Black populations from ideas of who is “Indigenous.” He emphasizes insisting the fact that Black people are Indigenous folks too and their voice in conversations about whiteness and colonialism is significant. When Black folks are excluded from conversations about Indigeneity, they are denied platform to reiterate their relations as captured people from the stolen lands of North America where they still serve as labors, being interpreted as “settlers” by the north and south Indigeneity. But what they fail to recognize is even the Black folks in America brought to and later born in the diaspora are a Indigenous populous undergoing the same aftermath effects of a global colonization efforts perpetuated by the white supremacy that has dug its way across the moors of Atlantic, and the experiences as colonized sand displaced Indigenous people should be highlighted accordingly. He further adds on, the conception of populations native to the Americas is not expected to instantly let go of any relationship American lands they are not associated with, although they were forcibly moved via colonial violence to the Trail of Tears, he urges us to form a needful courtesy for Black people who were brought to the “Native” so-called non-native land that can be reinstated as an Anti-Black sovereign where they did not choose to come nor were given the option to move live voluntarily.

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5 Narratives Related to Afro-Indigenous and Black-Indigenous Experiences In the narrative related to Indigeneity or people belonging to Indigenous communities and what Indigeneity means to them I have taken accounts of the paper White gaze v/s. The Black Soul and Cheyenne Wizard-Jones interviewed for the ROOM blog magazine issue—what does Afro-Indigenous or Black Indignity means? by Karmella Cen Benedito De Barros, respectively. These personal insights and essays articulated here in the paper will try to encapsulate the personal understandings of what Indigeneity and being-Indigenous means to these scholars and also shed a light on our graph of understanding and clear our doubts to also help us reconstruct our stream of thinking for Indigeneity in different regions of the globe as the scholars share accounts not only of being Afro-Indigenous/Black-Indigenous but also give us an insight into how the experiences are attached not only on a literal sense of the word, but also the experiences are varied in terms of the cartographies. Memories of standing in the school hallways reciting those words signify a critical moment in Ilmi’s life in which he rejected mainstream society and decided to take on a youthful, Black hip-hop identity. Embracing hip hop was an act of agency and resistance. Hip-hop culture enabled to be Black outside the White gaze and in essence become Black. (Ahmed Ilmi., p. 218). It was essential for his survival to embody this culture as a means of creating both a personal space and a collective identity with other Black youth as an avenue of self-expression in a society that is consumed with racial hierarchy. Asante (1991) quotes “fundamentally a social phenomenon whose ultimate purpose is to socialize the learner; to send a child to school is to prepare that child to become part of society. Schools are reflective of the societies that develop them (i.e., a White supremacist-dominated society will develop a White supremacist educational system)” (p. 170., Ahmed Ilmi., p. 218). Dei and James (1998) would argue that this action was part of my process of “claiming an identity rather than passively accepting one, [and] is a political act which involves oneself and others” (Ilmi., p. 218)). This space allows me to bring a different reading to race and ethnicity from an anti-colonial/anti-racist lens. Moreover, it allows me to bring a particular perspective to the table that is grounded in Indigenous social consciousness and my lived realities as a racialized person theorizing about race to assist in contributing to the discourses that brings nuance complex readings of race as a society that celebrates tokenistic multiculturalism and dismisses the implications of being a racialized/minoritized body where Whiteness is placed at the center. (Ilmi., p. 219). After all, he was not the one who assigned himself a racialized identity; so why not speak about race. However, the price of being silent and engaging in colonial intellectual mimicry is greater on our minds, bodies, and souls (Ilmi., p. 219). Dei and Kempf (2006) explain history and context are important for understanding our collective past in the pursuit of anti-colonial politics of resistance to make sense of present day predicaments. It is crucial to study and undertake a compact comprehension of undertaking the complicated colonial ideology that is fabricated to make racial hierarchies within the societal structure with a singular purpose of maintaining dominant

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bodies, while similarly discriminating against Black/Minorities. (Ilmi., p. 220). By operationalizing anti-colonial theory, he states he is able to speak to the coloniality of race and articulate how colonial ideology engenders racial subjection. According to Hall (1981) racism"[i]s grounded in the relations of slavery, colonial conquest, economic exploitation, and imperialism, in which European races have stood in relation to the native people of the colonized and exploited periphery” (p. 220). Ilmi in the theory constructed by Dei in 1996 has found that anti-racism is a body of thought that sought to explicitly work toward the issues of race and social difference as an issue of providing a weight muscle and fairness to the others of the world apart form White folks. It highlights that the infiltration of the white colonialists and capturing the world’s indigenous and non-White people resulted into simplistic practice of racial dominance and discrimination based on the color of a person’s skin (p. 220;221). Indigenous knowledges are embodied knowledges of the colonized; as such, they constitute a rich social deposit which can be used to bring about social justice in a variety of cultural contexts (p. 221). As a framework, this theory enables marginalized groups to utilize their own histories, local and Indigenous cognitive categories, and cultural logic to create their own social understandings of their realities (Ilmi., p. 221). In addition, with it he faced the one major obstacle on my educational journey which Dei et al. (1997) call the ‘hidden curriculum.” In this part of his theory, he came across that the educational institutions with its agents like teachers, students, and staff members have certain pre-emptive attitudes that are fixed due to racial stereotypes such as Black students always come from broken and disturbed family backgrounds, or that they are always under-performers in schools that give negative impacts on the black community, and also form a hindrance toward Black students. (p. 222). As noted by Fanon, (2008) and Wa Thiongo, (1986), among others schoolboys that are exposed to colonial education will often find themselves constantly disfigured because they are persistently forced to see themselves in relation to their colonizers (Ilmi., p. 222).

5.1 Work New Ethnicities The concept explicates this same sentiment explaining that members of the Black Diaspora often take a political Black identity as response to the experiences of racism as opposed to passively accepting a racialized identity( ibid., p. 222). These scholars have analyzed the conflicts between racialized students in the school system and the dominant culture and they have all concluded that minority students develop oppositional culture to maneuver the school system. Moreover, they all indicate that the schools are a site of oppression in which Black students learn about the racial hierarchy that exists in society. Consequently, Black students develop complex ways to protect their Blackness and maintain boundaries around themselves and the White culture. In my case, hip hop provided me with the space, cultural capital, language, and stylish attire to both claim and perform my Blackness. Black popular culture also stood for an incredibly complex political mindset that was grounded in Black

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youth perspectives that were often expressed on the microphone and through clothing articles, among other things. Ibrahim (1999) would argue this was a racially fitting response, as he explains “To fit somewhere signifies choosing or becoming aware of one’s own being, (and) is partially reflected in one’s language practice. Choosing is a question of agency; that is, by virtue of being a subject, one has room to maneuver one’s own desires and choices” (p. 223). I am well aware of the heavy criticisms that are often leveled against hip hop for being misogynistic, violent, and/or too materialistic (Ilmi., p. 224). Moreover, hip-hop culture offered us the medium for express ourselves through collective consciousness, gestures, and stylish clothing articles. It seems that there was an unwritten code amongst members of the Black student body in the school and we knew how to connect and how to claim our spaces in school despite being constantly under a White gaze. This sense of Blackness allowed us to create a platform to resist and to have a collective voice. I don’t speak about role models for a dominant lens which is often utilized to pathologize Black communities and point out the lack of positive role models for Black youth without looking at how processes of racialization and social exclusion are at interplay (Ilmi., p. 225). As Fanon (1969) pointed out long ago, the Black man living in a predominantly White society will always be out of place as a result of colonial Imposition. Even if he rejects his Blackness, society will remind him of his racialized status(p. 225). My father’s words echoed a Black sentiment, without naming race in his conversations that is eloquently captured by bell hooks (2001) in Salvation: Black People and Love, where she states: “Our father had always been acutely aware of the way, in which White supremacist thinking and action subordinated Black men. He let us know early on that the White man did not want the Black man to be a man, so he tried to keep him down” (p. 225). Hooks (2001) explains that this critical backdrop provided the necessary perspective to challenge and subvert colonial ideology (p. 225). In concert with hooks’ ideas, my father’s critical perspective prepared me for the experiences that I was often faced with in school and in society. As such, I do not believe that I would have been able to succeed in school without being mentally prepared to face racism (ibid., p. 225). In essence, such conversations create a dialog between parents and their children to deal with the racialization and social exclusion. My visions as a Black youth were directed by my hope to live beyond the current state of affairs in a world in which no one was racialized (Fanon, 1967). This realization as Ilmi understood through his personal experiences gave him a power of agency. As such, he says, I would have never had the courage to walk into a school system that racialized me, let alone survive in it, without belonging to a collective youthful Black identity. In the midst of all the racism that I was experiencing I often draw on the lessons that I have learned from role models and not just on how to live life in general. But also how to live it as a Black youth in a society that operates in racial hierarchies (p. 226:227). Now, we move onto the experience of For Room issue 44.3 Indigenous Brilliance written by Cheyenne Wyzzard-Jones, who happens to be a Black-Indigenous Queer Femme creative curator and in her article of—“What does Black-Indigenous/AfroIndigenous mean?” What is Black-Indigenous/Afro-Indigenous? Helps us to answer the titular foundational question with the shared histories of Black and Indigenous

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peoples, as well as build a better understanding of the many folks, like the author herself tries to understand, who exists with the identity as both Black and Indigenous. The author establishes that by understanding the relations between Black and Indigenous cohort, it allows us to identify a much unknown and underrepresented diaspora of Black-Indigenous or Afro-Indigenous folks. These two terms says the author is used to describe anyone with a mixed or hybrid Black, African, and Indigenous ancestry. The author states in the magazine issue that the previously described identity is an inclusive identity with a blend of Blackness and Indigeneity originating from different continents, nations, or lineages. (De Barros and Johnson). There is no one simple definition for this term, which means that learning to understand this identity isn’t a simple endeavor. The author states that “where solidarity lies is understanding that Black-Indigenous Nations exist.” (De Barros and Johnson). It seems that it is often too difficult for people to understand the author as both Black and Indigenous simultaneously, especially in cultural or politically charged spaces. She states it is as if she is either too much or not enough, so she chooses to showcase certain parts of herself exclusively situationally as a Black-Indigenous person. She iterated that this strategy is something deployed by many mixed or hybrid race people which has been mastered and is a sentiment that shows solidarity among them. (De Barros and Johnson). Cheyenne references the “double consciousness” phenomenon discussed in The Souls of Black Folk, by W.E.B DuBois which states that Black folks around the world experience a “two-ness,” a sort of duality where one nature is of a dissimilarity and how due to it, any mixed race people are generally viewed from the eyes of White folk in their community, and also how they would want to be perceived and on the other hand, as a mixed lineage how they are viewed as somewhat familiar; a sort of second nature by Indigenous folks under different cultural situations. As Cheyenne notes, “Black-Indigenous is a beginning point of solidarity and a commonalty shared between the two, as both are a inherent part of one another, rather than being views as separate entities in decolonialism altogether.” (De Barros and Johnson) Cheyenne also mentions from her own personal observations, the juxtaposition of her Afro/Black-Indigenous identity as—She believes herself as a human melting pot, something undecided or uncertain, as though she shares both traits of Blackness and Indigeneity she has a understanding and an up-close view of both communities as an insider as well as an outsider. She believes that she is sometimes considered a part of spaces, sometimes excluded and sometimes different due to her different aspects of identity due to how she looks, dresses, speaks, and depending upon the geography as well. Parker Johnson a Continuing Student Faculty at Simon Fraser University who is a regular contributor to the ROOM magazine weighs in on his opinion that when using the terminology “Indigenous” does not and must never take away from original Indigenous folks of the world but also is an attempt to use the phrase to include Afro-Indigenous/Black-Indigenous artists and writers. He replies stating. “You ask an important and difficult question. If the concern is inclusion of Black-Indigenous peoples relates to Americas, Caribbean, and Africa, which are informed by interwoven histories of European colonialism, genocide, enslavement, subjugation, resistance, sovereignty, and liberation… If your intention is to invite the Indigenous

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peoples of what is called Latin America and the Caribbean or what is colonially known as the Americas and Caribbean. I am overjoyed to see the effort.” This led Patricia Massy, owner of Massy Books and a member of Indigenous Brilliance Collective member to the conclusion that “if we are going to acknowledge there are mixed Indigenous folks from around the world, we first need to define ‘Indigenous,’ as the term is often used to refer broadly to peoples of long settlement and connection to specific lands who have been adversely affected by incursions, by industrial economies, displacement, and settlement of their traditional territories by settlers or colonizers.” (De Barros and Johnson).

6 Conclusion When we hear the word Indigeneity, we always associate it to the Indigenous communities identified and recognized by the world standard as Indigenous people, Native People or Aboriginals in general. So naturally, the word is not particularly addressed or associated to Black narratives and black identities truthfully speaking. Here, the power play as mentioned in the introduction of this paper while establishing the theory of postcolonialism and postcolonial studies can be helpful to establish Indigenous as a separate category for studying in postcolonialism. In this paper I have tried to associate via a process of establishment that Black narratives and Black identities be categorized as Indigenous as well. With the introductory process, we establish the postcolonial studies how it is defined and helpful in decoding the narrative of how the world is perceived through the paradigm of the axes (the west and east) as it is generally categorized, but in modern studies referred to as, the Global North and Global South, respectively. In doing so, we justified the title of the research and also helped to categorize who leads the sphere of postcolonial studies in the academic domain. Next, we move onto the theories used for Black Identities and narratives where we discussed the various theories of how Black identity and narratives are studied in the academe where basically we have used Africa as the main global southern part to define and establish the definition for Indigeneity in African knowledge system and how it can be theorized and understood in the academic fields of study in postcolonial worlds that also can be followed by the laymen to recognize the importance of Indigeneity in the knowledge systems as an important part to be studied and understood as a theory and not just a Western exotic project of the Western Academy to overshadow their notorious agendas of infiltrating and distorting of the academic understandings as they have been typically doing and famously known for, once this establishment is covered we can also conclude by stating that Black Identity is a strong force of intellectualism and a body of thought that under postcolonial studies, it strongly upholds the philosophies of anti-colonialism and decoloniality thus, giving these two body of thought an access into the political structures whilst claiming as favorable strategy of politics for Black narratives and dismantling the power structures and hierarchies that are opposed and rigid toward them. Next, we have the Indigeneity as a main topic where we establish how imperative it is to add

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Black identity, to be seen not only as an ethnic race and identity and as a racial issue to be discussed on a global platform, relating to prejudice and discrimination as we know commonly and see In the Media narrative (particularly being the Black Americans and the issues they face, which is a topic taken more seriously and discussed and theorized time and again;), but also plead that Blackness or Black or Afro-Black identities to be considered as an Indigenous category as well. Toward the ending of the paper, I have to tried to include Narratives related to Afro-Indigenous and Black-Indigenous Experiences and Lives; a category that takes up experiences and personal narratives of self-identified Indigenous scholars who talk about their personal experiences and anecdotes related to what their definition of Indigeneity and their experiences related to the Indigenous phenomenon and why it is important for Afro-Indigenous and Black indigenous scholars to participate in this diaspora and identify themselves strongly in the academic medium. Also, using the selfconstructed parenthesis I would strongly suggest that while maintaining the goal of Indigeneity and identifying and associating racialized communities to Indigeneity it is impossible to escape the burnt memory of colonialism; what we can do instead is redefine that decolonization is not the process of completely taking out the new and bringing the old; because mind you the old customs, practices and traditional rituals whether they were good or bad; but instead combining the new that is good with the positive old customs, practices and rituals to progress as a new world all the while safely maintaining the newly found identities of the Blacks and Indigenous folks and racial differences all of colonized contestants of the globe that were impacted and destroyed due to colonialism. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Davies, D. & Boehmer, E. (2018). Postcolonialism and South–South relations. Routledge Handbook of South–South Relations, In: Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, E. & Daley, P. (eds. ) Routledge Handbooks Online. Routledge Handbook, 18th December 2018. De Barros, Karmella Cen Benedito, and Parker Johnson. (2021). What does afro-indigenous blackindigenous mean? Indigenous Brilliance, Room issue 44.3. https://roommagazine.com/black-his tory-month-on-the-room-blog/. Accessed 14th May 2021 Elam, J. D. Literary and Critical Theory Postcolonial. Dig J Oxford Bibliographies. . https://doi. org/10.1093/OBO/9780190221911-0069 Jstor. (2011). The White Gaze vs. the Black Soul. Race, Gender & Class, 18 (3)(4), pp. 217–229 www.jstor.org/stable/43496844 Ureña-Ravelo, B. L. (2017). Stolen bodies, Stolen land: Contemplating Blackness and Indigeneity, Black Youth Project, 22 November 2017. http://blackyouthproject.com/stolen-bodies-stolenland-contemplating-blackness-and-indigeneity/. Accessed 9th May 2021

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Zegeye, A. & Vambe, M. (2006). African Indigenous Knowledge Systems. Review (Fernand Braudel Center), 29 (4), 329–358 Ziyad, H. (2017). Why we need to stop excluding Black populations from ideas of who is “Indigenous”. Why we need to stop excluding Black populations from ideas of who is “Indigenous”, Black Youth Project, 6th November 2017. http://blackyouthproject.com/need-stop-excludingblack-populations-ideas-indigenous/. Accessed 11th May 2021

Omi: Water in Comparison to the Black Female Body Michelle Grant-Murray

Abstract The Black female body as a retrospective site of ecology holds an intimate connection to nurturing kinship of water to the Earth. Black women are the cornerstone of existence in relation to humanity. For hundreds of years, Black women in the United States of America were enslaved, raped, humiliated, dehumanized, and breastfed the babies of white slave masters. Becoming the pillars of community, the innate intellect, intuitive knowledge, and wisdom of Black women has saved countless lives, liberated souls, and filled spaces with joy. This chapter explores, expands, and examines the ecological, spiritual, and social relationships of the African American female body to water as nurturer, giver, and sustainer of life. The Black female body is transcendent, exploring the unique philosophical inquiry of American history with ancestral memory, spirituality, and extraordinary physical manifestation. This chapter provokes, invokes, and radicalizes our precious gift of the African American Black female body and water as fugitive, giver, and sustainer. Life is connected to the water. For centuries, Black women have recognized the value, importance, and relevance of water as spiritual, intellectual, social, ecological, and emotional contextualization of life force. Water is a basic human need. Keywords Decolonization · Embodiment/embody · Environmental racism · Institutional racism · Vortex

1 Introduction Black women and water are a gift from Mother Nature that holds the secrets to life. Water, like Black women, heals, nourishes, cleanses, purifies, transports, generates, creates, sustains, transforms, transitions, and provides development and sustainability for generations to come. Combined, the physical manifestation of water and the Black female body, generates a vortex of energy that is transformative. Water like Black women exists in a physical solid form that can be transformed into liquid (oceans, M. Grant-Murray (B) Dance and Performing Arts, Miami Dade College, Miami, Florida, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_9

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rivers, lakes) and further developed into vapor (ancestral form). The knowledge, words of wisdom, comfort, and love that Black women provide flow and ease burdens of the world. The synchronization of the two is a radical transformative agent that serves the social, economic, historical, cultural, and philosophical world. Water is a sacred being that holds the life force of all living things on the Earth. Water as a healing source of energy can serve as a portal to the known and unknown. Our world is deeply impacted, implicated, and inspired by the movement, sound, and taste of water. The transformation of water evokes emotion and contemplates the physicality of a sustainable way of life. Water, like the Black female body, is a retrospective site of ecology that holds memory, embodies the present space, and resonates the future. Building on existing research, I use responses to personal interviews centered on water stories and the question of: to what extent does water conservation relate to the ecosystem of the Black female body in the context of decolonizing systemic institutional racism in artistic practices and creative spaces? Based on a review of literature and interviews. Participants are asked to respond to a set of questions in the context of identity, water ethics, personal water stories, and systemic issues of water ecology within their communities. This chapter will decode, decolonize, and deconstruct the systemic oppression of water issues in comparison to the institutional racism superimposed upon the Black female body.

1.1 Introduction I am Michelle Edwena Grant-Murray, daughter of Lena Mae Henry, Elma Julius Newton, Mamie Ruth Jackson, Hattie Mae Newton, Elsie Jackson, Aria Grant, and Leila McCurdy. Due to the horrific trauma of enslavement, I can only go back four generations. Legend has it that parts of my blood memory can be traced to the west coast of Mexico, the Congo, present-day Nigeria, and Ghana. In the Africanist tradition, the naming of a child is essential to the life purpose and path of an individual. My name, Michelle, is the French feminine version of Michael, which is Hebrew for “Gift from God” or “like God.” Edwena derives from an Old English name and means “Wealthy Friend” and Grant which translates to “Great.” So, the full meaning of my name translates into “A Gift from God, a wealthy friend that is great.” I was born in a small southern town of Fitzgerald, Georgia, in the United States of America. This area is well known for the richness and value of pecans, tobacco, and cotton. My family migrated west to Texas shortly after I was born. We lived a juxtaposed life of farm and city life. The house “in town” allowed me to attend the city school and receive a “Western” education. My life on the farm provided me with an environmental education that was deeply connected to nature, spirit, and community. My life was filled with laughter, healthy food, blues music, rock-n-roll, dance, fishing, coffee, joy, and an abundance of love. I spent a great deal of time on the farm, toiling the land, climbing trees, fishing, and tending to the farm animals. At an early age, I was riding steers (cows), hogs, mules,

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horses, and catching chickens. My fondest memories on the farm were spent with “Papa Crow” (1) (my great grandfather from my grandmother’s second marriage) planting and harvesting the fields with his old mule. I was given the task of dropping the seeds after the soil had been toiled. I have vivid memories of the Papa Crow, plowing and shuffling through the soil, guiding the mule with the gentleness of his voice: Heaaaaave, Hoooo, and 5 quick clicks from the side of his jaw. My grandfather, John D. Rogers (2) (my grandmother’s second husband) fed and groomed the livestock. My grandmother, Elma, picked the eggs, tended the chickens, milked the cows, and harvested the fruit and vegetables (figs, apples, collard greens, mustard greens, turnips greens, green beans, lettuce, tomatoes, onions, peppers, okra, cucumbers, roses, and so much more). She would churn butter in the corn of the kitchen, make tea cakes, ice box cookies, homemade jams, jellies, and pickle the vegetables for chow-chow. At the beginning of each season, we slaughtered a steer or hog. My grandfather would go into the barn (the smokehouse) and handle business. The business included prayers, cleaning of the animals, and a good run around the farm. This was always a daunting time for me because the animals were my best friends. I spent countless hours talking, grooming, and dancing with livestock. So, naturally, when it came time for dinner, I typically ate salad and fruit. Fish, pancakes, and eggs have always been my favorite. I somehow could not make myself partake in the consumption of friends. In retrospect, when I think back on the significance of these moments, I am reminded of the serenity, connection, and the ritual of this process. My soul was folded into the soil of this information. This lifestyle has deeply informed my current way of knowing and existing on the Earth. My first vivid memory of intimate connections to water was discovered on a fishing trip on a family friend’s lake with Papa Crow, my grandparents, my cousin, and myself. We were in a muddy lake somewhere in the foothills of Texas. Papa Crow’s John Boat was equipped with life vests, a motor, bait (worms and bread for the catfish), a cooler filled with plenty of snacks, water, and a full thermos of hot Maxwell house coffee. We all loaded the boat, put on our life vest, and set out for a day of fishing. It was early and the morning dew rose from the water over the pink and orange clouds from a vapor mist that illuminated the rising sun. The air was crisp, damp, and cold. The water was a murky brown color, and the red clay residue swirled and circled on the top surface of the water. I remember looking over the side of the boat and telling my cousin, “You can’t see anything; where are the fish?” My internal thoughts were mermaids and how the swirling patterns of the water made. What did the patterns represent? Was the water talking to me? I found myself mesmerized by the color, patterns, and the sound of the boat motor. Papa Crow torqued the motor of the boat to build up speed. The front of the boat tilted up slightly. I held on to the side of the boat with both hands. My heart space opened, and the fire escaped. This was not a fire of anger but a rush of excitement, thrill, and gratitude. I was grateful to be on the water. I took a deep breath, and, on the exhale, a loud scream of joy escaped from the depths of my belly. We settled for a moment and time stood still. We looked around to witness the brilliance of the environment and took off again. Only this time, Papa Crow decided to make a sharp, angular turn with the boat. Without any

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warning, and in the blink of an eye, I found myself under water. The boat had turned over! EVERYONE WAS OVERBOARD. My thoughts were racing. Where are my Grandma and Grandpa? My body was relaxed and without fear. I allowed myself to sink; thinking that I would push off the bottom of the lake and propel to the surface. Thank God, I had a life vest preventing me from sinking to the bottom. I tried to keep my body underwater for a longer period, but that did not work. My head popped up to the surface right next to the boat. My grandparents and my cousin were right there with me. They told my cousin and me to climb on the top of the boat. We rested there for some time, Papa Crow, grandma, and grandpa held on to the side of the boat to gather their thoughts. In this moment, I witnessed the sheer and brute tenacity of Black people. Papa Crow, my grandpa, and grandmother pushed the boat through the water all the way back to shore. I remember the thrill of being soaked and wet from head to toe and the flutter of my feet connecting to my heart space, trying to stay under water for a few more moments. At that moment, I was trying to remember, “did I breathe under water?” This was the opening of my connections and existence to rivers, lakes, oceans, and bodies of water. I remember looking into my grandmother’s eyes and seeing fearlessness, drive, and determination. She too was deeply connected to this source of water. She was somehow a part of the body of water that nurtured, protected, and guided us to safety. Her resilience and response to me now were reaffirming. The core of my identity was rooted in her existence. I knew at that moment that I came from a place of fortitude, strength, and determination. With the passing of time, I now realize and acknowledge the core values of my upbringing. There was always a keen sense of respect, love, belonging, kindness, serenity, fierceness, and an undeniable understanding of Blackness. I was rooted in the construct of Black. I was a Southern Black woman. One of the conceptual identifiers of Black social construct is “call and response.” One person makes a statement, and another responds with an interpretation. Call: “Never leave your house with your slip hanging.” Response: “Handle your business; Your personal affairs are your personal affairs.” Call: “Give them a rope long enough, they will hang themselves.” Response: “Vengeance is not mine saith the lord” Call: “That’s somebody’s child.” Response: “Could be yours” Call: “Treat everyone with dignity and respect” Response: “Would you treat your Mother that way” Call: “Cook enough for the neighbors” Response: “You may need them one day. Love your neighbors.”

There was always an abundance of food, drink, laughter, and Black joy in my house. The music of Robert Johnson, B.B. King, K.I.S.S., Tyrone Davis, Al Green, Lola Falana, Areatha Franklin, Mahalia Jackson, Issac Hayes, Chubby Checker, and the voice of Reverend Ike (Frederick J. Eikerenkoetter II) played each afternoon.

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Each day I sang “Aquarius” by the 5th Dimension. This was my favorite section of the song: This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius Age of Aquarius Aquarius Aquarius Aquarius Aquarius

From these embodied experiences, I began to value, appreciate, and explore the diverse forms of water and the ways in which it spoke to me. I have learned that water is ever present in all forms: solid, liquid, and vapor. My mother had a dear friend, Miss Dolly Black. Her skin, gums, and the lines in the palm of her hands were as black as night. As children, we called her skin tone “pitch black.” Each time she came to visit, she always asked me “Baby, can you get me a glass of ice water?” I waited for her response. I would take ice cubes from the ice tray in the freezer, place them in glass, and pour cool water from the pitcher in the refrigerator. Sometimes the water would be so cold, my fingers would stick to the glass. Miss Dolly would swirl the ice around in the water, look at it and then look at me, and delicately sip the water as her eyes pierced my eyes. It was a deep and profound connection we had. I loved it, and she knew I loved it. Like water, Black women flow and lead with grace, tenacity, strength, determination, and integrity. Adaptability, resilience, fortitude, and empathy are characteristics that prevail in times of need, progression, and change. The nurturing of water and the Black female body provides an invigorating, transformative, and multi-dimensional aspect of human percepts. Each convening is unique and delivers grounding sustainability, protection, release, and rejuvenation. The submerging of the physical body, the intellectual mind, and core of the soul opens a portal for clemency, offering an opportunity for exoneration and exploration of forward movement in contemplation and activation. These philosophical concepts blaze trails for equality, equity, and elevation of the Black female voice in prominent spaces of gender, race, and class. Examples of this thesis are optimized in political, social, artistic, religious, medical, and educational arenas. We can take a look at organizations, institutions, and communities across the globe to justify Black women’s identity with water. The physical presence and collective and ancestral memory of Black women in America have sustained and provided courage for generations. African American women are an integral part of the fabric, dynamics, foundation, and continuum of America. We enter this world with all of the ancestral knowledge generations before us. How we acknowledge and use that information is another story; particularly in colonized white spaces such as the United States of America. The horrific process of the African enslavement and colonization era also encapsulates a disbursement of embodied knowledge, skill, spiritual practice, communal understanding, and a connection to nature that western scientific experiments and findings need to explore. The Africanist perspective is deeply connected to rituals that utilize leaves, soils,

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roots, branches, bones, shells, and water as the primary agent to activate change. The implementation of change is sparked by the essential compound of water. Like the energetic field of a Black woman, once water is integrated to the compositional structure, everything shifts. The shift begins with the elemental introduction of water. The indigeneity of Black women of the United States of America is of particular interest to me because our journey is unique in that we are indigenous to the land of the United State of America. African American women are an integral part of the fabric, dynamics, foundation, and continuum of America. Africans were enslaved from their homelands. They were brought across the ocean via the Atlantic to a new world. This trauma severely affected several generations of Black enslaved communities. It brought carnage of humiliation, genocide, and insurrection upon the Black female body which now demands reckoning. This justified her connection to political struggles such as the fight for freedom and equality, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Black Lives Matter Movement. I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors and Black women such as Arminta Ross (Harriett Tubman), Assata Shukar, Sojourner Truth, Mary Bethune McCloud, Katherine Dunham, Pearl Primus, Audre Lorde, Toni Morrison, Eartha Kitt, Henrietta Lack, Maya Angelou, Bessie Smith, Fannie Lou Hammer, Rosa Parks, Daisy Bates, Coretta Scott-King, Rosetta Tharpe, Gwendolyn Brooks, bell hooks, Angela Davies, and countless others. These Black women have cleared a path, helped to shape my identity, and provided skills and tools that allow my generation to navigate the waters of life. This roll call of powerful Black women has cleared a path with their debatable legacy to freedom, liberation, equality, equity, education, ecology, sustainability, and life. They have created and implemented skills, philosophical plans, and forged new conceptual ideas that allow future generations to navigate the smooth and turbulent waters of life. Black women have suffered and endured the long journeys across and alongside the vast waters of Mother Earth. The comparative analysis of the Black female body and water, for me, links the spirit, energy, and essence of the Black female body to water seems natural and organic. Similar to water, the Black female body can be invisible until needed. The invisibility of the Black female is commodified when issues of subjective sexuality or social disparities arise. The dialog of the Black female body is placed on display for deconstruction. The conversation revolves around her hair, hips, breasts, buttocks, and lips. The entire esthetic of her physical being is decoded, deconstructed, dialoged, and discoursed. The Black female body becomes a spectacle providing entertainment and leisure; particularly for men, who often objectify, exploit, and exoticize her. This theoretical framework is rooted in colonization, hegemony, and white supremist ideologies. Deeper exploration reveals an intersection between the Black female body and environmental racism and water ethics from a global phenomenon. Water and Black women are a primary source of power and an essential need for life on Earth. As much as we are aware of this fact, both remain invisible and subjugated to pollution, poisoned, and delegated to the margins until needed. Water has been commodified, marginalized, and interrogated for leisure, entertainment, socioeconomic gain, political discourse, and codified as wealth and status. Most people

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who live near the oceans and waterways are economically advantaged. Comparatively, when the Black female body and water are visible, it is viewed as hypervisibility. The bodies of Black women and water are consumed, mystified, and exploited by violence, serve as scapegoats, and are oppressed. Even the way water is the Black female body and water are theorized and written about leaves us conflicted and misinformed about the power, esthetic, intelligence, and agency of the two.black women iron commune tablecloths, prepare and serve the food, exist in every area of African and African Diasporic culture. In these spiritual spaces, the female Black body serves as a pathway for existence and purpose. Women were the driving force behind these institutions, serving as mothers, holding secret prayer services, and setting the spiritual tone for the entire congregation. I can always remember going to choir rehearsal and glass water sitting on top of the piano. No one ever drank or touched the glass of water. It sat there as part of the rehearsal which by the end of the night became a religious ritual. Choir rehearsal was a weekly ceremony in preparation for the Sunday morning worship service. In these sacred spaces, the water and the powerful voice of Black female body provide healing, peace, balance, abundance, joy, nutrition, economic prosperity, and love for a community. The elegance, grace, fluidity, and generosity of the Black female body commands respect and can be revered as dangerous, chaotic, and destructive. These same characteristics are associated with nature water as an energetic force. I am reminded of the artistic contributions and political impact Black women have had upon the creation of the global world, particularly that of the United States of America. Black women have been at the center of birthing political movements. Kathleen Cleaver, Fredricka Newton, Rosemarie Mealy, Chaka Khan, Assata Shakure were an integral part of the creation and construct of the Black Panther Party. Rosa Parks is known for standing her ground on the ground on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama. Parks was a seasoned and experienced Civil Rights leader prior to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. She was a staunch supporter of Marcus Garvey, Jamaican political social activist, and a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). She was the organizer and writer with a primary mission: Sexual violence against Black women; anti-lynching; voter suppression; voter rights; lay ice water; these Black women activated and stirred up spaces that were sometimes sticky, always fluid, and often cold but always transformative. The stories of Black women are being marginalized, erased, and washed away. Like climate change, receding oceans, and sea-level rise, the narrative of Black women, their artistic and political contributions to society are marginalized, oppressed, and disappearing. My paternal grandmother, Mamie Ruth Jackson Grant, is an exemplary symbol of how artistic expression meets and works with social activism. Miss Grant, as she was known to the community, was an elementary school teacher in the segregated southern town of Fitzgerald, Georgia. She was a piano teacher to all the Black children, a Deaconess (non-ordained ministry for women in the Christian church) in the church, a notary, and the community bank (you could borrow money and pay her back with your own terms). Her social life included hosting pokeno games for rent parties,

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weekly porch conversations with the white Major of the town, fishing, watering her plum, pomegranate and pecan trees, and petting the dog. Her primary organizational work was centered on meeting with sharecroppers in the surrounding community to discuss the planning and implementation of Black History Museum in Fitzgerald, Georgia, a town that was founded because of the Civil War. Her home was my summer residence, 612 East Magnolia Street, Fitzgerald, Georgia, 31,750. I always remember the smell of magnolia trees and the steam rising from asphalt after an intense summer rain. After each hard rain, the sun would shine bold and bright. The heat was unbearable. She always told me: You see that steam. It’s hot in hell. You can hear the devil beating his wife if you put your ear to the ground.” In response, I would put my ear near the ground to listen for the scream of the devil’s wife. Miss Grant (paternal grandmother) worked with ease and comfort. She made the daunting task look easy. She demonstrated empowering characteristics, discernment, wisdom, and leadership. She was always generous to children, intelligent, wealthy, and creative. She was inspiring to so many people in the community. Her femininity was deeply rooted in spiritual knowledge, business ethics, and education. She attended Sunday school and church each Sunday and Bible Study every Wednesday night. My grandmother was empowering to others, sensual, loads of fun, never wore a bra, and the best third-grade teacher in the State of Georgia. She was a beautiful feminine warrior, a leader, and a giver of children. She was the embodiment of Osun, a Yoruba female deity associated with cool, sweet, fresh water. Deidra Badejo, author of Osun Seegesi: The Elegant Deity of Wealth, Power and Femininity, describes Osun as: She is water ever-flowing and regenerative Woman is the custodian of fire and wood, icons of metamorphosis and synthesis culminating in the preparation of lifesustaining food…She is the giver and protectoress of physical life through which ase is known and unknowable. (Badejo 83). I remember upon her passing to the ancestral realm and cleaning her house, rummaging through her things for hours and days on end; I found several notebooks with detailed dates, cash amounts, and names of money she had loaned various people. Each page also contained a scripture from the bible, how much the person owed, future, and projects for the city development. These processes and memories served as the release from the oppressive world of whiteness. These actions of kindness and community engagement were small acts of Black liberation. There was a steady stream of people coming and going, giving, and taking. All appeared with respect, humility, gratitude, and grace. Even the drunkest man would approach the back door with dignity and modesty. Sometimes people asked for a loan or a plate of food, sometimes they just wanted to sit and talk. She always kept a bottle of rum in the corner of the bedroom near the closet. She lounged around the house with a glass full of coke, ice, and a splash of rum. This conscious thought and action of abundance, giving, and joy has directly impacted my path in life. The joy of song, dance, food, and laughter is infused in all aspects and matters of my professional, personal, spiritual, and creative life. For me,

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the Black body is the axis mundi of joy, healing, knowing, understanding, and reckoning. The female Black body is an unyielding composition of modalities of being and existing. She (Black woman) is a powerful source of indigenous information, a grounding force that pulls and holds things together. She is a conjuring metaphor of the Earth’s oldest and most valuable resource, water. Like water, the identity of Black female body is a global political, intellectual, spiritual, and artistic movement practice; always growing, changing, shifting, palpable, and adjustable. Most Americans take the intellect, artistic skill, creativity, and vibrancy of Black women for granted. She is underpaid and devalued in most corporate institutions in the United States of America. On average, Black women are paid 38% less than white men and women. The pay gap is wider among Black women who have a college education. For the Black female, identity is an essential part of human existence. The affinity of the Black female is contextualized by gender, race, class, sexual identity. The primary lens of Black Feminist Theory (BFT) will align a comparative analysis of the Black female body to water. Black Feminist Theory centers the experiences of Black women by exploring their relationship to racism, sexism, and classism. This includes perspectives of politics, ecology, education, capitalism, colonization, decolonization, liberation, art making, relationships, equity, and equality. The term was coined by Kimbele Crenshaw, a Law Professor at Columbia College in NYC. She has spent most of her career studying race, racism, and civil rights. I interviewed two Black women that describe their unique connection to water. Melodi Mellerson (MM) is a Black woman living in Savannah, Georgia. She has been diagnosed with a terminal illness. Melodi lost her daughter to a severe asthma attack and has suffered renal kidney failure because of hypertension. Stephanie McKee Anderson is a Black woman and Executive Director of a non-profit organization in New Orleans, Louisiana. Her family is originally from Picayuna, Mississippi. Stephanie is the daughter of a Pastor. Black like yo Mama’s body Black like the raven Black like infinity Black like the beauty of night

1.2 Still Waters Run Deep Water is a personal mission for me. I am deeply impacted, implicated, and inspired by the movement, sound, feel, and taste of water. Water invokes tears of joy and mourning as ritual. My experiences and study of this natural element have inspired me to create Omi as a choreographed dance performance and literary work. The choreographed dance work premiered at the Miami Light Project’s Here and Now Festival in 2018. Omi translates to water in the Nigerian Yoruba language. There is particular significance given to the presence of water and the energy of Black Women within Yoruba culture. Omi is connected to ancestral veneration, welcoming of new life, shifting, and concentrating the manifestation of endeavors. Osun, Yemoja, and

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Oya, are all water deities that are characterized by change, innovation, birth. A close examination of the characteristics that shapes the identity of each deity is aligned with the personification of water and juxtaposition of the Black female body. Black women have always gone to the water for healing, reflection, rest, and rejuvenation. There is no secret inside of the Black culture that water holds supernatural abilities of conjuring, releasing, and manifesting. Combined with the four primary elements, fire, wind, air, and Earth; everything needs water for sustainability. One of the primary three female water deities within the pantheon of West African spiritual practice is known as Ifa: Ifa is an ancient spiritual practice of Yoruba culture from Nigeria. Prior to colonization, Nigeria was a part of the Benin Empire located directly on the west coast of Africa. The word “Ifa” translates to the word of God. There are over 256 Orisia within the practice of Ifa. Black women play a vital spiritual role in Yoruba spirituality. We cannot talk about the life force of water and its connection to life and the global world; we must also discuss similarities of the Black female body and water and the vitality of how both energies supplicate the world. Therefore, we will explore three of the female deities that are associated with water, Osun, Yemoja, and Oya. Each deity has specific physical, emotional, and intellectual characteristics. SMA: I do not think that it’s an accident that Women and spiritual deities are female and are always associated with water. In lots of ways, we are powerful like water. And we can be just as soft water or just as soft as water is. I think often times— NOLA is an area that is actually surrounded by bodies of water in little trivartaries and bayous and other bodies of water. In fact, we are like a bowl, and we sit at the bottom of the bowl where a stopper would be, and the sink is what New Orleans is and water is all around the outside of that. I remember the time that someone had given me that as a visual and I remember thinking to myself that during Hurricane Katrina. I kept referring to the storm as she and not the storm. I was always assigning a gender to it. I wasn’t doing that purposely. I said to my friends, “Have ya’ll noticed that I keep assigning a gender to, you know….” and I thought about that for a second. We had this conversation when we were getting ready to do the work from June bug Productions, called Gomela. I feel like those of the most powerful spiritual deities looking over the city, were in fact women deities. We had the river right there, Osun, and then we had the Gulf. All of those things actually played a huge part. Then we had the wind. So, you’ve got Oya, Osun, Yemoja. All playing a role, a heavy role. That water played a huge role in the city. In the cleansing of the city. In revealing things to the city, both good and bad. I felt like it washed off a layer that masked a lot of the ugliness. There needed to be a reckoning. I also think it washed us anew with different ways of thinking about ourselves and our city, and what we are willing to fight for in this city. You know I only mentioned that as one of those things in terms of women being connected to water. The origin of the Black women stems from Africa. So naturally there is an energetic physical and philosophical connection to Africa that is graceful, strong, and vulnerable. This connection can be viewed in performance spaces and can be expressed in clothing, jewelry, movement, music, and art. The adornment of the

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physical body as kinetic manifestation of identity can also be witnessed in philosophical and artistic practices. This appears as a reservoir of moving memories, words, gestures, and music. The optic of truth and reality honors our mothers, grandmothers, and matriarchal lineage of indigeneity with the social construct of the Black female body. The manifestations of memories are complex and resilient. This is an amplification and application of what Teresa Washington, author Our Mother, Our Powers, our text refers to as “cosmic re-memory.” The ritual of remembering is historical and explodes in indigenous spaces of modernity. The contemporary gathering of Black female body is a vessel that carries wisdom inspired by the essential elements of the Earth. When such gatherings take place near the water, unexplained scenarios develop. SMA: I mean, I feel all kinds of ways about water. It’s such a general thing. It seems like a simple thing. I am always curious about how something can move from small to big. That is powerful. Sometimes a trickle but mostly a big, huge vast body of water. You know being from Mississippi, there are areas in Mississippi that are not on the coast, so we would go over to the Gulf Coast. There are other areas that my family is from, like Wiggins, Mississippi, which is a little bit further up and more rural than Picayune, Mississippi, which is where I was born. I had a great Aunt that passed away back in 1990. We would always go to her house, and her house was like a time capsule. She didn’t have any indoor running water. Water was always retrieved from a well outside her house. The Bathroom was an outhouse. This was back in the 80’s—hahahaha. It was such a throwback. One of the things I remember so well is the first time going to that pump and pumping the well water out on hot, hot, summer and putting in your hands or a little bucket and taking it into a cup and dipping and drinking that water. How cold it was and how sweet it was. I’d never had anything like that; so pure and untainted before and I was just amazed. I was asking myself “if nature makes this why is this not free. When did we get into the business of bottling something and selling this to people and then charging for something that really is truly just like the air we breathe should be free?”. MM: I LOVE WATER (energic and soft). Water is serenity, peace, water to me is a cleanse, relaxation, water is somewhere you go and experience something totally different, connected with nature. I love water. There is something about putting your feet in the water. If you cannot make it the ocean, you can go to a pool and sit on the side of the pool and brush your feet back and forth in the water and feeling the water go through your toes and relax and meditate, before you know it, what is on your mind or stressed out about, you are not thinking about it anymore because all you are thinking about is the water going through your toes. You get in the water, and you swim it, you dip your head in it, you know, it’s just a cleanse. It rejuvenates me. The earlier policies discredited systemic oppressive spaces which marginalized the creativity, decision making, problem solving, and leadership capabilities of Black women. Water offers liberating dynamics that allows us to re-in vision and reimagine the phenomenology of time, space, place, and cosmic forces that sustain the environment, and ecology of the body as a way of knowing, witnessing, and navigating

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the world. In other words, the observation and exploration of the water and its occupying sensibilities offer direction, discernment, and diplomacy in all areas of life. The philosophical characteristics of Osun, Oya, and Yemoja could offer some insight into the Black female body’s connectivity to water. According to Washington, Osun is described as the spiritual and aquatic sister of Yemoja. “Osun is the inspiration for existence, and she is the force that motivates or soothes sentiment, longing, pride, pleasure and pain” (Washington, 47). As a water deity, she represents fertility, abundance, and development. She is powerful, rich, and a giver of children and associated with cool water of rivers, oceans, and lakes the prevailing source of healing. She is correlated with the colors of yellow and gold, the number five, coral hair combs, and brass bracelets, honey, perfume, and mirrors. Osun lives in a duality. She is filled with benevolence, peace, love, and kindness; however when provoked, she is maligned. If angered, Osun can be destructive and violent. Yemoja identity is rooted in West African spirituality. She is described as a healer and identified with the ocean, rivers, and lakes. She is the mother of Earth. She is also known for her knowledge of herbal medicines and is believed to be the sister of Osun. Her dancing is fierce, fiery, and ferocious. She is aligned with the various shades of blue, the number seven, and silver bangles. “Her dance galvanized so much spiritual energy it stopped being creative and wrought destruction. Feeling slighted and dishonored, Osun and Yemoja ran out of the compound with water pitchers, stumbled, fell and became rivers. When Yemoja realized that her force had shattered her home, she fled with water, fell and became the Ogun River.” (Washington, 46). The name Yemoja is rooted in the West African Yoruba culture. The first portion of the name, “Ye,” is a shortened version of Iye which means mother, “omo” elucidates into child, and “eja” is rendered into fish, mother of fish. There are many stories and narratives that surround Yemoja as being the mother of twins, not having any children of her own. She is the protector of children and those who work in and around the water. Her primary symbol is associated with mermaids. Oya is a valiant female warrior associated with rain, hurricanes, wind, storms, and change. She possesses great strength and is recognized for her power of progression and renewal. She is characterized by a multiplicity of dark Earth tone colors, the number 9. Animals associated with Oya include butterflies and buffalo. When discussing issues of climate change, gentrification, and sea-level rise, we are speaking directly to the characteristics of Oya. These environmental issues have been at the forefront of African spirituality throughout antiquity. For thousands of years, the Black female body has been the progenitor and the antagonist of change. All of the Orisa mentioned here are herbalists. The combination of plants, flowers, and water are organic medicines utilized for healing. For this reason, the indigenous knowledge of Black women can never be ignored. The Black female energy is always necessary. Even in spaces where women are forbidden, the women are always in the background. There is unbalance anytime that the Black female energy is nonexistence. This creates a disease of the environment.

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This indigenous knowledge is fluid to African American women. African American women are directly connected to this indigenous knowledge because of the mitochondrial DNA which for esoteric justification can be related to ancestral knowledge.

1.3 The Water’s Edge The physical aspects of water are simple, containing one atom of hydrogen and two atoms of oxygen. Water is an odorless liquid. It is the living form of transparent liquid that is the base of all living beings and is indigenous to the Earth. The creation of water is a cosmic mystery and calls for extensive research. Earth is the only known planet in our galaxy to have vast oceans, seas, rivers, and streams. Scientific research indicates that fluid carrying asteroids collided, impacting magna sources of rocks and gasses to create water. Water covers approximately 71% of the Earth. The energetic composition creates a complex polarity. The combination of hydrogen and oxygen bends to create asymmetrical atoms and is either completely absorbed or separated/attracted or repulsed. Inside this negative and positive attraction are both adhesion and cohesion. There is a perfect balance of peace. For centuries, Indigenous people have recognized the value, importance, and relevance of water. It is clear that water is a basic human need. Water is a gift from Mother Nature that holds the secrets to life. Water heals, nourishes, cleanses, purifies, transports, generates, creates, sustains, and develops. The kinesthetic manifestation of water generates a vortex of energy that transforms solids into liquid and liquid into vapor. This energetic vortex of water is a radical transformative agent that serves the physical, social, economic, intellectual, philosophical, historical, cultural, and spiritual world. The healing energy of water serves as a portal to the known and unknown. Water is indigenous to the Earth. The context of indigenous refers to origin, first being, when I speak of “indigenous” in the framework of water; I am referencing the origins of Earth and all living things that reside on the planet. The indigenous centering of water refers to origin, first being, the beginning of life, environment, and ecology. Water existed before the intrusion of colonization and has remained fluid throughout the evolution of time. It is inherently linked to sovereignty, liberation, freedom, creativity, and innovation. Water as a gas, liquid, and solid encapsulates the Earth regulating food supply, climate change, and sustainability practices of economics, politics, education, health, and wellbeing. The invisibility of water is aligned with marginalization of the Black female body. The Earth loses power, and valuable resources are annihilated without the profound presence and expressive power of water and the Black female body. This process of erasure in the United States of America has equated to unequal pay for Black women, violence against Black women, suppression in the work environment, and environmental racism. The capitalization and colonization of the Black female body and water are detrimental to the continuum of nature and communities.

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1.4 Water Stories: Shaken not Stirred The creation story of the African diaspora is centered on water. Malidoma Patrice Somé, author of The Healing Wisdom of Africa: Finding Life Purpose Through Nature, Ritual, and Community, shares a creation story of the Dagara people. Life as Dagara people say began underwater. Thus, every living form on the water got its life signature in the waters and continues to live intimately with water. It is as if the original encounter between fire and water established the conditions of life by producing a nurturing environment. Earth came to life as a result of the marriage between these two primal elements, and in turn Earth brought forth more life. Which she continues to sustain. The idea that we all came from water is important because that implies that water is life… Here, Somé identifies the Earth as female. He further explains and identifies water as female: Water can claim us as her children. We can say that we come from Earth, but Earth didn’t exist until water showed up, so water can lay claim to everything that is alive (Malidoma 171). We continue to live intrinsically with water. The translation of water among the African content flows and is capricious. Hausa—Ruwa Igbo—Mmiri Shona—Mvura Swahli—Maji Xhosa—Amanzi Yoruba—Omi Twi—Nsuo Dagbani—Kom African Atlantic (the Caribbean)—Mami Wata

Water like the Black woman is complex. As a primary healing agent, water is conducive to injury prevention. For centuries, water has been known to support psychological and physiological illness of the body. Water refreshes the body, relaxes the mind, and soothes the soul. Historically, from a spiritual context, Black women are rooted in water. Traditional African American religious practices such as Hodoo, various forms of Christianity, and synchronized West African practices are centered around water rituals as well. The water activation and veneration within African Diasporic cultures call for the implementation of the Black female body. There are seven denominations of the Black Church in America: (1). African Methodist Episcopal Church; (2). the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church; (3). the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church; (4). the National Baptist Convention, the United States of America, Incorporated; (5). the National Baptist Convention of America; (6). unincorporated; the Progressive National Baptist Convention; and (7). the Church of God in Christ. African American spiritual practices are uniquely linked to the horrific process of enslavement and indebted adjoined to Africa.

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While Christianity calls for submission of women, West African spirituality requires the Black female body to play a key role. Therefore, in African American culture practices, the Black female body serves a dual role as both conduit and an overseer or an observer. “Where the air and water meet, so does my grace and love live in the divine” (Some´ 184). Stephanie McKee Anderson, Executive Director of Junebug Productions in New Orleans, Louisiana, narrates a reflective story of her childhood in Picayune, Mississippi, and Boley Creek. SMA: When I think about myself, or my Mom or my grandmother, the first image I have is a creek in Picayune called Boley Creek. My Mom said “Oh well you know, you may have been Baptized inside of the church but you know, Me (my Mom) and my her and probably your grandma and grand-dad were all baptized in the creek, in Boley Creek.” Not far from the house we just purchased. Boley Creek runs near my house. I thought to myself, Wow..I am thinking about how it used to be scary to go down into the pool of the church, but then I thought, Look at how it is that we wash ourselves anew by going out into something of nature, like the creek. It was really amazing to me. But we have always had this relationship to water in that way. I think we also just really recognized and appreciated - RESPECTED not appreciated but RESPECTED the power of the water. Getting and Going by the Water by Stephanie McKee Anderson Never, Never… Always be aware of that...It’s beauty You can take the beauty in but at the same time it’s powerful And We never lose sight of that And so now you... I would be You would be I would have to enter into a dare To find a Black woman that I know of that has a small child Ha! that’s going near a body of water Ha! That is not painfully aware ok It might just look like a little puddle BUT!

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Wait a minute, Wait a minute, Wait a minute Get away from that water Get away from that water I always had to touch it, put my feet in it, my hands in it. So, you know, I drove my Mom crazy Getting and Going by the water

As an artistic practice, this philosophical system of knowledge is implicated in diverse landscapes such as concert stages, religious ceremonies, sacred rituals, rites of passages, funerals, weddings, childbirth, and naming ceremonies. Here in this physical manifestation, sweat pours off the Black female body, elevating, reclaiming, and cleansing the spaces. In a performative environment, water is manifested into sweat that serves as the residue of movement. Artists such as Urban Bush Woman’s Batty Moves, Dance Theatre of Harlem’s Firebird, Audre Lord’s My Name is Zami, Ntozake Shange, For Colored Girls Who Have Considered Suicide When the Rainbow Wasn’t Enough, and Toni Morrison, Beloved have left lasting memories which serve as paradigm shifts that transform and shape the future. These artists utilize historical narratives as the entry point for their creativity to reshape, change, and alter the landscapes of our lives. The relevance of their works acts as water to cleanse, reveal, and reckon ancient wounds. SMA: We had this conversation when we were getting ready to do the work from Junebug Productions, called Gomela. I feel like the most powerful spiritual deities looking over the city were in fact women deities. We had the river right there, Osun and then we had the Gulf. All of those things actually played a huge part. Then we had the wind. So, you’ve got Oya, Osun, Yemoja. All playing a role, a heavy role. That water played a huge role in the city; In the cleansing of the city—In revealing things to the city both good and bad. I felt like it washed off a layer that masked a lot of the ugliness that needed to be reckoned with; and then I also think it washed us with different ways of thinking about ourselves and our city, and what we are willing to fight for in that city. That’s one of those things in terms of women being connected to water. Ecology and nature are the center of humanity in West Africa. Because of the indepth connection to Africa and the embodied experiences of the past, African American women project transverse kinship to water. The relationship, ancestral experiences, and knowledge crossed the diverse waterways of oceans, seas, rivers, lakes, and canals during the many slave trades. Millions of Africans were kidnapped from the Benin Empire, Mali Empire, Akan, Asante, Wolof (modern-day Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, Benin). Entire families, cultures, languages, rhythms, dances, songs, and sensibilities were forcibly transported across the Atlantic Ocean. The trauma, degradation, depletion, and dismemberment of bodies, memories, and knowledge instituted upon Black women as result of the enslavement, created unsurmounted damage to the physical, emotional, psychological, spiritual, cultural, historical, philosophical, sociological, and intellectual ecology of the body.

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Black female bodies were tossed needlessly into unmarked graves, cast overboard and off the ships into the ocean, hung from trees, and placed on display in cages and auction blocks. This carnage, slaughter, and insurrection upon the Black female body demand reckoning. Globally, Black women were humiliated, raped, mutilated, and forced into the world of suffrage by the oppressor, colonization, white supremacy, patriarchy, hegemony, capitalism, and enslavement. The details and examples of enslaved Black women in America are horrific. The Black female body’s natural occurrence and being in the New World is one of contemplation, complexity, and contradiction. She (BFB) is both African and American. She was created in a land of vibrant resources, cosmological awareness, and sacred knowledge. She has roamed the Earth for approximately 3. 5 million years. She was born on land that required cultivation and nurturing. She has claimed and reclaimed her internal bodily space, cultural and philosophical values, time, and place for well over 500 years of existence in the land we know as the United States of America. She can be traced back to “Lucy,” the oldest skeletal remains ever found in Hadar, Ethiopia. The romanticism of the Black female body in comparison to water materializes as “the strong Black woman.” The conceptual idea of always present and ever knowing is exhausting. This is like water ethics and the ways in which we treat and use water. Are there ever moments when we acknowledge the vulnerability of water and the Black female body? How do we then repair, care for, and provide restitution? What damaging effects and traumas are being superimposed upon these energies that are irreversible? The soothing nature of water as a healing physical, emotional, cognitive, psychological, and physiological healing agent aligns with the palliative and shamanistic nature of the Black female body. The two can also be mystical, dangerous, complex, temperamental, beckoning, destructive, calming, unpredictable, strong, and effervescent. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Badejo, D. (1996). Òsun Sèègèsí: The Elegant Deity of Wealth. Africa World Press, New Jersey. Herring, T. R. (2012). African American Women in Informal Leadership in the African Methodist Episcopal Church. (Thesis/Dissertation) University of the Incarnate Word. Mowatt, R. A. (2013). Black/female/body hypervisibility and invisibility. A black feminist augumentation of feminist leisure research. Journal of Leisure Research., 45(5), 644–660. Theoharis, J. (2013). The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Boston, Beacon Press. Some, M. P. (1999). The Healing Wisdom of Africa: Finding Life Purpose Through Nature, Ritual, and Community. Penguin Putman. Washington, T. N. (2015). Our Mothers, Our Powers, Our Text: Manifestations of Aje in Africana Literature, Oya’s Tornado

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Web Resources Russek, K. (2020). The Water Center. University of Pennsylvania. https://watercenter.sas.upenn. edu/category/inside-the-wcp/ https://watercenter.sas.upenn.edu/building-community-capacity-at-the-intersection-of-water-equ ity-and-climate-change/ https://atmos.earth/black-feminist-ecological-thought-essay/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2020.1844838 https://watercenter.sas.upenn.edu/building-community-capacity-at-the-intersection-of-water-equ ity-and-climate-change/ https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/jmle/vol13/iss1/7/ https://ischool-fsu.libguides.com/blackfeminism/intersectionality https://www.essence.com/holidays/black-history-month/women-black-panther-party/#77113 https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Rebellious_Life_of_Mrs_Rosa_Parks/0FkDBwAAQ BAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=rosa+parks,+anti-lynching&pg=PT67&printsec=frontcover#v=one page&q=malcolm&f=false https://athenaeum.uiw.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1273c&context=uiw_etds https://humanjourney.us/discovering-our-distant-ancestors-section/australopithecines/?gclid=Cjw KCAjwlrqHBhByEiwAnLmYUN81vQEQ300pj4PlMiNQZ8DT2wQhSGsIvg1FPkdeR1moOfVDAhoTBoCclIQAvD_BwE

Confronting Gender Models and Strategies of Resilience in Postcolonial African Novels Léontine Troh-Gueyes

Abstract This paper explores the antagonistic intersections of African and Western gendered identities and their implications for the postcolonial text. The analysis starts from the assumption that the psychic and physical swells that certain confrontations of gender relations and the survival politics of the colonized in the African postcolonial novel text underlie new identity perspectives. On the one hand, the study argues that the crises are generated by the clash of gender models and the Eurocentric politics of the West. On the other hand, it underlined how decolonial thinking poses itself as a suitable mode of defense protection, reconstruction, and survival of both the gender roles of the colonized world and of the subjects. Keywords Gender · Intersectionality · Decolonial · Postcolonial · Hegemony · West

1 Introduction Decades after independence, the socio-political picture of formerly colonized countries is still bleak, so that the search for real policies to overcome the trauma of colonial rule, adaptation to the postcolonial world, and constant socio-political change are at the heart of the problems faced by social actors. The latest meeting of the French president, Emmanuel Macron, with African youth1 , a meeting prompted by the president of France, an ex-colonial country, illustrates more than ever the influence that

1 This meeting was held on the sidelines of the last Africa-France summit in Montpellier on October 7, 8, and 9, 2021. The youth were invited by Emmanuel Marcor to express themselves on various issues including democracy in their respective countries, the relationship between their countries and France, former colonizer, etc.

L. Troh-Gueyes (B) Department of French Language and Literature, Felix Houphouet-Boigny University, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_10

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the ex-colonialists continue to exert on the ex-colonized and the need for new relations between these countries. New policies, from all sides so to speak, are a matter of vital urgency. The centrality of gender, at all scales, in these social discourses and artistic productions calls for a questioning of the representation of these identities in postcolonial African literary texts. The reflection aims to explore the sometimes antagonistic confrontation of African and Western gender codes and its implications in the current global context. The hypothesis is that the psychic and physical swellings that certain intertwined gender relations and the politics of survival of the colonized underlie new perspectives on identity. The question that arises is that of the new light shed by this parallelization of gender and its defense mechanisms. What “crisogenic” experiences of identity assignments are involved? How does the colonized subject set about getting out of the antagonistic scenarios that his or her relationship to the other unfolds in order to reconstruct himself or herself in a different way? How do the works reflect these identity processes? In order to solve this problem, we propose to use the theories of decoloniality and literary psychoanalysis. Decolonial thought seeks to escape the mode of relationship to the world established by the West, characterized by a relationship to power, knowledge, and being. It participates, at the same time, in epistemic disobedience and in the resistance of the colonized subject with a view to a new ethics of relationship. As a result, decolonial thinking has a therapeutic value dear to literary psychoanalysis, whose aim is to shed light on the psychic configurations and cathartic processes in the text. The analysis, structured in two points, will address the particular form of confrontation of Western and African social gender roles and its corollary of dereliction, its traumatic effects. Finally, the modes of defense-protection and survival of both the colonized world’s gender roles and the subject will be examined.

2 Confronting Gender Models: From Interlacing to Crisis “Sex relations,” “gender relations,” “social system of sexes,” and “social sex” (Bereni et al., 2008) are all terminologies used to designate the concept of gender. Long associated with grammatical gender before taking on the meaning of non-biological differences between men and women. The “gender” concept is thus distinguished from sex, or even male and female genitalia, to designate not only the roles socially assigned to men and women and the relations that exist between them in a given universe, but also the system that creates these sexes as two separate social realities. These relationships, which diverge from one society to another due to social beliefs and many contingencies, eventually become fixed social norms that are perpetuated from generation to generation. From this perspective, it is inevitable that the imposition of social roles by the settler on enslaved peoples in their “civilizing mission” has a major impact on the gendered identities of these lands. In postcolonial African

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literary texts, several characters bear witness to this state of affairs. The defeated image of the man in the novels of Lopes (1997, 18) is illustrative: Father said that working the land was not a man’s business. That it was only the whites who degraded the race by forcing the men to cultivate the commander’s field. But that was over. Now it was Independence. Things were to return to the order established by the elders. Men to war, hunting and palaver... But since we no longer fought between neighbouring tribes, but since the whites had killed all the game... what could men do?

The new state of the colonized woman is expressed in the same way in Aïdo (1991: 102–103): Islamic ideas repressive to women; Victorian England prudery; and French hypocrisy imported by the colonizers […]. All these accumulated ideas had in various ways ravaged the mind of the modern African woman: especially when it comes to herself. The excerpts are poignant testimonies of the structuring of the social universe of the other of new gender models by foreign forces as reflected in the lexicons: “colonized,” “Islamic,” “England,” “French,” etc. These new gender codes, in contradiction with those of the colonized, inevitably disrupted the existing social gender roles, the social environment, and the psyche of the colonized. These new gender codes, in contradiction with those of the colonized, inevitably upset the existing social gender roles, the social environment, and the psyche of the colonized. The terms and expressions “degrade,” “forced,” and “ravaged”. The traditional modes of symbolization, which have become definitively inoperative, have thus, left the colonized in an idle, marginalized state, in a state of fear, in an atmosphere of closure to any hope of change. The entire universe of the colonized, subjugated by force, is under the authority of foreign forces. The colonist is now the sole master and possessor of the fauna, the flora, in short, of nature. Consequently, the colonized is dispossessed of everything: his universe, his prerogatives, his freedom, etc. This “he” explicitly admits in these terms: “But since we were no longer fighting between neighboring tribes, but since the Whites had killed all the game,” What could the men do? Clearly, the metropolis now exercises the coloniality of power (Bodo, 2020: 83) which proclaims the European certainty of holding universal political power. It expresses, moreover, the superiority of the idea of political power as conceptualized by the European institution, the European imaginary. The confrontation with an emptiness is intertwined with a feeling of powerlessness in the face of this subjugation, and this new imposed way of life in which the negation and sub-alternation of the sexual and gendered identities of the colonized person is apparent. The latter now lives in a hostile environment and a disconcerting perplexity. As the narrator points out, before the arrival of the settler, gender roles were explicit (Lopes, 1976: 18): “Men were at war, hunting and talking […] women were on the plantation and doing domestic work.” The management of marital/family life was organized in this way according to a well-established and unchanging system. The tasks assigned to men by this traditional social system remain those of protector, defender, and nurturer of the community. Fargeot (2009) points out in this regard that venison or game meat is an important source of protein for the dietary balance of both rural and urban populations. Its concentration in myoglobin, in the muscle fibers, is higher than that of red and white meat. Similarly, the iron content is higher.

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This light of criticism justifies, without any doubt, that the essential contribution of the substance of the family falls to the man. The other food requirements, which are just as essential to the nutritional well-being and comfort of the family unit, are the responsibility of the woman. She is responsible for the production of food crops and the performance of domestic tasks. One narrator, Gatsé (Lopes, 1977, 19), states categorically that no man or family member “helped (his) mother with household chores”. Therefore, in order to meet her new responsibilities, particularly to provide food for the entire family, the woman works tirelessly. The women of the village (Lopes, 1976: 17) “had their backs bent all day. Hoeing, weeding, they watered with their sweat the red earth from which would germinate what they will still have to process, alone, before preparing it as a meal.” In urban areas, the colonized is forced to make the same demands: submission, exploitation, marginalization, inferiorization, isolation, solitude, destitution. In other words, man is deprived of his roles and duties decreed by tradition (Tchak, 2001: 50): Dad, you’re in big trouble, big money trouble. Precarious work, unemployment, welfare dependency, pig housing, no entertainment. Bitterness in the sense that your future is forever compromised [...] Pain of forced or voluntary exile.

Ejected from all instances of economic power and development, insufficiently paid, the professional activities imposed by the colonialist on the male colonized in the urban world do not allow him to live in acceptable conditions. He is permanently exposed to unemployment, precarious employment, housing, financial difficulties, food insecurity, and destitution, as expressed by the expressions “precarious work,” “dependence on aid,” “pig housing,” etc. In this other social universe, as in that of the countryside, the colonized person is a social downgrade, an outcast, a pariah in a position of permanent dependence on the colonists and on women. His preestablished social role is denied. His food survival and that of the whole family, in the hands of the women, makes the female gender the only productive force, the main economic agent of the community. The inversion of sexual roles orchestrated by the colonist and imposed is also displayed in the cities. “There was a time when mother was working while you were unemployed” (Tchak, 2001: 53). You were the housewife. In addition to this heavy responsibility to which women are now subjected, the colonial oppression of women is tyrannical. It is called “repressive Islamic ideas”, “the prudery of Victorian England,” and “French hypocrisy,” which had subsequently “ravaged (her) mind in various ways.” Clearly, men and women are seen to be subjected to a tyrannical and humiliating servitude, not without mental confusion, psychic, and physical crisis. It is on the strength of this “coloniality of being and power” (Mignolo 2015: 54) that Coquery-Vidrovitch (2007, 80) writes: Generally speaking, women are described in many case studies [...] Analyzed from an economic point of view as producers whose burdens have increased with the demands of colonial agricultural production, they have at the same time been neglected, “losing” the prerogatives of power that were theirs in previous, so-called “traditional” societies. [...] To the weight of subsistence production is added that of the cash crops entrusted to them by their husbands, [...] the weight of female labour has increased.

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Moreover, another reorganization of social roles within the family unit by the colonialist, no less constraining with its corollary of feelings of bitterness, perplexity, crisis, is the education of children. Indeed, the educational process under colonial rule accentuates the destruction of predefined gender roles and the despair of the colonized over time, in that, in the traditional system of the ex-colonized, the first authority empowered to dispense socio-economic values is the mother. The child is successively of the mother’s and a caste of insiders made up of men. The sociologist Balandier (1982: 221) states in this regard “During early childhood until the age of five or six, boys and girls remain under the dominant influence of the mother”. They live in her intimacy. The child, whatever his/her sex, reports André Leclerc, a character in Henri Lopes (1990: 170): “cannot leave his mother before the gesture of the Ancients has been recounted to him in detail, not only so that he may be aware of it, but above all so that it may be engraved in the clay of his memory”. The father is in charge of the child’s initiation into the secret worlds, as mentioned by a character in Beyala (1992: 77) as follows: even when living in Paris: When I was very young, I used to take my son with me to teach him the secret of our gods, like in a forest, walking smoothly without taking notice of the brick buildings, the car horns, the shop windows, the noisy crowd. I taught him other things that I thought were more essential: the weather, the storm, the color of a pale sun. [At home in Mali, [...] there is a large square with a thousand-year-old baobab tree that watches over the tribe.

The education of children, therefore, strongly anchored in the tradition of the ancestors, continues throughout life, whatever the social universe in which the colonized lives. The investiture ceremonies to which political leaders are subjected and which are conducted according to a whole set of ancestral rituals are in fact considered to be initiation ceremonies. One only has to read the ritual of the investiture ceremony of President Bwamakabe to be convinced of this (Lopes, 1982, 44–50): “Placed (by the wise men) before an altar covered with a leopard skin, on which rested a drum, a lion’s tail, a symbol of strength and all power, as well as a necklace said to be made of human teeth […].” The idea is that men and women are responsible for the upbringing of their offspring throughout their lives, in accordance with the ancestral legacy. In other words, the parents participate in the primary and secondary socialization of the individual so as to develop his or her physical, intellectual, moral, and interpersonal skills. Women are partners with men in the process of educating children and in the maintenance of the family unit. Men and women are thus, together engaged in the mission of ensuring balanced food resources, instructions in line with social realities. In this process, to each sex, a respective mission, a responsibility, an obligation, a cooperative action based on mutual respect is nurtured. The social relations of differential sex, transmitted from generation to generation in the colonized world, are summarized, from then on, in the reciprocal recognition of the potentialities and knowledge of the woman and the man. The latter, as much as the man, enjoys real power within the community. From the above, the sharing of tasks in the management of the family and social gender roles does not involve either oppression/valorization of the woman/man to the benefit or detriment of the other or denial of the mental

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faculties of the partners involved because of biological sex. Coquery-Vitrovich (2007: 76) agrees with this when she mentions that during a colloquium held by the African Society of Culture, which saw the participation of European and African anthropologists in 1972, it was shown that there was a “real” civilization of women in traditional African society. The division of labor and specific roles were described, according to the critic, as authentic and legitimate. They did not guarantee oppression and alienation, but freedom and independence for women from both their fathers and husbands, within the framework of a necessary cultural complementarity between men and women, who felt neither diminished nor humiliated. However, this pattern of social sex within the home, devoid of criteria of inferiority or superiority of any sex, was radically challenged in colonial thinking. The new educational models imposed by the colonialists brutally divested parents of their respective educational roles. Two children characters, respectively in the novels of Aba and Lopes, bear witness to this (Aba, 2010: 9) and (Lopes, 1976: 18): For a long time I blamed our parents for sending us to school. At times I envied the families that did not send their children to school.... Some worked in the fields with their parents. They were happy with them, while the rest of us mourned them when they were alive. Going to school in the city, away from the parents, taught us the hard life of orphans whose parents were still alive. We had to find our own ways to survive. Just think! There are eighty of them in the class. And since they don’t know this world their books talk about, they dissipate. They get their rulers knocked on the head or on the tip. School is hell too. There’s no escaping it [...] More than life, it’s the dreariness of the native ghetto.

It is the observation, as Dib states (Dib, quoted by Karima, 2018), that the colonizers “changed the colonized into sons of no one.” Yet, in order to build oneself, to grow up, (Cyrulnik & Duval, 2006, 8: 10), according to Bowlby, Freud, Burlingham, a child needs to weave a secure bond with an adult. What the Hungarian psychoanalyst Imre Hermann calls the primary instinct of clinging and Bowlby the attachment figure. The foreign school, a new mode of education, categorically refuses to accept this entity, a major factor of socialization. On the contrary, the Western education system contributes to the destruction of parental ties, of any communion with the motherland, the domain of ancestral values, a place of socialization and happiness as opposed to the world of the city, of the school, lifeless spaces marked by solitude, stupidity, humiliating, and destructive marginalization, violence, and progressive death. Sending the child to a Western school is, thus, synonymous with the uprooting of the traditional system of life and a radical break with the traditional socialization network. From then on, the child’s daily life is destructured. His or her psychological equilibrium is strongly disturbed. The de facto sidelining of the parents’ roles, which have become peripheral and invisible, appears to be the expression of a right that the settler has arrogated to himself, the result of which is the destruction of the parent–child relationship, coupled with the negation of the related sexual roles. The intense suffering of the children, the consequences of such a brutal separation and the definitive loss of parental links, the maternal bosom, the attachment figure are the result of depressive crises in the child. According to Nassikas (2004, 169), “Freud emphasizes the profoundly painful character of depression associated with

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loss […].” The father of psychoanalysis further adds that loss leads to mourning or melancholy. By contagion effect, the affects experienced by the colonized, on a daily basis, have impacted the whole family unit. In this regard, Delage (2012: 98, 99) mentions: When a family member suffers a disaster, it is usually not just the family that suffers. The injury he or she suffers affects those close to him or her because of the emotional ties they have with each other. In these conditions, a phenomenon of contagion can occur: following the direct attack of a person by a trauma (upsetting event to which a subject is exposed), traumatic consequences (this trauma designates the psychic and physical consequences of the trauma) spread to other partners of the family with effects of recursion, resonance and amplification of the suffering of each other, so that in the end it is the family as a whole which is affected.

Delage (2012, 101) adds that when the cohesion of the family is affected, that is, the capacity to keep its members linked and differentiated, we can speak of traumatic injury to the bonds. According to the critic, the idea of traumatic injury can be retained from the moment of confrontation with an event or events that involve intense fear, a feeling of powerlessness or horror, or a vital risk for them. The following discussion instructs on this family discomfiture and various traumatic feelings in the novels of Tchak (2001: 1992, 53–54): In France, a child can say “no, papa”. Your child can legally disobey you. The laws are therefore children. […] Because France is not your village. You didn’t know what kind of education to give us: African or French, what does that mean, Dad? It’s not your desires that take precedence, we’re in France. [...] you have seen the roles reversed. But where the problem was complicated for you, Dad, was when we, your own children, became your adversaries by our own will.

In short, the new education system and the new paradigm of social relations show that the colonized person has lost his sense of the realities of his environment and has suffered a traumatic injury to his ties. Totally unable to adapt to his time, the colonized person finds it impossible to create links with the school, the new substitute object. According to Daco (1973, 12), maladjustment of the subject means contradiction, tug-of-war, anguish, a split between his deep-seated tendencies and his external behavior. The family life of the colonized people in the novels is then, on the one hand, in total dysfunction, in social chaos and, on the other hand, passes “from disabling microtraumas, those that do not involve immediate vital danger, to multiple sufferings of ordinary life and to ordeals involving a confrontation with the reality of death or with a direct threat of death for the subject.” This traumatic path of the colonized in fictional texts is nothing other than the consequence of the uncompromising reign of what Quijano (2007) calls the coloniality of knowledge and power. Subsequently, the ensuing aggressive and torturous destruction of the gender roles of the former-colonized reduces him or her permanently to non-existence. It is the feeling in all of them—parents and children—of the brutal bankruptcy, of the definitive death of their values and social roles. Parents have

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difficulty defining themselves, imposing themselves (Tchak: 53): “We (parents) say to you: ‘I want this or that’. ‘My sisters, in this context, forced you, Dad, to revise your culture. My sisters, in this context, forced you, Dad, to revise your culture. They sometimes disowned you, threatened to summon you to court […]’”. The colonized person has thus lost all power and all authority. Without being prepared for it, his values no longer correspond to the new social demands; new knowledge is imposed on him with vehemence because the contemporary world demands it. This is a crucial necessity. The new factory of brutal and unexpected social relations of sex, thus, takes on the appearance of the dialectic of the victim and the victimized, of a fatality. The colonized assists impotent to his own tragedy. The present time becomes one of total dispossession, of chaos, of a cataclysm. He now lives in a country that is no longer his own, in a non-place, outside the territories, a space dominated by the coloniality of being, of power, and of knowledge. Reduced to the status of pariah, picaro, caught in the net of the values of the colonial gender, the colonized subject is permanently mired in a melancholic state. Decentralization is perceived as a decline, a castration, a death. Clearly, the colonized, in great distress, experiences a split identity, hence the testimony of the son: “You didn’t know which education to give us: African or French?” If the statement expresses the father’s panic, the tragedy he experiences on a daily basis, it is nonetheless true that it allows the colonized person to perceive a search for new identity markers in order to cope with the collapse of his ancestral anchors; in another sense, the statement expresses a desire to break free from the shackles of this existence, from these disintegrated ties. Cyrulnik (2001a, 2001b, 20) supports this idea when he states that such an attitude of the suffering subject is “characteristic of a personality that is wounded but resistant, suffering but happy to hope all the same.” This sign of a capacity to rebound in reaction against the era of coloniality and its corollary of trauma, thus, bears indications of a possibility of reconstruction of the colonized from which would emerge, without any doubt, new configurations or reconfigurations of gendered identities. The decolonial spirit underlies this posture, even this resilience.

3 Gender in Distress and the Processes of Resilience The notion of resilience, according to Cyrulnik (2002b), refers to all the processes that consist, for an individual, in overcoming a psychological trauma in order to rebuild himself. Cyrulnik (2002) refers to all the processes which consist, for an individual, in overcoming a psychological trauma in order to rebuild himself. The term defines the capacity of a body to resist/overcome a traumatic shock, an alteration caused by one or more physical or psychological disturbances in order to regain its former or new balance and/or functioning. Thus, upstream of any resilience, there is an initial traumatic conflict, forces that act to dislocate the constituent parts of a body.

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In the works, the recurrence of silence in the face of oppression is the element that triggers the process of resistance, of defense-protection with a view, in the long run, to self-reconstruction. In this regard, the testimonies of the narrators of the works abound (Lopes, 1977, 1997, 1976: 368, 26, 17–18): “No protest (of the woman) against the hard life between fields, farms and sea.” She is “[…]constantly bent […], sometimes over her children, sometimes over the nourishing earth, sometimes over the hearth.” “They chewed slowly in silence […].” This relentless work in a permanent silence reflects a withdrawal into herself, the image of a ghostly and solitary wife in the shadow of her husband and foreign forces. The woman also devotes herself to a shyness with depressive impulses and morbid symptoms (Lopes, 1976: 5, 17): “The women Mbâ was thinking of […] would be afraid to speak in front of a microphone. There was even less question of sending them on a delegation abroad to talk about women’s problems.” It is the same attitude of withdrawal, of a life of solitude among men. According to some narrators (Lopes, 1976: 17–18, 38–39), they “slept in the village, in the shade, with a bottle of molengue within reach.” The communication deficit, which is prevalent within the couple, is the law, which further accentuates the mortifying atmosphere of solitude and mutism. The wife only speaks to the children “to give orders.” He (her husband) never told her where or with whom he was going. [Loukoum in Beyala’s novel (1992: 8–49, 69) states: “My father came back from service. He said hello to no one and sat down. He took a bite of cola. He spat away, flop-flop.” M’am, Loukoum’s mother, adds: “Abou (her husband) […] disappeared for days and nights.” It is the same in the family of the narrator of Place des fêtes (Tchak: 2001, 50): “Communication is broken. You sulk and she sulks. You sulk and she sulks. It is difficult for both of you to take the first step to destroy the invisible wall that delimits the spaces of two solitudes that are rubbing shoulders without reaching out to each other. Each of you is running away from the other […] Couple at an impasse […].” Women and men communicate little or not at all. The law of silence, established as a way of life, is more like a withdrawal into oneself, a total mutism. Silence often takes on the appearance of a torturing and disconcerting aggressiveness (Kéita: 1998, 5): “The closed face of the two men did not augur well for Malimouna […] and their hard features.” According to Roland Lazarrovici (2004, 174), this attitude is a lowering of the mental level. It is to be seen as a form of psychic transformation of the trauma of self-preservation impulses in the face of the collapse that threatens it. Boris Cyrulnik (2007, 60–61) says nothing else. In the case of acute trauma, he writes, “the dissolution of consciousness, or even the denial that removes the unbearable part of reality, protects the victim, just as the amputation of a limb saves the injured person from sepsis.” Jung adds Agnel (2008, 9) that these are defense-protections, regressive defenses, albeit desocializing ones. Indeed, such depressive episodes correspond, he continues, to periods of “incubation.” They prepare a change of attitude or orientation of the subject, provided that this one escapes the fascination of nothingness. What Agnel confirms in these terms: “The lowering of the mental level of consciousness can rebalance the relationship between the ego and the unconscious by restoring to each its relative value,” provided, according to Jung, that the depression is given a voice as far as possible. Lazarovici is in line with this same perspective: “The melancholic

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experience makes it possible to treat the trauma represented […] The melancholic experience is deeply painful, it is accompanied by an impoverishment of the self and a cruel treatment of it, at the same time as it reaches self-preservation […].” There is no longer any doubt, in view of these testimonies, that the exacerbated mutism to which the ex-colonized person devotes himself or herself linked to traumatic shocks is a resilient factor. However, according to Anaut (2012, 82) if the first step toward resilience consists of protecting oneself from the deleterious effects of adversity and fighting against anxiety by implementing emergency defense mechanisms that can be considered as adaptive devices insofar as they protect in the moment, these processes are not intended to last. Only the breaking of silence, as previously mentioned by Jung, Freud, and Agnel, could allow the subject in psychological suffering not only to rebound after a disturbance but above all to have access to a new experience. In this perspective, the speaking out that the colonized indulges in the texts can be understood as his expressions, a second major step in this resilient journey of the excolonized toward a salvific change. As Cyrulnik (2006, 14) puts it so well, “Fight or flight ceases to be the only alternative in human relationships; discussion can begin”. Tongues are loosened in the texts. The narrator of Beyala’s work (1992: 81) states: I am a piece of indifference that makes fools rage. My footsteps in the streets raise the walls and strengthen the stones of indifference. [...] I walk with my head turned back. I try not to be heavy, to be a crumpled piece of paper, in case some angels come to carry me to heaven, close to the Lord. I am a sound, a mere breath. And yet, the old woman in front of me flees, her bag tight under her armpits Further on, in the neighbourhoods of the stone houses where one does not want to hear the cries of suffering, some stray dogs and cats set off after me. I am transparent. A word that’s hard to pronounce A disease that you catch But you, friend, you, listen without judging, let me live close to the world, the time of a star, of a quarter of a moon again and listen: In this room as large as a coffin - MY HOME.

The idea that strikes us from the outset in this speech by the colonized is its openness to the colonist who is being questioned, a “friend,” an alter ego, a similar person, “the other than me,” the partner, the equal. In this address to the dominant, the bonds of mistrust and separation are broken, followed by an invitation to do the same. The interpellative statement: “listen without judging” is the expression of this narrative. The challenge, of this communication establishment is to establish nonexistent links. The initiative is free of any feeling of hostility, contempt or hatred, despite the painful experiences inflicted and lived on a daily basis. On the contrary, one can perceive an acceptance of the other, the expression of feelings of love, of forgiveness (Beyala: 52, 205): “I don’t blame you, friend. Besides, I love you with sublime indulgence.” I no longer have a body, I no longer hold a grudge. The posture

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of the ex-colonized person, neither as a victim nor as an enemy but as a “friend,” can be interpreted as the expression of his wish to establish new alliances, relationships of good expectation, of trust but also of affective links with his socio-environmental environment. It is also an acceptance of the other with his identities in a spirit of sincerity, listening, exchange, dialog, and mutual respect. Altruism, for Cyrulnik (2006, 17, 18) well-accepted defense by the family and the culture, welcomes a wounded person and offers him places of affection, of speech which are, among other things, precious factors of resilience. It is the belief, Anaut (2012, 66, 80) also adds, in the other that strengthens self-confidence and helps the subject to build a new type of development. Indeed, the critic continues, “Affective attachments are one of the essential components of the reconstruction process after trauma.” It is clear from these remarks that the attitude of openness of the colonized to the colonized is part of a process of resilience, that is to say, the restoration of a cohesion, the evolution of a relationship, a metamorphosis, the reciprocal enrichment of the knowledge of the parties involved in spite of the wounds, the loss suffered. The long testimony of a son of a colonized person is an eloquent expression of this in Tchak (2001: 53–54): For you, Dad, this situation became even more frustrating when you were forced to abandon your African patterns. You became a mother-daddy: taking care of the baby, as women do, while there in Africa, according to your silly topos, men don’t take care of babies, but demand that women take care of them properly [...] Dad, you had a hard time accepting your duty as a foster father. But, obliged to do so, you learned to change our clothes, to caress our little black buttocks, to give us a bottle, to dress us, to sing us lullabies in your voice, this libidinous toad of the marshes, to accompany us to the nursery or to school, to go and get us, to establish quite strong relationships with us. After the difficulties of learning, you were able to enrich your own personality with this new dimension [...]. Yes, you wouldn’t have done that in Africa, over there. You had to accept, Dad, to go shopping at Mom’s request, to do the cooking and the dishes, to empty the garbage. [...] You are often the one who carries the heaviest objects behind Mom, who walks with empty hands.

The understanding of the colonized of the need not to lock themselves radically into a single social role, but to proceed to reorganization and to open up to other fields of activity for the well-being and the good life together are clearly perceptible. This implies going beyond the traditional principles of family management, to which the son bears witness. The man is no longer the secular foundation of the family unit; the woman is no longer confined to the family sphere and domestic tasks. The child’s education is open to other knowledge. The child has acquired the right to autonomy. The result is an enriching and beneficial openness for all. In other words, this implementation of a new life cycle effectively participates in the reweaving of links, deconstructed sutures, the transformation of psychological and interpersonal relationships, and consequently, the well-being of all. Moreover, there are some important constants in this integration of Western values. The first is the recognition by the colonized that the strict and rigid division of tasks in the traditional system certainly points to the complementarity of gender roles, but the immutability, the invariability of roles, and the confinement of subjects to specific gender roles are nonetheless true. The consequence of this state of affairs is that the past, present, and future of the colonized world are equivalent to each other without any other possibilities of expression and openness to the exercise of other tasks, the

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expression of other potentialities. In short, the permanence of the past, the rigidity of traditional gender relations, the fixed and predefined roles, the systematic rejection of other knowledge, all of these unfold the experience of the colonized permanently in the past and the silencing of other talents. The world of the colonized is, thus, seen as a blocked society, frozen in a system of unchanging relationships. The other observation is that the dominated has now entered into a new relationship with itself, a disarticulation of pre-existing relationships to which the dominator is also invited. This decolonial spirit is perceptible in all the texts. One narrator writes (Beyala, 1992: 24, 37, 51, 57): “Your (the West’s) legislation has not integrated my customs.” “No, my friend, stop saying hurtful things to me, stop suppressing me like three kilos of lost sunshine,” “I am looking for my face in this elsewhere that expels me and vomits.” The woman reminds the metropolis of its dramas, its discriminations, its prejudices, its imposed shackles, including (Aïdo, 1991: 52): “traditional timidity and contempt for women’s physiology,” “the prudishness of Victorian England,” “the hypocrisy” of imported French, “repressive ideas about women,” “the répression of Islam,” “contempt for their physiology,” its oppressions. When memory only serves to retain the wound, it prevents resilience; Lani-Bayle tells us (2012, 15), But when those around us offer us a place to speak, we can share our painful emotion? Not only are we no longer alone in the world, but in order to communicate, we must choose the words, images and gestures that will allow us to exist. It is neither the spoken nor the written word that will allow resilience - sometimes, on the contrary, it invites bitter rumination: it is the reworked word that addresses the invisible friend, the perfect reader who will be able to understand us and reintegrate us into the humanity from which we have been expelled by the trauma.

Public meetings of women follow one another. Tongues are loosened (Kéita, 1998, 218, 217). The meeting had been a success beyond the expectations of Malimouna and her friends. There was a dead silence when Malimouna recounted painful episodes in her life. Some women had cried […]. Some […] seemed a little intimidated, as if shaken, by the strength of her argument. Women were no longer ashamed to express their feelings, to talk about their bodies, to defend them. All things expressed in a decolonial rhetoric (Mignolo, 2015). In the intimate places, it is the same observation of epistemic disobedience: (Lopes, 1992: 112, 113, 227; Kéita, 1998): It was not a family matter, but a husband and wife issue. Mama glared at me and launched into a long elaboration [...]. I replied that our problem was that of a man and a woman facing each other in their nakedness. We were old enough, we had enough experience, to rectify our lives by ourselves. There was an exaggeration there that they suddenly realized

This attitude of the colonized, which once again is a matter of decoloniality of the imagination, does not hide the immediate cessation of the ostentatious and exacerbated expression of the hegemony of the Western imperial system. The dominant, to put it plainly, is called upon to enter a new era of relationship after a reminder of the fundamental reasons for its so-called mission of civilization (Béyala, 1992: 52): Your forefathers know my country well. They tore up its flowers, cleared its forests, dug up its land to rob it of the red gold of life. I don’t hold a grudge against them, because I

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have no body, I have no grudge...Leave me, for once, to the spirit of conquest, domination, enjoyment.

In other words, the colonial West is invited to radically abandon the motives. It is the geo-political order that is imperialist system: the excessive economic and cultural exploitation of the peoples, better the old eurocentric colonial pact, the unique thought, the outrageous narcissism of the colonial thought. The gaze of the dominated, devoid of indulgence, denounces the uniformity of the knowledge of coloniality. The dominated, following the thinkers of modernity, coloniality, decoloniality, thus, virulently criticize the Western concept of universality, of modernity, of postmodernity, and propose their overcoming, alternative models, or even a universal that admits the existence of plurality, openness to the other, to the understanding of the diversity of cultures, to the deconstruction of stereotypes, to the gaps between the knowledge of the center and the periphery, to the unscrupulous exploitation of the wealth of the weakest. Such a pluralistic and transmodern decolonial attitude is understood as an intersubjective action; it allows overcoming obstacles and, thus, participates in the release of the trauma, of definitive exit from the crisis according to Délage (2012, 106). The process occupies, in other words, a restorative place and fulfills a resilience function by allowing the protagonists not only to come out of invisibility, passivity in order to rectify certain facts, to express their expectations. It is an act that allows new aspirations to come to life in a different way, to live differently, and no longer in withdrawal. Esi’s choice of polygyny over monogamy is an eloquent illustration of this thinking of pluriversality and transmodernity that are modalities of the decolonial spirit. We read in it the manifestation of the epistemic disobedience that Mignolo (2015) has spoken of and that fuels decoloniality. Indeed, in Aido’s literary text (1991: 97, 107), “Esi had shown her determination to leave Oko and even file for divorce.” Indeed, Esi is described in the text as a woman with a keen knowledge of Western culture; her professional expertise ensures her respect from all and incessant missions to both African and Western countries. This brilliant intellectual, whose husband is very much in love with her, insists on becoming Ali’s second wife. She demands that she be celebrated according to the ancient rites of the African tradition. According to Abdou (Beyala, 1992: 52), this matrimonial alliance, practiced in certain colonized societies, is based on the fact that: God created (the male) in his own image. And if he, the Almighty, divided the waters and his people into twelve tribes to ensure their continuity, I, his son, faithful to his will and spirit, will ensure my descent by taking several wives, so that at the end of time, when the time of death comes, I will have a descendant.

This explains the need for every man to be a polygamist. Polygamy, thus, denotes obedience to the principles of the Judeo-Christian God. Therefore, Negro knowledge should not be considered as backward, illogical thoughts, as the West insinuates. The legitimization of the invisibilization of endogenous knowledge by what Santiago Castro (2006) has called “the hybris of the zero point,” i.e., the epistemic myth of

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Eurocentric modernity, is arbitrary and without any real basis. The principles of polygamy are stated as follows, according to the colonized: (Aïdo: 107). No man [...] lived full time with any of his wives. A woman should have her own house. Thus, the days were well regulated. The women took turns being wives. When it was her turn, the wife would cook for her husband and take care of all the housework. She would go to her husband’s room or he would sleep with her and when her turn was over, the husband would change wives.

Thus, in a polygamous household, in its practice, as laid down by African tradition, wives are entitled to equal treatment. The man has the obligation to provide for her material and security needs as well as those of her children in the sense that: “A woman should have her own house”; the roof being a symbol of security and protection. In addition, the husband has the duty to provide for the emotional needs of his wife and offspring if he “does not live full time with a wife.” The work is equally divided with a rest time granted to each wife because “the days were well regulated.” In turn, the wife has the obligation to be able to meet both the material and emotional needs of her husband. Anything that might be detrimental to the good life together, to the comfort of all, etc., is forbidden, as the following statement indicates: “She took charge of the whole household.” Moreover, the woman must kill all feelings of possessiveness, hatred, individualism in place of acceptance of the other, community spirit, etc. The woman and the man who enter into this regime—which is not imposed, but is a voluntary act—commit themselves to respecting each other’s rights and duties and all the principles inherent in it. The statement that Esi “found this relationship very restful” is edifying, on the one hand, of the possibility of a harmonious cohabitation of Western and African knowledge and, on the other hand, of the cathartic action of the mechanisms of resilience imbued with decolonial thought. In conclusion, the passage from the status of colonized to that of emancipated subject has not, however, annihilated the traumas generated by colonization and its hold over formerly enslaved peoples. Western imperialism continues to plague and haunt the sub-conscious of the formerly colonized, whatever the universe in which they live. Colonization was, therefore, a real tragedy whose after-effects and actions still persist. Sub-alternation, negation, inversion of its values but more precisely of her social gender roles were at the origin of a real physical and psychic cataclysm. To get out of these emotional swells, several mechanisms were set in motion, including silence, followed by an undertaking to break away and decolonial thinking. The challenges of these resilience mechanisms were to pacify the opposing forces through the establishment of links, the readjustment of the values involved, the need to establish a new mode of relations of mutual respect at all social levels in a dynamic world. Decolonial thinking has emerged as a therapy for healing the identity traumas created by the colonial encounter. It is also seen as a valuable asset in the meeting the global challenges ahead. In this perspective, the teaching of these new social gender roles in the postcolonial novel is a necessity. The development of pedagogical/communicative tools that take into account all the pitfalls and/or forms of resistance to the understanding and internalization of past and present socio-historical knowledge of this new gender landscape must be a major concern.

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Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Aba, N. M. M. (2010). Le Secret de la maison de briques. L’Harmattan. Agnel, A. (2008). Dictionnaire Jung. Ellipse. Aido, A. A. (1991). Désordres amoureux. Zoé. Anaut, M. (2012). Affective resilience. In Cyrulnik, J. (ed.), Résilience connaissance de bases. Odile Jacob, pp. 65–81. Balandier, G. (1982). Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noire. PUF. Bereni, L., et al. (2008). Introduction aux gender studies. Manuel des études sur le genre. De Boeck. Beyala, B. (1992) Le petit prince de Belle-ville. Albin Michel. Bodo, B., & Samake A. (2020). La théorie de la décolonialité, Sémantique et pratique textuelle. Academi-L’Harmattan. Castro-Gomes, S. (2006). Le chapitre manquant d’Empire. La réorganisation postmoderne de la colonisation pas le capitalisme postfordiste. In Multitudes, 26(3), 27–49. Coquery-Vidrovitch, C. (2007). Des femmes colonisées aux femmes de l’indépendance. In T. Locoh (Ed.), Genre et société en Afrique, implications pour le development (pp. 69–89). Martine RoussoRossman. Cyrulnik, B. (2001a). Les Vilains Petits Canards. Odile Jacob. Cyrulnik, B. (2001b). Un merveilleux malheur. Odile Jacob. Cyrulnik, B., & Duval, P. (2006). Psychanalyse et resilience. Odile Jacob. Cyrulnik, B., & Jorland, G. (Eds.). (2012). Résilience, connaissance de bases. Odile Jacob. Cyrulnik, B. (2002b). Un merveilleur malheur. Odile Jacob. Daco, P. (1973). Les prodigieuses victoires de la psychologie. Marabout. Delage, M. L. (2012). Résilience dans la famille, résilience familiale, résidence des familles. In: C. Jorland (Ed.), Résilience, connaissance de bases. Odile Jacob, pp. 97–114. Fargeot, C. (2009). Le commerce de la viande de chasse en Afrique Centrale. Etude d’un marchéporte: Le P.K. 12 à Bangui (RCA). In colloque SFER, 25, 26, 27 mars 2008. Hallit-Balabane, A. (1999). L’écriture du trauma dans les récits de la Kolyma de Varlam Chalamov. L’Harmattan. Kone, D. (2020). Les nouvelles écritures africaines comme signalement de la décolonialité. Le cas du roman. In: B. Bodo & A. Samaké (Eds.), La théorie de la décolonialité. Semantiques et pratiques textuelles. Academia-L’Harmattan. Karima, L. (2018). Le trauma colonial. La découverte. Keita, F. (1998). Rebelle. NEI/Présence Africaine. Lani-Bayle, M. (2012). Histoire de vie et résilience. In J. Cyrulnik (Ed.), Résilience, connaissances de bases. Odile Jacob. Lazarovici, R. (2004). Traumatisme et passage mélancolieque. In Nassikas, Kostas (dir). Le Trauma entre création et destruction. L’Harmattan. pp.165–178. Locoh, T. (dir). (2007). Gender and society in Africa, implications for development. Martine RoussoRossman. Lopes, H. (1976). Tribaliques. Clé. Lopes, H. (1977). Sans Tam-tam. Clé. Lopes, H. (1982). Le Pleurer-Rire. Présence Africaine. Lopes, H. (1990). Le Chercheur-d’Afriques. Seuil. Lopes, H. (1992). Sur l’autre rive. Seuil. Lopes, H. (1997). Le lys et le Flamboyant. Seuil.

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Lonescu, S. (2012). “Origine et évolution de concept de résilience”. In Cyrulnik, B. and Jorland, G. (dir). Résilience, Connaissances de bases. pp. 19–32. Odile Jacob. Quijano, A. (2007). ““Race” et Colonialité du pouvoir”. Mouvements, 3:111–118. https://doi. org/10.3917/mouv.051.0111, disponible sur https.//www.cairn;info/Revue-mouvement-2007-3page-111.htm Mignolo, D. W. (2015). La désobéissance épistémique, Rhétorique de la modernité, Logique dee la colonialité et grammaire de de la décolonialité. Pieter Lang. Nassikas, K. (dir.). (2004). Le trauma entre création et destruction. L’Harmattan. Tchak, S. (2001). Place des Fêtes. Gallimard.

Postcolonialism, Climate Change and Ecological Aspects of Indigeneity

Biodiversity Habitats, People, Policies, and Problematics: Through Case Studies of Ecological Systems of Aurangabad and Beed Bina Sengar and Shaikh Feroz Iliyas

Abstract Marathwada is a microcosmic region of the Indian sub-continent; its inherent geographical terrain supports a range of unique biodiversity habitats and ecological cultural spaces (Sengar, 2020). The region is diverse in both biotic and anthropogenic cultures as that which gives illustration of the Human-NatureRelationship (H-N-R) and Human–Environment-Resilience (H-E-R) interaction due to the complex range of culturally distinct communities living and thriving on the regional biota and its diversity (Sengar, in Histories, regions, nodes: essays for Ratanlal Hangloo. Primus, 2017a; Sengar, in Mathematical advances towards sustainable environmental systems. Springer, 2017b; Sengar, in Chaumasa: Q J Madhya Pradesh Tribal Museum 117:54–61, 2021). However, some of the ecological systems in the region thrived due to displace the communities from the ecoregions of Western highlands and coastal plains. Pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial displacements brought Bhil and Koli communities in the region which thrived and nurtured the ecology (Chaubey et al., in PloS One 10(6), 2015) alike to their ancestral land and knowledge systems (hereafter; Knowledge Systems [KS]) (Shava et al., Environmental Education Research 6:575–589, 2010). Although diverse the ecoregions of the Marathwada are particularly vulnerable to environmental change and anthropogenic interventions. Over the last 5000 years before present (hereafter B.P.), the region evolved an enriched composition of human cultures. With the beginning of the twentieth century, colonial and postcolonial regional disparity and exploitation of the natural resources of Marathwada led to severe drought, scarcity of water, and land resources crunch. These resource crises further led to depletion of vegetation and consequent reduction in the biodiversity of flora and fauna both in terrestrial and aquatic zones. The so-called postcolonial state’s ‘pro-industrial’-orientated, extractive policy structures endangered local cultural knowledge, practices, and diversity. The policy structures of both colonial and postcolonial times resulted in bureaucratic B. Sengar (B) Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India e-mail: [email protected] S. F. Iliyas Milia College, Beed, Maharashtra, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_11

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dominance over nature. These methods and conservation concepts disallowed traditional human intervention in resource management. Thus, shrinking possibilities of traditional cultural restorative conservation practices for natural resource management and conservation. Even then, what we come across is the thriving ecological cultures in the microcosmic abodes both in Gautala region of Aurangabad and Bindusara river ecosystem of Beed thriving in gradual under the restorative KS of the Bhils and Koli communities. The present research paper broadly discusses two ecological regions of Marathwada, per se: periphery of Gautala ecological region and its ecological societies and aquatic habitat of river Bindusara and communities dependent on it reviving the river and its systems. The selected ecological systems and cultural societies are comparatively studied through their past and contemporary narratives. The study analysis, thus, will give us the changing patterns of human–environmental ecology relations in the region. Keywords Aquatic · Bhil · Ecological systems · Ecology cultures · Ecological societies · Forest · Human-Nature-Resilience (H-N-R) · Human-Environment-Human Relations (H-E-H) · Human-Environment-Resilience (H-E-R) · Koli · Marathwada

1 Introduction The study of environmental humanities and of tribal (Indigenous)1 people and (indigeneity) ecology as an identity and as a field of knowledge are broad and overlapping fields of investigation that need to be interrogated together. In these lines as discussed in the chapter one of this book, we seek to study communities and their social-ecological relationships in an integrated way. Research on tribal knowledge systems perpetually seeks enquiries into issues of livelihood, place-based belonging and knowledge, rituals and traditions, and how human ways of being in this world are entangled with the non-human natural environments. Tribalism is further claimed, both as existential selfhood and political subjectivity, not least from challenges posed by identities and boundary making shaped by modern nation-states and infrastructure which “minimizes local affective senses of place, dwelling, and boundary” (Smyer Yu, 2017). However, the archetypical “indigenous” or “tribal” may be difficult to distinguish in countries where the physical separation, often instigated by colonial encroachments and appropriations, has dissolved under the weight of forced migrations, urban markets, and modern consumption patterns. The socio-political and economic histories attached to place bring the question of law and legal history and challenges any stereotypical identification about a community identity. The communities which are dependent or rather evolve their identities over ancestral ages of timelines remain severely threatened with the biodiversity loss. As the depletion of 1

In context to India, Indigenous and indigeneity are complex terms and are interpreted in various forms. Thus, as this chapter exclusively discusses about the scheduled tribes communities of India, therefore, authors will restrict themselves to use the term “scheduled tribe”.

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ecological biodiversity poses a serious threat to sustainable growth and sustenance of ecological communities on the different ecological systems (Hayward, 2013) and people who live and thrive on them. In 2016, Prof. Stephen Hawking made prophesies regarding human eradication from Earth, and he thought that the only survival possibility will be to seek possible potential of survival on Mars (Hawking, 2016 in Science Direct2 ). These pessimistic assumptions could have happened because in 2002 when world leaders committed through the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) to achieve a significant reduction in the rate of biological diversity in 2010, but by the 2010, many of these assumptions to achieve targets miserably failed. Not only was the depreciation of biodiversity experienced on worldwide scale, it has shown evidences on the Natural World Heritage Sites as well, which were under UN through the World Heritage Convention of UNESCO-1972 (Allan et al., 2017). On one side, we have not seen enough success, and on the negative side, the indicators of pressures on biodiversity per se; resource consumption, invasive alien species, nitrogen pollution, over exploitation, climate change impacts, etc. increased (Butchart et al., 2010). Climate change itself has increased in different forms and applying its affects in invariable ways on rivers and forest ecosystems (Thuiller, 2007). Despite these failed outcomes, there were some local success stories to share which were about some extensions of biodiversity coverage of protected areas, sustainable forest management, policy responses to invasive alien species and biodiversity-related aid. However, these inputs were not satisfactory to overall CBD convention targets. Among these several success stories, the present study discusses about the Bhil and Koli resilience in the ecosystems of riverine and forest habitats in Marathwada. To achieve an overall sustainable future for all, we need further political will and support and vision with broad-scale economic and environmental planning. There are a number of suggestions which are put forward to achieve increased and sustainable biological diversity for which the suggestion is largely directed toward eagerness of political policies which must be adequately supported and well researched through biological modeling in the biotic regions as well as in the Rural-Human–Environment (R-H-E) and Urban-HumanEnvironment (U-H-E) zones (King, 1995; Grimm, 2008) and H-E-H, H-E-R and H-N-R connect in an ecological region (Sengar, 2016). Other aspects which are discussed in the following study are the Protected Area Networks or ProtectedConnected biodiversity zones “ProtConn” at the regional level (Saura et al., 2017) so to give insights as what are the challenges we come across in these regions and how the communities adjust and live through their ecological value systems, when displaced. The proposed research seeks into primary perspectives for ecological system-ecological society and its adaptation patterns through historical and cultural patterns. How the so-called scheduled tribe community in its historical trajectory evolved, retained, and reinstated their ecological cultural patterns, along with while living through the postcolonial ecological cultural challenges. The biological diversity and ecosystem formation and nurturing in India are not merely influenced by the climatic regions, rather, since ages human influence and 2

https://www.sciencealert.com/humanity-only-has-around-1-000-years-left-on-earth-stephenhawking-predicts.

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migrating human populations in the regions have contributed to the changing behaviors’ of meta-populations and habitat networks (Walther, 2002; Vos, 2008; Sengar, 2016). The growth of urbanization, rural, and forest-based agricultural/habitation methods has contributed to fluctuating human-nature histories of growth and deterioration of forest and river-based ecosystems, a comparative data of which appears in apparent researches in the parallel ecological regions in the South Asia and similar climatic zones in the southern hemisphere (Guha, 2006; Grimm, 2008; Gujja, 2009). River ecology for that matter in Indian sub-continent and as also discussed below in the case study of Beed have shown variations in their ecological cultural patterns toward human influence and anthropogenic intervention has exerted further pressures on them and human population pressures and associated indicators of resource over utilizations, pollution have created various challenges to further water stress on these rivers (Naiknawre, 2009). The prime indicators of these changes have been human influence through expanding Rural–Urban (Ru–Urb) expansion (Gebre, 2019). In the following case studies of Aurangabad and Beed, the two forest ecosystem cultures and riverine ecosystem cultures will be discussed, and the patterns of their ecological cultures will be explained. The objective of the proposed study is to explain the triangulated model of tribal (indigeneity) to reflect on the resilience patterns in the postcolonial societies.3

2 The Ecological Studies of Micro-Regions of Bhil settlements in Ajanta, Aurangabad and Koli Settlements of Beed The selected case study regions as discussed in the chapter are in the sub-region of Marathwada of the state of Maharashtra in Western India. The sub-region itself is a macroregion with territorial hills, Godavari river catchment area, and Central Indian forest sub-zone. The Marathwada is considered to be in the dry plateau region of the Indian sub-continent. The selected case studies are in Aurangabad and Beed districts which are connected through the similar geographical regions of the highlands of Satmala and Ajanta range and Godavari riverine system, and its vegetative covers are connected with several tributary channels to river Godavari and communities of the hill ranges which migrated or displaced from Coastal regions of Konkan beside the Western Ghats and Arabian Sea and Mahadev and Satmala hill sections of Western Highlands of India (Sengar and McMillin, 2020). As part of the ecological studies, the regions carry a similar kind of floral and faunal textures, with the regional variations. The socio-cultural habitation of the ecological societies in the two selected biotic regions primarily constitutes of forest and riverine ecology; however, the connecting demographic patterns in both the regions follow the Ru-Urban patterns (Gebre, 2019). How do we understand the Ru-Urban pattern in the context of triangulated 3

To further understand the resilient patterns and theory of triangulation and ecological cultures, refer Chap. 1 of this book.

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model of ecological societies? How the two selected regions explain the postcolonial tribal (indigenous) resilience? And what are the trajectory of this resilience and ecological system adaptations by the ecosystem people when displaced? These are the three essential questions tried to be observed and sought through the following two studies, through historical-ecological analysis. The two selected case studies about the ecological system and ecological communities are as follows:

3 Case Studies 1. The changing nature of Bhil community of the Gautala region and its ecological cultural connectedness with the Khandesh. 2. Bindusara river: river ecology and socio-cultural significance with the Mahadev Koli and Dongar Koli communities. In the state of Maharashtra, as per the 1961 Tribal census,4 the Bhil and the Koli community with many of their sub-clans were living primarily in the Sahyadri and Satpuda region. According to the Tribal census of 1961, the tribal pockets of Maharashtra were divided into three zones as follows: (1) Sahyadri region with its coastal plains of Konkan. (2) Satpuda region of the Western Highlands. (3) Gondwana region. As per the colonial administrative reports and the Indian literature, the predominant tribal groups of Sahyadri and coastal region of were inhabited by Warli and Koli communities. Both these tribal communities are excellent fisherman and expert knowledge holders of the coastal ecology and riverine aquatic ecologies (GOI, 1972). Similarly, the Bhil community who primarily resides in the Satpuda and its affiliated ranges are the excellent forest habitat dwellers and understand the forest and hill ecology through their ancestral knowledge systems. In the first case study region of Gautala in the Aurangabad district of Maharashtra, Bhil are residing in the Gautala forest since the age immemorial and that is reflected through their ancestral worshiping patterns and village settlements patterns in the region which will be discussed in the following sections of the paper. The second case study area is the Bindusara tributary river which is part of the river Godavari catchment area in the Marathwada region. Bindusara river is one of the tributaries of the river Godavari. Bindusara is a rapid and river which originates in the hill of Balaghat which is the hilly area as one of the extensions of the Western and Central Highlands of India. Various minor streams contribute to the formation and flow of the river Bindusara. The city of Beed is situated on the banks of Bindusara river. In 4

Government of India (GOI)-Maharashtra Tribal Census [hereafter MTC] (1972) Census of India 1961, Volume X Maharashtra Part V-B Scheduled Tribes In Maharashtra Ethnographic Notes. Bombay, The Maharashtra Census Office. Weblink: http://lsi.gov.in:8081/jspui/bitstream/123456789/4058/1/50601_1961_STE.pdf.

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Map 1 Marathwada region with Aurangabad and Beed districts. Source Wikicommons

the present twenty-first century, the river water is used for domestic, industrial, and agricultural purposes. Nowadays, river water sources are observed to be affected by water pollution and over exploitation. It represents a serious threat. Therefore, it is essential to study the river water quality and its aquatic habitat. Several studies are carried to improvise on the water and riverine ecology such as Rao et al. (1984). In the selected case study area of Beed and its Bindusara river, we seek to study the contribution of Koli community. Also, it will be investigated as what prompted in the historical past Koli community of Sahyadri-Konkan areas to come all the way to Beed and practice restorative measures to work for the riverine ecology of river Bindusara. With the intervention of the scientific study, we also tried to analyze as how far the ecological practices of the Koli community enabled to improve the river ecology in the contemporary times (Map 1). The studies of two ecological cultures will observe the patterns of humanecological relationships through historical and contemporary times. These case studies from Marathwada region will enable us to understand the possibilities to connect and revive biodiversity histories with the present challenges. The Gautala Outram Ghat is the protected sanctuary of the region.5 Consisting of more than seventeen villages in the Kannad sub-division (Gunaji, 2010) of the Aurangabad district, the protected forest region has a heritage of biodiversity which has been mentioned in the travelogues and official documents since late fifth century and continued to 5

Yogesh et al. (2016) “Mapping Forest Cover of Gautala-Outram Ghat Ecosystems Using Geospatial Technology,” Aritra Acharyya (2016) Foundations and Frontiers in Computer, Communication and Electrical Engineering: Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference C2E2, Mankundu, West Bengal, India, January 15–16, CRC Press-Taylor and Francis Group, pp. 391–395.

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enthrall the biodiversity studies and its experts because of the genus and complexity in the ecological region (Bharucha & Shankarnarayan, 1958; Khan, 1997; Benichou, 2000; Gupta, 2000; Negi, 2002; Green, 2004; Guha, 2006). The protected area is the extended part of UN hotspot region of bioreserve “Western Ghat” (Bharucha & Shankarnarayan, 1958), and the region continues to exert the special features in its biota. Yet, the significant amount of decline in the biodiversity of the region has been experienced since last one century, the socio-ecological challenges to the regions had been many, and they are widely indicated in the past century. The study here is about how the peripheries of the Gautala sanctuary area got inhabited by the Bhil community, as how in the early decades of the nineteenth century community largely migrated to this territory, and what prompted them to connect the region with its traces in the Khandesh region of the Aravalli and Vindhayanchal mountain ranges (Mahajan, 1991) (Map 2). The objectives of the study are to correlate two regions with the postcolonial era and its ecological cultural challenges. (1) The Gautala region of the Aurangabad district is the physiographic extension of the Western and Central Indian uplands, where communities were traversing

Map 2 Bhil and Koli community distribution prior to 1961. Source Census of India 1961

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since the prehistoric times. The study will discuss about the historical transition in the settlement and political sovereignty patterns of the community. Thereafter, the study will also explain as how in the postcolonial society, the ecological cultures of Bhil are confronting social and political challenges to restore their rights and knowledge in the region. (2) Through the study of Beed and river Bindusara, the Koli community and its relationships with the ecological systems of the region are explained. The study is primarily based on the library research, archival research, laboratory research, and field data collection. As part of the library research other than the internet archives and digital resources, study inspected the data in library, regional archives, and also through laboratory analysis. Primary observation was also carried, and correlations with the earlier research findings were also made. During the data collection process, river biome-based data collection in river Bindusara Beed district was carried by Prof. Shaikh and his team. Field site visit was done by first author Sengar (2018a, 2018b) in Beed. During her field visits, she did ethnographic surveys and community engagement discussions to elicit the social conditioning of the community. In the territories of Ajanta-Gautala region, recurrent visits are carried, as part of the social-academic intervention projects ongoing as part of Project of Sengar (2012-continuing). Ajanta and Gautala remain part of a wider ecologicalhistorical study. The Bhil community of the region contributed since prehistoric times cultural and indigenous knowledge systems through their ecological understandings. However, with colonial forest policy systems which continue even after the independence of India as part of postcolonial administrative policy framework, Bhil are entirely relegated from their forest knowledge systems and disallowed to be part of the policy framework as well. In the decade-long study carried in the region so far, Sengar is working on the correlation of data among community, regional cultures, and administrative systems through Ru-Urban and triangulated ecological methods. Parts of these interventions are published, and this research is one of the outcomes of the ongoing research of the region. Here under this method, it is specifically highlighted as how in the Gautala region Bhil identity is subsided and complies least engagements to their ecological community knowledge. Along with, they are also deprived of socio-economic relations with their cultural and co-dependent communities in the administrative, political, forest managements procedures of the region (Sengar, 2016, 2022), which eventually is leading to the ecological crisis in the region.6 In both the case studies, ethnographic method was primarily used. The study carried also enabled us to explain the H-N-R methods in the regions wherein ecological environs of Gautala and Waghor river regions, Bhil and Koli communities dominated, whereas in Bindusara River habitat region, various heterogenous communities with predominant ecological cultural influence of Mahadev Koli and Dongar Koli community are working in close tandem for ecology of Bindusara river ecosystem. 6 The outcome of neglecting ecological cultures in the Aurangabad Highlands could be partly understood in the draught study by Vidya Kachkure and Kisan Algur in the same edited volume chapter.

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While studying the impacts on human-environmental resilience in the regions of ecological environs of Gautala and Waghor river regions, both scientific and ethnographic methods were implemented. In the Bindusara river ecology system, more scientific method was also implemented in extent. The monthly values of temperature, pH electrical conductivity turbidity, and that dissolved solids (TDS) were taken to analyze the water quality and its impact of the biota of the river. It was observed in the investigation that the temperature was higher at Bindusara river area vicinity of Beed. According to the laboratory studies carried by the secondary author in the ecological systems of river Bindusara, the outcomes of the findings were as follows: 1. In water at high temperature, solubility of oxygen and other gases decreases and water becomes tasteless with temperature rise. It has effect on metabolic activity of aquatic biota. The maximum temperature was recorded in May. The results of present studies agree with Kumar (1984) and Ramesh (1989). pH is the measurement of the free acidity or alkalinity of a water solution; hence, it is an important factor for water analysis. However, pH measurement in high purity water can be extremely difficult in the present investigation. The pH maximum was recorded in summer and minimum in winter with slight increase in monsoon Months. Similar trends have been reported by Sreenivasan (1964) who studied limnology of tropical impoundments. 2. The lowest values of turbidity were found in post summer seasons and high value found in monsoon season. Ajmal and Raziuddin (1988) of Hiddon river and Kalinadi also have reported similar variations. It was observed that due to an increase in the turbidity, the rate of photosynthesis decreases leading to decrease in the growth of phytoplankton. The latter, in turn, decreases zooplankton growth. The values of turbidity were found maximum at vicinity of Beed city due to the surface run of the sewage water with large number of suspended solids, etc. 3. In the present investigation, total dissolved solids (TDS) and conductivity were found to be maximum in summer and minimum in winter season. Total dissolved solids (TDS) and conductivity were due to factor such as rainfalls, biota-causing changes in ionic concentration, and the nature of bottom deposit. Goltermann (1975) showed inverse relationship between total dissolved solids (TDS) and conductivity. The observed increase could be attributed due to the entry of sewage water; similar trends were observed by Chandrashekhar and Lenin Babu (2003) Bellandur Lake, Bangalore, as case study. 4. The total alkalinity water is said to be alkaline when the concentration of hydroxyl ion exceeds that of hydrogen ions. Chemically pure water is neutral having equal number of hydrogen and hydroxyl ions. Oxygen is one the most important factors in an aquatic ecosystem. Almost all plants and animals need oxygen for respiration. Self-purification of water through bio-geo-chemical cycling of organic matter depends on the presence of sufficient amount of oxygen dissolved. In the dissolved oxygen (DO) content of Bindusara river area, vicinity is found maximum in monsoon while decreased in summer season. Sreenivasan (1964) and Bahura (1998) studied the relationship of DO with temperature; DO has increase relationships not only with temperature but also with free CO2 . Water

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being a good solvent carries various salts which get dissolved in natural water. In the present study, the maximum chlorides recorded in summer could be due to evaporation of river water with concentration of dissolved salts and ions earlier; water studies were conducted by Lohar and Patel (1998) on Manar and Amer rivers in Maharashtra. (Alongi (2008), Amarwathy Reservoir, APHA (2012), Louys et al. (2009), Pande and Mishra (2002), Raziuddin and Khan (1985), Saura et al. (2017), Sengar (2001), Shaikh et al. (2014a, b), Shava et al. (2010)) 5. Sulfates in the river water samples varied in the different season. The highest values were recorded during winter season. The sulfates are used as a source of oxygen by bacteria under an anaerobic condition. CO2 is vital in the life of plant and microorganisms; it is produced as a result of respiration of aquatic organisms. As CO is highly soluble in water, it is found to be in larger amount in polluted water compared to freshwater bodies. CO2 has a great effect again on fresh growth Dwivedi and Pandey (2002). With this scientific analysis, the task of the field-based ethnography and historical analysis resided in the positioning of the community which resided in the vicinity of the river Bindusara. Sengar for the purpose of research conducted a parallel ethnographic survey of Bindusara river region and communities which inhabited the neighboring areas. Also, the cultural practices of the communities, in the neighborhood, gave insights on how the river-community relationships exercise itself in tandem. Bhil and Malhar Koli: The Ecological Societies of Gautala and Bindusara Ecological Regions in Aurangabad and Beed Districts Bhil and Koli community of Marathwada region have historical trajectory of being one of the most ancient ecological communities living in the Satpuda and Sahyadri ecological regions of Maharashtra. Koli are the predominant inhabitants and ecological communities of Konkan coastal belt of Western India. The two communities have distinctive forte in their geographic understanding and its inherent knowledge, which make them ecosystem people. Other than the dominant areas of their ecological inhabitation areas in Satpuda and Sahyadri region (MTC, 1972), they adapted to the similar terrains as well where they were displaced. According to 2001 Census of India and state of Maharashtra, the Scheduled Tribes (ST) population7 of the state constitutes 5.1% of the country’s ST population (Census, 2001). Out of the STs, Bhil, Gond, Koli Mahadev, Warli, Kokna, and Thakur together constitute 73.3% of the ST population of the state. Bhils are numerically the largest ST with a population of 1,818,792, constituting 21.2 and Koli Mahadev 1,227,562 (14.3%) percent of the state’s ST population (Tables 1 and 2). In the historical evidences and narratives, Bhils and Koli had the land and sovereignty rights in the territories of their ecological spaces in coastal plains and Western highlands of India (Hassan, 1927). The empires and kingdoms, whichever, ruled in the areas of these regions always respected the two communities territorial rights over their ecological systems. Pre-colonial legacy of Sahyadri and Satpuda 7

Maharashtra Data Highlights: The Scheduled Tribes Census of India 2001: https://censusindia. gov.in/Tables_Published/SCST/dh_st_maha.pdf.

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Table 1 Ecological cultures of the Gautala region and Bindusara river Ecological systems and cultures

Ecological communities dependent on the ecoregion

Nature of the relationship with the ecological space

Gautala region of Satmala hills: Aurangabad

Bhil, Bhil Garsia, Koli Malhar, Koli Mahadev, Dongar Koli, Thakur, Thakar

Community-forest interface

River Bindusara: Beed

Koli Mahadev, Dongar Koli, Bhil, Bhil Garsia, Pardhi, Advichincher

Community-river interface

Source Community culture data from Maharashtra Government8

Table 2 Census-wise population of Bhil and Koli community population in Aurangabad and Beed Name of community in district

Census 1961

Census 1971

Census 1981

Census 1991

Census 2001

Census 2011

Aurangabad Bhil

24,197

30,801

36,835

37,059

46,597

71,708

Beed Koli Dhor and Tokre Koli

0

0

72

195

110

34

Beed Koli Mahadev and Malhar Koli

0

0

4152

4960

8480

11,604

Its contradictory here with the Maharashtra census that, there were no Koli population registered in Beed, contrary to it in the Nizam’s Dominion Census report of 1921 (Hassan, 1927), Koli population is extensively discussed and given details also Source District-wise Major Tribes in Maharashtra State (As per Census 2011) (District wise Major tribal population data: https://trti.maharashtra.gov.in/images/statisticalreports/New%20District% 20Wise%20and%20tribe%20wise%20population.pdf)

were keen on being respectful to the region. During the Sultunate era of thirteenth century when Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq invaded this region, he also ravaged the territories of Satpuda Bhils and Bavan Mahals region of Sahyadri Koli communities. However, once the territorial settlements were made, Koli and Bhil communities were allowed to retain their sovereignty in the region. In the state accounts of Sultunate and Mughal records, Bhil and Koli of the region were respected and consulted for their intellectual acumen and knowledge of the region. They even navigated and controlled through the trade routes of the region (Sengar, 2016). Although Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj allowed Koli and Bhil to retain their sovereignty and worked in collaboration with them, Peshwas tried to subdue the sovereignty of these communities, against which Koli especially in the region neighboring to Pune and Nashik gave stringent resistance to Peshwas. Distressed with Koli resistance, Peshwas gave all 8

https://trti.maharashtra.gov.in/images/statisticalreports/New%20District%20Wise%20and%20t ribe%20wise%20population.pdf.

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their territories of Nashik and northern parts of Pune to their Sardar Tukoji Holkar (Hassan, 1987: 333; Wink, 1983). Holkar were themselves not like Peshwas and respected the sovereign status of Bhil and Koli communities. Therefore, we come across that in the Holkar’s land and sovereignty policies (MTC, 1972), many of the Bhil and Mahadev Koli land rights were reinstated, and they also became part of the Holkar’s army. In the vast kingdom of Holkar’s from central and western parts of India, Mahadev Koli people were given land grants to retain quality of the water-based occupations. This, perhaps, substantiated the spread and community engagements of Koli and Bhil communities in parts of Marathwada, Vidarbha, and Gondwana regions as well. However, with the coming of the British, colonization and struggles in the region among British-Nizam Vs Maratha sardars led to the fracturing of the sovereignty rights of Koli and Bhil communities in their ancestral regions of Sahyadri and Satpuda. With the defeat of Maratha Empire against British in 1818 (Hassan, 1987: 333–334), further the Satpuda and Sahyari regions of Bhils and Kolis were taken over by the British colonials and restructured with colonial land policies. This new land regime policy further aggravated the Koli and Bhils, and they resorted to banditry and revolt against the British colonial system from 1820 to 1860. To work assiduously against British colonial policies, many Bhil and Koli people then migrated in the princely states of Holkar, Nizam, and Gaikwad’s areas to continue their retaliation (Hassan, 1987: 334). The displacement of Koli and Bhil community members due to political and colonial repression of new regime made them to seek shelters in other territories, where the quest of relocation and settlement surmounted to those territories which resembled their original ecological systems. Thus, we come across the Bhil settlements in Aurangabad’s highland areas, which although were an extended region of settlement for Bhils in past. But it became more of recluse zone in the early decades of nineteenth century, especially of those Bhils who were seeking repatriation from British colonial rule. When Bhil became part of the highlands of the Nizam’s territorial region, then some of their bands also accepted Islam and a community of Bhils called “Bhil-Tadvi” near the Ajanta and Gautala region follows Islam till today.9 Similarly, some of the clans of Koli community also migrated to different parts of Western and Central India, and among them, some went across to the Nizam’s territories. In the Mahadev and Malhar Koli clans of Koli communities, some of them became part of Nizam’s dominion, while the skirmishes were rampant between Holkar and Nizam kingdoms. However, after 1818 to1857, when the borders among the princely states became strictly defined, the settlements were reinstated and some of the Koli communities who were part of the Holkar regime became part of Nizam’s dominion (Hassan, 1987; Yelamkar, 2005). As per the case study areas, we come across Bhil community settling in Aurangabad and Koli community members became part of Beed in late eighteenth 9

The field visits carried by Bina Sengar in the region give us these accounts and so the census data of 2001. Also see Arvind Deshpande (1987) John Briggs in Maharashtra: A Study of District Administration Under Early British Rule, New Delhi, Mittal Pub, pp. 82–92. Bhil Tadvi: Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-who-aretadvi-bhil-muslims-payal-tadvi-mumbai-suicide-5754146/.

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century, wherein Bhils of Gautala region retained their free-spirited land and forest rights while living on the highlands of Ajanta. Koli community members, however, relocated and resettled themselves near the aquatic biota. The table below gives us the demographic structure of the Bhil and Koli settlements in the Aurangabad and Beed districts of Marathwada. In the Aurangabad region, Bhil community mainly resides in the territories of Satmala hills where we have the eco-biodiversity zone of the Gautala protected wildlife sanctuary and also Gautala region of wilderness and forests. As we delve into the details, then we come across the information that till the first half of the twentieth century in the region of Gautala, Bhils retained their autonomy and Nizam’s government used to allow them hunting and settlement rights in wilderness of the Gautala forests. However, with the introduction of the Forest Acts and forest administrative systems in the region in the postcolonial era, Bhils and their relationships with their ecological systems changed in the pessimistic path (Sengar, 2016). In the map below, we can see as how from the area A which was under British domination in the eighteenth and nineteenth century some of Bhil community members chose to relocate and came to live in the forested areas of Nizams dominion (Hassan, 1987). These areas were safe recluse for the Bhils because of its highland terrain and thick forests. Also in the region, there were traditional forts built since historic times by the Bhils and their ancestors, which Bhils could use for their hideouts. The place dedicated to Patna Devi, who was also a goddess of veneration, allowed the Bhils to retain their cultural and political sovereignty (Sengar, 2022) (Fig. 1; Image 1). However, as we delve into the present scenario of life and living, we come across chaos, distractions, and deprivation in the traditional life and living practices of the Bhils and their settlement areas. The field works conducted in the recent pasts on the Gautala regions brought questions of land rights and access to forests. As now the forest territories are under Indian Forest department, majority of the Bhil tribal communities live in the abeyance zones where their land rights are not clearly stated in the region. If not so in the other regions, they have abandoned their forest-based livelihood skills due to lack of access to forests and unclear land and territorial rights in the highlands.10 As I was working to gather my observational data in the Gautala region, I moved across several villages in the Ajanta Cave region and its surrounding, which also comes under Gautala conserved forest region. In the same territory, we have three main villages for which access is only through the hilly passages of Ajanta Caves. In these villages of Savarkheda, Dutt Wadi, and Lenapur, Bhil community members live more in the edge of the village settlements either on hill tops with their small hut settlements and close-knit community members. While in field work, I also came to know Bhil members retained distance from fellow Malhar Koli and Mahadev Koli families, as the methods of livelihood of two communities varied. Bhil of Gautala even today prefer to hunt and do not engage in cultivation. However, the biggest challenge to their patterns of life and livelihood in the Aurangabad is the loss of their ecosystem space, their knowledge systems, and their land rights too. The non-inclusion of their skills in the forest ecosystem conservation also deprives the 10

Field-based quality data collected from years 2014 onward by Bina Sengar.

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Fig. 1 Gautala ecological region and Bhil community habitations in the area of Aurangabad as stated in B. Source Google maps and further editing by the authors

Image 1 Patna Devi Temple, Gautala ecological region. Source Image through authors collections

society at large the skilled knowledge of the ecological society of Bhils of Gautala (Image 2). The second case study is about the “river Bindusara” the tributary of the river Godavari. The channel of river Bindusara is in the Beed district. The case study

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Image 2 Lenapur village on the ecological region of Gautala (Bhil and Malhar community village) Source Field work by author in February, 2020

significantly observes the changes experienced in the H-N-R in the river biota and how the community cultures surrounding it, especially the Koli community grew through it. In Beed, we came across Mahadev and Malhar or Dongre Koli settlements in and around Beed city and its sub-divisional areas. Both the sub-clans Malhar and Mahadev Koli are found in extensive stretch of Beed city’s Bindusara river and also in the other sub-divisions of the Beed district. As per the 1981 census, the population of Koli community in Maharashtra was almost a one million, wherein 787,000 (7.87 lakh human) belonged to the Mahadev Koli clan and 177,000 (1.77 lakhs) people belonged to Malhar Koli clan. In context of Beed district (as per the 1981 census), the population of Koli community is fairly miniscule, Mahadev Koli people are 4152 persons, and Malhar Koli count to 430 persons only (Yelambkar, 2005). Mahadev and Malhar Koli communities as discussed above became part of the demography and culture of Beed in the late eighteenth and early decades of the nineteenth century. Initially, they were influential martial communities, but later they took to their riverine and aquatic skills of ecosystem knowledge they ancestrally owned (Shankar, 2002). As their source of livelihood, Malhar Koli or Dongre Koli worked in water-based occupations and were efficient in water management and water-based community knowledge systems. Other than being efficient in fishery skills, their knowledge of water resource management remains erudite in its own methods. The ecological space skills Koli community carries with them as an ancestral heritage. Fortunately, when these communities got displaced from Sahyadri region during colonial era, they were accepted readily in the Marathwada region, and in almost every village of Marathwada, they were given honorable place to live. In case of Beed district also, which in those times was an integral part of Nizam’s regime gave them honorable place and their skills were utilized in water management schemes of the region. It is impressive to witness how different places of worshiping for Mahadev Koli community and Malhar Koli community got renovated by the Nizam and Holkar rulers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. As Koli community worships with devotion the

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Lord Khandoba and Lord Shiva, therefore, temples of Kankleshwar and Khandoba temples are the places of devotion to Koli community in Beed. Endowments were given to these temples by the Nizam rulers and also by devout Shaivite Holkar queen Ahilyabai. Other than that, these two temples in almost every part of Beed district where we come across population which migrated due to political reasons in Beed were given generous endowments to follow their religious beliefs and faiths by the Nizam rulers (Hassan, 1987). To certain extent, these generous endowments indicate that how much Koli community must have retained the influence in the predominantly Islamic state of Nizam and its Bhir/Beed district before the postcolonial era (Fig. 2; Image 3).

Fig. 2 Ecological cultures of Beed dependent on Bindusara river. Source Google maps and further editing by the authors

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Image 3 Khandoba Temple, Beed. Source Wikicommons

4 Conclusion 4.1 Conclusion: Historical-Ecological Societies (ES): Could We Bring the Resilience of the Ecological Systems by the Ecological Societies With the close connection between indigenous identity and land—identity ascribed to a particular place, or the making of a place through experience and practice—the study of indigeneity is equally part of the growing field of environmental humanities. This rapidly growing field of research engages with meaning, value, responsibility, and purpose and is a response to the environmental challenges of our time. It locates human histories within Earth histories, in the long temporal frames of geological time, and engages with questions of the mutual conditioning of human and non-human lives. This includes the impact of settled agriculture on the environment, the use of fossil fuels, or urbanization, as well as the spread of virus, the impact of earthquakes, and the perennial floods and droughts that move the Earth and denudes the soil from water. Environmental humanities scholars see humans not as outside of nature, but the two as dynamically interdependent. Thus, it collapses the old nature/culture divide and the social and natural ecologies merge. The two fields share qualities that engage many academics who engage in both critical enquiry and engaged action. They challenge the researcher to acknowledge her/his own subjectivity—we cannot avoid being part of the realities we study—while simultaneously put scholars to the test of the capacity of combining academic stringency with empathy.

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Other than the contemporary data analysis, this study attempted to inspect on the historical data on the biodiversity, Human-Nature Relations, and H-N-R through the interconnected historical trajectory of the ecological societies and their reinstating their knowledge of ecosystem different place with similar place modalities. Whether it was the selected biota of the forest which remains the habitat of the displaced Bhils from Satpuda region, or the Koli community living in the in the river Bindusara region as the ecosystem people of the river Godavari in Aurangabad-Jalna-Beed terrain. The transition in the experiences of the two case study communities was manifested through qualitative ethnographic accounts and communicative observations. These observations bring into light that even though the ecologically displaced communities relocated themselves, they carried with them their ecosystem knowledge and nurtured it in the similar biota. The implications of their knowledge system were that wherever the community went, it enriched the ecology of that terrain and enabled the Land-Nature-Resilience through anthropogenic knowledge systems. However, as the observations and changed circumstances in the postcolonial policy systems disallowed the community engagements in the ecological spaces, the trouble arose. The ecological systems in the postcolonial neoliberal system were seen as economic resources and not something on which Human-Nature ecological societies identity, culture, and connectedness thrives. This approach was eventually reflected in the Indian resource policy systems and being non-inclusive of the communities which once enabled the enrichment of the ecology was relegated not to be part of its governance. The Bhils were debarred from the Gautala and Ajanta hills forest areas; consequently, they took to agricultural labor or migrated toward the urban areas in search of livelihood. Similarly, Koli community, who once contributed immensely to the water management systems of the Beed districts, were not made part of the water management policies in the district. Also, their ancestral professions of being water carriers and professional fisherfolks of the freshwater fishes declined, due to increasing pollutant discharge in the river Bindusara. As study findings above explain, how the pollution in river Bindusara is leading to the decline of aquatic life and quality of fish in the river. In given circumstances, do we see any possibility or resilience and capacity-building policies for the Bhil and Koli communities in Gautala and Beed districts’ river Bindusara revival? The question for now regarding the status of the ecological societies remains open ended. If we as a collective society allow the inclusion and respect for the ecological societies, their knowledge systems to be implemented in the state mechanisms. For if we do so, then the possibilities are that we will grow and reinstate the balance of nature in both urban and rural spaces with far better understanding than we have for now. Declarations Partial funding to complete this paper was received from Wellcome Trust, UK, and Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR). I have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

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The Unintended Outcomes of Sustainable Development: Hybridizing Beaches Through Small-Scale Tourism Vanessa León-León

Abstract Local endogenous developments have sprouted worldwide under the economy-environment reconciliation premise in response to the sustainable development discourse. Debates on how sustainable development protect the environment tend to idealize and romanticize locals’ interaction with nature in rural areas. However, few discussions focus on how the developmental discourse pervades local imaginary of progress, while preferring the economic and recreational value of ecosystems over its ecological significance. In Ecuador, a Latin American country on the Pacific coast, rural seaside communities navigate between their economic survival and the transformation of pristine beaches into beautified sandy beaches, usually protected by seawalls. Indeed, villagers on the coast of Ecuador promoted the construction of seawalls because they would also afford protection to their tourismdependent economy. This chapter shifts the focus on sustainable tourism development to its effects on ecological resources’ interventions at the local level. Since local initiatives became the focus of sustainable development practices, particularly in developing countries, a thick ethnography sheds light on the process of local decision making on the use and transformation of the beach ecosystem at Ecuadorian seashore. Through a counter approach to the virtuosity of sustainable development, this chapter contributes to novel debates on social and environmental changes at the local level emerging from discourses and practices promoted at a global level. Keywords Sustainable development · Sustainable tourism · Socio-ecological systems · Santa Elena · Ecuador

1 Introduction In coastal areas around the world, small-scale tourism businesses have emerged for improving locals’ livelihoods, particularly from the 1990s onward. Unfortunately, the growing tourist demand and facilities have deeply affected previously V. León-León (B) Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral (ESPOL), Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas, ESPOL Polytechnic University, College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Guayaquil, Ecuador e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_12

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pristine and undeveloped beaches (Adgel et al., 2005; IRF, 1996; Cushnahan, 2003; Hamzah & Hampton, 2013). At a glance, changes respond to mass tourism or realestates development tourism industry usually brings to resorts; however, small-scale tourism has challenged mass tourism economies in some places (Diedrich et al., 2019; Smith & Eadington, 1992; Weaver, 2011). This chapter focuses on small-tourism and the socio-ecological effects on the beach landscapes in the southwestern Ecuadorian seaside villages (see map). According to sustainable development discourse, small-scale tourism would maintain the landscape unaltered under the premise of an economical–environmental reconciliation. The international concern on sustainable development spread out during the late 80s–early 90s, after the United Nations’ engagement on the environmental degradation-development duality (Cano et al., 2019), including coastal areas overuse by fishing and tourism. During the mid-80s, Ecuador adopted an integrated coastal management methodology to preserve mangrove forests, which degraded up to 20% after shrimp farming became core in the Ecuadorian Gross Domestic Product index. Indeed, shrimp farm constructions cleared extensive areas of mangroves during the 70s and 80s (Arriaga, 2000). In response, the Ecuadorian national government operated a coastal management program from 1986 to 2008. Under planned management, the villages next to the shoreline organized economic activities to improve local livelihoods. In a couple of decades, the beach ecosystem became a pivotal resource for small-scale tourism in rural coastal hamlets. After the national coastal management program ended in 2008, locals continued promoting the small-tourism industry to secure their livelihood. However, the landscape has intensely changed on the coasts of Ecuador. In two decades, unspoiled and pristine beaches hidden between estuaries and mangrove forests became tourist spots for international backpackers, vacation homeowner families, and middle-class visitors. Seaside villages are full of rustic restaurants and hostels, while vernacular kiosks provide food and beverages to visitors on the beach. After realizing the sandy beach is vital for the local tourist economy, villagers have demanded shoreline interventions, after the impacts of the waves have eroded the beach. The Ecuadorian government constructed seawalls to protect villages and tourist investments from tides impacts. Nowadays, walls made out of rocks fortify the river mouth of estuaries and sandy beaches, while locals’ livelihood depends on beach exploitation. A drastic change of beach landscape. The argument in this chapter posits that sustainable development subjugates individuals to live for economic security, advocating ecological reasoning, leads to and subjugates individuals to live for economic security. In doing so, a mismatch in the economy-environment reconciliation premise appears. The chapter shows how locals decide to intervene on the shore to protect the small-scale tourism that supports the local economy, consequently hybridizing the coastal landscape through the construction of seawalls and promenades. The beach ecosystem nowadays is not as natural as visitors can perceive. Ironically, the tourism-led economy of the Ecuadorian seaside villages emerged from long-lasting developmental programs undergirded by coastal conservancy and poverty alleviation. This counter approach to the virtuosity of sustainable development will contribute to debates on socio-ecological resilience at

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the local level and hegemonic discourses on resilience building at the global level. The chapter is divided into four sections. Following this introduction section, the chapter explores theoretical approaches to the effects of governmental intervention over nature. The third section unpacks a long-lasting national coastal program in Ecuador underpinned by international concerns on nature conservancy and poverty alleviation. The fourth section discusses the effects of sustainable development criteria on the social and ecological relationship where communities associate the beach’s ecological value to its economic value. A conclusion section summarizes the discussion on debates about social and environmental changes at the local level emerging from discourses and practices promoted at a global level.

2 The Biopolitics of Socio-nature Governance This section discusses theoretical contributions to the governance of nature illuminated by the term biopolitics (Foucault, 2003, 2008). Biopolitics signals the multiple mechanisms of political strategy and power relations that create governable individuals (Foucault, 2003, 2007; Rabinow & Rose, 2006). Collier (2009) explains biopolitics as “the attempt to govern a population’s health, welfare, and conditions of existence in the framework of political sovereignty,” ultimately creating a sense of normality among the population (Anderson, 2011; Rabinow, 2010). While advancing his analysis on the attempt to govern population, Foucault also coined governmentality, which points out how governments assemble “institutions, procedures, analyzes and reflections, calculations, and tactics” targeting the population (Foucault, 2007, 108). In addition, governmentality, the art of governing people, entails a “political economy as its major form of knowledge, and apparatuses of security as its essential technical instruments” (ibid). Thus, a biopolitical approach to socio-nature governance requires unraveling the hidden mechanisms by which government rules, manages, and controls the environment and the population. Scholarship elaborating on governmentality highlights the potential of knowledge on ruling, managing, controlling social life (Dillon, 1995; Rose, 1996a). Furthermore, the art of governing “does not merely make use of knowledge; it is comprised by knowledge” (Dillon, 1995, 330). Thus, experts and institutions of knowledge assemble diverse aspects of conduct through “education, persuasion, inducement, management, incitement, motivation and encouragement” (ibid). Rose (1996b, 42) equates such assemble of knowledge to an “intellectual machinery” by which governments problematize social phenomena to “render reality thinkable and amenable to political programming.” Is the social the only aspect that government problematizes to rule, manage, or control? Not, the intellectual machinery does not only apply to social relations. It applies to the governance of nature and socio-nature relations as well. Indeed, governments have a strong influence on shaping nature while aiming for the best socio-ecological arrangements. Thus, governmental logic can prevail over nature and its conceptualization. For instance, the Bikini atoll was deeply impacted

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after being a nuclear testing site. In response, the U.S. government reproduced nature by sowing rows of coconut palms, which ultimately shaped individuals’ reconceptualization of the island landscape after the local people returned to live in the atoll (Davis, 2005). In northern India, the national government implemented forest councils aiming for forest conservation (Agrawal, 2005). In doing so, a robust technical bureaucracy and regulatory legal frameworks shaped the Kumaoni people’s environmental practices and perceptions both according to governmental narratives. Thus, governmental logic can also shape humans’ relationship with nature. The governmental logic has also allowed the appropriation of nature for human use, then becoming “natural resources” (Scott, 1998). The forest becomes wood, the gold becomes income, and the soil becomes crops because the State relies on the economic value of nature to provide societal wellbeing. After the notion of “natural resources” replaced the term nature, it thus “can be appropriated for human use” (Scott, 1998, 13). Scott’s examination also highlights the importance of knowledge creation as a mechanism to manage and control nature. Thus, governmental formulas simplify nature in forms of knowledge by using maps, cadastral surveys, and land records, making nature amenable to political programming and a source of wealth. Thus, the State’s logic promotes a reconceptualization of nature as natural resources and, ultimately, to a commodity. In this sense, capitalism enters as a powerful gamer in developing a new approach to nature, by changing the role of nature in human wellbeing into a means of production (Escobar, 1999). Under this justification, nature has profoundly transformed. For instance, the forest ecosystems switched to monoculture (Gudynas, 2010), mangrove forest into shrimp farming (Arriaga, 2000; Pazmiño et al., 2018), or immaculate beaches into contemporary resorts (Padilla, 2015). The consequences of conceptualizing nature as an amenable source of wealth to provide social benefits are vivid nowadays. The degradation of nature is a current social phenomenon. In response, the notion of sustainable development has spread worldwide, creating an environmental sensitivity. Sustainable Development (S.D.) emerged from the United Nations efforts to address environmental and development mismatches since the 70s, reaching a worldwide agenda as a poverty panacea by the 90s. Recently, numerous states and institutions have adopted the Seventeen Goals of Sustainable Development, which requires a planned environmental, and social intervention (Cano et al., 2019). Planned intervention requires assembling expert knowledge and political and legal arrangements. In this sense, S.D. becomes a reformist (Adams, 2020). Undoubtedly, SD aims the economic improvement with no exhaustion of natural resources. However, such an aim also entails political programming to be spread through the State and its institutions. In a biopolitical approach, S.D. becomes an apparatus for securing nature survival which requires making natural resources amenable to political arrangements and expert knowledge at the local level. Scholarship has revealed the biopolitics of environmental governance by which governmental interventions promote nature’s social programming and knowledge creation (see Fletcher & Cortes-Vasquez, 2020). For instance, Li (2007) reveals how the Indonesian governments problematize the Sulawesi highlands converting its governance into an ensemble of knowledge limited to experts and institutions.

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Similarly, Luke (2006) reveals how international environmental initiatives produce eco-knowledge. However, while pursuing environmental sustainability, the environmental program designed “who-can” and “how-to” to manage nature (Luke 2006, 266). In this sense, environmentality “would govern by restructuring today’s ecologically unsound society through elaborate managerial designs to realize tomorrow’s environmental-sustainable economy” (ibid, 266). Whitehead et al. (2007) reveal nature as “an object of political struggle” (2007, 7) due to the fact that governments provide a political context for structuring nature as an intelligible and governable national resource. According to Escobar (1999), nature can be seen as regimes of discursive articulations between local forms of transformation, the capitalist legible and manageable nature, and its radical biological alteration. They all historically “co-exist and overlap (1999, 5). Thus, the analysis of nature governance should focus on the contradictions between the plurality of creation and interventions on nature through a biopolitical gaze. Furthermore, according to Reid (2013, 354), “sustainable development deploys ecological reason to argue for the need to secure the life of the biosphere,” however, “neoliberalism prescribes economy as the very means of that security.” Indeed, sustainable development “c[ame] to be viewed increasingly as the potential bearer of an alternative security paradigm” (Doran, 2002, 12). Illuminated by this theoretical discussion, the following section traces a coastal management program in Ecuador, which, advocating for conservation of coastal resources, ultimately spread out a tourism-led economy in rural seaside villages, which brought profound changes in the beach landscape.

3 The Governance of the Ecuadorian Coast and Its Effects on the Beach Ecosystem This section traces environmental governance on the coast of Ecuador to unpack links between global discourses on sustainable development and the local decision making on beach ecosystems. In doing so, this section begins with an international concern on the coastal conservancy, which, later, introduced a small-scale tourism development in rural seaside villages in Ecuador.

3.1 International Awareness on Coastal Conservancy and Local By the mid-1980s and early 90s, environmental impacts became an important global issue, including coastal areas. The cornerstone 1992 Rio Declaration and the U.N. Agenda 21 encouraged “increase preparedness to deal with the potentially farreaching impact of climate change upon the coastal zone” (Post & Lundin, 1996,

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2). Specifically, Chap. 17 states the need for an “integrated approach to protection and development of marine and coastal resource” (Birch & Reyes, 2018, 8) to optimize the relationships between coastal use up and coastal ecosystems safeguard (Heemskerk, 2001). Such efforts continued for a decade, influencing bureaucratic policies on coastal resources management worldwide. Indeed, the U.N. World Summit on Sustainable Development report (2002), Item 30(e) explicitly stipulates that the states should: Promote integrated, multidisciplinary, and multisectoral coastal and ocean management at the national level and encourage and assist coastal States in developing ocean policies and mechanisms on integrated coastal management.

The 2002 U.N. declaration promoted, among others, coastal environmental governance. Integrated coastal management was vital. The integrated criterion aims to reduce practical incompatibilities between various levels of government through the integration of other stockholders such as the local community, the private sector, non-governmental organizations, and academia (Olsen, 2003; Tang et al., 2011). Such cross-boundary integration acknowledges those different actors in coastal environmental concerns, decision making, and intervention to develop the coastal areas sustainably. Development is critical to address poverty alleviation in the U.N. Agenda. However, several ecologists had already informed mismatches between conservation and exploitation of natural resources. Essential for the case elaborated in this chapter, Haq et al. (1997, 1) argue that while ecological discourse “urg[ed] the need for conservation and protection of the natural resources and environment,” economic experts “had traditionally advocated resource exploitation to support growth and development” in “near ecological vacuum”. Does such an “ecological vacuum” persist after two decades of the U.N. declaration in Rio de Janeiro? The following section analyzes the effects of the coastal resource management in Ecuador, which responded to U.N. guidelines on integrated coastal management.

3.2 The Emergence of Small-Scale Tourism in Response to the Coastal Conservancy The Ecuadorian economy depends on extractive activities such as oil and extensive agriculture, mainly bananas, flowers, and shrimp. However, since the beginning of 2000, tourism has had considerable growth. According to official sources, in 2019, tourism contributed 2.28% to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP); international arrivals increased by 6.2%; the accommodation and food services sectors expanded by 1.8%, and employment in the tourism sector increased by 18%. Tourism in Ecuador is based on the Andean, Amazonian and coastal landscapes of this country crossed north–south by the Andes mountain range, bordered by the Amazon rainforest in the east, and bathed by the Pacific Ocean in the west. Tourism in Ecuador has been formally regulated and planned since the early 2000s when the first tourism

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law was issued. This law responded to the growth of the tourism industry, mainly international visitors in the Galapagos Islands and ecotourism in the highlands and the Amazonia. On the coast, tourism development intensified in the late 90s. Previously, the shrimp industry supported the economy of this region. By the 1980s–1990s, shrimp farming reached one of the central Ecuadorian GDPs components. However, shrimp farming, which started in the late 60s in Ecuador, had devastated large extensions of mangroves. By the mid-eighties, 26.7% of mangroves and 93% of saline areas (areas flooded once or twice a year by extraordinary tides) disappeared due to the shrimp industry (Pazmiño et al., 2018). It motivated an environmental concern in the Ecuadorian government. In 1986, the Government of Ecuador signed an agreement with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to implement a coastal resources management program in the country. Initially, the coastal management program was a ten-year initiative implemented by the Coastal Resource Center at the University of Rhode Island (CRC-URI). The initiative aimed to test “whether the concepts and techniques of integrated coastal resources management that had evolved in the previous decade [in the U.S.] could be applied to developing tropical nations” (Epler & Olsen, 1993). Since 1994, the Interamerican Development Bank (IDB) financed the coastal management program until it merged with the Ecuadorian Ministry of Environment in 2008. The Ecuadorian Coastal Resource Management Program (CRMP) had two phases. CRMP’s first phase (1986–2001) focused on rural areas with high levels of coastal deterioration due to the expansive shrimp industry. Later on, the program extended its operation to conservation, restoration, protection, and sustainable development of coastal resources. The second phase (2003–2008) aimed to transfer a total territorial consolidation of coastal zoning to implement sustainable development and poverty alleviation in all of the 131 coastal cantons in the country. The project built individual capacity at the local level through education and training (Caille et al., 2007) and participative collaboration (Arriaga, 2000). A report collecting eight years of ICM in Ecuador (Robadue, 1995, no pagination) states: Some user groups whose existence depends on accessing or exploiting a given resource are being educated on the implications of resource exploitation. They are learning to accept responsibility for their actions and consider alternative management efforts that will increase their activity’s value and sustainability.

Mostly illiterate and impoverished seaside villagers participated in cross-level committees created by the CRMP. Locals participated in decisions and actions toward social and economic development and other stakeholders. Coastal rural people had never had this opportunity before CRMP. The URI-CRC then-director, Olsen (2003, 114) argues: The biggest, but unquantified, achievements were undoubtedly in the generation of hope and empowerment—important indicators when assessing the quality of life—that the CRMP process brought to the poorer segments of coastal society.

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CRMP trained several community leaders and initiated self-employment alternatives under community-based tourism, particularly after the shrimp larvae and the shrimp farming industry decreased in the late 1990s. A report issued by the Rural Promotion Center (CPR-AeA, 2014), a long-standing NGO operating on the coast of Ecuador, reveals that the 1998 management plan included financial resources for workshops, implementation of tourist hostels, and tourism promotion. From 1999 to 2001, CRMP regulated tourism development processes at seaside villages. CRMP carried out beach cleaning, road cleaning, and water supply projects in coordination with other institutions. CRMP also financed tourism marketing, such as open and closing season events and community hostels (Zambrano, 2011). By the year 2003, CRMP started to operate for its second phase. At the local level, the program continued promoting and executing several environment-related activities, among them: garbage management, sanitary landfills, drinking water, cliffs stabilization, mangroves reforestation, fishing zoning, beach cleaning, and beach safety, risk maps. The program continued the participatory learning by doing methodologies applied during the first implementation phase. Thus, seaside villagers worked together with CRMP technicians and government staff in designing and building projects, aiming to develop shoreside villages as a whole. The second phase program emphasized small-scale developments, such as Hospederias Comunitarias or community operated hostels. CRMP also promoted privately owned restaurants and handicraft shops. In the meantime, seaside villagers actively participated in decisionmaking processes or during the construction of their small-scale businesses. In this way, projects emerged by consensus with locals, as stated by the former director of the CRMP second phase. Thus, under the flag of environmental concerns and poverty alleviation, the CRMP human-centered and participatory approach became vital in developing coastal rural communities on the Ecuadorian coast. Following IDB guidelines, the CRMP second phase operated similarly to a development agency, emphasizing poverty alleviation and environmental conservation. In doing so, the program contracted private consultants and partnered with NGOs to provide small-scale environmental solutions (latrines, pipelines) in seaside villages. Most consultancy mainly focused on environmental issues by constructing public restrooms latrines, cleaning beaches, managing solid waste. In the case of tourism initiatives, private consultants produced marketing material, and a few advertisements circulated within the country. Similarly, NGOs and private consultants provided a variety of technical workshops for improving tourist business. Workshops addressed notions of accounting, taxation, food and beverage business operation, and so on. CRMP also provided funds for building infrastructure, mainly tourism services. Interestingly, the IDB agreement established a limiting clause for funds. CRMP can finance up to 80% of any project. Locals had to contribute at least 20% of the total cost. Such contribution was not wholly in cash. Locals interested in developing smallscale tourism projects mainly contributed to providing labor and local materials. Nowadays, throughout the Ecuadorian coast, such small businesses locally operated are known as cabañas. The cabañas mainly offer local gastronomy and beverages. Other businesses sell handcrafts or rent equipment for surfing, kayaking, among other marine and beach activities.

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CRMP intervention on the coast of Ecuador reveals its goal toward securing seaside villages’ economic survival by improving local’s capacity through active participation in decision making and training. According to the coastal management program, small-scale tourism business was less harmful than the extensive shrimp industry, while coastal people in Ecuador would secure livelihood and resource sustainability.

3.3 Local Decision Making Between Economic Survival and Hybridizing Nature After two decades of the coastal resource management program operated along the coast of Santa Elena, the rural coastal livelihood transformed. Tourism is the new desire for progress among the comuneros, as seaside villagers ancestrally settled in Pacific Ecuador are known. Currently, the comuneros own and operate small-scale businesses mainly built with local materials and traditions. According to a thick ethnography carried out by León-León et al. (2020), tourism development in the village Libertador Bolívar, on which this section elaborates the case, flourished from the early 2000s. This village, located in the Province of Santa Elena, Ecuador (see map), has a 2.07 miles (3325 m.) long beach strip, the primary tourism resource. By 2002, Libertador Bolivar had six tourist cabañas, small restaurants built with vernacular architecture. By 2018, 20 restaurants were providing tourist services in this village. Similarly, the accommodation services in the village quadrupled between the years 2002–2018. Since 2015, thirteen cabañeros, as cabañas’ owners are known, have offered tourist services on the north beach. Although most owners operate their small business with relatives, they also hire local employees during the tourist peak seasons. Other locals also participate in the tourist supply chain. For instance, a group of women works in the tent and chair rental; another sells artisanal roasted ripe plantain and baked corn snacks. Handcrafts are another essential part of the tourist offer. Tourists buy local handiworks in fifteen shops located on the main avenue. Since the legal provision to the coastal villages in Santa Elena province recognizes the land as commonly owned, the Community Council manages several tourism services too. For instance, the community hostel, known as Hospedería Comunitaria, the ballrooms and rents a plot to the paragliding tour operator. Additionally, the Community Council leads the tourists’ peak seasons (January–April, and June– August), organizing the community to provide lifeguards on the beach and several local sports and recreation events. The tourism-led economy in this village also includes fishers, divers (octopus and bivalves catchers), and farmers in the local tourist economy supply chain. Thus, the tourism-led economy provides cash income to most of the villagers. Indeed, the local integration into the tourism industry secures comuneros’ livelihoods and collective wellbeing. The villagers are mindful of this current economy in

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Libertador Bolívar. For instance, a comunero leader, in an interview with the author, asserts: We cannot separate our economy. We can operate our economy by sector. They are all correlated.

Similar statements appear in the minutes recorded in the official community logbooks and collected during extensive fieldwork. For instance: When we discuss tourism, it is not a single sector. It is about the whole community. Making Tourism is development for all.

The minutes also record locals who intervened on the beach to secure the touristled local economy. By the year 2013, villagers of Libertador Bolívar built a dirt road to welcome tourists on the northern beach of the town. The dirt road occupied the upper part of the beach berm, the ultimate natural defense of the coast. On the beach, next to the dirt road, the comuneros built ten tourist recreational cabañas. Logbooks of the community assemblies reveal that villagers’ goal was to turn the dirt road into a Malecon, a paved promenade along the north of the village. Accordingly, visitors would increase. During 2014, several of the comuneros undertook failed negotiations with the local government. The promenade was not a priority in the local government’s budget. The following year, the devastation high tides brought into the community motivated the mobilization of the governmental budget for the construction of a seawall. During 2015, waves battered and destroyed tourist infrastructure in Libertador Bolívar several times. The local economy was at stake. In response, the comuneros demanded the construction of coastal protection. After several protests, comuneros engaged, the local government approved constructing a seven-meter-deep protection wall made of rocks. The comuneros successfully negotiated the construction of the paved promenade on the top of the seawall. In January 2017, the comuneros inaugurated the desired paved promenade, including an open stage, public restrooms, and parking lots. Next to the promenade, the villagers rebuilt the tourist cabañas, which continue operating on the beach. In October 2019, during my last visit to Libertador Bolívar, the number of recreational cabañas next to the promenade had increased. Thirteen cabañas were operational, and six were under construction. Additionally, the local government was constructing an extension of the seven-meter-deep seawall because villagers again demanded to protect the tourist infrastructure after the 2018 tides impacts. The case of Libertador Bolívar reveals how the villagers decided and demanded to intervene in the beach management to continue securing the economic survival of the village. The shoreline landscape now includes a human made Malecon, while a seven meters deep wall made from rocks acts as a filter to constraint the impact of high tides. Despite securing seaside villagers’ economic survival, the beach ecosystem enormously changed. The following section unpacks the effects of sustainable development intervention on the coast of Ecuador.

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4 A Biopolitical Approach to the Legacy of Sustainable Development in the Ecuadorian Coast The discussion about sustainable development in Pacific Ecuador discloses a creative tension between the small-scale tourism development and the reinterpretation and adaptation of social and ecological relationships on the coast. The integrated coastal management methodology, which initially undergirded the coastal resource management program, aimed at building more sustainable communities through appropriate resource use. Notably, an ecological vision and citizens’ active participation are foundational criteria of the integrated methodology to manage coastal resources. Furthermore, integrated coastal management involves human beings as active agents to introduce significant changes in natural processes. Thus, the coastal resource management program reinforces the virtue of reliance on the capacities of local villagers aiming to counter natural resources overexploitation, such as the shrimp farm industry in the case of Ecuador. Particularly after the IDB funded the Ecuadorian coastal management program, the concern on preserving the mangrove forest in the coast shifted to adopting the sustainable development criteria. Thus, during the second phase of the Ecuadorian national coastal management program, development was a powerful notion underpinning resource sustainability. Indeed, sustainable development in Ecuador came to be an alternative security paradigm among coastal villagers, allowing the production and reproduction of nature (Davis, 2005; Escobar, 1999) and the focus on the utilitarian use of nature (Scott, 1998) through environmental governance (Adams, 2020; Li, 2007). However, according to Reid (2018), Sustainable Development promotes capacities of life for the economy while the neoliberal rationale aims to shift the State’s burden to people. Thus, scholarship argues that sustainable development is connected to or responds to a neoliberal agenda (Asiyanbi et al., 2019; Reid, 2018). Indeed, Ecuador’s coastal resource management program promoted to secure life from the economy by promoting a tourist-led development to secure seaside villagers’ livelihood. Thus, a biopolitical approach to the effects of the coastal resource program in Ecuador reveals the environmentally effects on locals’ everyday lives and the beach landscape. On the one hand, the coastal management program in Ecuador introduced the locals into “the machinery of production and the adjustment of the phenomena of the population to economic processes” (Foucault, 1978, 141). Seaside rural villagers became subjects of Western forms of development, profoundly influencing the marketization of labor and livelihood. Nowadays, a tourist-led economy secures the livelihoods of the seaside village in the Santa Elena peninsula in Ecuador. The critique of sustainable development argues that development “functions to subject people to economization of life of the subject and its society” (Reid, 2018, 645). Paraphrasing Reid (2013), the development criteria promoted by the Ecuadorian coastal management program reduced locals’ lives to a neoliberal economized way of living.

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On the other hand, the small-scale tourism development in Santa Elena also instantiates the vulnerability of the ecological reasoning underpinning sustainable development (Reid, 2018). Since the tourist-led development flourished in Ecuador, the coastal village livelihood relies on the sandy beaches. Their ecological value has transformed into a recreational and economic value. The beach is the leading actor by which tourism injects a cash flow dynamic in the village. However, such recreational and economic value has changed the nature of the sandy beach. The construction of the cabañas occupied the seagrass areas and berms, which act as natural buffers to wave impacts and reduce beach erosion. Additionally, since current climatological threats put the tourist-led economy at risk, locals demanded the construction of coastal protection to safeguard the village’s tourist infrastructure. However, the seawall and the Malecon modified the natural beach ecosystem. In doing so, locals and the government intervened the sandy beaches on behalf of local development. In sum, the tourism-led local development on the coast of Ecuador intensified the utilitarian view of the beach ecosystem. Indeed, the economic and recreational value of the beach is more influential on locals’ decision making than the ecological worth of nature.

5 Conclusion The Ecuadorian case reveals how sustainable development criteria invaded coastal villages through a long-standing national program promoted and funded by US-based allies. Despite initial concern for the conservation of coastal resources, over time, the Ecuadorian coastal management program turned out to be a development mechanism aimed at alleviating poverty. Consequently, in a couple of decades, tourism has become vital to the economic survival of coastal villages in Ecuador. While the locals embraced entrepreneurship, self-employment, and provided wage labor, the beach became essential for the local tourism-driven economy. However, the economic and recreational value of the beach now exceeds its ecological importance. Thus, a longitudinal analysis of the sustainable development program in the Ecuadorian coast reveals a break with the premise of economic-environment conciliation. After twenty years of sustainable development, individuals are unaware of their subjectivation to Western forms of development. Further research on the effects of sustainable development programs is needed to redefine the ecological concern and human intervention in discussions about resilience and local responses in rural areas.

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Province of Santa Elena, Ecuador, elaborated by Daniel Garces

Declarations This work was funded by the Ecuadorian National Secretary of Science and Technology (SENESCYT by its Spanish acronym), ESPOL Polytechnic University, and Florida International University Dissertation Fellowship. The author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

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Caille, G., Ochoa, E., & Olsen, S. (2007). Para mejorar la gobernabilidad sobre los cambios en los ecosistemas costeros de Latinoamérica. In B. Toro (Ed.), Ocho caminos para la integración inter-territorial Latinoamericana (pp. 13–32). Fundación Avina. Cano, D. R., Pico, M. J., & Dimuro, G. (2019). The sustainable development goals as a base for the action and social and environmental intervention. Retos. Journal of Administration Sciences and Economics, 9(17), 25–35. Collier, S. (2009). Topologies of power: Foucault’s analysis of political government beyond “governmentality”. Theory, Culture & Society, 26(6), 78–108. https://doi.org/10.1177/026327640934 7694 CPR-AeA. (2014). Sistematización del proceso de intervención en comunas de las parroquias colonche y manglaralto. area de desarrollo territorial Santa Elena. CPR. Cushnahan, G. (2003). Crisis management in small-scale tourism. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing, 15(4), 323–338. https://doi.org/10.1300/J073v15n04_06 Davis, J. S. (2005). Representing place: “Deserted isles” and the reproduction of bikini atoll. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 95(3), 607–625. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14678306.2005.00477.x Diedrich, A., Benham, C., Pandihau, L., & Sheaves, M. (2019). Social capital plays a central role in transitions to sportfishing tourism in small-scale fishing communities in Papua New Guinea. Ambio, 48, 385–396. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13280-018-1081-4 Dillon, M. (1995). Sovereignty and governmentality: From the problematics of the “new world order” to the ethical problematic of the world order. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 20(3), 323–368. Doran, P. (2002). World summit on sustainable development (Johannesburg)-an assessment for ISSD. International Institute for Sustainable Development. Escobar, A. (1999). After nature: Steps to an antiessentialist political ecology. Cultural Anthropology, 40(1), 1–30. Epler, B., & Olsen, S. (1993). A profile of Ecuador’s coastal region. Technical Report Series: TR2047. USAID. Fletcher, R., & Cortes-Vasquez, J. (2020). Beyond the green Panopticon: New directions in research exploring environmental governmentality. Nature and Space, 1–11. https://doi.org/10.1177/251 4848620920743 Foucault, M. (1978). In T. Hurley (Ed.), The history of sexuality. Volume I: An introduction. Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (2003). Society must be defended. Lectures at the College de France 1975–1976 (D. Macey, Trans.). Palgrave. Foucault, M. (2008). The birth of biopolitics. Lectures at the College de France 1978–1979 (G. Burchell, Trans.). Palgrave. Foucault, M. (2007). In M. S. Burchell (Ed.), Security, territory, population. Palgrave MacMillan. Gudynas, E. (2010). Agropecuaria y nuevo extractivismo bajo los gobiernos progresistas de América del Sur. Territorios, 5, 37–54. Hamzah, A., & Hampton, M. P. (2013). Resilience and non-linear change in island tourism. Tourism Geographies, 15(1), 43–67. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2012.675582 Haq, B. U., Haq, S. M., Kullemberg, G., & Stel, J. H. (1997). Coastal zone management imperative for maritime developing nations. Kluwer Academic Publisher. Heemskerk, M. (2001). National efforts at integrated coastal zone management: The Canadian, Australian and New Zealand experiences. Dalhousie Journal of Legal Studies, 1, 158–181. IRF. (1996). Tourism and coastal resources degradation in the wider Caribbean. Island Resources Foundation. Kates, R. W., Parris, T. M., & Leiserowitz, A. A. (2005). What is sustainable development? Goals, indicators, values, and practice. Environment Science and Policy for Sustainable Development, 47(3), 8–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/00139157.2005.10524444

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León-León, V., Cando-Velasco, M. I., & Ramírez-Arauz, Y. (2020). Soberanía popular. Más allá de la cooperación al desarrollo en comunidades rurales costeras en Ecuador. Revista Estudios y Perspectivas en Turismo, 29(4), 1115–1134. Li, T. (2007). The will to improve. governmentality, development, and the practice of politics. Duke University Press. Luke, T. W. (2006). Geo-power and eco-knowledge in the discourses of contemporary environmentalism. In Wilk & N. Haenn (Eds.), The environment in anthropology. A reader in ecology, culture, and sustainable living (pp. 257–269). New York University Press. Olsen, S. (2003). Crafting coastal governance in a changing world. Coastal Resource Center, University of Rhode Island. Padilla, N. (2015). The environmental effects of tourism in Cancun, Mexico. International Journal of Environmental Sciences, 6(1), 282–294. https://doi.org/10.6088/ijes.6032 Pazmiño, P. M., Barragan, J. M., & García, J. (2018). Progress on coastal management in Ecuador (2007–2017). Environmental Science and Policy, 90, 135–147. Post, J. C., & Lundin, C. G. (1996). Guidelines for integrated coastal zone management. The International Bank. Rabinow, P. (2010). The Foucault reader. Vintage Books. Rabinow, P., & Rose, N. (2006). Biopower today. BioSocieties, 1, 195–217. Reid, J. (2013). Interrogating the neoliberal biopolitics of the sustainable-development-resilience nexus. International Political Sociology, 7, 353–368. https://doi.org/10.1111/ips.12028 Reid, J. (2018). Neoliberalism, development and resilience. In D. Cahill, M. Cooper, M. Konings, & D. Primrose (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of neoliberalism (pp. 644–653). Sage Publications Ltd. Robadue, R. J. (1995). Eight years in Ecuador: The road to integrated coastal management. Coastal Resource Center, University of Rhode Island. Rose, N. (1996a). The death of the social? Re-figuring the territory of government. Economy & Society, 25(3), 327–356. https://doi.org/10.1080/03085149600000018 Rose, N. (1996b). Governing “advanced” liberal societies. In A. Barry, T. Osborne, & N. Rose (Eds.), Foucault and political reason (pp. 41–42). Routledge. Scott, J. (1998). Seeing like a state. How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed. Yale University Press. Smith, V., & Eadington, W. R. (1992). Tourism alternatives. potentials and problems in the development of tourism. University of Pennsylvania Press. Tang, Z., Lindel, M. K., Prater, C., Wei, T., Hussey, C. M. (2011). Examining local coastal zone management capacity in U.S. Pacific coastal counties. Coastal Management, 39(2), 105–132. https://doi.org/10.1080/08920753.2010.540708. UN. (2002). Report of the world summit on sustainable development. United Nations. UNESCO. (2006). Sixty years of science at UNESCO 1945. UNESCO Publishing. UNWCED. (1987). Report of the world commission on environment and development: Our common future. Oxford University Press. Weaver, D. (2011). Small can be beautiful, but big can be beautiful too-and complementary: Towards mass/alternative tourism synergy. Tourism Recreation Research, 36(2), 186–189. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/02508281.2011.11081319 Whitehead, M., Jones, R., & Jones, M. (2007). The nature of the state. excavating the political ecologies of the modern state. Oxford University Press. Zambrano, D. (2011). El ecoturismo comunitario en Manglaralto y Colonche. In V. H. Torres (Ed.), Alterantivas de Vida. Trece Experiencias de Desarrollo Endógeno en Ecuador (pp. 181–192). Editorial Abya-Yala.

Corn, Language, and Culture. Ecological Relationship Miguel Reyes Contreras

Abstract An undeniable and close connection between a human group and the environment in which they live is language. This symbiotic relationship is a natural and cultural product, a connection normally studied between ecology, economy, or from an anthropological point of view. Humankind has treasured their food culture in linguistic codes, and it is inherited from generation to generation through proverbs and sayings (known as paroemia in the academic world of language studies). In Mexican culture, corn plays a crucial role in proverbs. Thus, the main aim of this paper is to analyze how corn and derivate products (atole, tortilla, tamal, and other dishes) are represented in a collection of proverbs and sayings. For the analysis, 100 different paroemias were collected and analyzed from the syntactic (basic sentence structure) and cultural points of view by recognizing the socio-environmental aspects kept in these short texts, namely family relationships, man-woman relationships, and the agricultural calendar, among others. Preliminary results reveal the close connection between corn in Mexican culture and the Mexican daily life. Keywords Proverb · Saying · Corn and derivates · Feeding culture · Paremiology and phraseology

1 Introduction Apart from tequila, what Mexico is best known for in the world is corn. In the present day, UNESCO has recognized corn, among beans and squash, as World Heritage as it was the feeding triad of pre-Columbian cultures. In the modern Mexican lifestyle, there is no more versatile food than corn. We can find corn everywhere, in an almost incommensurable variety of dishes, which has a basic ingredient: corn in different preparations in such a variety that, depending on the sauce or the topping, the name will be different. The most common preparation is tortilla, a small flat thin bread M. Reyes Contreras (B) Linguistics, Universidad de Ixtlahuaca CUI, Ixtlahuaca, Mexico e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_13

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cooked over a comal (a sort of griddle); it is the base for a rich cuisine in the whole country. The taco may be the most well-known dish all over the world. We could not really tell which one follows since there are (for sure) several hundred different ways of preparing dishes with corn. Even when there are several places in the globe which grow corn, I find it most important for Mexican culture because we can see it in the myths of creation as corn is the material the body of humans is made of: “De maíz formaron los señores Tepew y K’ucumatz a nuestros primeros padres y madres1 ” (Popol Wuj, 104). It is present in the iconographic representations and deities and is considered a sacred element in virtually all Mesoamerican civilizations (Neurath, 2009). In modern days, corn is present in the language of Mexican people mainly in place names like Centla, Tlaxcala, Huanímaro, Janitzio, San Lucas del Maíz, etc. and the way in which humans have treasured their traditions: in the daily use of language, basically in proverbs, sayings, riddles, nursery rhymes, limericks, etc. This paper, from the linguistic and cultural points of view, has as the main aim to analyze how corn and derivate products (atole, tortilla, tamal, and other dishes) are represented in a collection of proverbs and sayings in a corpus of 100 items by recognizing the socio-environmental aspects kept in these short texts; namely the way of seeing woman (gender inequalities); piropos “flattering comments”; work and rewards, hard times and Mexican families; weather and agricultural calendar; and other aspects of Mexican lifestyles.

2 About Corn Mesoamerican cultural origins begin in a mythical time when creator God experimented with possibilities to create mankind. The Mayans, for example, state in the Popol Wuj that human limbs were created, after several failed attempts, by molding them with corn dough (1962, 103–104, see above). The Aztecs coincide with Mayans and their myth about how they got corn. It is closely related to the Greek story of Prometheus: Quetzalcoatl, the civilizing God, disguised as a red ant withdrew the seed from Tonacatépetl, “the hill of our flesh,” to give it as a present to humankind, as Prometheus did with fire. In a reciprocal thanking act, humans turned corn into a deity, and they started worshiping it (Serrano & Kahan, 2014, 27). This idea is vital for the pre-Columbian peoples’ cosmovision because their legacy is reflected in their feeding culture and their relationship with language in the modern day. Even though there is no agreement about the date cereals were domesticated, Mesoamerica is an area where there is a starting point for a crucial cultural process because it is the cradle of great civilizations whose sustenance and cosmogony revolve around corn. Societies born in this area emerged under different environmental conditions and cultural contexts, but their stories are represented by different 1

“Of corn Our Lords Tepew and K’ucumatz made our first fathers and mothers” (Own translation).

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cosmovisions, as well as a part of a linguistic diversification which resulted in approximately 12,000 languages and linguistic variations, of which half of them remain (Carrillo, 2009). In many of these languages, this relationship between language and environment through corn can be observed. In modern literature, corn is also represented. There are dozens of poems (Neruda, 2004; Pellicer, 1979, among others), popular songs, riddles, etc., related to it. Miguel Ángel Asturias, the Guatemalan Laureate Literature Nobel Prize, in “Hombres de Maíz2 ” collects and reinvents the tradition of Guatemala’s legends related to the myths of creation. Therefore, corn connects time and space, and it is the common factor between Mesoamerican cultures, the Andes, and the southwestern part of the United States of America. Thus, the symbiotic relationship between environment and certain social groups goes beyond because it also connects more complex social frameworks linked in time and space as observed in the similarities between myths and rituals of Mesoamerican cultures and the groups in the septentrional periphery of Mesoamerica (Mexican Northwest— Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila ant the Great Nayar—and the US Southwest [–Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Colorado) (Neurath, 2009). In this sense, feeding culture, specifically in the use of corn, is a way of communication and a system of signs (Alonso, 2005). At first glance, the study of proverbs appears superficial; however, upon delving deeper, you find a plethora of sources, as seen above. If we go deeper into decolonizing modern terminology, we should refer to Kennedy (2016), who considers decolonization as “a violent, fiercely contested process that pitted imperial rulers against colonial subjects.” This definition goes into military action only, but language plays a crucial role in the modern world to defy the imposition of a linguistic system. Proverbs have the Latin root referring to a phrase that go in favor of the verb, the word, and this way it was transferred into Mexican culture as a colonial concept. It is said that there are no indigenous proverbs but adaptations to the colonial culture. Truth is that the structure could be not “original,” but the fact of storing knowledge in short phrases is a universal linguistic and cultural feature. Furthermore, the main lexical unit which composes the corpus which will be analyzed below is corn, and as mentioned above, it is the primal substance of life, so the ecological relationship is established. The arrival of proverbs, via military and linguistic conquest, it is then, just a phase in the diachronic process of language, i.e., a cultural syncretic match. In the next section, the meaning and typology of proverbs are explored, and a list of samples are analyzed.

2

Man of corn.

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3 Proverbs The first task in studying proverbs is the search of sources. In this vein, there are three remarkable journals about phraseology and paremiology: Paroemia3 (in Spain), Proverbium4 (University of Vermont, US), and the short-lived De Proverbio5 (Australia). There is also the database Europhras, Europäische Gesellschaft für Phraseologie6 (Germany), which organizes symposia and sponsors publications. Talking about topics, none of these journals contain anything related to corn and its derivates, which means there is an untouched topic to work on. In Mexico, there exists a few remarkable paremiologists such as Herón Pérez from Michoacan College, who has composed the most extensive “Refranero mexicano” (1995, 2002, 2004); additionally, several collections have been edited in Mexico like “El gran libro de los refranes” (Martin, 2004), “Dichos dicharachos y refranes mexicanos” (Pérez, 2001), “La sabiduría de mi pueblo” (Pozos Olivares, 1996), or “Refranero Popular Mexicano” (Mendizábal, 2005). Several scholars have addressed this topic, such as Poncela’s (1996) and Guzmán Díaz’s (2002), who collects gender stereotypes in proverbs; Guzmán Díaz (2002) explores ideology and power in proverbs; Pérez (2005) focuses on studying horse and women in Mexican proverbs; and some others like Tovar (2011) who study corruption in proverbs and sayings.

4 A Brief Definition of Proverbs It is said that proverbs are mainly rural born, because their lexical and thematic element are deeply connected to the fields and environment and reflect rural life from past times (most of them are related to crops, the religious calendar, animals, life experiences, beliefs and superstitions, etc.). Even when some paroemias disappear due to technification of society, their presence and importance are unquestionable. The Spanish dictionary defines a refrán (proverb7 ) as “dicho agudo y sentencioso de uso común8 ” (2019),9 while the Merriam Webster’s Dictionary defines it as “a brief epigrammatic saying that is a popular byword: an oft-repeated pithy and ingeniously turned maxim.” More technically, this concept is known as paroemia, a 3

https://www.cvc.cervantes.es/lengua/paremia/. Available at https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/006930797. 5 https://deproverbio.com/. 6 http://www.europhras.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=115&Itemid=95& lang=es. 7 Something need to be clarified as “proverbio” and “refrán” in Spanish are equivalents in English for proverb. 8 “Commonly used sententious and acute saying”. 9 http://dle.rae.es/?id=VesRhX7. 4

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Fig. 1 Taxonomy of paroemias (adapted from Maestre Fraile 2013)

greek root meaning “saying or proverb”; they are collected by Paremiography and studied scientifically by Paremiology, namely a discipline dedicated to the study of sententious phrases or paroemias, which started in 1964 in Finland, with the foundation of the journal Proverbium by Matti Kuusi in the University of Helsinki and now continued by Wolfgang Mieder at the University of Vermont.10 There is no clear boundary between terms; for this reason, in this paper, the word paroemia comprises a great deal of related terms such as proverb, adage, apothegm, syllogisms, sayings, aphorisms, rhymes, limericks, even epitaphs (see Fig. 1), which, in essence, are also phrases. Hence, Maestre Fraile (2013) states that Paremiology belongs to a wider study field: Phraseology or the study of any fixed syntactic construction conveying its own meaning. Paroemia, then, is defined as “[the] arch lexeme which designates all sententious statements, proverbs and other wisdom expressions” (Sevilla 1993). They are brief pieces of popular wisdom with a simple structure which allows learning them by heart and ensures their survival through oral transmission. Mieder points out that proverbs are concise affirmations conveying apparent daily use of language among a group of people. They are known by people and contain knowledge, truth, teachings, and traditional points of view in a fixed and easy to memorize metaphorical structure and are transmitted orally from generation to generation (Mieder, 1996, 59). In terms of their structure and characteristics, at least two ideas are connected (Alonso, 1980), and in general, proverbs follow the pattern “if A, then B” where

10

Available at https://cvc.cervantes.es/lengua/paremia/presentacion.htm.

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each proverbial sentence is composed by a background setting in the first part, and the consequence or result is in the second part (Mieder, 1996), for example: (1) “entre menos burros, más olotes” A B The less donkeys [there are], the more remaining dry corncobs [they’ll get] A great number of proverbs emphasize an element in the sentence to make it easier to remember, and some elements are implied. In (1), we can observe the existence of two verbs and the relationship between the existence of less donkeys (A), and the consequence or result of this (B) is the existence of more dry corn cobs (figuratively implying that the less people at the table, the more food they can get). A proverb, then, is a complete and independent clause formed by two single, juxtaposed asyndetic11 sentences (as in (1)) or linked with a connector (2) (Alonso 1983) (2): (2) “Cuando no hay blanditas, le entramos a las duritas” A B (When there are no fresh [tortillas] ones, we can still enjoy hard ones) The kind of paroemias considered in this paper are three: proverb, proverbial phrase (a sentence, without the structure of the proverb, but containing a moral teaching), and saying (a popular used expression which refers to a humorous situation). From the phraseological point of view, the term “phrase” is also included. A phrase is a structure whose global meaning is totally different and has nothing to do with the sum of individual meanings of the words contained in them (Soltero Godoy 1997). For example, (3) “hacer de chivo los tamales” literally means to make tamales with goat meat, but it does not work by itself as a verb needs to be added for conveying a real meaning, i.e., “le hizo/le está haciendo de chivo los tamales” (he makes/is making goat meat tamales12 ).

5 Mexican Proverb Collection When talking about “Refranero,” we do not talk about a specific book or collection of proverbs, but a collective knowledge covering diachronic (through time), diatopic (through geographical spaces), and diastratic (economic levels). In linguistics, the language stored in mind is known as lexicon, that is, a dictionary, which lists all the words found in the language (Radford et al., 2009). For users of a linguistic variation of a language, it is a sort of mental dictionary, which stores the knowledge of the language that a speaker possesses (Saeed, 2014), or the vocabulary of a language, of an individual speaker, of a set of documents, of a body of speech, of a subject, 11

It refers to the absence of syntactic connector, for example “veni, vidi, vinci” (I came, I saw, I won -by Julious Caesar-has no “and” to connect them). 12 In Mexico, goat meat is not common and even less common to stuff tamale with goat meat. So, “hacer de chivo los tamales” is to give or to say someone something fake, and it applies in a situation when something is taking longer time than usual.

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or of an occupational or other group (Merriam Webster 2005). The concept can be applied to the collection of paroemias which is common to the speakers of Spanish in Mexico. Thus, we can talk about a paremiological lexicon, or all paroemias stored in the mind of any language user which are familiar to them. This special lexicon is but an example of how natural environments are present in language (proverbs) samples. There are collections of proverbs all over the world, and representative elements of certain cultures can be observed in them. There is the work by De Staic and Marques (1994) about cows in Gaelic proverbs or Benavente Jareño and Ferro Ruibal (1994) in Galicia.

6 The Corpus The corpus of corn-related paroemias is composed of 116 (100 unique) samples. They were collected in journals and collections published in Mexico. After the composition of the corpus, a lexemic (elements associated to corn) and cultural-thematic analysis was carried out.

7 Classification of Paroemias In Fig. 2, it is observed how the saying is the most commonly used followed by the proverb. Proverbial phrases and phrases are the least used. The items in the corpus are classified according to a personal criterion, i.e., elements associated with corn and position in the paroemia. Forinstance, in 3: (3) “Ni verlas cuando jilotes, ni esperar cuando mazorcas” Neither seeing them when sweetcorn, nor waiting then when dry cobs It is the structure of a compound sentence, as both sections are separated by the comma. Corn-related elements (CRE) are jilote (“sweetcorn”) and mazorca, (“dry cob”), two stages in corn growth, but it is also related metaphorically with two stages Fig. 2 Typology of paroemias (own elaboration)

26 16

42 15

saying

phrase

proverbial phrase

proverb

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in a woman’s age: sweetcorn = teenager and dry cob = elder, conveying a meaning of not to marry neither a very young nor a very old woman. Other concepts are: atole “hot maize drink,” bazofia “trash,”13 caña “cane,” champurrado,14 chilaquiles,15 elote “sweetcorn,” enchiladas,16 garnacha “corn pie stuffed with meat or other ingredients,” gorda (gordita) “corn pie normally stuffed with hot pork skin,” grano (granito) “ear of corn,” hoja “leaf,” huitlacoche “corn smut,”17 jilote “young sweet corn,” maíz “corn,” maizal “corn fields,” masa “dough,” mata “tuft,” mazorca “corn cob,” milpa “crops,” olote “remaining part of the cob,” pan “bread,” pinole,18 pozole “posole,”19 semilla “seed,” taco, tamal “tamale,” tortilla (tortillita), tostada “corn toast,” totopo “taco chip,” and zacate.20 This semantic field is useful because it reveals the close connection between CREs and the cultural associations through metaphors. One of paroemias’ functions is to teach life experiences in an effective way, for example, in (4). (4) el que tiene más saliva, traga más pinole “He who has more saliva, can eat more pinole.” Refers to the fact that the more abilities you have, the more things you can do.

8 Mexican Culture in Paroemias 1. The woman in paroemias For several centuries, something that characterizes Mexican culture is the high rate of gender inequalities toward women. This behavior mainly from colonial times and independent period has been preserved through paroemias. Most of them reflect gender violence because women are presented as utilitarian goods. See examples in (5–7): (5) De la que le haga al atole, a la escoba y el metate, con ella cásate. “marry the one who can make atole, can sweep and cook” (6) La mujer y las tortillas, calientes han de ser. “Women and tortillas must be hot” (7) La tortilla y la mujer se han de comer en caliente, pues si las dejas enfriar, ni el diablo les mete el diente. 13

It refers to the remaining fresh cane and leaves from corn. Thick hot drink made with ground corn and chocolate (GDO). 15 Corn tortilla in tomato and chili sauce (GDO). 16 Tortilla with a meat, chicken, or cheese filling, served with a tomato and chili sauce (GDO). 17 Edible fungus which grows on young corn cobs (GDO). 18 Flour made from toasted [and sugared] maize (GDO). 19 Stew made with pork or chicken and maize (GDO). 20 Word referring to the remaining dry cane and leaves. 14

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“tortillas and women should be eaten in the heat of the moment, otherwise, not even the devil dares to taste” In (5), the woman needs to have “basic” qualities for taking care of the house and no more: cook for the husband, keep the house clean, and make atole for the children. A clear metaphor of wife as a servant. In (6), the proverb refers to how a woman should behave. The word caliente also has sexual connotations as two entries in the dictionary (DRAE 2019) related to “horny.” Example (7) connotes the age maturity of a woman. To marry a woman, she should be a maiden, not older; otherwise, one risks becoming a spinster. 2. Gender violence? Sometimes the perception of a woman can be aggressive, or pejorative, and corn is, again, a symbol to represent this. In the following examples, it is possible to observe it. (8) ¿Qué le cuidas a la caña si ya se perdió el elote? “Why do you guard the cane if the sweetcorn is lost?” (9) Como el tamal de la tía Chencha: se lo acabaron a probadas. “It’s like Auntie Chencha’s tamale: it was eaten in bites” (10) Mala pa’l metate, pero buena pa´l petate21 “bad at metate, but good at petate” Then, (8) and (9) illustrate the metaphors of virginity. Both are used when talking about a young woman and depict the idea that marriage, while still virgin is preferred. Sweetcorn is the most important part of the corn (and symbolizes virginity); thus, without it, it is worthless (8). In (9), the same idea of using a woman is represented. In (10), it does not matter if she cannot cook, she must be a God lover. 3. Flattering A very common behavior in Mexico is to flatter women as a tradition. CREs are also the vehicle for metaphors about praising beauty. In the following examples, these can be seen. (12) ¡Ay, qué taco, parece almuerzo! “What a taco, it looks like a whole lunch” (13) Contigo la milpa es rancho y el atole champurrado. “With you on my side my crop is a ranch and my atole, champurrado.” (You’re all I need; all I need is you) (14) Echarse un taco de ojo. “To ogle/eye up the girl” 21

Petate is a reed-knitted mattress.

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In (12), there is an idea that a taco is so abundant that looks more like a whole lunch, and if (13) is addressed to someone, it expresses the idea that everything is good if there is love in the relationship. Example (14) is a way of saying that something is enjoyable, and the verb can be conjugated to make new versions of the paroemia.

9 Hard Work and Rewards In the following examples, CREs are also vehicles to symbolize work and rewards. Working hard will bring fortune, and these five paroemias depict that. (15) El que siembra su maíz, que se coma su pinole. “He who grows corn, deserves eating pinole” (as you sow, so shall you reap) (16) Granito que has de comer, granito que has de sembrar, si cosecha quieres ver, antes tienes que sudar. “If an ear of corn you want to eat, the one you shall sow, if you want to see your harvest, you shall sweat before” (no pain, no gain) (17) Grano a grano se llena el granero. “Grain by grain the granary fills” (18) Si quieres fuego (tu lumbre) apagar, echa tortillas a calentar “If you want to put out your fire, put tortillas to heat” (19) No lo saques del comal hasta que se haga totopo. “Do not take it out of the comal until it becomes a tortilla chip” (20) Después de un buen taco, un buen tabaco “After a good taco, it’s good to smoke good tobacco” Here, (15) and (16) talk about hard work and rewards, “no pain, no gain,” and (17), every little help to reach a goal or achievement. Then, (18) is a way of expressing how to start an enterprise. If you want something, start by doing something to get it (the beginning is putting out fire by using tortillas to do so, but it also refers to taking advantage of every situation). In (19), there is the reference to persistence. It invites us to wait until the end. Keeping a tortilla over the comal will make something different (and tastier), but it needs patience to achieve it. Finally in (20), the reward of tobacco after eating is a common tradition possibly spread to many places.

10 Agricultural Calendar and Weather The agricultural calendar sets corn and derivates in a protagonist role in some paroemias. For example, May represents the precise month for blooming, so if corn does not grow in this time, it will be useless. (21) Maíz que no le ve cara a mayo, ni zacate pa caballos.

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“Maize which doesn’t grow in May, is not even horses’ hay” (22) Qué bonita está la milpa rodeada de mirasol cuando madura el elote y está lloviendo con sol What a beautiful crop surrounded by sunflowers when corn ripens and there are sun showers (23) No me traigas tus nahuales22 que chahuistlean23 las milpas. “do not bring your nahuales because they ruin my crops” In (21), (22), and (23), it is perceived how May and August (the moment of sweetcorn ripening, and the period for plagues) represent the most crucial moments in corn growth.

11 Paroemias Reflecting Hard Times During certain periods in history, people have suffered famine, scarcity, poverty, and climate-related disasters (droughts, floods, quakes), and consequently, there is a shortage of food. Corn is also a symbol to represent these tragedies. All these five examples are indicative of hard times. (24) Más vale pura tortilla que hambre pura. Better [eat] plain tortilla than suffering hunger (25) A falta de pan, tortillas. / A falta de pan, buenas son las tortillas. If there’s no bread, tortillas are good (26) A buena hambre, gordas duras. If so much hunger, hard “gorditas” (27) A buen hambre no hay pan duro “Beggars can’t be choosers” (28) Donde comen dos, comen tres “There’s always room for one more at the table” For Mexicans, tortilla accompanies everything and is normally eaten stuffed or covered with hundreds of different ingredients. As it is the base, people would never lack tortillas. They might not have any ingredient to stuff them with, but they cannot be without tortillas. Paroemias (24) and (25) refer to tortilla as the only food. Number 22

Nahual. In Mesoamerican folk religion, a nagual or nahual (both pronounced [na’wal]) is a human being who has the power to shapeshift into an animal form. A widespread superstition holds that naguals must make a pact with the devil as well as make him an offering. https://www.en.wik ipedia.org›wiki›Nagual. 23 Chahuistle /cha-wees-tle/-‘chahuistle’ is a type of fungus that attacks the corn plant, and the word has its roots in Nahuatl. It is strongly connected to Ya nos cayó el chahuistle “Chahuistle fell now on us,” it can either mean “caught red handed” or that someone has put a stop to your plans. https://theculturetrip.com/north-america/mexico/articles/15-mexican-expressions-that-dontmake-sense-in-english/ In the example, chahuistle turns into a verb.

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(27) is a Spanish expression but in Mexico, precisely, talking about environmental adaptation, uses the word gorda (gordita) a “fat tortilla” instead (26).

12 Other Contexts. Criticizing Behavior In most societies, the speakers of the language are constantly approving or disapproving the usage of language (Brown and Levinson, 2000). This is extended to behavior. In (28), “putting too much cream over tacos” conveys exaggeration of things. It is used to criticize people who brag about their abilities, possessions, or achievements. (28) No le pongas mucha crema a tus tacos. / No te des tanto taco Don’t fancy yourself (lit. do not put too much cream over your tacos) Finally, several animals associated with corn fit into the category of beasts of burden. They relate to corn due to their importance for plowing or as a source of food. They are oxen (buey viejo no pisa mata, y si la pisa no la maltrata “old oxen don’t step on plants and if they do they don’t damage it”), donkeys and horses (see examples 1 and 21), goats (example 3), pigs (El peor puerco siempre se lleva la mejor mazorca “the worst pig takes the best corncob24 ”), and birds (hens, rosters, doves, chicken: Más vale tortilla con amor, que gallina con dolor, “it’s better to share a tortilla with love than hen with pain”). There are more topics related to culture; however, it is not the intention of this paper to extensive in explanation, but to outline a few aspects of culture and language and culture.

13 Conclusions This brief corpus briefly reveals the importance of corn for Mexican culture and dialect. The endless list of dishes and drinks prepared with corn also show how versatile this cereal is for Mexicans and extends to people from the continent. Tortilla, as seen in the paper, together with tamale and atole is fundamental in Mexican food. The corpus of paroemias analyzed here portrays a set of traditions, beliefs, and life learnings which have the aim of educating through experiences. This paper is just a sample of what can be done in the field of Paremiology from the linguistic point of view. It is also an outline of possibilities for interdisciplinary research, since it can be linked to pedagogy useful to the study of the way paroemias are learnt and taught, and their importance to language learning. In relation to anthropology, the usage in certain communities can also be explored. A geographic point of view can be applied to study the regional use and distribution of paroemias, and in decolonial studies, one can explore the ecological relation and their roots to provide 24

Reference to corruption, “He who does not work takes the best bonus.”.

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an undeniable proof that knowledge is ancestral wisdom which has contributed to language enrichment and not a civilization process brought by conquerors, etc. May this paper be a portrait of Mexican culture that Spanish speakers use in everyday speech. Corn in proverbs is reminiscent of the mythical times and the mythical matter which gives life. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Acción Ecológica. (2004). Maíz, de alimento sagrado a negocio del hambre. HIVOS. Alonso, M. (1980). Ciencia del lenguaje y arte del estilo. Aguilar. Anónimo. (1986). Popol Wuj. Antiguas historias de los indios quichés de Guatemala. Porrúa. Asturias, M. Á. (1953). Hombres de maíz. Losada. Benavente Jareño, P., & Ferro Ruibal, X. (1994). A vaca como metáfora en galego. Paremia, 4, 108–114. Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (2000). Politeness. Some universals in language usage. Cambridge University Press. Crespo Fernández, E. (2008). La conceptualización metafórica del eufemismo en epitafios. Estudios filológicos, 43, 83–100. https://scielo.conicyt.cl/pdf/efilolo/n43/art06.pdf. Accessed December 19, 2018. Carrillo Trueba, C. (2009). El origen del maíz naturaleza y cultura en Mesoamérica. Ciencias (92– 93), 4–13. El origen del maíz. Naturaleza y cultura en Mesoamérica-Revista Ciencias (http:// www.revistacienciasunam.com). De Staic, P., & Marques, A. M. (1994). La vaca en las paremias gaélicas. Paremia, 3, 115–123. Fernández Poncela, A. M. (1996). Estereotipos de género en el refranero popular. De la mujer mala te has de guardar y de la buena no fiar. Política y Cultura, 6, 43–61. http://www.redalyc.org/art iculo.oa?id=26700604. Accessed May 16, 2019. Guzmán Díaz, J. (2002). Mujeres juntas solo difuntas: Ideología, poder y refrán. Cuicuilco 24, 1–17. http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=35102411. Accessed September 12, 2018 https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2005.i40.190 Kennedy, D. (2016). Decolonization. A very short introduction. Oxford University Press. Luis Enrique, A. B. (2005). Mitologías alimentarias cotidianas. Una relectura de Roland Barthes. Revista Internacional de Sociología (RIS), 40, 79–107. Maestre Fraile, J. (2013). Estudio paremiológico en el par de lengua francés-español de la novela Zazie dans le métro de Raymond Queneu y su traducción de Fernando Sánchez Drago. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca. Márquez, L. F. (1994). El mundo equino en las paremias inglesas y sus correspondencias españolas e italianas. Paremia, 3, 131–137. Martín, J. J. (2004). El gran libro de los refranes. Diana. Mendizábal, M. (2005). Refranero Popular Mexicano. SELECTOR Mieder, W. (1996). Los refranes meteorológicos. Paremia, 5, 59–65. Neruda, P. (2004). Canto general. Seix Barral. Neurath, J. (2009). Por los caminos del maíz: mito y ritual en la periferia septentrional de Mesoamérica. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Oxford University Press. (2003). Gran Diccionario Oxford. Oxford University Press. Pellicer, C. (1979). Poemas. Promexa. Pérez Martínez, H. (1994). Refrán viejo nunca miente. El colegio de Michoacán.

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Pérez Martínez, H. (1995). La identidad étnica en el refranero mexicano. Proverb Studies, 2. https://deproverbio.com/proverb-studies-journal/proverb-studies-issue-2/. Accessed November 12, 2019. Pérez Martínez, H. (2002). Los refranes del hablar mexicano en el siglo XX. El Colegio de Michoacán. Pérez Martínez, H. (2004). Refranero Mexicano. Academia Mexicana—Fondo de Cultura Económica. Pérez Martínez, H. (2005). El caballo y la mujer en el refranero mexicano. Relaciones. Estudios de historia y sociedad, 104, 170–187. http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=13710407. Accessed October 25, 2018. Pérez, J. (2001). Dichos dicharachos y refranes mexicanos. Editores Mexicanos Unidos. Pozos Olivares, H. (1996) La sabiduría de mi pueblo: ensayo sobre una clasificación de refranes. U.A.E.M. Radford, A., Atkinson, M., Britain, D., Clahsen, H., & Spencer, A. (2009). Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. Saeed, J. I. (2014). Semantics (4th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. Serrano, I., & Kahan, A. (2014). El espíritu del maíz. De México para el mundo. Sanborns Hermanos. Sevilla Muñoz, J. (1993). Las paremias españolas: clasificación, definición y correspondencia francesa. Paremia, 2, 15–20. Soltero Godoy, M. (1997). Utilización de la frase hecha y el refrán en la obra de Cario Emilio Gadda. Paremia, 6, 577–580. Tapia Tovar, E., & Zalpa, G. (2011). La corrupción a la luz de los dichos y refranes. Relaciones. Estudios de historia y sociedad, 126, 21–65. http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=13718501002. Accessed October 25.

Impact of Fluctuations in Rainfall on the Livelihoods of Families in the Rain Shadow Zone of Maharashtra State: A Historical Perspective Vidya Kachkure and Kisan Algur

Abstract The lack of reliable data on rainfall before the late nineteenth century is a barrier to understanding the long-term effects of variations in monsoon rainfall. Thus, there is a need to evaluate previous studies on the rainfall distribution in Maharashtra state to understand how fluctuations in rainfall have impacted agricultural activity, management of water assets, and vulnerability at societal levels in different districts of Maharashtra. This paper analyzes 52-year rainfall data (1965–2016) to identify long-term changes or trends. A statistical analysis of the trends annual, seasonal, and monthly was done using the non-parametric Mann–Kendall (MK) test and Excel for analyzing statistical data. Arc-GIS software was used for geographical analysis. It is essential to know the historical deviations in rainfall and how they impacted livelihoods. For this purpose, a search was of electronic databases like Google Scholar, Scopus, Pub-Med, and JSTOR. Keywords like “impact of the rainfall fluctuation” and associated keywords, such as rainfall variability impact on the livelihood, vulnerability, and rainfall variability adaptation techniques, were used for risk management. The study did not reveal a specific trend in the rainfall, but it was found that many study regions receive a low amount of rainfall; this means that the rainfall pattern in Maharashtra’s rain shadow zone is changing. The study of the impact of fluctuations in rainfall on livelihoods in Maharashtra’s rain shadow zone is based on records of variation in rainfall. The analysis findings show an increasing trend in the amount of rainfall received in the rain shadow zone of Maharashtra. There is a need to create small water reservoirs, watershed management practices, policy for efficient water distribution, rainwater harvesting, dissemination of knowledge on dry farming and horticulture, and incentives for livestock rearing. Substantial public–private investment is required to develop Maharashtra’s arid rain shadow areas and address poverty and inequality.

V. Kachkure (B) Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India e-mail: [email protected] K. Algur International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_14

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Keywords Rainfall fluctuations/variability impacts · Rain shadow zone · Livelihood

1 Introduction Water is essential for survival. A person might be alive without food for some days but will find it is difficult to live without water. Water is required for the healthiness of the environment, human and animal well-being, food security, energy, and industry. However, availability and access to fresh water are essential pressures humankind faces. The water demand is growing through the competition among urban populations, industry, and the agricultural sector for access to water resources. This condition is particularly terrible in the arid and semi-arid regions because of soft rainwater and inadequate renewable water resources (Kaur et al., 2017), then again, overexploitation of groundwater assets and salinization of the soil. Water properties are expected to worsen the already tragic situation on water availability in these regions, whereas the great river systems of the Indus, Ganges, and Brahmaputra are nurtured by spring snowmelt from the Himalayan region and the rainy season. The article focuses on the South Indian area; someplace, the monsoon is the single source for refilling river water bodies (Morrison, 2015). The expected annual rainfall over our planet is around 1050 mm, which differs from less than 120 mm to more than 3600 mm per year, primarily reliant on the topographical location. The sub-tropical regions, which do not cover any contrivance for stimulating the air masses, are controlled by the falling air that effects by global flow patterns and thus experiences scanty rain. Most of these areas are deserts. Definite mainland areas are likely to be arid due to their distance from moisture sources. Glacial areas are dry because the cold air cannot embrace as much humidity as warm air. Inversely, mountain ranges adjoining water resources can be receiving high precipitations due to the orographic uplift only if the usual winds are in their favor. A strident drop in rainfall in areas adjacent to or on the leeward slopes of these parts is well known as the rain shadow effect (Nairizi, 2017). Precipitation and its unpredictability directly affect surface and groundwater accessibility (Costa et al., 2022). Likewise, attached and used over tanks and ponds often as village recreational areas, water reaping and wetness safeguarding measures, and simplifying groundwater also hold the soil moisture for biomass progression and barren “wastelands” grasslands and forestry (Swain et al., 2022). Such biomass helps promote “sponging” or water-logged up during rainy seasons and discharging it throughout dry spells through their root systems. As mentioned earlier, rainfall’s temporal and spatial variability and its extent affect these resources (Jodha et al., 2012). Variability of rainfall in the Indian monsoon is affected by internal, intraseasonal, and inter-annual rainfall fluctuations (Gadgil, 2003; Krishnan et al., 2000; Annamalai & Slingo, 2001). Also, rainfall patterns and distribution are closely connected to the terrain’s topographical diversity and can vary widely (700 mm to more than

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3000 mm) annually (Radhakrishnan, 2012). India’s eastern parts frequently obtain rainfall from the retreating monsoon, which lies in portions in a “rain shadow area” and receives less rainfall than India’s western parts. Higher degradation of the natural resources concentrated vegetative shield, soil strength. Reduced obtainability of constant water resources is associated with changing rainfall patterns (Muraleedharan et al., 1991). As per (The Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India, 2012) projections, there may not be a significant reduction in rainy season precipitation in the forthcoming excluding the southern peninsula. Nevertheless, most replications forecast a 9–16% rise in monsoon rainfall on the way to the end of the twenty-first century.

2 Need for the Study 2.1 Historical Evidence of the Rainfall Variability Climatic change has direct effects on the long-term variability of the Indian summer. However, there is a lack of understanding because of reliable rainfall data before the late nineteenth century. The non-availability of qualitative and quantitative meteorological information about rainfall in the pre-instrumental period can be partially addressed by accessing historical documents that have remained largely unstudied (Adamson & Nash, 2014). Studying rainfall trends is critical for a nation like India, whose food safety and economy depend on the accessibility of substantial amounts of rainwater to serve various needs. In one study (seasonal, annual, and monthly), rainfall trends were analyzed by monthly datasets from 135 years (1871–2005) for 30 sub-divisions (subregions) in India (Kumar et al., 2010; Zende, Nagarajan & Atal, 2012). Binswanger et al. (1982), examined the effects of rainfall variability on farm profits and increased the coefficient of difference of the rain timing by one standard deviation. Reliable irrigation systems consistently meet water requirements for agricultural activity and mitigate the adverse impact of fluctuations in rainfall (Sinha & Lipton, 2000). Fluctuations in rainfall patterns can make some areas dryer and more prone to drought, resulting in the destruction of crops and making it even harder for the survival of people, especially those with little resources and dependent on rainfed agriculture (Pachauri & Reisinger, 2007). A study of rainfall data of the last century shows a significantly decreasing trend in the annual precipitation from the southwest monsoon (Guhathakurta & Rajeevan, 2008; Joshi & Pandey, 2011). The total seasonal average rainfall over Kerala also showed a significant negative trend during 1901–2019 (Surendran et al., 2020). From these debates, it can be seen that there is a decreasing trend in stations that traditionally receive good rains, while an increasing trend is seen in the low rainfall stations. Nevertheless, most studies do not show a specific rainfall trend over large areas like (country, river basins, and state). Still, here, many stations of the study

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region receive a low amount of rainfall. Hence, entire study region has an increasing trend of rainfall. It means that the rainfall pattern in Maharashtra’s rain shadow zone is changing. There is a need to evaluate previous studies to examine whether these fluctuations might be helpful for agricultural development, water resources control, and different social applications across the districts of Maharashtra.

3 Study Area Orographic rainfall influences water resources, flooding and landslides, regional climate, and global water budgets (Smith, 2012). Orographic (The word Orographic is formed by the Greek word “Oros,” which means “A mountain”) or relief rainfall is twisted in regions where the air upsurges and cools for a reason that of a topographic obstruction. After temperatures drop under the dew point, the clouds are formed; these clouds reason for widespread rain on the hill range’s upwind gradients. This kind of rain is termed “Orographic rainfall.” Though these winds cross above the high elevation range and incline along the leeward slopes, they get warm and less rain. Areas double-dealing on the mountain’s leeward side that receive little rain are called “rain shadow regions” (Geography (316): The National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS), 2021) (Fig. 1). The widespread difference in rainfall spreading is perceived across Maharashtra, with the Konkan area’s coastal belt getting over 2000 mm yearly and the secondhighest rain noted in the Vidarbha area. Maharashtra’s precipitation variation rises gradually to the east, with usual rainfall in the eastern-most districts being1400 mm. The Marathwada region’s rain shadow zone is the state’s drought-prone area, with a regular yearly rainfall of less than 600 mm. These provinces are frequently considered by extreme barrenness, warm climate conditions, and severe shortage in water availability at these areas.

Fig. 1 Geography (316): The National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS), 2021

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Maharashtra state’s rain shadow zone lies in Western Ghats’s eastern part, which includes three administrative divisions of Maharashtra: Pune division, Nashik division, and some portions of Aurangabad division. Together, they comprise 15 districts of Maharashtra state, viz., this study covers the area in the state that is included in 15° 56' N to 21° 45' N latitudes and 73°30' E–77° 7' E longitudes. To the north is Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, Karnataka in the south, the Western Ghats and the Konkan region in the west, and the Vidharbha region to the eastern side. The study area has five leading rivers: Godavari, Bhima, Krishna, Tapi, and Narmada. Generally, the western part of the region receives high rainfall. Rainfall is less in the central part, and again, it increases toward the east due to relief, latitudes, longitudes, vegetation cover.

4 Methodology and Data 4.1 Data For this study, average monthly precipitation data of 120 rain gage locations/stations were collected from the Indian Meteorological Department (IMD), Pune (India Meteorological Department, IMD, 2006–2007). The Indian water portal collected data of 120 stations that were summed up on a meteorological monthly, seasonal, and annual basis (India Water Portal, 2019). The yearly data were analyzed and tabulated. Also, data were analyzed for the annual long-term rainfall sequence for 120 rain gage locations in the rain shadow zone. Rainfall data covered a period of 52 years (1965–2016).

4.2 Methods All study regions have long records of rainfall, and thus, the data were suitable for determining long-term changes or trends. For the present research, MS Office Excel was used statistical analysis of data. Arc-GIS is used for mapping. The statistical significance of the annual monthly and seasonal chain was analyzed with the non-parametric Mann–Kendall (MK) test (Mann, 1945; Kendall, 1948). Mann–Kendall Tau τ and “Z”—scores statistical methods were used to determine rainfall trends in the study region. The Mann–Kendall’s Tau (τ ) is achieved by the subsequent equation: τ=

Actual total of scores Maximum possible total

The maximum possible total is obtained from the following equation:

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The Maximum Possible Total = N (N–1)/2. Whereas N = Number of observations, here, (N = 52). Thus, Mann–Kendall’s Tau (τ ) is acquired by putting value in the equation: τ=

144 1326

τ = 0.11 A confident significance of τ shows a growing trend, while a negative value shows a declining one. Thus, the positive value obtained for the study region indicates that the rainfall trend for 52 years (1965–2016) is an increasing one.

4.2.1

Testing the Significance of Tau (T)

When N is a large number, testing the significance of τ becomes a cumbersome process. In 1955, Kendall showed that once N is more significant than 8, the theoretical delivery of all probable τ values tactics the regular sharing. Then, tau could be changed into a usual standard deviate with the help of the following equation: τ Z=√ 2(2N + 5)/9N (N − 1) Z=

0.11 2(2(52) + 5)/9(52)(52 − 1) Z = 1.157

4.2.2

Literature Search Strategy

Electronic databanks like Scopus, Pub-Med, JSTOR, and Google Scholar were searched for relevant information using the keyword “impact of the rainfall fluctuation” alone and in mixture with related keywords, such as rainfall variability impact, livelihood, vulnerability, adaptation and mitigation, and risk management.

4.2.3

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Literature relevant to this paper’s objectives incorporated comprehensive peerreviewed reports, open access papers, formal observational and experimental studies conducted in India, and studies conducted outside India were excluded due to the

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more state-specific in-depth understanding of the study starting this analysis. Documents categorized as reviews, abstracts, conference reports, and editorials papers were omitted.

5 Findings The concrete total scores are obtained through the procedure outlined in Table 1. The rain shadow zone’s annual rainfall data for 52 years were used to calculate full scores, maximum possible total, and tau. The annual rainfall of the first year (1965) was compared with the yearly rainfall in the subsequent years—from 1966 to 2016. If the annual rainfall in this period was significantly more than in the first year (1965), the scores are +1 for each. If the rain were less, the scores would be −1. If the annual rainfall was the same as in the reference year (1965), the score is 0. For example, in 1966, the annual precipitation was 592.6 mm, significantly more than in 1965 (569.4 mm). Thus, for this year, the score is +1. Similarly, a score of +1 is assigned to the years 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, and 1971, in which the rainfall was higher than in the reference year (694.1 mm, 649.4 mm, 929.7 mm, 991.6 mm, and 741.9 mm, respectively). However, in 1972, the rainfall was 500.1 mm, which is less than the reference, and hence, the assigned score is − 1. Thus, using the rainfall for 1965 as the reference, scores of +1, 0, or −1 were for the rainfall in 52 years. The total score was 49. Afterward, the second year’s (1966) rainfall value was taken as the reference scores of +1, 0, or −1 were assigned to the rainfall in each following year, from 1967 to 2016. The process is repeated by taking the next year as the reference and setting the rain scores in each subsequent year. Thus, the total score, which is the sum of the scores in each iteration, is 144. By substituting tau’s calculated value (0.11), a value of 1.157 is obtained for Z. It is evident that different rain gage stations in the rain shadow zone will have other rainfall trends. Therefore, three stations were selected based on their latitude, altitude, and varying rainfall: Ajara, Sangamner, and Talode. Ajara is situated in the western hilly region of the study area and is one of the high rainfall receiving stations in the study region. Sangamner is located in the central part, which has deficient rainfall. The rainfall in Talode is close to the average annual rainfall in the rain shadow Table 1 Level and trends in annual rainfall records established on Mann–Kendall’s test Station

Period

N

Tau

Z-score

Trend

Ajara

1965–2016

52

−0.123

−1.29

Decreasing*

Sangamner

1965–2016

52

0.19

2

Increasing*

Talode

1965–2016

52

0.15

1.57

Increasing*

Rain shadow zone

1965–2016

52

0.11

1.15

Increasing*

N = Number of observations. * = statistically significant at 0.05 level (Authors analysis)

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zone. This exercise observed the changes or trends across the study region. Values of Mann–Kendall’s Tau (0.11) and Z-score (1.157) are shown for the rain shadow zone of Maharashtra state, as well as the three representative stations in Table 1. The Mann–Kendall’s test produces varying results for different stations. About (90%) of a crucial decreasing trend of rainfall at (0.05) level is detected in Ajara station, one of the high rainfall receiving stations in the study region. Then Sangamner, which receives low rainfall, shows an increasing trend at 0.05 (95% significance). A similar trend is observed at Talode at 0.05 level (93% significant). Thus as Table 2 shows, there is an increasing trend in rainfall in the rain shadow zone.

5.1 History of the Rainfall Fluctuations in India In the face of risks linked with climate change, societal helplessness may intensify ongoing social and economic encounters, mainly for deprived rural societies dependent on natural resources. Threats of global warming and ecological alterations are previously visible in the farming sector and availability of water resources, forestry, fisheries, tropical soils, flora and fauna, and also other mechanisms that establish rural people’s livelihoods. However, livelihoods can be impacted attributable to the less agricultural efficiency in developing nations because of frequent droughts and floods (Singh et al., 2010). The most common example cited in the literature relates to the causal relationship of rainfall shocks with social capital creation: underprivileged well-being and child underfeeding that results from drought might turn into stunting (height-for-age levels below some level detected in healthy peoples) also found the worse educational attainments, lower wages, and productivity among adults (Fuente, 2007 & KingOkumu, 2020). Underprivileged rural farmers in the Semi-Arid Tropic (SAT) part of India rely on child labor as an essential self-insurance tactic compared to income variabilities rising from rainfall shocks, leading to poor school attendance (Jacoby & Skoufias, 1997). Rajasthan state has the largest desert in India, with two-thirds of its part covered by the “Thar” desert. Although the “Thar” desert is located in the western part of Rajasthan, the whole state gets scanty rainfall, considered by irregular rainfall distribution. Similarly, a high midair, soil temperature, intense solar radiation, and high wind velocity to found. Due to these factors, frequent droughts and famines occur, increasing the vulnerability of local livelihoods. Regions with high water consumption rates can be reflected as extra vulnerable to drought than those where water utilization rates are low. Thus, water stress can occur once the proportion of water extraction is higher relative to its accessibility, as happens throughout a hydrological drought. The resulting water shortage for the period of drought can source the costs of getting into the water to escalate, putting society’s lower-income groups (Pandey et al., 2010). Hydrological drought and water stress may be temporary phenomena. Still, suppose water withdrawals reduce flows into surface water bodies leading to lower water tables. In that case, this will alter

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the availability of water in the soil, surface water bodies, and subsurface reserves unless the systems are replenished. Water stress can be made worse by rising water demands, causing a situation where insufficient water resources are available to meet needs for water for agricultural and other uses (He et al., 2017).

5.2 Impact of the Rainfall Fluctuations on the Livelihood of Families in the Rain Shadow Zone of Maharashtra State Rainfall variability affects the quantity of food households consume and their diet’s nutritive value, balance, and quality (Carpena, 2019). The projected number of shallow rainfall days in the monsoon months of June to August in the year 2030 is likely to increase. Parts of South-Central Maharashtra are projected to experience more dry days in 2030 than this region’s baseline. These trends indicate that Maharashtra could face increased rainfall variability, including droughts and dry spells and an increased likelihood of flooding. These observations also have important implications for groundwater recharge since heavy intensity rainfall is lost as runoff, while low-intensity rainfall contributes to decreased groundwater recharge. (TERI, 2014). The rain is highly variable in many Maharashtra districts, with the coefficient of predictability of daily rainfall fluctuating from 100 to 300%. Seasonal rainfall distribution over a number of rainy days (annually) shows 90–100 days in southern Konkan, 80–90 days over Northern Konkan, and 50–60 days in Eastern Vidharbha. Southeast Madhya Maharashtra has the lowest number of rainy days 15–20 days (Ratna, 2012). The classification of Maharashtra’s agro-climatic zone shows that villages lying in the state’s water scarcity zone, where rainfall is deficient. As a result, droughts occur every three years. Accordingly, in almost all the studied villages, the process of climate change has increased variability in rainfall during the last 15–30 years. The changes are reported in terms of below-average rainfall, changes in the start and end of rainy seasons, frequent mid-season shortfall or deviations from the old pattern, and an increase in the extent or frequency of droughts. These changes have been verified through meteorological records and data (ICRISAT, 2010). There is a complex interaction of distribution of rainfall and cropping choices, especially in the Marathwada region, which is the hotspot of rain shadow zone and well-known drought-prone area in Maharashtra (Gaurav, 2015). A shortfall in the rain is the primary cause of crop failure; however, yield loss also results from an interplay of various factors, mainly the imprudent shift in cropping patterns from drought-resilient food crops to water-intensive cash crops. Furthermore, changing cropping patterns have also affected water availability and utilization (Zachariah et al., 2020). For studying the crisis-prone Marathwada region, we used mixed-effects regression models based on records and customized crop model simulations to build a

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framework for disaggregating agricultural response to rainfall and temperature. We also showed that yield loss is the result of an interplay of various factors, among which precipitation deficit and unwise shift in cropping patterns from drought-resilient food crops to water-intensive cash crops are the most significant (Zachariah et al., 2020). Rice farming is highly sensitive to rainfall variability under rain-fed conditions. Women workers, who are heavily concentrated in crop cultivation like rice, are severely affected by rainfall variability, making them more vulnerable to losses in the labor market during poor rainfall years. Focus group discussions in 26 villages of Maharashtra and Odisha validated empirical findings of rice farming (Behrman, 1988).

6 Conclusion Farming is not done in the summer months due to acute water shortages. There is unanimous agreement in the rural population that unpredictable weather disturbs the village economy, leading to socio-economic instability and affecting livelihood sustainability (Cooper et al., 2008). A study of the agricultural history indicates landowners who irrigated farm landowners seasonally did not have difficulty in coping with variability in rainfall variability because, according to them, they had enough resources to mitigate the consequences of failure. However, today, women and men are concerned about the uncertainty in rainfall distribution and its seasonal variations because of their effects on their livelihood (Mhaskar, 2010). Most farmers are dependent on rain-fed agriculture as the source of primary income. Due to seasonal variations, such as irregular rainfall, the farmers are forced to adopt various coping strategies (Kamble & Fand, 2019), including water management, mixed cropping, and crop diversification (Kahinda et al., 2007).

7 Discussion and Implications for Policy There is a need to transform livelihood patterns in rural areas to adapt to the climate. The changes must be comprehensive to ensure that food security is not compromised, as well as address the problems of poverty, malnutrition, and unemployment. To achieve this change, there must be synergy in the various approaches, depending on context and household diversity. In most places, there are, at most, 12 harvests left to complete the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); there is a need for implementing actions with a sense of urgency (Thornton et al., 2019). The watersheds in zones where rainfall is assured are likely to have better agricultural yields in the short run as compared to those in the scarcity zone. Farmer’s response in this region indicated that higher yield rates with more stabilization production might increase incomes, higher labor wages, and more employment opportunities (Deshpande & Reddy, 1991). In the arid and semi-arid regions, the

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focus is required to conserve natural resources integrated water resource management (IWRM) and better use of technology and streamlining in planning, allocating and managing water resources to serve the needs of irrigation, industry, and other purposes (Singh et al., 2014). The development of water resources demands an integrated approach to watershed management to maximize economic, social, and environmental returns. Individual farmers, communities, or public agencies may be incentivized to implement rainwater harvesting systems (Samuel et al., 2007). Due to significant rainfall variability in the rain shadow zone, drought management policies must address drinking water needs when no other drinking water source is available. Existing policies need review to identify a minimum distance within which water should be accessible to the villagers for essential purposes, such as feeding livestock, bathing, and other household needs. Also, even if a drinking water source is present near a village, it is often polluted during low rainfall years. Hence, inadequate amounts of useable water result in longer waiting hours for the women tasked with gathering it. Since gathering and fetching water are the sole responsibility of women in India, a comprehensive water supervision policy during a drought can decrease their struggle and reduce the adverse consequences on their health, which result in deaths. Thus, for drought managing policies to benefit women, a strong focus must be placed on water, health, and sanitation requirements (UNDP, 2014). The creation of small water reservoirs, effective watershed management, an efficient water distribution policy, rainwater harvesting, dissemination of knowledge on dry farming, horticulture, incentives for livestock rearing, and huge public–private investment are required to address the problems of poverty and inequality for the development of dry rain shadow areas of Maharashtra (Jaleel & Chattopadhyay, 2018).

8 Limitations of the Study It is challenging to correlate rainfall data with agricultural production data due to India’s diverse cropping patterns by season. Besides, deficient rainfall is not the only factor in farmer suicides; there are other factors also: cropping practices that are compatible with the soil type, temperature, attitudes of the farmers, the government’s agricultural policies, and others. Thus, it is incorrect to say that rainfall variability directly impacts farmer suicides. There is scope for more studies on regional diversity in rainfall variability in India and its effect on the vulnerability of communities and individuals.

Appendix See Fig. 2 and Table 2.

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649.4

929.7

991.6

741.9

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848.6

949.4

903.4

993.1

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753.5

939.6

783.6

641.4

643.9

798.8

813.6

980.5

1973

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678.3

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901.9

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2015

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Table 2 Long-term trends and changes in the annual rainfall records of the rain-shdow zone of Maharashtra state using the Mann–Kendall test (Authors analysis)

252 V. Kachkure and K. Algur

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Fig. 2 Rain-shadow zone of Maharashtra (Authors analysis)

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Surendran, D. E., Sridhar, L., Kumari, A., Sreejith, O. P., & Pai, D. S. (2020). Impact of climate change on the heavy rainfall events during June to September over Kerala (1901–2019). Current Science, 119(3), 545–550. https://doi.org/10.18520/cs/v119/i3/545-550 Swain, S., Mishra, S. K., Pandey, A., & Kalura, P. (2022). Inclusion of groundwater and socioeconomic factors for assessing comprehensive drought vulnerability over Narmada River Basin, India: A geospatial approach. Applied Water Science, 12(2), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13 201-021-01529-8 TERI. (2014). Assessing climate change vulnerability and adaptation strategies for Maharashtra: Maharashtra state adaptation action plan on climate change (Project Report No. 2010GW01). (MSAAPC) New Delhi: The Energy and Resources Institute. 302 pp. Retrieved from http://kri shi.maharashtra.gov.in/Site/Upload/Pdf/MSAAPC.pdf Thornton, P. K., Loboguerrero, A. M., Campbell, B. M., Mercado, L., Shackleton, S., & Kavikumar, K. S. (2019). Rural Livelihoods, food security and rural transformation under climate change, 48. Retrieved from http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/RuralLivelihoodsFoodS ecurityRuralTransformation.pdf UNDP. (2014). Blame it on the Rain? Gender differentiated impacts of drought on agricultural wage and work in India. UNDP, Asia-Pacific (December). Retrieved from https://www.asia-pac ific.undp.org/content/rbap/en/home/library/sustainable-development/blame-it-on-the-rain.html Zachariah, M., Mondal, A., Das, M., Achutarao, K. M., & Ghosh, S. (2020). On the role of rainfall deficits and cropping choices in loss of agricultural yield in Marathwada, India. Environmental Research Letters, 15(9). https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/ab93fc Zende, A. M., Nagarajan, R., & Atal, K. R. (2012). Rainfall trend in semi-arid region-Yerala river basin of western Maharashtra, India. International Journal of Advance Technology, 3, 137–145. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/270396609_Analysis_of_sur face_runoff_from_Yerala_River_Basin_using_SCS-CN_and_GIS

Saving the Tree for the Forest: Lessons from Pandemics for Postcolonial Indigeneity in South Africa Roche F. Myburgh

Abstract With pandemics set to become a more frequent occurrence, it is becoming increasingly important for us not just to look at how best to be prepared for the interconnected viral age, but also to understand the underlying causes of the increased emergence of new biological threats for native/indigenous communities in the highly globalized world. Over the course of the last century, painful lessons have been presented to us on how to combat pandemics for indigenous people, although, often, those lessons were learnt on the back of how not to combat a pandemic. With the scars of South Africa’s initial botched handling of the HIV/Aids pandemic still affecting the lives of millions of South Africans, it is a cause for concern to see that US President Donald Trump not only severed ties with the World Health Organisation but is also threatening funding to the US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention. If anything was learnt from the way former South African President Thabo Mbeki mismanaged South Africa’s HIV/Aids response, it is that viruses do not play politics, they thrive on it. Yet, once the scale of the HIV/Aids crisis in South Africa forced a change in the government’s response, an effective strategy to combat the virus, was possible, however, that change could not undo the damage done to the lives of millions of HIV positive people. Infections that would have been prevented had the government not embarked on a curious powerplay. That the scope of the spread of COVID-19 could not have been predicted is true, however, equally true, and of greater consequence, is that viruses are contagious, that our modern systems of transport are tailor made to aid their spread at great speed, and that eventually, a virus, such as COVID-19 will emerge and inflict great human and economic cost. That we cannot know beforehand which virus would cause this is of little concern. If the same mistakes are repeated, we will find that the economic costs of combatting viruses after the fact come at a greater cost than creating the resources to combat them. But perhaps the best policy that we can adopt to protect ourselves from the increased emergence of new viruses, is to protect nature from us. By understanding the connection between our ever-expanding destruction of nature for economic purposes compromising indigenous value systems, we may yet find that we will save more by protecting nature, R. F. Myburgh (B) History and Political Science, Cambridge School in Istanbul, Istanbul, Turkey e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_15

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than by investing in vaccine development as suiting the requirements of indigenous communities. Keywords Pandemics · HIV/AIDS · COVID-19 · Deforestation · Climate Change · South Africa

1 Introduction The planet is starting to show the effects of anthropogenic climate change at an increasing rate, yet, collectively, even as we express concern about the changing climate, we cannot agree on action. Where we set targets for ourselves such as the 2010 Strategic Plan for Biodiversity or the 2015 Paris Agreement Under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, we fail to achieve those targets time and time again. Even as leaders talk of using the COVID-19 pandemic as an opportunity to build more environmentally sustainable economies, indications are that a return to business-as-usual is already underway. This paper argues that the main reason for climate inaction should be attributed to the failure of world leaders to take decisive action. That failure is as the result of decision-making that favors the local context that is the main concern for the respective leaders of countries. This preference for the local over the global places a limit on the international coordination that would be required to effectively limit climate change. Historically, we demonstrate a collective inability to learn from past mistakes and the case of the South African HIV/AIDS epidemic serves to emphasize the way in which leaders who fail to abide by scientifically proven methods can exacerbate a local disaster. Thabo Mbeki might have been an outlier during the HIV/AIDS pandemic, but the record of leaders during the COVID-19 pandemic, notably Donald Trump, indicates that we have not learnt from the mistakes made by the South African government during the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The result, just as in the case of South Africa, was a prolonging of a pandemic that could have been avoided had all countries implemented a coordinated strategy based on scientific expertise and a willingness to act in the global context rather than a local one. This paper further argues that the lack of a willingness to implement a globally coordinated strategy to limit the impact of climate change demonstrates that we do not fully appreciate the dynamics which give rise to the biosphere and the way in which those dynamics create systemic properties from which we benefit but cannot recreate if the biosphere is irreparably degraded. Special consideration is given to the role forests play in disease regulation as pandemics are set to increase in the future if we do not act to preserve the biosphere. Consequently, we should not pin our hopes for a better future on the belief that, in the future, we will create a technological solution to climate change. We are closer to developing an understanding of how the biosphere functions and what nature-based solutions we can implement to limit the scale of climate change

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than we are to developing a technological solution to climate change. Nature-based solutions are both more sustainable and affordable and we already possess the means for implementing those. What gets in the way of implementation is, as before, political leaders whose decision-making is influenced by a local context rather than a global context. This prevents us from acting in the requisite coordinated manner to address climate change. Historically, this individualist approach may dominate, but we have not fared as well as we might have when countries act individually in the face of a global challenge. Although the study of responses to pandemics can inform us of the consequences of uncoordinated action, a key difference between pandemics and climate change is that failure to act in a coordinated manner during a pandemic costs millions of lives, but a failure to do so on climate change has the potential to cost us the very environment which sustains all of us. Therefore, this paper argues that globally coordinated action on preserving the biosphere centered on nature-based solutions represents the best option for mitigating the effects of climate change.

2 Methodology Data on temperatures were obtained from climate-data.org, (https://en.climate-dat a.org). Data on COVID-19 infection figures were obtained from the WHO COVID-19 Dashboard (https://covid19.who.int/). Comments from public figures were obtained from reputable news outlets (www.theguardian.com, www.theconversation.com, www.nbc.com, www.forbes.com). The same sources were used for information on current affairs. The study is based primarily on a literature review, for which purpose peer-reviewed journals, reports and published books were used as sources. An historical analysis was done to establish similarities and differences in responses to pandemics to identify reasons for these differences. The reasons were then connected to causes in political decision-making and similarities identified in the causes for the spread of pandemics and the failure to address climate change. An analysis of the connection between human actions and climate change, specifically an increase in the emergence of new infectious diseases, is presented as an important reason for addressing climate change in a globally coordinated manner.

3 Future Imperfect In the midst of the worst global pandemic in a century, the world had cause for celebration. On the 11th of July 2021 Richard Branson won the billionaire’s space race, and with it, the hope held out that our species, thus far so dependent on the goodwill of planet earth, may now be on the cusp of becoming the space faring species that the late Professor Stephen Hawking claimed we need to become if we are to survive into the distant future. As if the point needed further proving, the wealthiest man on the planet, Jeff Bezos, launched himself into space on the 20th of July 2021.

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Meanwhile, on planet earth, the day before Bezos’s adventures in space travel, some 4,101,414 people had already died over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic (WHO Coronavirus (COVID-19) Dashboard: n.d.). These numbers were not so prominently contemplated around the world. Perhaps it was lost in the bemusement that followed the sudden fame that befell a British Columbian village a few short days prior to Branson’s space flight. On the 29th of June 2021, Lytton recorded a temperature of 46.9 degrees Celsius. For some perspective, Lytton is situated within the Arctic Circle. On the same day, Riyadh, in Saudi Arabia, recorded a highest temperature of 42 degrees Celsius (Riyadh Weather and Climate in June. n.d.). Riyadh, of course, lies somewhat South of the Arctic Circle and in a desert no less. The temperature it recorded on the 29th of June 2021 is not that far off the average temperature for Riyadh during June, 41.6 degrees Celsius (Climate Riyadh (Saudi Arabia). n.d.). However, the average temperature for Lytton during June is a distant 16.4 degrees Celsius (Climate Lytton, n.d.). Between June 25 and July 1st, British Columbia recorded 808 deaths attributed to the heat, and although this number is yet to be confirmed, the annual average number of deaths during that same week is 198. Between June 24 and June 30th, all of Canada recorded 10 COVID-19 related deaths (BCCDC Data Summary, 2 July 2021: 5). As the world heats up and planetary biodiversity deteriorates, it seems apt to celebrate the first tentative steps that our species is taking to sever our dependence on this one planet. The main reason not to celebrate these first tentative steps is because it creates an illusory solution which breeds complacency. We can continue to exploit the natural world regardless of consequence as human ingenuity will lead to the creation of technological solutions to any problem we may encounter. Creating the technology required to enable humans to colonize Mars and save us from sharing the fate of other organisms on Earth is one version of this faith in technology. We have, as yet, invented nothing, and Mars remains inhospitable to us. A fact not lost on Bezos himself: “My friends who want to move to Mars, I say, do me a favor: Go live on the top of Mount Everest for a year first and see if you like it, because it’s a garden of paradise compared to Mars.” (Beer, 2021).

We have not yet established colonies on Mars, so we have not demonstrated that we can turn it into a suitable life raft for our species. Additionally, as Bezos pointed out, the Earth is by far the more survivable habitat out of the two. Our focus should, therefore, be on preserving the Earth before we set off for the stars. If we are indeed acting out of a desire to preserve our species, then it would be somewhat wasteful to secure the future for a few thousand colonists on Mars while condemning the billions of people who are left behind on an overheating Earth to succumb to the ravages of climate collapse. We are given to ask whether those few thousand on Mars represent a better statistical chance of survival for our species than several billion of us on a planet we are still capable of preserving. And if the choice is presented as not one between Mars or Earth, then we are still left with an imperative to protect our environment for the survival of the species. Either way, colonizing Mars is not a solution to our current environmental crisis, and we may as well view the billionaire

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space race for what it is, an intriguing and promising but distant prospect, which for now, fuels the causes of climate change and pandemics through the destruction of the natural world in pursuit of profit.

4 A Future Without a Past Faith in technology is not per se a negative, after all, medical technology has provided us with the vaccines through which we are currently attempting to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, and advances in technology are also enabling us to map more accurately the destruction of the natural environment and consequent changes in climate patterns. However, there is another reason that should give us pause for thought before we place our faith in technology as our savior. As a species, our judgment is not always of the highest caliber, nor is our faith in our abilities always on solid ground. Nowhere is this more evident than in the sphere of political decision-making where competing political interests means that short term political or economic gain drowns out scientific necessity connected to the longer term. At present, there are four confirmed SARS-CoV-2 variants with the WHO having designated four further ones as Variants of Interest (Tracking SARS-CoV-2 variants: n.d.). So far, so natural, and no epidemiologist would be surprised at the adaptive trajectory of the virus. After all, epidemics are as much a part of human history as war and epidemiologists have established differential equation based mathematical models with which to describe infectious disease outbreaks. The differential equation models are designed to consider the potential spread of the outbreak by taking into consideration “variations in pathogen, society, and intervention-based variables” (Layne et al., 2020). As accurate data on real time transmission rates are not available at the outbreak of a pandemic, it stands to reason that these models require time in order for sufficient data to be collected to create a realistic model of any particular pandemic. However, using historical models of previous pandemics where sufficient and accurate data have been collected, these models are extremely useful in helping us to understand how pandemics unfold and to prepare for future ones. By studying the history and the spread of pandemics, we were able to develop informed and reliable responses to new pandemics. With such formidable analytical tools at our disposal, there are serious questions to be asked about how we ended up with over 191 million cases of COVID-19 in a little over 18 months, with some regions of the world battling to stave off a third COVID-19 wave(WHO Coronavirus (COVID-19) Dashboard: n.d.). If the historical data on pandemics are sound but the handling of the pandemic falls short, then it is the judgment on how the data was applied that is in need of scrutiny. When Donald Trump comically enquired of Dr Deborah Birx, the White House Coronavirus Response Coordinator at the time, whether an injection of disinfectant could be a feasible cure for COVID-19, it had all the hallmarks of someone who did not understand anything about pandemics. He is on record as having claimed several times that the pandemic could not have been predicted by anyone, despite the fact

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that he was warned as early as January 2020 of a new virus that had emerged in China. In an interview with the journalist, Bob Woodward, in March 2020, Trump acknowledged that he deliberately played down the seriousness posed by COVID-19 because he wanted to avoid panic (Gregorian, 2020). Trump, though, not only went out of his way to avoid panic, but also went out of his way to assist the spread of the virus by insisting that the virus would go away quickly, when summer arrived, and that masks were not very effective in preventing the spread of the disease and mocked those who wore masks (Cillizza, 2020). Under Trump, COVID-19 was less a health issue than a political one, with all too predictable results, avoidable excess deaths. Trump may have been right that nobody could have predicted the specific outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic at the start of 2020. Such exact predictions are not possible, and it is also not the point. There have been previous outbreaks of pandemics, including corona viruses, as such, pandemics should be preventable provided that we heed the lessons from the past (Frutos et al., 2020). At the same time as Donald Trump was maintaining that COVID-19 will disappear when summer came, New Zealand—described as ill-prepared for the pandemic by one of the people who worked on its Covid response team–adopted an approach based on the realities of the pandemic. By the end of March, New Zealand entered a strict national lockdown, followed rapidly by “a clear, concise, and massive communications campaign, designed not just to inform, but to recruit every New Zealander into a collective effort to ‘Unite Against COVID-19’.” (Stockman, 2021). New Zealand entered what Stockman describes as a “managed isolation and quarantine” structure. Within 103 weeks, New Zealand eliminated the virus. No one in New Zealand predicted COVID-19 either. New Zealand was in no way better prepared for the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, it does not possess superior technological capabilities with which it combatted the pandemic. The emphasis again falls on political decision-making and the impact that has on the trajectory of the pandemic and herein lies a significant difference. New Zealand was faced with the harsh reality that its underfunded healthcare system would quickly be overwhelmed by the spread of the virus, experts questioned whether a track and trace approach could be successful. New Zealand adopted an elimination strategy instead, that is achieving a defined period of no new cases emerging from infections within the community (Baker et al., 2020; Stockman, 2021). It is also important to acknowledge that elimination can be reversed if the conditions under which elimination was achieved are relaxed, as such, cases emerging from infections from outside the community are excluded from this definition. The Delta variant of the virus currently posed the biggest threat to New Zealand’s elimination achievement, an external threat underlined by the fact that other countries, such as Taiwan, which also performed very well at the start of the pandemic, experienced a resurgence in cases driven by the Delta variant (McClure, 2021). For New Zealand, or any other nation that has achieved elimination, to retain that status, border management remains an essential part of the strategy (Baker et al., 2020). The threat of the Delta variant bursting COVID-free bubbles also emphasizes the claim that none of us are safe until all of us are safe. This casts a salient light on the plight of Africa and

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the attitude of the world toward its 1,2 billion inhabitants. The Delta variant reminds us that the political decisions made in other countries affect us even if we are, as New Zealand is, situated in a remote corner of the world. It also reminds us that no matter how effective our local strategies are, it does not guarantee our safety. At the same time, countries such as New Zealand demonstrate that there are effective epidemiological tools that can rapidly be deployed against a pandemic, and with the requisite political will, we do not have to endure years of lockdown. Nor, as some on the wilfully ignorant right would have us believe, do we have to learn to live with the virus. A lack of political determination is not a strategy, it is a failure. Were we to contrast New Zealand, Singapore and Taiwan’s early responses to the COVID-19 pandemic to those of the United States, Brazil and India, it seems as if we have had no real experience of pandemics. We were caught by surprise, and everyone did the best they could with limited knowledge. It almost seems as if we had arrived at a future that had no connection to the past, and so we had no previous knowledge to draw on. This, of course, is nonsense. We are not only equipped to deal with pandemics, but also acutely aware of the costs associated with a political refusal to deploy scientific expertise. The contrasting spread of disease between different countries where different interventions were followed enables us to pinpoint political decision-making as one of the most important determining factors in the outcome of any pandemic. Here, again, we can turn to history to see the devastation caused by political leaders who ignore scientific advice and embrace alternative ideas. Long before Donald Trump with his ideas about disinfectant as a cure for COVID19, there was a leader with ideas about African potato as a cure for HIV.

5 The Past as the Present “Well, the answer right now really is unquestionably prevention. You are having an epidemic that’s running rampant. If you look at the numbers, they are absolutely astounding, they are tragic.” (Fauci, 2000).

These are the words of Dr Anthony Fauci, who has, since 1984, been the director of the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases. Dr Fauci is one of the most influential figures in the field of HIV/AIDS research and one of the most prominent developers of HIV/AIDS treatments. He became an American household name for his briefings during the COVID-19 pandemic, not always to the pleasure of the President whom he served. The above quote, however, is taken from a CNN interview which was broadcast on July 9th, 2000, and though the words were equally applicable to the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, Dr Fauci was speaking about an entirely different pandemic. A pandemic which had earned South Africa the label of “one of the exemplary cases of AIDS policy failures.” (Kim, 2015). A full examination of the failings of the ANC government during the HIV/AIDS pandemic is beyond the scope of this paper and a brief overview of the literature will suffice to set the context for this failure. For the purposes of this paper, what is of

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interest here is the way in which the ANC government under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki prioritised political consideration over scientific expertise. Political decisionmaking is always context specific, and decision-making pertaining to pandemics is no exception. The propensity of leaders to deny or ignore the lessons learnt from past international crises is a matter of grave concern at the time that climate change calls for decisive action from world leaders. In that regard, the consequences of Thabo Mbeki’s disastrous handling of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the South African context serve as a precursor for understanding the disastrous handling of the COVID-19 pandemic by Donald Trump. Before being side lined by Donald Trump, Dr Anthony Fauci found himself side lined by then South African President Thabo Mbeki. There have been some superficial comparisons between Donald Trump’s attitude to the COVID-19 pandemic and Thabo Mbeki’s attitude to the HIV/AIDS pandemic that swept through South Africa beginning in the mid-1990s. Both Trump and Mbeki were distrustful of science, though Mbeki was arguably better informed about the science. Both men entertained dissident “experts” whose views were at odds not just with established scientific knowledge but recommended “treatments” which endangered the lives of patients and contributed to a high number of unnecessary deaths. And both men, despite the evidence, thought they knew better than the experts. But that is where a superficial comparison ends. Although the actions of both Trump and Mbeki put the lives of their supporters at risk, Mbeki seems, at least initially, to have acted out of a genuine concern that western pharmaceutical companies, along with international institutions such as the IMF and World Bank, were exploiting Africans for financial gain, and this played no small part in his HIV/AIDS denialism. We should, therefore, treat Mbeki’s HIV/AIDS denialism with some caution, not to justify it, but to understand how politics, even well intentioned, derails our best efforts to combat pandemics. Despite a good start to the ANC’s efforts to get ahead of the looming HIV/AIDS pandemic in the early 1990s, by the early 2000s, South Africa had among the worst rates of HIV/AIDS infections worldwide. Concurrently, the denialist position that then President Thabo Mbeki had adopted was also difficult to square with the ANC’s approach to the emerging pandemic prior to coming power in 1994. From 1991 to 1992, when South Africa still had a low but rising HIV/AIDS prevalence, Health representatives from the ANC met with Apartheid government Department of Health officials to discuss the emerging pandemic. Following the formation in 1992 of the National AIDS Committee of South Africa (NACOSA), which was intended to coordinate the activities of the various organizations involved in combatting the pandemic with the goal of achieving “a ‘co-operation-and-inclusion’ framework’…”, the ANC appeared prepare for an inclusive approach to combatting the pandemic once in power (Nattrass, 2008: 157; Kim, 2015). Indeed, in the early days of the ANC government, it adhered to the NACOSA plan drafted in 1992 and according to Nattrass, the new ANC government had set the stage for “a uniquely effective drive against AIDS.” (2008: 158). Furthermore, Kim (2015) notes that President Nelson Mandela afforded the AIDS program “a special status” which resulted in the early allocation of resources and funds for AIDS prevention. Of equal importance, the government afforded “civil

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society organizations and groups” an important participatory role in shaping government planning and policy on the response to HIV/AIDS. The South African response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa aimed to be comprehensive and inclusive to reach out to as many at-risk people as possible. The best laid plans, however, are of little more than academic interest if they are not seen through to the end, and here, the government handling of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa sounds a critical warning about the handling of future pandemics in ways which fly in the face of scientific advice. Although the ANC government under President Nelson Mandela made initial overtures toward nongovernmental actors to participate in a coordinated HIV/AIDS strategy, these overtures soon fell victim to a coordinated resistance to their involvement. This resistance was not limited to civil society actors outside of the ANC government either but was also directed at political leaders who came to disagree with the government on how best to combat the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The result was an increasingly fractured relationship between those who had forged a common bond during the long struggle against Apartheid (Schneider & Fassin, 2002: 46). Matters were further compounded by three questionable interventions by the government, two of those on the part of Health Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. The first was brought about in 1995 by “a badly conceived and inappropriately funded AIDS awareness play (Sarafina II)” (Nattrass, 2008: 158) which faced vocal opposition from HIV/AIDS activists (Schneider & Fassin, 2002: 46). The second was her resistance in 1997 to the use of Antiretroviral drugs (ARV) to prevent Mother-to-Child Transmission (MTCT) of HIV. The latter appeared to have been a turning point in then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki’s stance toward the epidemic and he subsequently adopted a more forceful position in promoting his own views on the epidemic and a less tolerant one toward criticism of the government’s approach to the pandemic. This turning point in Mbeki’s stance represented the third questionable intervention, and it was legacy-defining in its scope. Mbeki’s intolerance of criticism coupled with an overconfidence in his own beliefs became apparent when he involved himself in a disagreement about Virodene, a locally produced “treatment” for AIDS. The government’s initial attempts at crafting a coordinated strategy for dealing with the pandemic was dealt a hammer blow by a disagreement over the safety of Virodene between Mbeki and the Medicines Control Council (MCC) which played out in full view of the public. Mbeki’s intervention was brought about by his introduction to the developers of Virodene, husband and wife, Ziggie and Olga Visser. The pair were researchers at the University of Pretoria, and they approached Health Minister Dlamini-Zuma with a claim that their “treatment,” consisting of dimethyl formamide and industrial solvent, was effective at treating AIDS patients. However, they complained that their research was being blocked by the “AIDS establishment” (Nattrass, 2008: 160). From this point onwards, Mbeki embarked on a course of action that demolished all semblance of a unified approach to combatting the epidemic and the rest stand as testimony to the consequences of leaders playing politics with pandemics. In this case, Mbeki played politics with the MCC. The Vissers’ AIDS “treatment,” Virodene was subsequently discredited by the MCC, the South African regulatory

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agency, support from Mbeki and a standing ovation for the inventors by the Cabinet notwithstanding. The MCC cited flaws in the Vissers’ “underlying scientific rationale” and “proposed clinical trial design” (Nattrass, 2008: 160). However, instead of ceding to the MCC’s scientific expertise, Health Minister Dlamini-Zuma embarked on an extraordinary course of overt political sabotage culminating in a restructuring of the MCC with the aim of overturning the original assessment of the viability of Virodene. However, even the restructured MCC declined to approve Virodene on the basis that it “lacked scientific merit and posed clear risks for patients” (Nattrass, 2008: 160). Unable to get the results he desired, Mbeki sought out experts of his own and from the dissident “expert” community, he was presented with arguments that ARVs are toxic (Schneider & Fassin, 2002: 46). At the same time as he assumed the Presidency, Mbeki started to involve himself more actively in the debate about HIV/AIDS. Political leaders have a unique reach with the public and speaking out about epidemics based on informed data can shape public behavior in the desired manner. Conversely, political leaders can sow disarray through messages which contradict scientific expertise. Mbeki set his sails by the latter. Between June 1999 and October 2000, Mbeki promoted such views as “HIV is harmless, and that the symptoms of AIDS are caused by malnutrition, drug use and even ARVs themselves” (Nattrass, 2008: 159). Concurrently, the world scientific community reacted more with alarm than disbelief as Mbeki incorporated such dissident views into government policy. In October 1999, Mbeki informed the National Council of Provinces that the Mother-To-Child-Transmission Prevention (MTCTP) drug, Azidothymidine (AZT) was toxic (Kim, 2015; Nattrass, 2008: 161). Mbeki went one step further and applied his questioning of the scientific findings regarding ARVs to government policy. The ARV pilot projects that were launched a year before at five sites in Gauteng, the industrial heart of South Africa and a major intersection for both infections and transmission to rural areas across the country, were canceled. Mbeki had been swayed by the views of dissident scientists who viewed ARVs with suspicion, and this gave Mbeki the opportunity to portray the body of knowledge that had been built up regarding HIV/AIDS as unsound. ARVs perform a dual function which came to be vital in the fight against HIV/AIDS. On one side, it was proven to substantially reduce the risk of MTCT, with the ARV drug Nevirapine showing a reduction of mother-to-child-transmission from 30 to 13%, while a short-course treatment of AZT demonstrated a reduction from 18.9 to 9.4%. On the other side, ARVs also serve to reduce viral load in people who had already been infected with HIV, thus prolonging their lives and inhibiting the onset of AIDS (Kim, 2015). In the face of the growing consensus that ARV are an effective weapon in the fight against HIV/AIDS, Mbeki’s experts responded by alternating between reasonable concerns regarding the acknowledged toxicity of AZT to the outright ludicrous claim that AZT caused AIDS (Nattrass, 2008: 161). Given the effectiveness of ARVs in preventing mother-to-child-transmission of HIV, the decision not to provide HIV positive pregnant women with ARVs resulted in avoidable infections of newly born babies. The decision not to provide ARVs to HIV positive adults resulted in avoidable early deaths. Mbeki’s interventions could not have been more lethal by neglect.

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Kim (2015) identifies this failure to provide ARV treatment as the major problem of the South African response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Kim, as well as Parkhurst and Lush (2004: 1915–1916), draw comparisons between the South African response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic and that of Uganda. Uganda and South Africa do not have much in common beyond both being African countries and both having had to front up to the pandemic shortly after a period of political transition. Parkhurst and Lush point out that Uganda is a rural and agricultural based country whereas South Africa is the only industrialized country in sub-Saharan Africa. In further contrast, South Africa possessed a central and well-organized medical infrastructure, Uganda lacked the resources to develop such medical infrastructure. At the time of the outbreak of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, South Africa was much better positioned to combat the pandemic and would have been expected to perform better than Uganda. Instead, it was the other way round. Between 1990 and 2000, the number of people in South Africa who were living with HIV/AIDS showed a constant increase with estimates around 4,000,000 people. Conversely, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS in Uganda peaked between 1993 and 1995 and from then on showed a constant decline. Similarly, Uganda showed a peak in AIDS related deaths around 1999/2000 before settling on a steadily declining trajectory, whereas South Africa was still on an upward trajectory over the same period (Kim, 2015). It is evident that relative economic strengths were not a reliable indicator of success in combatting the HIV/AIDS pandemic any more than they were with regards to the COVID-19 pandemic. As we have seen again with America’s failure to effectively manage the COVID19 pandemic vis a vis the efforts of New Zealand, Singapore or Taiwan, economic strength untethered from scientifically informed decision-making by political leaders produces fertile grounds for a virus to gain a foothold and flourish unencumbered by political bickering. While Donald Trump was busy underplaying the severity of the pandemic, claiming it was a hoax and trying to cast doubt on the origins of the virus or the effectiveness of medical guidelines, COVID-19 established a foothold in America without regard for the politics of the day. Even as Trump made way in the White House for Joe Biden, COVID-19 still thrives as it was provided ample opportunities to spread during the Trump presidency. One could excuse Dr Fauci for wondering if he was the only one in the Trump White House who knew of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and that there would be predictable similarities between the results of Thabo Mbeki’s insistence on putting politics ahead of scientific knowledge, and Donald Trump’s own lackluster efforts at accomplishing much the same goal. As opposed to Donald Trump who appeared unsure of how to define his stance regarding COVID-19, Thabo Mbeki appeared to have viewed his skepticism about the causes of HIV/AIDS as taking a stand for Africans against Western exploitation. He certainly phrased it that way: “It is obvious that whatever lessons we have to and may draw from the West about the grave issue of HIV-AIDS, a simple superimposition of Western experience on African reality would be absurd and illogical.“ (Mbeki, 2000).

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Regardless of Mbeki’s posturing against the West, there was the not so small matter of Uganda’s progress in combatting the pandemic that would not be denied, Uganda succeeded in turning the trajectory of the pandemic downwards even as South Africa, going its own way, could not. Whereas the South African government initially talked of an inclusive and coordinated strategy, this eventually succumbed to political interference from the national Government. Mbeki’s insistence on questioning the validity of ARV treatments and suspending the pilot projects paid dividends for nothing apart from HIV/AIDS. And whereas it required a concerted effort by activists and NGOs to force the government under court order to provide ARV treatment to people suffering from HIV/AIDS, in Uganda, the government took an altogether different approach. Parkhurst and Lush observe that one cannot link success in reducing the spread of a pandemic to any one “specific policy or individual intervention,” but that early active intervention on a variety of fronts by the Ugandan government is generally accepted as having been “pivotal” to Uganda’s success in reducing the spread of HIV/AIDS (Parkhurst & Lush, 2004, p. 1916). Uganda was open to accepting the recommendations of international bodies, the government worked collaboratively with NGOs and international donors without the distraction of absurdity or illogic that Mbeki had predicted would follow such an approach. By the time Mbeki stated that a simple superimposition of Western experience would be of little use to the African reality, the African reality in Uganda was already demonstrating the success of following, if not quite the Western experience, then a scientifically informed policy implementation. One would be hard pressed to locate Uganda geographically or ideologically in the West, Mbeki’s reasons for denying the success of the Ugandan effort against HIV/AIDS are, similarly, hard to locate outside the realms of political posturing. Mbeki’s refusal to accept the consensus view on the origins and spread of the pandemic has given rise to a number of speculative explanations to try and grasp why Mbeki, an otherwise “credible African leader and a skilled diplomat capable of enormous discursive flexibility” (Schneider & Fassin, 2002: 46) embraced views that left the world’s AIDS scientists so aghast that they felt the need to arrange a special conference in Durban, South Africa, in 2000 to affirm the consensus view on the cause and spread of HIV/AIDS. Whether Mbeki found the dissident views on HIV/AIDS “intellectually compelling” or believed that his championing of dissident scientists and their views represented some ongoing political struggle between state and civil society as part of a battle over the nature of state power, or whether he was taking a stand against the West and its history of colonial exploitation of Africans (Nattrass, 2008: 163–164) is relevant here only in so far as it demonstrates the disastrous consequences of placing political considerations over science based guidance during pandemics. Mbeki’s political grandstanding, regardless of reasons, provided a crucial window of opportunity for HIV to do what viruses do best when left to their natural devices, spreading exponentially. In a generous reading of Mbeki’s actions, it can be said that he acted out of concern over the marginalization of black South Africans. That does not explain why he ignored events unfolding in Uganda, rather, it demonstrates that Mbeki critically misread the differences in how HIV/AIDS spread in the American and African populations. Mbeki’s interpretation of HIV/AIDS afflicting mostly the white gay

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community in America as being indicative of how lessons from the West could not be applied to Africa, where HIV/AIDS mostly afflicted black, heterosexual people, ignored the overriding point of similarity between the two communities, marginalization. As the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the USA started gaining publicity, HIV positive gay men who sought medical help faced open discrimination. HIV became synonymous with a lifestyle of ill repute and those who contracted the virus found little sympathy from the rest of society. For some, this new virus was divine retribution for those who had chosen a life of “sin,” although it soon became unclear which sin was being punished as the virus started showing up in people who lived a more “reputable” life. As an increasing number of heterosexual people started showing symptoms of HIV, the realization set in that the virus, if left uncontained, could infect people from all social spheres, and not just the marginalized. At this point, a sense of urgency emerged among the public and authorities in the West to contain the impact of HIV and by 1996, ARVs were unveiled (Smith & Whiteside, 2010: 48). Just as black South Africans were a marginalized group under colonial as well as white minority rule, gay Americans were a marginalized group in America, and it is an historical fact that pandemics affect marginalized groups worse than other groups (Dávalos et al., 2020: 1322). What Mbeki saw as a significant difference, was, in fact, a significant similarity, and this misreading of the spread of the pandemic in the West and in Africa, had disastrous consequences for black South Africans. Whatever Mbeki’s ultimate reasons were for refusing to act based on scientific expertise, the outcome was to give HIV the opportunity to spread with devastating rapidity. In this regard, though, Mbeki was not alone. The HIV/AIDS pandemic might have been recognized in Africa by the late 1980s, but by the early 1990s, only 6% of global expenditure on HIV prevention was directed toward African countries. Despite recognition of the threat HIV posed if left uncontained as well as the successful campaign in the West to combat the virus, international organizations paid little heed to the unfolding crisis in sub-Saharan Africa (Smith & Whiteside, 2010: 49). On the surface, this appears to have been a rather predictable mistake with predictable consequences. As the West was mobilizing its resources to combat HIV/AIDS, the pandemic was depicted as posing a threat to both the developed and the developing world, but the high costs associated with treatment meant that “how this pandemic was experienced differed drastically by region.” (Smith & Whiteside, 2010: 50). By 2004, sub-Saharan Africa bore the brunt of new infections, with Asia and Eastern Europe also experiencing rising infection rates (Harling et al., 2005: 372). At the onset of a pandemic, relative economic strength does not necessarily afford a country a better chance of success at preventing infections, but once a virus has established a foothold in any given population, economic strength becomes a vital factor in prevention. Smith and Whiteside (2010: 50) capture this point succinctly when stating that, “While AIDS had become a chronic disease in the West, in most of the developing world. It was still a death sentence.” Fassin and Schneider (2003: 495) deliver a scathing assessment of Thabo Mbeki’s handling of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa, but their criticism can be equally

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applied to the indifferent response on the part of the West to the emergence of the pandemic in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1990s, the evidence that social conditions are important in determining exposure to disease. The history of sub-Saharan Africa’s struggles against numerous diseases, such as malaria and tuberculosis, demonstrated previously, even before the emergence of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, that social conditions leave the region vulnerable to new and recurring infectious diseases. Harling et al. (2005: 372) add further weight to this criticism by writing in 2005 that, “… only recently has it been more widely recognized that the containment of the HIV pandemic requires a global strategy which combines effective prevention with treatment and care programs.” That this realization required 15 years to materialize is sterling testimony to our unproductive tendency to forget the past. Despite appearances to the contrary, the realization that pandemics require coordinated action predates the HIV/AIDS pandemic, dating back to the nineteenth century. The European desire for economic expansion brought with it not only wealth from their colonies, but also an assortment of diseases to which Europeans had no natural immunity. The frequency with which Europe was battered by imported pandemics and the high mortality rates that followed in their wake exposed the fault lines of the eighteenth century practice of European countries acting in an “ad hoc and uncoordinated” manner. By the nineteenth century, Europeans realized that pandemics required “an international coordinated response.” And in a stunning predictor of what was to come, Europeans strenuously policed viruses which emerged in their colonies, but the spread of viruses from Europe to the colonies merited rather less vigilance (White, 2020: 1250–1251). Nature is a patient teacher, but humanity is an inattentive student, and so we relive the past, in true Sisyphean style, to the point where the past and the present merge seamlessly into one harmonious sphere of ignorance. Whether it is Thabo Mbeki questioning the scientific body of knowledge regarding HIV/AIDS, or Donald Trump defunding the World Health Organisation because it failed to deliver a sufficiently harsh assessment of China’s reaction to the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 to absolve him of his own failures during the COVID-19 pandemic, the actions and decisions of political leaders at the start of an epidemic are instrumental in determining its trajectory. Ultimately, the spread of HIV/AIDS to South Africa could not have been prevented, but atrocious decision-making by the South African government caused the avoidable deaths of hundreds of thousands. Similarly, the spread of SARS-CoV-2 to the USA could not have been prevented either, but an incoherent response from the Trump administration unnecessarily cost the lives of tens of thousands of Americans, and possibly more. The different rates of success that different countries have in combatting the HIV/AIDS and COVID-19 pandemic puts into stark relief how important a role political decision-making and cooperation on implementing a coordinated strategy are in the fight against pandemics. For Mbeki, the example of Uganda stands as a damning indictment of his refusal to let the present speak for itself. For Trump, his refusal to heed the advice of those who saw America through the HIV/AIDS epidemic meant that he revived the failures of past uncoordinated attempts at fighting pandemics. And for the rest of us, there is the

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reminder from New Zealand, Singapore, and Taiwan that a coordinated and inclusive approach to fighting epidemics produce superior results, and we should learn from that, just as we learnt at the start of the twenty-first century that a coordinated global strategy was the best way to combat the HIV/AIDS pandemic. And as we learnt during the nineteenth century in Europe that a coordinated strategy is more effective at combatting imported infectious diseases. One is given to wonder when the next occasion will arise for us to learn this lesson. At the rate at which we are destroying the environment, that occasion is likely to be sooner rather than later. And if previous experience is anything to go by—and there does seem to be a recurring theme there—we may very well not fare much better in the future.

6 A Present Without a Future? The ease with which diseases spread across borders demands we think seriously about how we as separate nations choose to behave in anticipation of global challenges. Four confirmed variants of COVID-19 also remind us that we are affected by the decisions made in other countries, and, therefore, that we do not exist independently from each other on this planet we inhabit. We should not, consequently, succumb to delusions of exceptionalism or be seduced by nationalism. We are as dependent on the wise decision-making of other nations as we are ourselves responsible to other nations to make wise decisions. Parkhurst and Lush (2004: 1915) note that, even where international guidelines are available, each country still faces the challenge of incorporating these guidelines into their local political environment. A glance at how Republican elected officials with future political ambitions are still propagating Trump’s COVID-19 culture wars in an attempt not to alienate Trump supporters, many of whom are paranoid about vaccinations of any kind, goes some way to illustrate the point. It goes without saying that such local political environments complicate efforts to develop an appropriate response to epidemics at a national level, but in the case of pandemics, or other crises which demand a similar coordinated global response, it also complicates efforts to respond successfully at an international level. Initial attempts to establish a globally coordinated strategy for dealing with infectious diseases originated in and was designed for the benefit of European interests from their colonial enterprises. As such, it is distinctly European in its perspective (White, 2020: 1250). During times of pandemic, this creates the danger of vaccine nationalism. We take care of our own and let the rest of the world take care of theirs. The folly of this approach is illustrated by the Delta variant of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. It originated in India, yet most new infections in Britain and the USA are caused by the Delta variant. Although vaccines are demonstrated still to provide a high level of protection against the Delta variant (Bernal Lopezet al, 2021: 585–586), it is the emergence of the different variants which is of concern here. Where different countries respond differently to pandemics, viruses can mutate in those countries where there are insufficient attempts to combat a pandemic. And as demonstrated by the

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Delta variant, mutated variants do not stay put, they are frequent flyers such as airlines can but dream of. This brings us back to the topic of marginalized communities. African countries are again struggling to obtain sufficient doses of vaccinations. It accounts for only some 2% of global vaccinations administered. Only seven African countries are on track to vaccinate 10% of their populations by September 2021. The Delta variant has also been detected in 16 of 54 African countries, and, given its high transmissibility, the outlook for African countries is dire. Already hampered by underfunded and inadequate health services, Africa is now also being subjected to vaccine nationalism. This leaves Africa in a particularly vulnerable situation, as the continent is dependent on manufacturers from abroad to obtain vaccinations. When India was overwhelmed by a new wave of infections, the local context, it suspended export of vaccinations to African countries. The G7 has pledged to donate 1 billion doses of vaccinations to African countries (Farmer et al., 2021). As generous as that sounds it would be sufficient to provide two shots to fewer than half of the continent’s population, or one shot to most but not all Africans. In either scenario, the outcome is the perpetuation of the pandemic with the associated risk of new variants emerging and spreading, the global context. This presents negative consequences beyond the African continent and so is not a desirable outcome on a global scale. Providing donated supplies to Africa is a noble course of action, but it is not a long-term sustainable solution. It relies on goodwill, and it is periodic. If Africa is to be included in the implementation of a globally coordinated strategy for combatting pandemics, the supply problem to Africa must be addressed. One proposal by Paul Farmer et al. (2021) would aim to expand the production capabilities of the continent so it can manufacture vaccinations and shorten the amount of time between manufacture and roll out. If such a goal is to be achieved, it would also require countries and pharmaceutical companies to share their technology and research with African countries to provide both the capability and the know-how for the manufacture of vaccinations on African soil. This would mean a waiver of intellectual property rights. The construction of production facilities and the training of staff in the production techniques will be expensive, and African countries will require financial assistance to establish a vaccine industry. But even if the above were achieved, there is still no guarantee that local manufacturers will want to take on the task given the complexities involved. This would require multi-year financing, which is not the norm for the pharmaceutical industry. Invariably, the issue of recovering investment in research and development comes up. But that is, again, to miss the point (for everyone outside of the pharmaceutical industry). The concern raised by regional variations of COVID-19 is that they do not stay regional, and they may pose a greater danger than the initial variant. The lesson from nineteenth century Europe still applies, a coordinated strategy adhered to by all states has a better chance of success. Investing in an African capacity to manufacture vaccines locally is one way of investing in the safety of people worldwide. Rather than calculate how much is lost in profit by sharing technology and resources with African countries, we should be asking how much we save by doing so. The Economist (‘What is the economic cost of Covid-19?’, 2021) performed some insightful research on this topic. Among their findings is that the world economy

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shrunk by 4.3% in 2020, this, the newspaper points out, is a figure that is on par with those of the Great Depression and the two World Wars. However, The Economist points out that the above figure only takes into account the size of the global economy as it was at the start of the pandemic. It does not take into account by how much the global economy would have grown had the pandemic not struck. That ultimately is just pure speculation, but it suggests that the economic loss is actually greater than the published figure, and how does one factor the cost of lives lost into that equation? But what if, instead of asking how much we can save by sharing technology and resources with African countries, we ask how much we can save by rebalancing our society in ways which recognize our connection to and dependence on the environment, and in so doing reducing the likelihood of future pandemics occurring? Questions are still being asked about the origins of SARS-CoV-2, and not just among the conspiracy minded. Frutos, Lopez Roig, Serra-Cobo, and Devaux identify three requirements for new infectious diseases to emerge and are split between biological and anthropogenic conditions. The first, the biological, is that “the pathogen causing the outbreak must be compatible with humans, i.e., must be able to infect and reproduce in humans (Condition 1).” The remaining two requirements are anthropogenic, and these are that “there must be contact between the humans and the pathogen reservoir (condition 2), and, a human-to-human cycle must be possible (condition 3).” (May 12, 2022). The destruction of the biosphere, in particular deforestation and the accompanying loss of biodiversity increase the chances that more zoonotic viruses will meet all three conditions set by Frutos et al. (2020). The loss of biodiversity represents one of the biggest threats to the emergence of new viruses in human populations. A healthy, biodiverse forest provides natural filters against viruses in which specialist species, such as predators, help to prevent the spread of disease. These specialist species though are placed at risk from deforestation, and the species that replace them when they die off, enable the spread of diseases across habitats, including to humans. Healthy, biodiverse forests, therefore, act as natural disease regulators (Morand & Lajaunie, 2021). Over the past 50 years, human activities such as agriculture, fishing, resource extraction and bioenergy production, has altered nature across most of the world. This has pushed global biodiversity into an unprecedented rate of decline in species and ecosystems (IPBES, 2019: XIV–XVI). Epidemiologists and biologists have long warned about the risk of zoonotic diseases adapting to human hosts as humans expand ever further into nature, a process driven by the perpetual pursuit of economic growth through activities such as deforestation, draining of swamps, mining projects, agricultural expansion and an increased consumption of wild animals (Pegram & Kreienkamp, 2021). Lest we succumb to the notion that we are contemplating here some theoretical possible future scenario, it would serve us well to reflect on the worldwide impact that the adaptation of one particular zoonotic virus to human hosts has had. The virus was first isolated in French laboratories in 1983. It originated in Africa among non-primate humans and jumped the species barrier to humans in the early twentieth century. Two strains of the virus were identified, one was transmitted from chimpanzees to humans in Central Africa, the other from sooty mangabey monkeys in West Africa. We will probably never know how the virus adapted from primate to

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human hosts, but it seems plausible that “hunters or people butchering the animals were first infected.” (Whiteside & Zebryk, 2017: 304). The virus in question is the human immunodeficiency virus, the virus that, if left untreated, causes AIDS. Whiteside and Zebryk (2017: 304) describe the spread of HIV as, having “moved slowly out from initial infections in a core area until it reached populations where conditions were ripe for rapid transmission. This, in Western societies, was among relatively affluent gay men and intravenous drug users. In sub-Saharan Africa, it occurred in unstable central African regions, particularly the border between Uganda and Tanzania.” The origin and spread of HIV conform exactly to the three conditions identified by Frutos et al. (2020) and yet, they were writing not about HIV, but about COVID-19. When it comes to viruses, we are not out of the woods yet despite the fact that we have sufficient expertise to prevent pandemics from happening. However unpredictable the emergence of the next virus may be, the predictable element in the equation is the human factor as that is the factor that can be controlled (Frutos et al. 2020). There are several warnings here for us as a species. The decades that elapsed between HIV emerging in human hosts and reaching pandemic levels imply that we are vulnerable to pandemics from viruses that circulate in our species without our awareness. This is a vulnerability that will only be exposed further if we persist with our current course of destruction of the natural world. Across the world, the loss of forests is demonstrated to correlate with an increase in the spread of disease. In Brazil, deforestation contributes to an increase in malaria cases, whereas in South-East Asia, deforestation provided a thriving environment for Anopheles darlingi, a mosquito that is associated with the transmission of several diseases. In West Africa, destruction of primary forests contributed to the emergence of Ebola (Morand & Lajaunie, 2021). The health risks associated with deforestation and the loss of biodiversity place us at odds with the unrestrained pursuit of economic growth. UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson may attempt to trumpet the successes of this type of economic pursuit when he claimed that it was capitalism that gave us the vaccine against COVID-19, but it is also capitalism that is responsible for the lack of vaccines for numerous other diseases, and of no less importance, it was also capitalism that gave us the COVID19 pandemic in the first place. Do the costs of business-as-usual outweigh the costs of pandemics? The analysis by The Economist suggests, perhaps not (‘What is the economic cost of COVID-19?’, 2021). Johnson ‘s mediocre defense of capitalism was most likely an attempt to use the rapid development of a vaccine to deflect attention from his own government’s poor performance, during the pandemic, characterized by Johnson and members of his cabinet delivering overly optimistic assessments of the epidemic followed rapidly by a reversal in course. Which brings us to the second warning. Thabo Mbeki gained notoriety for his failures during the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa. He stood out precisely because his stance was so singularly unscientific among world leaders. However, the COVID-19 pandemic saw several leaders following where Mbeki led. For their handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, we can now include on the list of notoriety, Donald Trump, leader of the most powerful country on earth; Jair Bolsonaro, the leader of the largest economy in South America

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and a fervent enabler of deforestation; Narendra Modi, the leader of the most populous democracy on the planet; and Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and one of the first leaders to contract COVID-19. At a time when the world is increasingly at risk from more frequent pandemics in the future, one cannot avoid the perception that we do not seem to be getting any better at managing pandemics. We seem to be repeating the mistakes of the past with worrying alacrity. One thing that all four leaders have in common, they are all nationalists, a worldview that does not lend itself easily to ceding sovereignty in the pursuit of international coordination. That does not bode well for the biggest self-inflicted crisis that we are set to experience in the coming years, one that will require a fundamental shift in the relationship between planet, nations, and supranational organizations and one that will fail absent a globally coordinated response. It is not incidental that our destruction of the natural world is also responsible for this crisis, namely, climate change. As was noted at the start of this article, this year saw record high temperatures in the Arctic circle. Storms are growing more powerful and occur more frequently. Changes in rainfall patterns, resulting from more water being retained in warmer air, are affecting agriculture as well as putting stress on water resources. The destruction of vital carbon absorbing forests amplifies the heating of the atmosphere, which in turn contributes to the pressure faced by species on land and sea. It is estimated that one million species of plant and animal are already threatened with extinction within the coming decades. This will have a disastrous impact on biodiversity and a cascading effect on humans, but it is also still preventable if we address our impact on biodiversity loss (IPBES, 2019: XIV). That would require us to acknowledge that we are not separate from nature, we are not even separate as nations, despite our unequal and disproportionate impact as a species on the planet, we thrive or perish not just with members of other nations, but with members of other species, plant or animal. As we delve deeper into the fabric of the biosphere, we uncover ever more subtle nonlinear feedback systems, those are systems of interdependency among the agents that make up that system and characterized by dynamic processes that create properties not inherent in any one agent or agents. A pertinent example of this would be the disease regulating function that forests perform. This function is not an attribute of any individual tree, rather it is an attribute of the forest as a dynamic habitat. It is not necessary to destroy every tree in the forest for this disease regulating function to cease, a partial destruction of a forest is sufficient for it to lose its capacity to act as a habitat for all the species that live there, and that can provide an opportunity for animals that can transmit a disease to come into contact with humans. The IPBES report provides an impressive overview of the spectacular types of systemic properties of the biosphere, to quote one example: “Nature, through its ecological and evolutionary processes, sustains the quality of the air, fresh water and soils on which humanity depends, distributes fresh water, regulates the climate, provides pollination and pest control and reduces the impact of natural hazards.” (IPBES, 2019: XIV). Systemic properties in nonlinear feedback systems are resilient, but not impenetrable, and once these reach a tipping point, it results in a cascading effect that can lead to the rapid collapse of that once

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stable system. We should not take the processes of the biosphere for granted, nor our place in it. At the rate we are going, neither one of those has a guaranteed future. We view our dominance of the planet as indicative of our mastery of the world, but this mastery is at best temporary and at worst illusory. If anything can claim mastery of the world, it is bacteria. Bacteria have been around for some four billion years, and during that time, suffice it to say, the planet has undergone more than a few monumental environmental changes that variously upended or terminated the majority of species that ever lived. “Yet throughout these shifts, the bacteria remained resolutely bacterial. Nothing is more conservative than a bacterium.” (Lane, 2015: 158). By comparison, modern humans only emerged some 160,000 years ago and our ongoing presence on the planet was, at times, precarious. Genetic studies indicate that there may have been as few as 10,000 of us scraping a living around 70,000 years ago (Langmuir & Broecker, 2012: 569). The bacterium may, with some justification, question our claim to mastery of the world, perhaps pointing out that we have barely begun to understand our place in the biosphere, let alone demonstrated the longevity to maintain our place in it, at the top or anywhere else. If longevity is the measure of mastery, we lose out to bacteria. We may counter that the bacterium is a mere pathogen and spray it with Virodene. That is, however, simultaneously an expression of our individualist view of ourselves as a species, and a misrepresentation of what is implied by being an individual. Coen (2012: 38–39) notes that “individuality is not a given but is the outcome of two underlying factors.” These two factors are “first that nearby entities usually interact more intensely than those at a distance from one another.” “The second is that in a competitive setting, it can pay to cooperate if fates are intertwined.” Coen is referring here to the cellular level, and he suggests that the first living organisms may have come about as a result of crude collaborations, but that over the course of billions of years of evolution and natural selection, it resulted in individuals as we now know it. Coen continues by describing how cooperation is an outcome of natural selection, and that without cooperation there would not be any individuals to select from. Far from being mutually exclusive, competition and cooperation both form part of the process of natural selection through which we find ourselves here today (Coen, 2012: 39). Coen’s depiction of individuality as being the result of collaborations which improve the chance for survival of the collaborators poses a serious challenge to our view of ourselves as individuals in the sense of independent beings. That much is hardly new. The crucial point here is that Coen’s view about cooperation extends beyond intraspecies to interspecies. No species on earth, humans included, evolved in isolation from other species. As natural selection is blind to the outcome, we can define cooperation here to include coincidental. This implies that our existence as a species is not merely the result of our survival as the fittest but is inseparably linked to the survival of the fittest of uncountable other species. Their survival created the conditions within which we could survive. At this point, we return to Coen’s first underlying factor, that nearby entities usually interact more intensely than those at a distance. Healthy biodiverse forests contain specialist species that help to prevent the spread of diseases. If we follow Coen’s reasoning, then we can conclude that our survival as a species was aided by the survival of these specialist species. As

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these specialist species evolved immunity to the diseases carried by their prey deep inside forests, their success smoothed the way for our own survival. Their success either prevented or delayed our own encounter with those diseases, and as the case of HIV demonstrates, their contribution to the health of the biosphere unequivocally preserves our own survival barring where we intrude into those environments from which we were previously at a distance. We need to follow this line of reasoning one step further removed from humanity in order to appreciate just how much we owe our existence to the existence of the species we share the planet with. The success of specialist species also contributes to the survival of other species at other locations along the biosphere meaning that multiple species are creating a safer environment for multiple other species in a reciprocal relationship. A given specialist species may not be involved in regulating a disease that would adversely affect us, but it may be involved in regulating a disease that protects another species, this time, however, that intermediate species is involved in regulating a disease which would adversely affect us. This applies to all species, not just humans. The security of the biosphere for each species is then not as a result of the activities of a few species that closely interact, but, rather, is spread out across the entire biosphere, specifically located not spatially, but systemically. The biosphere as we know it today, temperate climate included, would not be the way it is if not for the success of the specific combination of species that inhabited it past and present. If we alter the combination, we alter the composition. Early signs indicate that this will not end well for us. Unlike most species on the planet, our species is globally dispersed although immensely interconnected through global trade and transport. This leaves us dependent on the services of a greater number of specialist species across multiple ecosystems. As we have seen from the COVID-19 pandemic, when specialist species fail in one ecosystem, it can rapidly affect our entire society globally. Given the way we have constructed our societies, failures of specialist species in one local area presents an increased threat to that locality, but that threat can be amplified throughout our society globally. An increase in cases of malaria in Brazil due to deforestation may seem a local problem but destroying the Amazon as a carbon sink resulted in the Amazon becoming a source of carbon emissions, which adds to a rise in temperatures globally. That adds pressure on other species with which we interact more closely in our locality, and so a local concern becomes a global one. In this context, it is worth considering the implications of the IPBES finding that one million species of plant and animals are at risk of extinction in the coming decades. We cannot be sure how dependent other species are on any of those species, therefore, we cannot be sure of the extent to which it would degrade the biosphere, but what we can be sure of is that the consequences of losing those species will not be trivial. In their local ecosystems, the preservation of specialist species prevents localized threats from spreading beyond that ecosystem, as such, the solution to threats such as COVID-19 that can reach global levels, is local, preserve biodiversity at local levels across the world. In attempting to devise a line of reasoning that would persuade our leaders to act with more urgency in preserving the biosphere, we are faced with the challenge of demonstrating the value of non-human species. Our dominant view of species is that they are a resource to be utilized for material gain, and where their presence

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interferes with material gain, we aim to eliminate them. Beyond that, they simply exist with no relevance to us. At the heart of this approach is the aim to restructure the planet to serve human interests. The problem with this approach is that it is riddled with ignorance regarding the role of biodiversity in sustaining the very approach itself. In a very real sense, our being the dominant species on this planet is a result of climate. Langmuir and Broecker state that up until the last glacial age, we had no competitive advantage over other large mammals on the planet, and it was only once the last glacial age ended, around 11,000 years ago, that the warmer climate and increased habitable areas afforded us the opportunity to establish agricultural societies. Freed from the need to live a hunter-gatherer lifestyle, we could turn our attention to building societies (2012: 570). We were not the only species to benefit from this fortunate turn of events, so too did soil micro-organisms, predators and pollinators, incidentally, all species without which our agricultural endeavors would have been immeasurably more challenging (IPBES, 2019: 263). It turns out that we are, at least in part, indebted to soil micro-organisms for having a civilization, and though we tend to think of the role pollinators play in agriculture, their role goes beyond merely contributing to our food production, and extends into pollinating plants that provide habitats for specialist species which, in turn, plays a part in preventing the spread of disease from forests to humans (IPBES, 2019: 323). It is, of course, true, that the same natural processes which give rise to the species with which we cooperate for our survival also give rise to the species with which we compete for survival, and this brings us to Coen’s second underlying factor. We may not have had to compete on “equal footing” with other large mammals for the last 11,000 years (Langmuir & Broecker, 2012: 570), but that does not mean that we haven’t had to compete for survival against any other species, specifically, viruses. To a virus, we are a host and a means for its own survival. To us, viruses are a cost, ranging from, at the lower end of the scale, energy expended to overcome it, to, at the upper end of the scale, trillions of dollars in lost lives and productivity. Given our less than stellar record of managing pandemics, it may be in our best interest to consider alternative means for dealing with viruses that cause pandemics, ones which are not so dependent on our capacity for miscalculation. Since our fates are intertwined with the fates of other species it will pay to cooperate with those species. If we retain our definition of cooperation to include the coincidental, then cooperating with the plant and animal species from whose services we benefit means we need to preserve the biosphere starting with the preservation of biodiversity. A diversity of species gives rise to a more resilient biosphere with the accompanying benefits for all species. It is estimated that 37% of climate change mitigation that is needed by 2030 to keep climate warming to 2 degrees above pre-industrial levels can be achieved through solutions that are based on such a cooperative approach while simultaneously benefitting biodiversity (IPBES, 2019: XXII). In answer then to the question on how to demonstrate the value of non-human species, we need only consider the way that each species, through competition gives rise to a cooperative relationship with other species, and from this cooperation all species benefit. In other words, the value of non-human species lies in their existence.

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The solution to a multitude of problems regarding the future appears to contain at its core, a solution, which is both elegant and comprehensive, but it requires a degree of coordination among countries which, if history is anything to go by, will be difficult to achieve. We are at the early stages of developing an understanding of the nonlinear feedback dynamics among species which give rise to the biosphere, but one thing is already becoming clear, we do not know nearly enough about the biosphere to rely on solutions which are not based on our cooperation with other species. Even where reforestation efforts have been attempted, the results of monocultures of plant species have produced negative side effects for biodiversity (IPBES, 2019: XXII). When it comes to fostering biodiversity, human selection is no match for natural selection. Our interventions will be part of the solution, but these interventions are not the solution. Until we recognize that fact, we will be seduced by the belief that we can continue with business-as-usual in the unfounded hope that we will engineer our way out of climate change. That is the path that leads to a present without a future. For as long as we conduct business-as-usual without reflecting on the ecological impact of our actions, we will continue to pay the price in the societal costs resulting from increased pandemics, extreme weather events and biodiversity loss. Given the clarity and frequency of warnings from scientists, one cannot but wonder about the lack of urgency from world leaders about the loss of biodiversity. When the COVID19 pandemic struck, the world was quick to take action, but a lack of coordination meant that the pandemic was prolonged. In the end, the costs of keeping people at home proved just too high. And so, wave after wave of COVID-19 outbreaks struck around the world. Despite all the scientific expertise on how to eliminate a pandemic, our leaders lacked either the political will or understanding, more than likely both, of what was required to combat a pandemic. This applies equally to acting on climate change. The realization of the necessity to act is there, but the determination to act is not. The political cost of action appears to be just too high, but in a world where everything has a price, there is one industry that is being surprisingly proactive about climate change. Perhaps so because their business is footing the bill for when things go wrong, thus they have a rather big stake in things not going too badly wrong. The Boston Consulting Group, a global management consulting firm, published an article in August 2020, about the financial risks from climate change. The article quotes figures of between $12 trillion and $15 trillion worth of assets as at risk from coastal flooding alone. The article further identifies four ways in which the insurance industry can promote action against climate change, and all four are focused on market driven solutions. Although adjusting the premiums on their products to factor in the risks associated with climate change may help in shifting corporate attitudes toward emissions, the problem is not that ordinary people and businesses—barring those whose profits depend on polluting the environment—are not aware of the problems posed by climate change. The authors quote a survey of 3000 people, of which 70% of respondents claim that they have become more aware of the threat human activity poses to the environment, and “87% of respondents think that companies should integrate environmental concerns into their products, services and operations to a greater extent than they did in the past.” (Waddell, Beal, & Cockerill, 2020). The

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lack of interest in tackling the climate crisis doesn’t seem to lie with the ordinary folk. The authors continue: “Meanwhile, investors are accelerating their sustainable investing efforts, and companies in many industries are using the disruption of the current crisis as a catalyst to rebuild their business models and supply chains to be greener and more sustainable.” Capital appears to be on board as well. Where then is the obstacle to action? The COVID-19 pandemic has taught us many lessons. We are living in a connected world where our actions affect the wellbeing of those on the other side of the world. Countries look after their own health interests in very narrowly defined and counterproductive way. Our leaders don’t like saving lives when it harms the economy. And that we are not good at learning lessons from the past. In 2010, the world agreed on 20 biodiversity targets, Strategic Goal A had the rather urgent sounding purpose to “Address the underlying causes of biodiversity loss by mainstreaming biodiversity across government and society.” (Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 2011–2020, 2010). It is also an explicit acknowledgement in 2010 that the world is aware of the loss of and importance of biodiversity, which makes it somewhat surprising to find that ten years later, none of the 20 goals had been met (Pegram & Kreienkamp, 2021). On Monday, November 1st, 2021, the UK will host the 26th United Nations Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26). This may also present an opportune moment for someone to remind them that none of them are doing particularly well in meeting their pledges to reduce emissions as agreed in the Paris climate agreement from 2015. They may perform better next time but given that much of the COVID19 recovery strategy is based on business-as-usual despite pledges to build greener economies from the ashes of the pandemic, one could detect a lack of political will. Or phrased differently, the leaders of the industrialized nations would rather pay a much bigger price in the future for inaction now, than pay a smaller price now for acting. It would appear then that the biggest lesson from the COVID-19 pandemic is that our leaders don’t like saving lives when it harms the economy. The obstacle to action on climate change is our leaders. This is fundamentally at odds with our survival as a civilization and perhaps as a species. It also doesn’t make financial sense unless one’s sense of finance is based entirely on greed. But then it does fit into a historical pattern of human behavior. The world’s poorest countries contribute the least toward climate change, yet they are the ones who will suffer the worst consequences of climate change as they lack the resources with which to combat the effects of rising sea levels, more frequent natural disasters, and dwindling water and food supplies. That is the fate of the marginalized in time of crisis, except, ultimately, nowhere is safe from the effects of climate change. This is denialism on a cataclysmic scale, and it cannot be overstated that acting now to prevent runaway climate warming will cost less than dealing with the aftermath. An editorial published in the journal Nature in May 2018 is headlined, “Curbing global warming could save US$20 trillion.” (Nature 557, 2018: 467–468). It references a study that was published in the journal, and which aimed to calculate the financial costs that are projected to result from climate change, the costs associated with preventing the results of climate change, and to measure the difference. The

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presumed answer, is $20 trillion dollars. The study is an updated and more comprehensive version of a study on the economic impact of climate change first published in 1991 by the economist, Bill Nordhaus. The conclusion the study published in Nature reached is the same as the conclusion reached by Nordhaus. It is still cheaper to act against climate change than to pay for the consequences. Naturally, the findings of the study are disputed on such solid grounds as assuming that people in the future will find ways to adapt to climate change that are not taken into consideration by the models used to calculate the costs associated with climate change. The criticism of the use of assumptions in building the model is valid, any mathematical model of a nonlinear feedback system such as the economy or climate, is only as accurate as the assumptions it is built on. The less accurate the assumptions, the less accurate will be the predictions, becoming even less accurate the further into the future it attempts to project. However, criticizing a mathematical model because it did not use one or another economist’s preferred assumptions is not valid, this is simply a variation of the “it’s true because I believe it’s true” theme. We may quarrel over which assumptions about the costs arising from climate change are better, but we cannot argue with rising sea levels, or extended summers, or collapsing biodiversity, or excess deaths from extreme heat or pandemics. Perhaps we should take seriously the reality that, as part of this biosphere we are as dependent on its wellbeing for survival as other species, we may not survive the collapse of biodiversity resulting from our actions. And perhaps we should ponder what it means for us as a civilization where we value and continue to value despite repeated warnings and now the reality of the consequences of our actions, the pursuit of economic growth to the exclusion of all else. If we continue to admire people who destroy the environment so that they can collect and keep for themselves stuff even as we suffer the consequences of their actions with no benefit to us, we may very well be gifting them our future. We should consider what it means for our future that nature is declining less in lands managed by indigenous peoples, but even in these lands, nature is declining. Positive feedback in a nonlinear system, such as the biosphere, means that nowhere is isolated from the impact of climate change. We may well be better off if we admire and support the efforts of indigenous peoples and learn from them how to manage nature cooperatively. The value of indigenous and local knowledge will be essential for the preservation of the biosphere, even as their close cooperative relationship with nature will expose them to a worse impact from climate change. Yet, even as their lands are experiencing a decline in nature, indigenous peoples persist with a cooperative approach, working in partnership with other indigenous peoples and local communities to establish networks for monitoring, revitalizing and adapting local attempts at preserving nature (IPBES, 2019: XVIII–XIX). Indigenous peoples may not be able to avoid the decline of nature, but we should take note of the fact that their management systems result in nature declining more slowly. Their efforts point at a near-term viable solution for the fate of our species, but Elon Musk has yet to set a realistic estimate for when Mars would offer safe sanctuary for a few thousand of us. Unsurprising, the IPBES report (2019, XXII) and Frutos et al. (2020) come to the same conclusion, whether it is the loss of species or the emergence of new infectious diseases, we need to act at the local level as that is where indigenous knowledge of

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local conditions will be both more effective and less costly. Perhaps, just perhaps, Mars is not the solution here. On July 16th this year, Robert Reich, Professor of Public Policy at UC Berkeley and former Labour Secretary from 1993 to 1997 under President Bill Clinton, published the following on Twitter: “Billionaires rocketing off into space while the rest of humanity suffers is a sign of a broken society, not societal progress.” (Reich, 2021, July 16). If we are to criticize assumptions—as we should—then we should criticize the assumption that we can continue to exploit the planet for the benefit of a few as humans might invent some as yet undetermined deus ex machina solution in the future that would save the rest of us from biosphere degradation. In a world where nature not only provides us with the means for survival but protects us from her own threats to our survival, it is absurd to destroy that dynamic. Forest fires in the Arctic circle are not an assumption. If we learn only one thing from the COVID-19 pandemic, let it be the knowledge that if we are to avoid living in a present without a future, the best thing we can do, is saving the tree for the forest. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support were received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

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Kalasha People in Pakistan: A Mountain Indigenous Tribe’s Struggles to Protect Identity, Culture, Ancestral Lands, and Survival Saima Siddiqui

Abstract Kalasha are a group of Indigenous people located in the Hindukush mountains region in north-west (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Pakistan. Currently, the Kalasha population is estimated between 3000 and 4000, upholding polytheistic beliefs, distinctive culture, and social setup within a predominated Muslim state. This chapter explores the ways in which Kalasha are preserving their ways of living and the struggles confronted to protect their culture, language, traditional knowledge, and ancestral lands. The purpose is to argue that Indigenous peoples well-being, identity, and survival are interconnected to access to natural resources (ancestral lands, water, biodiversity), right to cultural and religious freedom, traditional knowledge practices, and belief systems. Secondary date substantiated by semi-structured questionnaire and interviews with local Kalasha leaders, local NGO representative, and community members indicate a continuing decline. Lack of sustainable economic prospects in the mountains, low rate of education, lack of basic health facilities compounded with poor developmental planning, land encroachment, loss, over-tourism, unregulated development, and forced religious conversions. The role of the Government of Pakistan is also scrutinized due to the absence of political will to safeguard Kalasha people and exploiting them for tourism promotion, thus posing risk to their existence. To survive, Kalasha requires uninterrupted economic and legal assistance from the Government of Pakistan, ensuring control over ancestral lands, forests, right to practice religious and cultural practices. In addition to that significant funding is required to build physical infrastructure, promotion of local Kalasha tourism and increase political representation and participation into local, provincial, and federal government levels. Keywords Kalasha · Right to ancestral lands · Protection of cultural beliefs · Forced religious conversions · Socio-economic well-being · Local infrastructure · Government of Pakistan

S. Siddiqui (B) Marlene Street Community Resource Centre (MSCRC), Winnipeg, Canada e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_16

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1 Introduction The Hindu Kush Himalayas (HKH) region is rich in natural resources and cultural diversity. The foothills are abundant with lush grasslands, fresh water, mountain forests, and alpine meadows Karki et al. (2012). The inhabitants, mostly minority groups and Indigenous1 tribes, have their own distinctive cultures, languages, ancient religions, complex social structures, and political setup (Choudhry & Bokharey, 2013; Karki et al., 2012; Miller, 2011; Meijknecht & de Vries, 2010). The land, tress, rivers, animals, and forests are essential feature of life and livelihood, traditions, and belief system (Olsen and Larse, 2003). Their ways of living: perspective on knowledge and approach to well-being may considerably be different from those of mainstream society (Sarivaara et al., 2013). Indigenous communities encounter several socio-economic, political, and legal issues such as loss of ancestral lands, traditional livelihoods, culture, and language, and are marginalization and discriminated having little or no rights (ibid.). In particular, the right to self-determination and identity are particularly compounded for Indigenous people living in isolation on remote mountains because their self-identity, self-determination, and survival are interlinked to nature and environment. The harsh climate, degradation of biodiversity, increase in energy and food crisis, population growth, poor living conditions have hampered the general well-being of the people in the HKH (Kurvits et al, 2014). As Dean and Levi (2003) observed, the need is to preserve and safeguard culture, and language as well as ensuring the right to land/forest ownership and protection of natural resources, alongside health, education, employment, and political representation of Kalasha are essential for their survival. In Pakistan, the Kalasha are one of the last surviving communities living in the Hindu Kush range of Western Himalayas. At present, this Indigenous community is

1

Jose R. Martinez Cobo, Special Rapporteur of the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, presented a working definition of Indigenous people (communities, and nations). His working definition reads as: “Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions, and legal system. (United Nations PFII/2004/WS.1/3 pp. 1–2). The writer of this chapter understands the core problem with the above definition i.e., “the Indigenous peoples’ aspiration to get back their historical rights to the land and waters. Special rights make the individual-level definition topical: how to define the subjects entitled to use Indigenous peoples’ rights?” (Sarivaara et al., 2013, p 371). Also, it is challenging to define Indigeneity and who exactly are the Indigenous people because one group, tribe or community of individuals cannot be compared with another as they are always “context-bound: each indigenous people have its own special history especially in relation to the colonialist power and or the dominant government” (ibid. 370).

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located in the valleys of Bumboret (or Mumret), Rumbur (Rukmu), and Birir (Biriu), in Chirtal District of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (ibid, 2003).

The tribe is Indigenous an ethnic, linguistic, and religious minority as old as 3000 years, which was once into hundred thousand in population and extended up to Afghanistan.They have a unique identity, culture, language, and social setup based on worshiping temple gods and goddesses, shamanic traditions, and pastoral ideology (Cooper, 2005; Parkes, 1987; Sheikh et al., 2014). Over the years, like most Indigenous Mountain communities, the Kalasha have become vulnerable to outside influence, which is critically endangering their existence. Rapid economic decline, urbanisation, climate degradation, absence of absence of education and health services, political marginalization, loss of land/forests, mass influx of tourism, and Islamic proselytism are some of the eminent threats faced by this vibrant community and have numerically reduced them into small numbers (Khan, 2009; Maggi, 2001; Naqvi, 1996). The following chapter documents the religious, cultural, pastoral, and indigenous traditions and rituals of the Kalasha. It provides an unromantic view of how a community with vibrant traditions and ancient costumes and practices is maintaining their ways of living against poverty, disease, religious conversions, resource exploitation of forests/land, unwanted tourism, and insensitive government approach to safeguard the rights of the Kalasha as indigenous people.

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The study further highlights the individual and collective efforts taken up by the Kalasha people and the outsiders in preserving the declining cultural traditions, heritage, rituals, and the general well-being of the people. These include setting up organisations and pressure groups to protect the mountain conservation, land and forest rights and development planning, documenting, and scripting the Kalasha indigenous language, building museums and community-based schools to promote and protect the loss heritage as well as providing medical assistance against diseases and potable water to the valleys. Finally, this research demands to the government to recognise the right to selfdetermination of the Kalasha to provide legal and constitutional protection and religious and cultural autonomy. Such recognition must be tied with drastic measures in the constitution and implementation of laws ensuring territorial and religious protection of the Kalasha, particularly women. Similarly, there must be representation of the Kalasha leadership at provincial and national politics concerning their rights on issues pertaining to forest encroachment in the valley and forced religious conversions. These provisions are of immense concern of Kalasha ethnic and religious identity and autonomy and for the preservation of their culture, language, heritage, and traditional knowledge. Equally, investment in better schools, health care, water, and sanitation facilities in the valley to ensure health and education for women as well as non-farming employment opportunities for youth, particularly women, would ease the general sense of deprivation in the Kalasha.

2 Methods Used The present examination is based on an earlier study conducted in the three Kalasha valleys; Bumburet, Rumbur and Birir located in the Hindukush mountains in District Chital, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) Province of Pakistan. Initially, the researcher team consulted the Kalash People’s Development Network (KPDN), a local NGO in Bumburet and the Agha Khan Education Support Program (AKESP) in District Chitral discussing the study aims and objectives. In particular, these organisations helped in identifying various threats and risks faced by the Kalasha community. A standard semi-structured questionnaire was then developed based on this feedback individuals were selected for the interviews. In the first phase of the study, KPDN conducted the on-site survey with selected respondents: two older men, two older women, two younger men and two younger women and two NGO representatives. Most of the questions were asked in the local Kalasha language and translated into Urdu and English for the analysis of the results. In the second phase, the researchers visited the Kalasha valley for community observation and to conduct some in-depth interviews with the selected locals and with the some of the organisations working in the valley to document the Kalasha ways of living to understand the culture, religion, and rituals. The results and discussion in the chapter are largely established on the observation made as well as on secondary data from books, documentaries, academic journals, and news articles.

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Empathic neutrality2 emphasized that researcher understanding should include personal experience empathic insights as part of relevant data. A complete objectivity is impossible, and researcher understands the complexity of the situation without proving something and not advancing personal agenda. The researcher analyzed the data in a neutral and non-judgmental way to explain the phenomenon. The research setting also required naturalistic inquiry that is made to fits better for socio-behavioral phenomena. It provides the observations in its natural settings without providing the control to the researcher. As a result, empathic neutrality research becomes a “natural occurring event, program, or community which has no predetermined course established by and for the researcher” (Patton, 1978, p. 41). The study is simple in design and descriptive in nature. Methodological triangulation method was taken as it is best fit under the given scenario. At initial level of the study, secondary data were reviewed on indigenous communities and particularly on Kalasha. The risks confronted by the community and key stakeholders responsible for providing preservation were identified.

3 Results and Discussion There has never been a head count of the Kalash population, and the size of the population is subjected to speculations. According to unofficial estimates, Kalash population ranges from 3000 to 6000. Most people place their total at about 4000 (Samdani, 2004). Kalasha are descendants of the Kafirs of the nineteenth-century land of Kafiristan. At that time, the Raj in British India sought a stable Afghanistan to act as a buffer against the Russians. Kafiristan was partitioned in 1893 along the Durand Line (which still defines much of the northeast Afghan border with Pakistan). Much of the land went to Afghans who renamed it Nuristan and attacked the Kafirs. Had the land not been divided, the Kalasha people may not have survived (Grover, 2002). According to Raffaele (2007), there were about 50,000 Kalasha spread across Kafiristan in 1890s. The situation changed in the year 1893 when Afghan ruler Abdur Rehaman invaded the land and named it “Nuristan” (land of the Englightend) and forced Kalasha to either convert to Islam or face death. To avoid the harsh consequence, most of the Kalasha adopted Islam, and assimilated into the Muslim population, culture, and lifestyle. Nonetheless, some of the Kalasha retreated in the Hindu Kush mountain valleys of what is now Pakistan and continue to live according to their religion and culture to this day (Khatak, 2019). There are different theories about the genetic origin of the Kalasha. According to the traditional belief, Kalasha came from a distant place known as Tsiyam (Khatak, 2019; Trail, 1996). Though there are no official sources to confirm the origins of Tsiyam, the priests refer to as ancient land in traditional songs, folklore, and festivals. 2

Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods, Second Edition, Micheal Quinn Patton. Sage publication. London (1980).

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Other historians promote Kalasha as the descendants of the soldiers of Alexander the Great (Trail, 1996). Similarly, there have been many assumptions made about the Kalasha religion. According to Sevensson (2008), Kalasha practice an early form of the Vedic religion, which remained in the Hindu Kush Mountains on its way east to the plains of India, whereas others proposed Kalasha’s belief are taken from Greek mythology introduced by errant soldiers from the army of Alexander the Great (ibid.) The Kalasha speak an archaic type of Indo-European language—an endangered Dardic language (Hussain & Mielke, 2020). The language is has a tradition of ancient songs, and folklore (oral traditions) showcasing the wisdom of the Kalasha. In the last three decades, few primary schools in the valley with the support of non-profits teaching Kalasha scripts to younger generation (Khatak, 2019). Religion, Culture and Rituals: The Kalasha follow a Polytheist religion based on ancestor worship, as well as 12 gods and goddesses dominated by the main god, Mahandeo. The society of Kalasha people is based on joint family system of patriarchal lines. The village headman of Kalasha is known as “Asuqal”; they use the solar calendar, and their elders are expert in astrological and meteorological predictions. Their religion or spiritual belief is based on nature worship, motifs, and human-ecological co-dependence. There relationships with nature are further expressed through according to Kalasha mythology, needs its manifestation in music and dance, which also contributes to the pleasure of gods and goddesses. In their festivals, music and dance are performed not as an entertainment item, but as a religious ritual (Awan and Rafeeq, 2014). The Kalasha religion has two essential traditions of ‘Pure’ and ‘Impure’. Men are considered pure and women impure. The Kalasha seclud women during monthly periods and pregnancies by confining them to a place called Bashalini. Each Kalasha village has a Bashalini outside their settlements. During the confinement in the bashilni, the women are allowed to work in the fields but are not allowed entre the home or inside the village. They are considered untouchable and impure during their time in the Bashalini. Though considered impure, yet women join the men in farming Table 1 Kalasha temples and places of respect Malosh

These are holy places where sacrifices are offered. These places are situated on the outskirts of a village

Jastakan

This is a large hall decorated with effigies and animal figures. Jastakan are holy places where rituals are performed at the times of birth, death, and festivals

Bashalini

The Kalasha house for secluded women due to menstruation and childbirth is situated near watercourses just outside each village and is off limit for men

Madokjal

This is a Kalasha graveyard. In the past, dead bodies were put in wooden boxes and placed in open air. In recent years, the Kalasha have started burying coffins

Charsu

A dancing place where young couples gather to perform a dance in commemoration of their love

Source The above definitions are extracted from Awan and Rafeeq (2014)

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activities, as well as in singing and dancing. Girls are free to choose their life partners and have a right to divorce. The most significant aspect of Kalasha life is music, singing, and dancing which is not only a source of entertainment, but also a part of their traditions, religion, and rituals. The young and aged, men and women, elite and commoners all get together to sing and dance (Maggi, 2001). Three main festivals are celebrated each year. First is the Joshi or Chilimjusht (May 14 and 15) which is held in spring, when girls pick the first flower of the season. The days are marked by the dancing, visiting each other, exchanging flowers, milk, and milk products. Second is the Utchal (mid-July) is celebrated to mark the harvest of wheat and barley. It lasts for two days with dancing, singing, and feasting being its main features, and finally, Chowas: (December 18– 21) the winter festival is celebrated to welcome the New Year by feasting and merry making until the elders, who sit on a hill top, watching the sun reaching the orbit, then declare the advent of the New Year. They come down from the hills, light their torches, performs dances and sacrifice goats at later. During the festivals, they sacrifice animals at altars to please gods and goddesses. This religious ritual is performed with high regard for the supernatural beings, according to the Kalasha mythology. Shaman plays an important role in the Kalasha culture. He makes prophecies during religious rituals. They seek the help of fairies to make prophecies with regard to the weather, crops, livestock, and other agro-pastoral activities, including prospects for the coming year. 3 Apart from routine practice and festivals, death is also an occasion for singing and dancing. This is perhaps the most interesting and unique phenomenon that the kalasha mourn death rituals with singing and dancing. It is one of the only times that the Kalasha eat meat; animals are too valuable to slaughter except on such occasions. During the funeral, a group of Kalasha women form a semicircle around the corpse—which lay on a bier, covered in gold cloth, and linked arms. They dance around the body while others chanted. You could tell the women from the bereaved family because they were the only women with bare heads (a Kalasha woman takes off her headdress only when in mourning). In between the dances, the male elders tell the life story of the deceased in a kind of chant (Foreman, 2007). The Kalasha keep goats, which play a central role in religious celebrations. goats and sheep, essential for the Kalash who survive on their milk, goat’s cheese and butter during the long winter months. Goats also play an important role in their festivals, which are a part of their unique culture and religion. They produce a variety of unsalted types of cheese from goat milk. Their behavior towards nature in general and natural resources in particular is impressively respectful. The Kalasha grow magnificent walnut trees that they take great

3

Information provided by Luke Rehmat, founding CEO, Kalash People Development Network (KPDN) and Subhan Kalash from https://subhankalash.wordpress.com/.

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care of, near their irrigated terraces with wheat and other cereals. Their grapevines climb up trees and produce a delicious wine.4

4 Threats and Risks According to the respondents interviewed in this study, we identified the risks and threat to identify the Kalasha and indicated the role of various stakeholders struggling to safeguard the local community identity, cultural, meanwhile, building the local economy and infrastructure. These actors are local Kalasha people and their community leaders making every effort at to preserve their ways of living against the risks. The other two stakeholders are the Government of Pakistan, outside community (including private contractors, and non-profits etc.) brining socio-economic, cultural and infrastructure (development programs), and initiatives to the valleys. Nonetheless, these participants largely criticized the role of the government and the outsiders as posing threat to the Kalash well-being. One of the first dangers is the growing religious conversions are the biggest threat to Kalasha way of life. Although most of the conversions are forceful, there are cases where people, particularly youth, are converting because of persistent poverty and unemployment in the valley and the cultural and social marginalization in the predominating Muslim country. The consequences of conversions have been extremely destructive to the community life. As Wynne (2001) observed, respondents confirmed many such conversions have left family breakups, permanent loss of rituals and cultural participation in daily practices and communal events. Inward migration from other parts of the country, tourism, and peer pressure from converted Kalasha also poses risks to the community. To safeguard the Kalasha religion and culture, many participants emphasized the Qazi’s (Priests) and Shamans offering Indigenous knowledge, and regularly performing rituals, music, and festivals. Sheikh et al. (2014) noted the role of Kalasha spiritual leaders in daily lives of the people and in passing down the traditional language and cultural practices to the youth children (ibid.). It was also informed by participants that a small group of local Kalasha decided to establish an autonomous and independent Kalasha Community School in Birir valley. The school strives to preserve the written language and the endangered traditions and heritage of its culture and prevent these valuable traditions from dying out. Respondent also identified the role of the women in the protection of the Kalash religion through wearing of the traditional outfits and particularly the headdress (shushut). The dressmaking is a women-centric activity from weaving and dying of wool and cotton to thread embroidery and beaded decoration and other ornaments, women are involved in every step (Kalash womens headdress (shushut) from 4 Witzel (2004). The Rgvedic Religious System and its Central Asian and Hindukush Antecedents. . In A. Griffiths & J.E.M. Houben (Eds.) The Vedas: Texts, Language and Ritual (pp. 581–636). Groningen. Forsten.

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Northwest Pakistan, 2022). This recognition with traditional clothing is so deep and crucial that in cases where women convert into other religion, the use of Shushut and traditional clothing is abandoned (Wynne, 2001). On the efforts of the Government of Pakistan, fewer respondents acknowledged the Constitution Article 28 in safeguarding minorities rights, implementation of executive orders to protect rights of Kalasha, and government planning to restore and rehabilitation of Kalasha cultural spaces and an ethnology museum in the valley (NCHR, 2017). Respondents also recognized the establishment of Cultural Centre of Kalasha (Kalashadur) in the Bumboret town. This centre was built by a Greek nonprofit volunteers and exhibit valuable collection of Kalasha Indigenous artifacts, which are mostly in extinction. Nonetheless, most respondents expressed lack of satisfaction. Despite the gradual Islamization in the country and geopolitics in the region impacted in the diminishing the rights of the Kalasha (ibid.), participants pointed out the community find it difficult to perform their rituals and maintain their temples and cultural spaces according to their traditions. From the religious forced conversion, and shrinking Kalasha identity, undocumented Kalasha language and traditional knowledge is categorized as another risk that is hindering Kalasha. According to the local Kalasha Qazi’s and leadership interviewed, a well-documented Kalasha language means preservation of traditional knowledge, rituals, and religion for the next generation. Participants informed about the efforts made by the community to preserve and document the language. Chiefly, the production of Kalasha Dictionary by two Australians and appreciated the efforts of Taj Khan Kalash, a local Kalasha youth and Lashka Bibi (an eminent local) for promoting the development of Kalasha alphabets book with the help of a foreign funding agency. However, most respondents were not pleased with the unconcerned Government of Pakistan. The role of government in restoring Kalasha language and traditional knowledge is not reported by respondents. So far, according to government documents, it has only documented and disseminated Kalasha folklore music and dances through the National Institute of Folklore and Traditional Heritage (Lok Virsa) in capital city of Islamabad. On forest ownership, several respondents informed that their lives depended on herding livestock, which directly relied on the forest. Losing the right to own forest means losing century old traditional knowledge for healing herbs and collection, packing, and drying of forest products for selling in local market. Forest is the one of the main sustainable assists to most Kalasha people. Women participants indicated how traditionally, they received fruit trees as a part of the dowry from their parents; however, this practice has shrunk because of the loss of forest ownership. Male respondents identify how trees belonged to Kalasha have gradually been taken over by the forest corporation of Pakistan and sold to lumber companies indiscriminatory. As Mehmood (2003) and Ajaz (2004) noted loss of nature, green pastures, and sustainable livelihoods forced younger Kalasha to move out of the valleys in search of work and better life. Community Initiatives: According to respondents, efforts against regain forest control are not promising. In many cases, it has taken them years to build cases against

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Table 2 Education enrolment Rumboor Valley

Birir Valley Total population

Primary but not matric

Matric and above

1780

64

21

Male

941

62

21

Female

938

2

0

Total

Total population

Primary but not matric

Matric and above

1138

65

31

Male

606

58

30

Female

532

7

1

Total

Source 1998 District Census Report of Chitral, Population Census Organization, Statistics Division, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad. April 2000

the powerful culprits. However, respondents indicated the only celebrated case where a Kalasha leader eventually won his timberland after 2 decades of court cases and surviving an attempted murder, while his brother was killed.5 This according to the younger respondents given strength to the community to take up fight for their right and one of the local NGO has a mandate to regain loss forest rights to the people of Kalasha. Government and NGO initiatives: Respondent’s dissatisfaction reported as they indicated corruption on the part of the Forest department as well as pressures from other communities on government. NGO lobbying is noticed but ineffective. Provision of education, basic health facilities, and potable drinking water are requirement of any nation. The respondents from Kalasha indicated unavailability of these necessities are creating adverse risks for the community. To this date, complete official data on number of schools, health centers, and availability of portable water in Kalasha Valley is not available to analyze the gravity of the situation. In education sector, according to last population census 1998, the literacy level in population above 10 years of age is 9.3 and 14.5% in Birir and Rumboor valley, respectively. Table 2 shows the education statistics in Birir and Rumboor valley. Statistics on Bumboret are not available in population census. Low health facilities, sanitation, and portable water are another area where respondents indicated dissatisfaction on the level of health and sanitation conditions in the valley. Although there are government Basic Health Units (BHU) functioning under the Presidents Primary Healthcare Initiatives (PPHI), respondents unanimously pointed none had any doctor or proper medical facilities (Farooqi, 2008). Maureen Lines, field director of Hindu Kush Conservation Association of Hindu Kush, which is a British registered charity acknowledged similar concerns about absence of adequate medical facilities in the valley and the absence of experienced staff and doctors (quoted in Foreman, 2007). Women respondents indicated infant and maternal death due to poor sanitation and lack of medical facilities at Bhashali. NGO representatives also informed that lack of sanitation facilities force women to regularly wash, clean, and dispose solid and other waste is directly into the river. This in turn has an adverse effect on the 5

Saifullah Jan is an indigenous activist and spokesman in Kalash.

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health of the community and overall environment of the valley as river is the main source of main source of water for everyday usage for the valleys. Polluted water going down stream is the major cause of diseases in the Kalasha community as well as their livestock, their key source of livelihood (KIPS 2006). Unavailability of potable water is a huge problem in the valley. According to the Census Report of 1998, in Birir out of 221 houses only 8 have portable water followed by 11 houses having potable water in 190 houses in Rumboor valley. Schools data specific to Kalasha are not available but there are local and community schools are operating in the valley in the partnership of the government, local, and international NGOs. Government Initiatives: Government has established schools, BHUs, and provides portable water to some houses, but it is yet to know the exact number. Official prejudice in education and availability of portable water supply was reported. According to respondents, converted Kalasha are provided with portable water pipeline only and state-run schools are involved in religious conversions. NGO Initiatives: Respondents informed NGOs involvement in running local schools and recently Kalasha language schools. In health and sanitation, NGOs have opened dispensaries, stove, and Latrine Project for women to ensure healthy and hygienic conditions for living. Bashalis equipped with sanitation facilities for women. However, older respondents blamed some charities for promoting Christianity through schools. The Kalasha people are known for their traditional knowledge in farming and building architecture and indicate the preservation of this knowledge for their unique identity and survival. Women respondents informed about their role in cultivating large variety of seeds, beans, and different legumes, often mixing (crossbreeding) with cereals. On the field, it is duty of the women to look after the harvest and preserve fruits and nuts for the winter months. Older respondents informed about the sophisticated technique of irrigation where channels are built with tree-trunk to bring glacier water down the mountains into the fields. This system of irrigation is part of the Kalasha tradition and is sustained by younger generation appointed as ‘constables’ known as the roi. According to Bicker et al. (2000), the ROI coordinate ritual offerings and subsistence activities throughout the year and among their duties are to supervise household contributions to ensure the irrigation channels are clear in spring. The ROIs also regulate animal herds and “imposition of a ‘closed season’ on fruit and walnut harvesting in summer” (p. 264). The role of ROI today is not significant but what the respondents believed should be incorporated by government and NGO projects. In construction of building, respondents indicated that one of the outstanding craftsmanship of the Kalasha artisans is construction of houses, which are multiple floors made of wood or stone walls with carvings on the columns and ceiling. However, respondents indicated when the Government of Pakistan as well as the donor driven development project for Kalasha community introduced, they without doubt the benefitted from opportunities to employment; however, reversal effects of some of the programs. For example, the sponsored construction of new irrigation channels even before completion several have encountered problems of construction.

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These responses underpin to Pekers (quoted in Bakshi, 2001) conclusions about the discrepancies found in irrigation programs development in Kalasha. According to the author, irrigation channels were skewed and functioned poorly causing low with “pipes for drinking water buried insufficiently deep and ruptured by winter frosts” (p. 3). In summer months, flooding washes away inadequately constructed suspension bridges and damages “flood protection walls” (ibid.) thus affecting the lives of the locals. Respondents also point out the lack of cultural understanding in development project where a number of new concrete ‘clan temples’ or tin-roofed ‘dancing pavilions’ and women Bashalis built by outsider contractors ignored the skills of Kalasha artisans and architecture in most of the new building too is not sensitized with insensitive to Kalasha religious symbols as they carved symbols. Community Initiatives: Respondents informed little concrete effort by community to ensure development projects introduced in the valley are in line with traditional knowledge of farming, irrigation, and construction of building. Youth respondents distastefully informed all these ill-fated projects were requested by Kalasha leaders and local contractors after consulting a series of ‘participatory dialogues’ with their choice of local representation in the valley and marginalizing the interest of larger Kalasha community. Respondents indicated little effort for preserving the traditional system of construction and farming in the given situation where the interest of influential leaders and government bureaucracy play hand in hand but at community level, they are involved in keeping traditional practices refusing NGO and government style development for a long time. Most of the respondents indicated adverse effect of overflowing tourism industry on the lives of the people that includes risks to the community environment and peace of the valley. Most tourists are insensitive to the religious and cultural norms and sensibilities of the local population. Hotel owners contaminated rivers and streams with wastes and diesel revenues. Privacy of the people particularly women and elderly are greatly affected as the tourists impose unwanted attention (Lines, 1997). Another adverse impact of tourism industry is exploitation of women. According to the people they are paid to dance and lure into commercial sex. Women are paid to dance since the majority of the people are living poverty, becoming a sex worker has been as a means of escaping from this unfortunate state. Community Initiatives: Respondents agreed that despite adverse impact of tourism industry some economic benefits of tourism on the lives of the people have occurred. Community induced tourism means indigenous cultural friendly tourism. Today, the community owns more than six small guesthouses in the valleys and number of tea houses up in the valleys that brings employment and mechanisms for money passing from the tourists to the community and payments for tea in local cafes and nights spent in guest houses. NGO Initiatives: Respondents appreciated the effort of international NGOs responsible for training local youth as tour guide to generate further employment (HKCA documents).

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5 Conclusion The present study was conducted in the three Kalasha Valleys of Bumburet, Rumbur and Birir located in the Hindu Kush range in District Chitral, Northern Pakistan. The research is based on data collection, participant observation during the community visit to document the Kalasha indigenous living and the struggles and threat faced to their existence. According to literature, the history of Kalasha is woven in the strong affiliation with the nature and land. The Kalasha are a non-violent pastoral tribe of not more than 4000 people following pre-Islamic religion based on worshiping temple gods and goddesses. They have no social power structure, caste, class, creed, and wealth in the society. Their unique indigenous culture, however, is netted in oral traditions of strict codes of pure (onjesta) and impure (pragata), which impact on daily life. Men are considered pure compared to women and young/adolescent boys purer than adults so much so that they rather perform rituals. Although men are considered pure compared to women, like other mountain and pastoral communities, women share a relatively egalitarian relationship with men. They not only participate in agriculture production, animal husbandry, and natural recourses management, alongside take care of household duties but are the custodians of rituals. The Kalasha have shamanic elements where knowledge and wisdom are in the hands of Shamans and Qazi preaching rituals, offering and sacrifice. The people of Kalasha have survived over the years maintaining their identity because of being exclusive and passive in nature allowing the community to live in containment within their own group of people. Nevertheless, the Kalasha have been invaded and influence by outsider and colonial powers; first, the Aryans, then Muslim rule followed by the British. Since, August 1947, the Kalasha came under the rule of the under the Government of Pakistan and eventually become citizens in 1969, when Pakistan gained full control of the Princely state of Chitral. Although Kalasha have their own territory where they pay no taxes, as an indigenous and mountain community, they are faced with multiple dilemmas of poverty, disease, lack of basic health facilities, low education, unemployment, loss of mountain forests/land, negative impacts of tourism and development programs that ignore the local knowledge and conditions causing religious, economic, and political prosecution. Finally, the present study demands more active role of the Government of Pakistan and civil society organizations in the protection and preservation of indigenous Kalasha religion and culture. In particular, the local and international NGOs could use indigenous knowledge and grass-root participation of men, women, and youth in the development programs and conservation activities. Efforts are required to develop awareness and sensitizing the tourist and government officials towards conservation of the Kalasha community. Adoption of an integrated approach (from government, community, and NGOs) in the implementation of conversation strategy required serious commitment toward preserving this beautiful cultural heritage. Acknowledgements Kalash People’s Development Network (KPDN), President Luke Rehmat and the organization staff for initial discussion and input for the semi-structured questionnaire. KPDN

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was also involved in the identification of the selected community members and leaders for the interviews. Declaration This study was conducted in June 2008 and funded by Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC). The study results were presented at the International Conference on Indigenous People (ICIP, 2008). This conference was held on July 29–31, 2008, and organized by Centre for Poverty and Development Studies at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. Consent The researcher shared study objectives, duration, expectation, and potential risks with the selected participants. KPDN team was involved in the consent process.

References Ajaz, A. (2004). Non-timber products: A substitute for livelihood of the marginal community in Kalash valley, Northern Pakistan. Ethnobotanical Leaflets, 11, 97–105. Awan, A and Rafeeq, M (2014) Impact of Tourism on the Local Livelihood: A case Study of Kalash Valley, Pakistan. 3rd PhD IATE workshop. Université de Valenciennes, France. https://www.academia.edu/6603193/Impact_of_tourism_on_local_livelihood_A_case_ study_of_Kalash_Valley_Pakistan Bicker, A., Ellen, R., & Parkes, P. (Eds.). (2000). Indigenous environmental knowledge and its transformations: Critical anthropological perspectives (1st ed.). Routledge. Choudhry, F. R., & Bokharey, I. Z. (2013). Perception of mental health in Pakistani nomads: An interpretative phenomenological analyses. International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health and Wellbeing, 8(22469) Cooper, G. (2005). ISSUES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF A WRITING SYSTEM FOR THE KALASHA LANGUAGE. PhD thesis Department of Linguistics Macquarie University Dean, B., & Levi, B. (Eds.). (2003). At the risk of being heard: Indigenous rights, identity and postcolonial states. University of Michigan Press. District Census Report 1998 of Chitral. (2000). Population Census Organization, Statistics Division, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad. Farooqi. (2008). Ground Report Pakistan. How Kalash Preserving, PPHI Play Vital Role in Health Uplifting.htm Finance Department, Government of NWFP. Foreman, J. (2007). The Titans of Kalash. Telegraph Magazine. Online. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/ arts/main.jhtml?xml=/arts/2007/07/28/smpakistan28.xml&page=1 http://louisville.edu/org/sun/ sustain/articles/one.html Hussain, Q., & Mielke, J. (2020). An acoustic and articulatory study of laryngeal and place contrasts of Kalasha (Indo-Aryan, Dardic). The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 147, 2873 Kalash Womens Headdress (Shushut) from Northwest Pakistan. (2022, February, 21) Museum of Applied Arts & Sciences. https://collection.maas.museum/object/343241 Karki, M., Tolia, R.S., Mahat, T.J., Tuladhar, A., & Aksha, S. (2012). Sustainable mountain development in the Hindu Kush–Himalaya from Rio 1990 to Rio 2012 and beyond. ICIMOD, Kathmandu Khan, T. (2009). Kalash Valleys: A call for Indigenous Cultural Survival. Central European University. Deparment of Legal Studies. Khan, RS (2016, August 7). Earthly matters: Who will save the Kalash? DAWN. https://www.dawn. com/news/1275387 Khatak, D. (2019, April 14). Anxious times in Pakistan’s Pagan Valley: Rising Islamic influence pressures an ancient people. https://www.rferl.org/a/pakistans-pagan-valley/29867489.html Kurvits, T., Kaltenborn, B., Nischalke, S., Karky, B., Jurek, M., & Aase, T. H. (2014). The Last Straw: Food Security in the Hindu Kush Himalayas and the Additional Burden of Climate Change. GRID-Arenda

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Lines, M. (1997). The Kalasha people of north-western Pakistan. EMJAY Books International. Maggi, M. (2001). Our women are free: Gender and ethnicity in the Hindukush. The University of Michigan Press. Mehmood, I. (2003). Deforestation in NWFP. NIPA. Online. http://www.khyber.org/publications/ 026-030/deforestation.shtml Meijknecht, A. K., & de Vries, B. S. (2010). Is there a place for minorities’ and indigenous peoples’ rights within ASEAN? Asian values, ASEAN values, and the protection of Southeast Asian minorities and indigenous peoples. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 2010(17), 75–110. Miller, R. J. (2011). Tribal constitutions and native sovereignty. Available: https://ssrn.com/abs tract=1802890 National Commission for Human Rights Pakistan (2017). Act 2012. Annual Report. Online: https:// www.nchr.gov.pk/wpcontent/uploads/2022/03/nchr-act.pdf Naqvi, F. H. (1996). People’s rights or victim’s rights: Re-examining the conceptualization of indigenous rights in international law. Indiana Law Journal, 71(3), 674–728. Olsen, C. S., & Larse, H. O. (2003). Alpine medicinal plant trade and Himalayan mountain livelihood strategies. Geographical Journal, 169, 243–254. Parkes, P. (2001). The Kalasha of Pakistan: Problems of minority development and environmental management. The-south-asian.com. Online: http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2001/Kalash1. htm Parkes, P. (1987). Livestock Symbolism and Pastoral Ideology among the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush. Man 22: 673–660. Patton, M. Q. (1978). Utilization-focused evaluation. Sage Publications. Patton, M. Q. (1980). Qualitative evaluation and research methods (2nd ed.). Sage publication. Roaf and Lines. Cultural heritage trails in North West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Oxford Brookes University, Headington Raffaele, P. (2007). Extreme Polo. Arts & Culture. Smithsonian Magazine Available: https://www. smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/extreme-polo-143790640/ Samdani, Z (2004, September 9) The changing world of Kalash. The Review. DAWN. Online: http:// dawn.com/weekly/review/archive/040909/review1.htm Sheikh, I., Chaudhry, H. U. R., & Mohyuddin, A. (2014). Religion as a space for Kalash identity a case study of village Bumburetin Kalash Valley, District Chitral. World Applied Sciences Journal, 29(3), 426–432. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259821328_Religion_as_ a_Space_for_Kalash_Identity_A_Case_Study_of_Village_Bumburetin_Kalash_Valley_Dis trict_Chitral Sarivaara, E., Määttä, K., & Uusiautti, S. (2013). Who is indigenous? Definitions of indigeneity. Eurasian Multidisciplinary Forum, EMF 2013 (1: Tbilisi: 2013): Proceedings: 1, 369–378. European Scientific Institute. Sarivaara, E., Maatta, K., & Uusiautti, S. (2014). Who is indigenous? Definitions of indigeneity. European Scientific Journal, ESJ, 9(10). Sevensson, E. (2008, January 29). It could end in tears... http://blog.estersvensson.com/2008/01/itcould-end-in-tears.html Taylor, J. (2007). Unveiled: The Pakistani tribe that dares to defy the fundamentalists. 18th July. The independent. Online http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/unveiled-the-pakistanitribe-that-dares-to-defy-the-fundamentalists-457700.html Trail, G. H. (1996). Tsyam revisited: A study of Kalasha origins. In: E. Bashir, & Israr-ud-Din (Eds.), Proceedings of the second international Hindukush cultural conference (pp. 359–76). Hindukush and Karakoram Studies, 1. Oxford University Press. Witzel, M. (2004). The R.gvedic religious system and its central Asian and Hindukush antecedents. In A. Griffiths & J. E. M. Houben (Eds.), The Vedas: Texts, language and ritual (pp. 581–636). Groningen. Forsten.

Notion of Resilience Among the Adivasis of Jungle Mahals, Eastern India Nirmal Kumar Mahato

Abstract This chapter will critically engage with the notion of resilience among the Adivasi people of Jungle Mahals, Eastern India. By the 1780s, the uncultivated “wastes” (or “jungle”) became synonymous with lawlessness and primitiveness. With the development of this mentality among the Indian middle class and colonial authorities on “wilderness,” “tribes,” and “forest became separate entity. It helped to take administrative actions and create a utopian vision in order to subdue, include, and reformulate the “tribal” society. The colonial authority recognized that India’s forests, hill tracts, and “tribal” people were ecologically distinct from the settled “civilized” people of the cultivated plains. The “tribals” were poeticized and preserved as primitive. With the British colonial intervention, the commodity production and consequent shift to monoculture disrupted this ecological equilibrium of the area and undermined the “moral economy” on which the local tribal population had based their livelihood, causing deforestation, water scarcity, and soil infertility. As a result of immense environmental and climatic changes which disrupt human welfare and biodiversity loss, the idea of resilience received importance. Indigenous people are at the forefront of global environmental change. However, the indigenous people of such countries, where their rights have not been protected, are at the risk zone. Adivasi people’s closeness to nature and their place attachment promote resilience to cope with this environmental change. Adivasi revivalism and their slogan jal jungle jamin (water–land–forest) also promote resilience to cope with environmental change and their colonial stigma. Keywords Resilience · Adivasi · Ecological moral economy · Famines · Alternative resources

N. K. Mahato (B) Department of History, Vidyasagar University, Paschim Medinipore, West Bengal, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_17

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1 Introduction This paper critically engages with the notion of resilience among the Adivasi1 communities of Jungle Mahals,2 Eastern India. Indigenous people are at the forefront of global environmental change. However, the indigenous people of such countries, where their rights have not been protected, reached at the risk zone. Adivasi people’s closeness to nature and their place of attachment promoted resilience to cope with this environmental change. As a result of immense environmental and climatic changes which disrupt human welfare and biodiversity loss, the idea of resilience received importance and has been discussed in different ways (Moser et al., 2019). Resilience may be regarded as the combined effects of some the capabilities, such as coping, adaptive, and changing, and as a result, we observed changing reactions in the context of environmental change. The factors which affected resilience to environmental change are the livelihood conditions and social, cultural, economic, demographic, and political factors working over different spatial–temporal scales (Bene et al., 2014; Brown, 2016). This wider framework forms a context where the local or regional factors effect resilience (Cinner & Barnes, 2019; Galappathithi et al., 2019). In social sciences, the notion of resilience implies how people and the social systems are integrated and affected by some of the factors, such as new policies, natural disasters, climate change, and ranging from regional to global changes. In disaster studies, resilience means a concept which study in what way people cope with the extreme events like people’s response to and recovery from cyclones, floods, famines, and other stresses (Cinner & Barnes, 2019: 51). Drawing from collective history, myths, and sacred teachings, the indigenous people made their own predicament and generate strategies of adaptation. These collectivities formed their identity and confirmed the vitality of community life. Thus, the resilience narrative received collective dimension and circulation of stories which created new approaches to cope with the challenges, creative solutions to new problems, their basic values, and lastly assertion of their identity. There are various types of resilience which resonate specific stories, environment, and Adivasi self-fashioning (Kirmayer et al., 2011: 86). Earlier research of resilience on indigenous communities has focused on individual, but recent works considers the community as a whole. The survival of community depends on the healthy ecology surrounding them. It can be achieved though “moral economy” based on the ideas of mutual dependence. The ideas about 1

The word “Adivasi” means original inhabitant. For details, see an excellent study (Rycroft, 2014) on assertion of Adivasis as indigenous peoples in India. Recently, scholars (Rycroft, 2014) do not italicize the word in order to normalize its use. See Rycroft, 2014. Looking beyond the present: The historical dynamics of Adivasi (Indigenous and Tribal) assertions in India, Journal of Adivasi and Indigenous Studies, I (1). (Online), 1. 2 In 1805, according to the Regulation XVIII, a new district named Jungle Mahals was created in Bengal Presidency consisting of twenty-three parganas (means the present Purulia district and parts of Birbhum, Bardhaman, Bunkura, and Medinipur). For details of its concept and administrative geography, see Sen, Suchibrata.1984. The Santals of Jungle Mahals, Calcutta: Ratna Publisher, pp.18–22. Here, the term Jungle Mahals has been used as cultural context indicating presently the districts of Medinipur(W), Jhargram, Purulia, and Bankura of West Bengal.

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co-existence can be transmitted through stories which “are built around culturally informed notions of personhood that link the individual to the community (both past and present) and to the land and environment” (Kirmayer et al., 2011: 89). From indigenous ideas on resilience, we can get an approach which is more “dynamic, systematic, and ecological” (Kirmayer et al., 2012: 399). Contesting the anthropocentric view where “human societies” and “environment” are distinct things, the more-than-human approaches look at all life forms as mutually dependent. In their study, while discussing the infrastructure in more-than-human ecosystems, Gibson-Graham et al. (2016) described the need for “ethical negotiation” between human and nonhuman economies. In their understanding, “resilience” is viewed as flourishing, and in more-than-human economies, both the human and nonhuman agents received mutual benefits.

2 Methodology This study is on seven communities, i.e., Mundas, Kurmis, Santals, Bhumijs, Oraons, Savars, and Brihors. The Adivasis of Jungle Mahals are generally divided into two categories: First is the forest dwellers that involved the Kherias, Paharias, and Birhors who practised shifting cultivation combined with hunting and food gathering on the hill slopes in the forest. Second is the settled agriculturalists comprising of Santals, Mundas, Oraons, Bhumijs, Koras, and Kurmis. The chapter tracks the methods of community-based participatory research (Fletcher, 2003). The author conducted interviews with key informants among the Adivasi communities. In the studies of Indigenous communities, narrative is very important because story telling in the Adivasi society is regarded as an important tool for knowledge transfer, wisdom, and identity assertion. The collective narrative can provide culturally specific resilience which resonate ways of life, specific environment, and worldviews of Indigenous people (Kirmayer et al., 2012: 401–2).

3 “Ecological Moral Economy” as a Tool of Resilience The Adivasis of Jungle Mahals worship the Earth Mother (Jaher Era) and think themselves as an integral part of earth’s body and soul. Though the Adivasi cosmology is evolutionary, but it is different from Hindu cosmology. The Adivasi worldview (Jansim binti and Karam binti) advocates a mutual dependence between the human and the non-human world. According to their worldview, the human is not considered above the animal or plant as these provide for the habitation for human beings. Thus, the Adivasi worldview is contrary to the European worldview where the human is placed above the animals. They maintained their traditional ecosystem that was arguably integrated with their surrounding environment. With their limited

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and sustainable utilization of natural resources, they practiced their own ecological moral economy in order to sustain their life and livelihood. The term moral economy implies the interplay between moral or cultural beliefs and economic activities. This is a concept to describe an economy which is based on goodness, fairness, and justice. In the case of moral economy, as Powelson argues, the economic factors are balanced against ethical values for the sake of social justice (Powelson, 1998). When the sense of moral economy is integrated to the philosophy of ecology (focuses on the interrelationship among human, plants, animals, and their abiotic environment), it is the ecological moral economy which, can be explored in the pre-colonial past of Jungle Mahals when we are to study about the views of the Adivasis towards their surrounding nature and their natural resource management. Their moral economy acts as sustenance, and they also receive many other qualities, like happiness, healing, guidance, and emotion. In pre-colonial past, the ecological moral economy of the Adivasis for resource management hinges on three major tools, such as eco-system conservation, ecological engineering, and alternative resource utilization (Fig. 1). Adivasi people used to follow these three powerful tools to negotiate environment properly for both long-term and short-term methods. Agriculturists give emphasis on tools (i) and (ii) as long-term management to reduce the chance of famine and drought and used tools (iii) when the environment was disastrous. However, the forest dwellers used the tools, such as (i) and (iii) for long-term management and again tool (iii) for short-term management (Fig. 2).

(i) Ecosystem Conservation

(ii) Ecological Engineering

(iii) Alternative Resource Utilization

Ecological Moral Economy

Fig. 1 Integrated nature of (i), (ii) and (iii); these tools when applied properly, can bring sustainability

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Two socio-economic Community or Groups Agriculturists

Forest Dwellers

(A) Long-term Method (B) Short-term Method

(A)

(B)

(i) Ecosystem Conservation (ii) Ecological Engineering

(i) (iii)

(iii)

(iii) Alternative Resource Utilization

Fig. 2 Component of ecological moral economy. Source Mahato and Bhattacharya (2013), Mahato (2020): 140

4 Methods of Agriculturists Adivasi people dependent on their agricultural resources had to clear forest patches for construction of settlement, but always gave due regards to the life-supporting value of forest and waterbodies. (i)

Tool-I: Eco-system Conservation by the Agriculturalists: The rituals and customs practiced by the agriculturist Adivasis of Manbhum reflected their empathy with the nature. Adivasi settlement pattern is very interesting. A deep jungle with sal, mahua and other trees, pure drinking water, cultivable land, and irrigation facility, and finally, a harmonious balance between the good and the evil spirit informed their settlement. In every Adivasi village, one can see sacred groves (saran/garam than) and evil or ghost abode surrounded by village forest (Bhowmik, 2005). Thus, some portion of forest was set aside and preserved to function as the source of regenerating place of biodiversity. They used to pay respect to the totem animal or plant. They protected it and refrained from causing harm to the totem entity. Such kind of taboo ultimately gives protection to the specific plant or animal. (ii) Tool II: Ecological Engineering: Engineering means construction of something new, i.e., a bridge or building. Ecological engineering refers to construction which is eco-friendly or construction of something for ecological wellbeing. According to Mitsch and Jørgensen (2003), “it is the design of sustainable ecosystems that integrate human society with its natural environment for the benefit of both”. It comprises of the design, construction, and management of ecosystems which give value to both humans and the environment. Adivasi people traditionally learnt different kinds of ecological engineering and landscape management. They made different types of ponds (bandhs) in such a way that did not damage the landscape. They made dam along the pond and planted different plant species on the dam to protect the ponds from siltation,

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Table 1 Plant and animal species that used as food, medicine, and other usage S. No.

Species (indigenous name)

Species (scientific name)

Plant and animal species that used as food and medicine

1

Kusum

Schleichera oleosa (Lour.) Oken (Myrtaceae)

Food and medicine

2

Khejur

Phonemix sylvestris Roxb, (Palmae)

Food

3

Tal

Borassus flabellifer, (Palmae)

Food and medicine

4

Jam

Syzygium cumini (L.) Skeels Food, medicine and (Myrtaceae) marriage ceremony of pond

5

Am

Mangiffra Indica Linn; (Anacardiaceae)

Food, medicine and marriage ceremony

6

Akh

Saccharum officium Linn. (Graminae)

Food and medicine

7

Sakarkenda

Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lamk. Food (Family—Convolvulaceae)

8

Bajra

Pennisetum typhoideum Rich. (Graminae)

Food

9

Jonar

Zeamays Linn (Graminae)

Food

10

Khet saonla

Echinochloa colona

Food

11

Kukra

Setaria glauca Beauv (Graminae)

Food

12

Bandar leja

Cassia fistula (Fabaceae)

Food and medicine

13

Kodo

Paspalum scrobiculatum Linn (Graminae)

Food

14

Gundli

Panicum miliare (Poaceae)

Food

15

Saonla

Panicum crusgalli (Poaceae) Food

16

Banpui

Basella cordifolia

Food and medicine

17

Baola alu

L. Bulbifera

Food

18

Chig alu (a type of potato)

Dioscorea globosa (Dioscoriceae)

Food

19

Simla alu

20

Chihor fal (fruit of Chihor)

21

Sal fal (fruit of sal). It was eaten with the Mahul

22

Bhurru paka

23

Bel

Food and medicine Food and medicine Shorea robusta Gaertn.f. (Dipterocar pacea)

Food and medicine Food

Aegle marmelos (L.) Correa (Rutaceae)

Food and medicine (continued)

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Table 1 (continued) S. No.

Species (indigenous name)

Species (scientific name)

Plant and animal species that used as food and medicine

24

Pat sak

Corchorus olitorius L. (Family—Tiliaceae)

Food

25

Pechki sak

Arum colacasia

Food

26

Kul

Ziziphus mauritiana Lamk. (Rhamnaceae)

Food and medicine

27

Ghee kalla

Mormordica cochinchinensis (Cucurbitaceae)

Food

28

Baonla alu

29

Kok sim

Vernonia cinerera Less. (Compositae)

Food and medicine

30

Piyal

Bachanania latifolia

Food

31

Bankundri

Cephalandia spc

Food and medicine

32

Mahul and its fruit

Madhuca indica, Gmelin (Combretaceae)

Food, medicine and marriage ceremony

33

Kend

Diaspyros melamonylon; d embrypteris

Food and medicine

34

Bahera

Terminalia bellerica

Food and medicine

35

Sanla sak

Morinja pterygospema Gaertn. (Morinja)

Food and medicine

36

Kadhali chatu (a type of mushroom)

Edible fruit body of different asco- and basidio-mycetan fungi

Food

37

Bhanda chatu (a type of mushroom)

Food

38

Patra chatu (a type of mushroom)

Food

39

Putka chatu (a type of mushroom)

Food

40

Kamarya chatu (a type of mushroom)

Food

41

Kuril (young shoots of the bamboo)

Dendrocalamus strictus

Food

42

Sona Beng (Indian bull frog)

Rana tigerina

Food

43

Dhamna Sap (rat snake)

Ptyas mucoss

Food and medicine

44

Samuk

Pila sp.

Food

45

Mejur (Indian peafowl)

Pavo cristatus

Food

Food

(continued)

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Table 1 (continued) S. No.

Species (indigenous name)

Species (scientific name)

Plant and animal species that used as food and medicine

46

Ban morog (jungle fowl)

Gallus gallus (Family: Phasianidae)

Food

47

Ban barah (wild pig)

Sas scrofa

Food

48

Kundri

Cephalandia Indica

Food and medicine

49

Khargos (rufous-tailed hare)

Lepus sigricollis

Food

50

Leol (small Indian mongoose)

Herpestes auropunctatus

Food

51

Kerketa (brown shrike)

Lanius cristatus

Food

52

Phuchi (common tailorbird) Orthotomus sutorius

Food

53

Dahuk (water bird)

Amauromis phoenicurus

Food

54

Titir (grey partridge)

Francolinus pondicernianus Food

55

Gecho Edur (Indian tree mouse)

Vandeleuria oleracea

Food

56

Metho Edur (lesser bandicoot rat)

Bandicota bengalensis

Food

57

Cheru (Indian palm squirrel)

Funumbulus palmmarum

Food

58

Jal murgi (Indian moorhen) Gallinula chloropus

Food

Source Kalipada Sabar and Shanta Sabar, Vill-Dakatarn, P.O.-Kuda, Dist-Purulia, W.B.

eutrophication, and other pollution. These ponds helped rainwater harvesting and recharge of ground water.3 (iii) Tool III: Alternative Resource Utilization: The agriculturist Adivasi communities, i.e., Bhumij, Kurmi, and Santals, received their nutrition from various forest products, such as roots, seeds, leaves, as alternative food. Their foodhabit was different from the plain-land people. As the Adivasis of Manbhum used substitute food during the time of famine, it did not rank with those districts in which a failure of the crops involves intense famine (Coupland, 1911: 128). The alternative food item includes mahua flower, seed of sal, kendu, manta, bahera, bainchi, ole, panaluetc (Table 1).4 Those people used other crops, such as gundlu and kado grown widely in scrub jungle during famine (Coupland, 1911; Damodaran, 1998). These wild genetic resources, which is nonrenewable, can be used in plant breeding and genetic engineering to deliver ongoing food and energy security under growing threat from development 3

Interview with Atul Chandra Mudi,Village-Chunardi, P.O.-Sindurpur, Purulia District, W.B., Dec 12 2006. 4 Interview with Barendra Singh Munda, Midnapore(W), W.B. 2007.

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and climate change (Henry, 2010). Sustainable food production requires conservation of land and water system. Therefore, local environmental knowledge and wild genetic resources are much more relevant.

5 Methods of Forest Dwellers In pre-colonial and early colonial times, the forest dwellers, such as Kheria, Paharia, and Birhors were solely dependent on the forest resource for their food and nutrition. They were much sensitive to preservation and sustainable utilization of their limited resources which they could not generate like agriculturists. (i) Tool-I: eco-system conservation by non-agriculturalists to fight against draught and famine: In pre-colonial days, the Manbhum District was clothed with dense forests (Ball, 1869). The forest dwelling communities, such as Hill Kheria, Lodha, Birhor, and Paharia led their life entirely depending upon the forests. They also practiced shifting cultivation in the jungle tract. The customs and rituals of the Hill Kherias reflected that they possessed rich knowledge about nature. Each clan of an Adivasi community owns a definite totem which is worshipped by a particular clan, and it showed respect to the totem animal or plant which it did not attack at any time. As they respected the totem animal, the Kherias did not eat sheep or might not even use a woolen rug (Sinha, 1989). Thus, some kind of resource partitioning was maintained to reduce the pressure on forest wealth so that the needs of man could not go beyond the natural regeneration capacity of these resources. This is an example of resource partitioning to reduce competition and resource management. (ii) Tool III: Alternative Resource Utilization: Besides, shifting cultivation, the forest dwelling Adivasis, i.e., Birhors and Kherias, received their nutrition from various jungle products like fruits, roots, etc. (Sinha, 1989). When the agricultural Adivasis used the tools, such as eco-system conservation, ecological engineering, and alternative resource utilization properly, they could cope with the draught and famines. But the forest dwellers emphasized on eco-system conservation and alternative resource utilization to cope with the draught and famines.

6 Environmental Change, Famines, and Adivasi Resilience In the pre-colonial period, the Adivasis had rarely experienced starvation thanks to their deep knowledge of the forest environment. Edible jungle products were of critical importance in their diet. The penetration of the colonial economic system into the deep forest regions severely disturbed the age-old balance between people and the environment. On 1860s onwards, the region faced several harsh famines which had important ecological connections. Through the agricultural conquests, the British

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aggressively colonized land for the expansion of commodity production, adapting the water management and land tenure system of the Adivasis to their own purposes. The dramatic changes in the land use pattern led to a huge increase of cultivable areas at the expense of the forest. Large-scale deforestation caused massive soil erosion, reducing soil fertility and causing the siltation of ponds. Denudation and cultivation of short-life annual crops in the Manbhum district increased dryness and decreased moisture in air and soil, causing a drop in rainfall and ultimately inviting aridity and desertification. The Forest Department and landlords usurped the traditional forest rights of the Adivasis. Thus, the sustainable economy of the tribal people was permanently destabilized and the district became drought prone. When crops failed, scarcity was the inevitable outcome. Due to the denudation of forests, people were also deprived of forest products for food. When the Adivasis tried to depend wholly on single crops they failed. Their agrarian misery, the result of inappropriate agrarian intervention, thus deepened with the passage of time (Mahato, 2011). In 1880, Valentine Ball (1880) Comments on: “…the reservation of forest tracts, which prohibits the inhabitants from taking a blade of grass from within the boundaries, has resulted in the people being cut off from these food sources throughout wide areas, and many have been forced to migrate in consequence to other regions, not yet included in reserves, where they can continue to supplement their scanty cultivation with the productions afforded to them by nature.”

The tremendous pressure ultimately drove forest dwellers to resort to crime to put food on their tables. Having become ecological refugees, they no longer had the potential to survive through drought and famine. After the 1860s, scarcity became a common phenomenon, as reflected not only in colonial reports of the period but also in indigenous songs. The region had been suffering from chronic famine in the years, i.e., 1866,1874,1892,1897,1903,1904–05,1906–1907,1939–45,1953,1958 (Mahato, 2010). Diseases born out of nutritional crises became common and people were increasingly marginalized. Ultimately, these marginalized people were forced to migrate into Assam or other adjoining regions that could provide opportunities for occupation. By the 1780s, the uncultivated “wastes” (or “jungle”) became synonymous with lawlessness and primitiveness. With the development of this mentality among the Indian middle class and colonial authorities on “wilderness,” “tribes,” and forest became separate entity. It helped to take administrative actions and create a utopian vision in order to subdue, include, and reformulate the “tribal” society. The colonial authority recognized that India’s forests, hill tracts, and “tribal” people were ecologically distinct from the settled “civilized” people of the cultivated plains. The “tribals” were poeticized and preserved as primitive. In the second decade of the twentieth century, Adivasi consciousness grew among the educated Adivasis when they saw crises in their society. We can refer to a Santali baha (flowering festival) song written by Sadhu Ramchand Murmu (1897–1955): Aban bidol kuli jug parha o ena o hai rahya adivasi Pap temon ghatyena abon rena jui dare dhasa dasi

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[Kali age came during our age, oh our ‘Adivasi’ brothers! / We became inferior as a result of the sin. / We are dwindling and becoming dead like.] (translation mine) (Mahato, 2020).

With the spreading up of cultural consciousness among them, the word “Adivasi” came to be used in different Adivasi songs. The cultural revivalist movement which was also a by-product of the agrarian radicalism reappeared with new vigour and strength. During the time of the Jharkhand movement, there was an attempt to revive the ancient practice of “tribal self govt.” which virtually mobilized the Adivasi population of the region (Damodaran, 2006). This revivalist movement reflected the strong sense of their identity as well as the “inner domain” of the Jharkhand Movement. Adivasi people of the region received their important resources for resilience from their rich cultural heritage, eco-cosmological beliefs, and their language. In response to the challenges, they strengthened their potentiality, dignity, resourcefulness, and expectation. In this way, they solidified their attachment with their rich heritage. They also sought to reorganize their communal institutions on the basis of values and principles based on their Creation Myths. In the 1980s, Adivasi revivalism and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s slogan of jal jungle jamin (water–land–forest) also promoted resilience to cope with environmental change and their colonial stigma. The Inuit, indigenous people of North America, perceived the world is bounded by powerful forces which are far beyond the individual control. Like the Inuit concept, the Adivasis of Jungle Mahals viewed that body and disease were a socio-cultural construct. Their health and happiness are closely integrated with physical and social environment. Their bodies were not viewed as machine but linked with the cosmo centric world. In their worldview, good is possible when there is a good balance between evil and good spirits.

7 Conclusion Adivasi notions of personhood are linked with person’s attachment to their land and environment, and it is integrated with the larger world of human and more than human world. Their ecological economy not only provides sustenance but also gives healing, health, regulations. Resilience comes from the Santals and Kurmis communities’ efforts to regenerate their language, culture, and spirituality as resources for selffashioning, collective solidarity, and healing. In contemporary times, their struggle is not only directed to save the biodiversity-enriched hills, such as Dhanardih and Ayodhya but also their sacred spaces where their spirits and deities live. The Jungle Jiao Hamdumi movement organized by Adivasi Kurmi Samaj sought to regenerate and protect indigenous forests, species, and the sacred landscapes. Their another effort to regenerate their language strengthens their sense of identity, culture, and tradition. The vocabulary of these languages provides unique way of looking at the natural world. Their sense of identity and cultural revivalism counteracts their colonial stigma and hegemony.

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Acknowledgements I express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Bina Sengar for her sustained help and encouragement. I have also used some imputes from my completed Research Project of Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), New Delhi. Declarations Funds and grants were received from ICHR, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Ball, V. (1869). Notes on the Flora of Manbhum. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 38(2), 122–124. Ball, V. (1880). Tribal and peasant life in nineteenth century India. New Delhi: Usha Publication. Bene, C., Newsham, A., Davies, M., Ulrichs, M., & Godfrey-Wood, R. (2014). Resilience, poverty and development. Journal of International Development, 26, 598–623. Bhowmik, S. K. (2005). Saotali gan o kabita sankalan. New Delhi: Sahitya Academy. Brown, K. (2016). Resilience, development, and global change. Routledge. Cinner, J., & Barnes, M. L. (2019). Social dimensions of resilience in social-ecological systems. One Earth, 1, 51–56. Coupland, H. (1911). Bengal District Gazetteers: Manbhum. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press. Damodaran, V. (1998). Famine in a forest tract: ecological change and the causes of the 1897 famine in Chotanagpur, Northern India. In: Grove, Damodaran & Sangwan (Eds.) Nature and the Orient: An Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia (pp. 853–890). New Delhi: OUP. Damodaran, V. (2006). The politics of marginality and the construction of Indigeneity in Chotanagpur. Postcolonial Studies, 9(2), 179–196. https://doi.org/10.1080/13688790600657843 Das Gupta, D. (2013). Introduction. In D. Das Gupta (Ed.), Food and environmental security: Imperatives of indigenous knowledge system. Jodhpur: Agrobios(India) Fletcher, C. (2003). Community-based participatory research relationships with Aboriginal communities in Canada: An overview of context and process. Pimatziwin, 1(1), 27–61. Galappathithi, E. K., Ford, J., & Bennet, E. M. (2019). A framework for assessing community adaptation to climate change in a fisheries context. Environmental Science & Policy, 92, 17–26. Gibson-Graham, J. K., Hill, A., & Law, L. (2016). ‘Re-embedding economies in ecologies: Resilience building in more than human communities. Building Research & Information, 44 (7), 703–716. https://doi.org/10.1080/09613218.2016.1213059 Henry, Robert (2010). Plant resources for food, fuel and conservation. Earthscan. Kirmayer, L. J., et el. (2011) Rethinking resilience from indigenous perspectives. The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 56(2), 84–91. Kirmayer, L. J., et el. (2012). Towards an ecology of stories: Indigenous perspective on resilienece. In: M. Ungar (Ed.), The social ecology of resilience: A handbook of theory and practice (Vol. 399). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0586-3_31 Mahato, N. K. (2010). Environment and migration, Purulia, West Bengal. Policies and Practices, 32. www.mcrg.ac.in Mahato, N. (2011). Environmental change and chronic famine in Manbhum, 1860–1910. Global Environment, 6(27), 68–94. https://doi.org/10.3197/ge.2011.030603 Mahato, N. K. & Bhattacharya, A. (2013). Ensurement of Food and Environmental Security: Importance of Landscape and Water Managementby the Indigenes of Purulia.In D. Dasgupta (Ed.), Food and Environmental Security: Imperatives of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, Agrobios. Mahato, N. (2020). Sorrow songs of woods: Adivasi-Nature relationship in the Anthropocene in Manbhum. New Delhi: Primus Books. Mitsch, W. J., & Jørgensen, S. E. (2003). Ecological engineering: A field whose. Ecological Engineering, 20, 363–377.

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Adivasi’s of India as Indigenous People in Postcolonial World Shamrao Koreti

Abstract Today, it is a well-accepted fact that the Indigenous people have been exploited and were subdued for many centuries across the globe. They have suffered human rights violations of all kinds. Realizing the injustice done to them all over the world, the UN passed the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people in 2007 to uphold their rights and dignity. This declaration gave birth to other UN bodies for coordinating the work for Indigenous people. The tribals or Adivasis of India which constitutes the 8.6% of the total population of the India are also beginning to be considered as the Indigenous by scholars recently. The tribal people of India fit in perfectly to the criteria meant to be “Indigenous.” These tribal communities are enormously diverse and heterogeneous. There are wide ranging diversities among them in respect to languages spoken, size of population, and mode of livelihood. The number of communities that find their place in the list of the Schedule Tribes of the Indian Constitution is reflective of the indigenous diversity of India. The Government of India, in its Draft National Tribal Policy, 2006, records 698 Scheduled Tribes within the territorial boundaries of India. However, none of them are placed neither known as Indigenous people. The term indigenous for tribes of India or its equivalent has been used by international agencies. In the deliberations of the international agencies, the term was used for the first time in 1957. Since then, the term is becoming popular among the first nations, aboriginals, tribals, Adivasi, or mulniwasi people around the world. All these words have the same meaning as “first inhabitants of the land.” In our contemporary era, it is important to mark identity and consciousness of these people. An identity that evokes a sense of self-esteem and pride rather than a sense of lowly and inferior society. The declaration of the year 1993 as the international year of the Indigenous people has only sharpened this identity and insistence to own the “indigeneity” identity by the native/Indigenous people. Therefore, the researcher herein tries to situate the Adivasi’s of India as Indigenous people of India in postcolonial world. However, India has its own interpretation of the term “Indigenous people.” It declares that all Indians are Indigenous people. Therefore, Indigenous people in India cannot claim special international status or S. Koreti (B) Department of History, Nagpur University, Maharashtra, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. Sengar and A. M. E. Adjoumani (eds.), Indigenous Societies in the Post-colonial World, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8722-9_18

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protections under it. Thus, this paper primarily rests on the concern whether the Indian tribal could be categorized as Indigenous people or not? Keywords Adivasi · Aboriginals · Indigenous · Tribes · Mulniwasi

1 Introduction The use of the term Indigenous people is an issue of considerable contention in India. Many tribal groups called themselves as Indigenous people. But the Indian state finds the claim of tribes being Indigenous people problematic. At all international platforms, it has challenged the existence of such people in the case of India. Paradoxically though, it is a signatory to the ILO convention No. 107 and the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous People. Yet it refuses to extend them this official recognition as Indigenous people of India. For long in Indian history, social workers, missionaries, politicians, administrators, and even scholars have described them as indigenous. Indigenous as expressed in the term, Adivasi, is a part of the consciousness of the tribal people, and they celebrate the International Day of the World’s Indigenous people (9th August) with great enthusiasm.1 It has given them a new identity of international name and fame. However, under the Constitution of India and neither in is legal framework, Indian tribes are considered as “indigenous.” The tribals classified as “Scheduled Tribes” population in India are demographically less than ten percent. However, they represent an enormous diversity of cultural and traditional value systems. They vary among themselves in respect of: language and linguistic traits, ecological settings in which they live, physical features, size of the population, the extent of acculturation, dominant modes of making a livelihood, level of development, and social stratification. They are also spread over the physiographic terrain of entire South Asia and India. Although their geographical distribution is far from uniform, a majority of the Scheduled Tribes (known as Adivasi) population is concentrated in the eastern, central, and western belt covering the nine states of India, viz., Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, and West Bengal. About 12% inhabit the northeastern region, about five percent in the southern region, and about three percent in the northern states. Although from the Census of India, 2011, it is enumerated that the total population of Scheduled Tribes is to be 104,281,034 persons, constituting 8.6% of the population of India. Yet there are serious limitations with these demographic data. The tribal communities in India are enormously diverse and heterogeneous. There are wide ranging diversities among them in respect of languages spoken, size of population, and mode of livelihood. The number of communities that find

1

Xaxa, in Introduction of India’s Indigenous people: A journey of self-reflection on culture, society, and sustainability, Edited by Virginius Xaxa et al., Indian Social Institute, New Delhi, 2021, p. 1.

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their place in the list of the Schedule of the Indian Constitution is reflective of this diversity.2

2 The Term “Tribe” and “Adivasi” The term tribe is widely used despite the fact that there is hardly any clarity about it. According to Oxford English Dictionary, the derivation of the word “tribe” is from the Latin work “tribus.” The use of the word tribe in English language could be traced back to thirteenth century which meant a primary aggregate of people in a primitive or barbarian condition.3 The word tribe is generally used for a “socially cohesive unit,” associated with a territory, the members of which regard themselves as politically autonomous. Often, a tribe possesses a distinct dialect and distinct cultural traits. They are also known as the aboriginal or Indigenous people of their ecological environment with its physiographic space. The term Adivasi is more a colloquial term used by the Scheduled Tribes to identify themselves in India. In the eighteenth-century writings, for example, synonymous vocabular was used for the term “tribes” which was distinct from the caste. Later, it was even used in a cognate manner as one who could see in the use of phrase “Caste and Tribes of India” by Risley and many others who wrote about Indian communities in their colonial writings. Efforts to make a distinction between the two terms “tribes” and “caste” began to be made after initiative was taken to collect detailed information about the people for the demographic Census. In the Census of 1901, it was clarified further that those people and communities who practiced animism to be defined as “tribe.” In the subsequent Census reports, the term animism was replaced by the concept of “tribal religion.” Although the criterion to distinguish tribal with their religion was highly unsatisfactory, ironically it continues to be used widely and extensively.4 It is only after post-independence era that more systematic efforts were made toward distinguishing tribal communities from the caste groups. Although the distinction between the two was made in both colonial and postcolonial ethnography, the relation between the two was differently conceived and narrated in the two ethnographies. In the colonial ethnography, the concern displayed primarily by the British administrators and scholars was to mark off tribe from caste. Hence, tribes were shown to be living in complete isolation from the rest of the population and, therefore, without any interaction or interrelation with them. However, during early colonial period, the tribals were recorded as aboriginal inhabitants in the British ethnographic narratives. The term aboriginal means: one who is present in a region from the times of its beginning (origin). Tribes in India

2

Report of the high-level committee on socio-economic, Health and Educational status of tribal communities of India, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, May 2014. 3 Oxford English Dictionary (1959). 4 Ibid.

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are known with several identities—vanvasi (inhabitants of forests); Jangli (hilldwellers); Adivasi and Adimjati (Primitive people); Janjati (folk people); Anusuchit Janjati (Schedule Tribes). The best-known term is Adivasi, whereas Anusuchit Janjati (in Hindi) is their Constitutional name. The Adivasis used to hold their natural resources as community asset, which constituted of their agricultural lands, forests, pasture grounds, fishing resources, and water resources. Every member of the community and family had equal access to these resources; all members have rights to share land or to graze their animals on open ground in the tribe’s terrain. On the other side of the coin, none of the member of the tribe has the right to dispose of his/her plot to an outsider or to sell it off. The social stratification in the tribal society results due to a complex process of appropriation of respect to authority and of capacity to participate in the cycles of reciprocity. Thus, tribal tenure could be defined as joint venture and qualitatively different from the concept of private property of land ownership. Tribal cultures do not make commodities of their natural resources. In other words, the term tribe can say to be applied to that specific context where individual rights were embedded in the community rights, where production was for consumption and where there existed authority but not power. The question of tribes in India is closely linked with administrative and political considerations. Hence, there has been increasing demand by groups and communities for their inclusion in the list of Scheduled Tribes of the Indian Constitution.5

3 The Concept of Indigenous “Indigenous populations are communities that live within, or are attached to, geographically distinct traditional habitats or ancestral territories, and who identify themselves as being part of a distinct cultural group, descended from groups present in the area before modern states were created and current borders defined. They generally maintain cultural and social identities, and social, economic, cultural, and political institutions, separate from the mainstream or dominant society or culture” (World Health Organization [WHO], n.d.). The UN and other international organizations have recognized the dreadful plight of Indigenous people. They promote that they have “the right to determine their own identity or membership in accordance with their customs and traditions” (UN, 2007). The UN organization work for indigenous rights and negotiates with the governments. Other international organizations, including donor organizations, are trying their bit to safeguard Indigenous people’ rights. They have a vision of establishing justice among Indigenous people. ILO took up the issue of laborers of indigenous communities and adopted in its Convention No.107 “Convention Concerning the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries” in 1957. Later,

5

Xaxa (1999), pp. 3589–3595.

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ILO adopted Convention No. 169 in 1989 bridging the gaps and lacunae of Convention No. 107. With this Convention, issues of Indigenous people surfaced more at various international platforms for demanding justice. The UN declared the International Day of the World’s Indigenous people on August 9, 1995. It also declared two International Decades of the World’s Indigenous people (1995–2004 and 2005–2015) to work systematically. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, did not do justice to the Indigenous people as intended. This realization was a major indicator that Indigenous people were denied their rights. They needed better accompaniment from governments in their endeavors in claiming rights (UN, 2009). The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) through its Resolution 2000/22 on July 28, 2000, established the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) “to discuss indigenous issues within the mandate of the Council relating to economic and social development, culture, the environment, education, health and human rights” (UN, 2000). The Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (SPFII) and Inter-Agency Support Group on Indigenous people’ Issues (IASG) were established in 2002. Finally, the UN passed a resolution of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people (UNDRIP) on September 13, 2007, “as a standard of achievement to be pursued in a spirit of partnership and mutual respect” (UN, 2007). Many countries having Indigenous people have ratified the UNDRIP promising to work for them as per its guidelines. India has also ratified the UNDRIP in 2007. This ratification gives the impression that India is determined to make provisions for its Indigenous people. However, India has its own interpretation of the term Indigenous people. It declares that all Indians are Indigenous people. Therefore, Indigenous people in India cannot claim special status or protection under it.6 The ILO Convention 107 adopted in 1957 made an elaborate distinction between tribal and semi-tribal populations of the world. The former was described as populations who were at a less advanced stage of development than those reached by other sections of national community and whose status is regulated or wholly or partially owned by their own customs and traditions. The latter were, however, referred to as those categories of tribal or semi-tribal populations who traced their descent from the population which inhabited the country or a geographical region to which the country belongs at the time of conquest or colonization and which, irrespective of their legal, status live more in conformity with the social, economic, and cultural institutions of that time than with institutions of the nation/country to which they belong.7 By 1985, the ILO felt the need to revise the convention on account of change in attitudes and approaches toward these people worldwide. The ILO had earlier proposed integration as the desired objective, but this was no longer being seen as appropriate. It was not broadly accepted because the international organizations and increasing number of governments were moving toward greater recognition of the rights of indigenous and 6

Bijoy et al. (2010); Mamo, 2020 quoted in Xaxa et al., edited book, India’s Indigenous people in Chapter “Indigenous People’s Organisations (IPOs) towards Global Action” by Alfred Toppo, pp. 181–182. 7 Xaxa (2014), p. 30.

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tribal people to retain their specific identities and to participate fully in the planning and execution of the activities affecting their way of life. The term indigenous or its equivalent has been used in anthropology to describe groups called tribes since the times of postcolonial ethnographic narratives. Its use now has, however, gone beyond the disciplines of anthropology. The international agencies are increasingly and extensively making use of this term and concept in their deliberations and discussions.8 In short, the context of the discourse on the indigenous is initiated by the ILO and later accepted by the UNO basically hinged on the twin concepts of “need right” or need to have the rights and “power right” or power to have rights of certain social category of people all over the world. This category of people was progressively being marginalized and dispossessed from their resources of livelihood and was vulnerable to cultural shock and decimation of their collective identify.

4 Indian Tribe as Indigenous The term Indigenous people, although of recent coinage at the international level, has been in use in India for a long time. In fact, the social workers, missionaries, and political activities have been using the term “Adivasi” the Indian language equivalent and synonym for the term “Indigenous people,” which freely refers to the tribal people. This term somehow appears in the colonial-nationalist narratives too. The term, in conjunction with other related terms such as aborigines, autochthonous, has also been extensively used by scholars and administrators of India in their writings and reports, and the term was used mainly as a mark of identification and differentiation, that is, to mark out a group of people different in physical features, language, religion, custom, social organization, etc.9 Thus, hardly any unease was felt by scholars in the use of the term to refer to these groups of people. No effort whatsoever was made to dispel the myth as associated with the term then. The term however did not remain confined to only the scholars, administrators, politicians, and social workers; it percolated down also to the people. The term thus came to be widely used to refer to the tribal people.10 It is only with the internationalization of the rights and privileges associated with it that the use of the term indigenous has come to be critically examined or even challenged in the Indian context. Today, aspects of marginalization are built into the definition of Indigenous people. Only those people that have been subjected to domination and subjugation have come to constitute the component of the Indigenous people. Yet the use of the term Adivasi (indigenous) to designate certain category of people and not the other category clearly reveals that these aspects were not altogether lost sight of. It may be noted that even earlier the term was used to delineate people 8

Childs and Delgado (1999), pp. 211–12. Ibid, p. 31. 10 Warkad (2021), pp. 47–48. 9

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who were backward and cut off from the mainstream civilization. The basic mark of differentiation was between those who were part of the civilization and those who were not. Hence, the use of the term Adivasi to describe tribal people seems to have some validity even in the sense of marginalization.11 Historically in Indian context, coming of the Aryans has been invariably taken as the decisions historical factor to determine the original people of India. The groups speaking languages belonging to the Dravidian linguistic stock no doubt have been considered the original inhabitants of India before the coming of the Aryans. Yet, they have never been described as the Indigenous people, mainly because they do not constitute the marginalized groups. They also argue that tribals, whose ancestors lived here for thousands of years prior to the Aryan invasion—a fact that can hardly be disputed—should be considered Indigenous people, so that certain positive international instruments can be made applicable to those marginalized and deprived social groups. In medieval times too, tribals were deprived from their traditional lands and were driven to live in jungles. During colonial period also with the introduction of permanent settlement, traditional tribal communal ownership over the land was replaced with Zamindars. The other mediators “Sahukars,” “Thikedars,” and “Dikus” were seen as local representatives of the exploitative system. Several tribal rebellions occurred in India against this system during colonial period to get back their lost land and resources. In independent India, they demanded “special constitutional safeguards” as they have been victims of continuous exploitation and dispossession by non-tribals. For the protection and safeguard of tribals, the constitution laid the provision of the fifth and sixth schedule for the administration and control of Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes. One of the most important legislations of recent times, which protects the rights of the tribal people over their land and the natural resources, is the Provisions of PESA Act, 1996. The provision of PESA conferred the absolute powers to Gram Sabha, to prevent land alienation, resolve the local dispute, ownership of forest produce, protection of traditional belief and culture, etc. It recognizes as the tribals were exploited in the past and thus protected them by inserting the constitutional safeguards in the Indian Constitution.

5 Who Are Indigenous People? The international community has developed on understanding of the term based on the following fundamental criterion of self-identification. 1. Self-identification as Indigenous people at the individual level and acceptance as a member by the community. 2. Historical continuity with pre-colonial and or pre-setter societies. 3. Distinct social, economic, or political systems. 4. Distinct language, culture, and knowledge. 11

Xaxa, op. cit. pp. 30–31.

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5. Status as a non-dominant social group. 6. Resolve to maintain and reproduce ancestral environmental and system as distinctive people and communities. These above criteria for describing indigenous communities were framed by Jose Martinez Cobo in his 1983 report called “Study of the problem of Discrimination Against Indigenous Population.” According to him, “Indigenous communities,” people, and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-colonial societies. They are also those communities which developed on their territories; they consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies which does not prevail in the territories owned and lived by them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity; as the basis of their continued existence as people in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions, and legal systems.12 In present twenty-first century demographically, Indigenous people are more than 370 million and majority of them live in more than ninety different countries of each continent of the world. Indigenous people inherit and retain social, cultural, economic, and political traditions that are distinct from the dominant societies undermining supremacy of their cultures and traditions in their own lands. In spite of their vast geographic and cultural differences, Indigenous people share a common experience globally; they are among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of people of the world today.13 Irrespective of hardships endured Indigenous people hold several positive qualities globally. Most indigenous cultures share a worldview based on a spiritual and material relationship to the Mother Earth that honor all things that give life as sacred, including the land itself. Another striking common characteristic is a collective ownership of natural resource rather than more accumulation by individuals. They believe in the notion of live and let live others. During the era of European colonial expansion and imperialism, most Europeans considered themselves as superior to native people from regions such as Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Europeans regarded native people as “Primitives” or “savages” to be dominated. This attitude justified the invasion and settlement of these territories, and even slavery of the native “inferior people” was endorsed and promoted. European missionaries have sought to “save” and “civilize” native people by leading them out of “paganism” to Christianity, thus, imposing on them the strict control of both church and state. During this process of colonial domination, Indigenous people were systematically deprived of their land and its resources, their languages and histories, their cultural identities, and their ways of life, although traditional Indigenous people used wide-spread territories to obtain needed resources. However, today dominant societies have seized most of their lands and restrict Indigenous people to acquire and nurture their own land. By this way, their mode of livelihood has been snatched away. A cursory glance at the history of resource extraction reveals that Indigenous 12 13

http://www.un.orglesa/socdev/unpfil/document/mcs%20intro%201983en.pdf. State of the world’s Indigenous people report. http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unfil/en/sowip.html.

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people were historically deprived of their rights. The resource extraction was and continues to be routed through violence against Indigenous people.

6 The Movement of Indigenous Rights The struggle for Indigenous people’s rights surely began with the first colonial invaders of ancestral territories. Most recently as defined as “New World” with the arrival of European colonists in the Americas and elsewhere from 1500 AD onward. The international drive for recognition of indigenous rights has gained momentum after the two world wars, which also initiated the decolonization in several continents. The weakening of European forces brought with it the nationalist movement of people around the world struggling to gain independence from their colonial masters. At the same time, in its insipient stages, United Nations began the development of the Human Rights framework, starting in 1948 with the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which established fundamental right for all members of the human family. Human rights declaration established itself and agreed upon principles and standards which approved for the cultural and land rights for the Indigenous people. However, many of the UDHR do not impose legally binding obligations on the countries that sign it; therefore, it remains as the declaration in the weakest form of international law.14 India did not sign the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people after making it clear that this did not apply to India.15 But who then are tribes; the 85 million Indians constitutionally recorded as Scheduled Tribes and who call themselves Adivasis, tribal, and Indigenous people? During the British period, for purposes of administration, a number of legislations were enacted for protection of the tribals, but no legislation defined the term “tribe” in that time. The transition from the term “tribe” or “tribal” to “Scheduled Tribe” took place during the framing of the Indian Constitution, Jaipal Singh Munda, one of the six tribal delegates in the Constituent Assembly of India, advocated for the acknowledgement and rights of identity of India’s original inhabitants. Jaipal Singh Munda used the term “Adivasi” for tribals in all his speeches and debates, determining the location and identity of tribals as the original inhabitants of India. Munda insisted that the term”aboriginal” was inserted in the draft constitution, but it was dropped in favor of “Scheduled Tribe” in the final version. Even the word “Adivasi” which he had hoped would be used in place of Scheduled Tribe, as least in Hindi translation of the Constitution, was paid no heed to. In striking out “aboriginal” and refusing to include “Adivasi,” the term Scheduled Tribe made as a technical status and not one to determine or articulate ethnicity or identity. The Constitution does not, therefore, recognize Scheduled Tribes as original inhabitants, or people who have been victims of conquest and colonization since foreign invasions. As citizens, Scheduled Tribes are just backward people who need uplifting, mainstreaming and 14 15

Ferreira (2013), p. 9. Sabarwal (2008), p. 5.

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affirmative action, and who can be awarded security based on that primitiveness. The phrase itself has managed to eclipse a key part of Adivasi history.16 Not only did the Constitution refuse tribal rights as aboriginals, Adivasis, or Indigenous people, but that rejection has happened at the UN too. The Indian representation at the UN working group on Indigenous people Assembly in 1984 repeatedly stated that “‘Scheduled Tribes” were not Indigenous people. They stated “India has long been a melting pot and through an ongoing process of adsorption they have become part of wider society of India.” The Indian representative of the UN working Group in 1992 said “the extent of Indigenous made it impossible to say who is tribal who was not.” Further, it is stated that “It was now very difficult to come across communities which retain all their pristine tribal character.” Even further, they stressed that the term “indigenous” was inadequate for their country because the entire population had been living on its land for millennia. All these people were “indigenous,” and any attempt to make a distinction between indigenous and nonindigenous would be artificial. By refusing to acknowledge that there are Indigenous people in India, the government evaded all responsibility of awarding the Adivasis rights of first citizens of the nation.17 Therefore, Indigenous people in India cannot claim special status or protection under international laws.

7 Argument Against Much of the discussion on the Indigenous people’ status of tribes in India has centered on the complex historical processes of the movement of various people and their settlement in the sub-continent. It is said that unlike in the America, Australia, and New Zealand, where identification of Indigenous people is easier on account of the recent history of conquest, immigration, and colonization, the same is not the case in India. Rather, in India, movements of people of different languages, races, cultures, and religions date back over millennia. Even groups described as tribes have not been outside of this process. Given this, how far back should one go in history to determine who is native and who an immigrant? Any demarcation is bound to be arbitrary and hence extremely contentious. It is also maintained that the communities described as tribes have been living in close interaction with non-tribal people for centuries, leading to a great deal of acculturation and even assimilation into the larger Hindu society. The Indian experience, it is stated, is different from that of the New World, which was marked by conquest, subjugation, and even genocide.18 Hence, it becomes extremely difficult to reconcile with the claim that who is indigenous and who is not?

16

The New Indian Express (2016). Ibid. 18 Xaxa (2014), pp. 32–33. 17

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8 Argument in Defense The extension of the term is, however, strongly defended by activists and scholars, both tribal and non-tribal. They, of course, trace the history of tribals in India much before the coming of the Aryan people. They also argue that tribals, whose ancestors lived here for thousands of years prior to the Aryan invasion, should be considered Indigenous people, so that certain positive international instruments can be made applicable to these marginalized and deprived social groups.19 As the tribals of India have also been victims of domination, subjugation, displacement, exploitation, and marginalization since time immemorial, thus, they do need appropriate and judicious, say in the scholarly, political and cultural spheres.

9 Conclusion Why there is a need to have special space for indigenous identities in India? The paradox is that whereas the privileges and rights are freely recognized in respect to the dominant communities in India. The same is denied to the tribal communities in India. In the process, they are progressively getting dispossessed of their control over land, forest, water, minerals, and other resources in their own territory and are increasingly subjected to inhuman misery, injustice, and exploitation. If their status as Indigenous people of India is recognized, then least the dominant regional communities could do is to recognize the priorities of rights and privileges of indigenous or Adivasi people of the territory in which they are living since time immemorial. It is the non-recognition of these rights and privileges by the dominant sections of the Indian society that has led to increasing articulation of the idea of Indigenous people by the tribal people. It is in the absence of such powers and rights that a new form of identity, viz., identity of Adivasis or Indigenous people is crystallizing among the tribes of different parts of India. The term “indigenous” that was initiated mainly points to reference or description has become an important marker of identity articulation and assertion today. The designation or description of tribes as Indigenous people had not emerged from self-identification or description by the tribal people themselves. It was not a part of positive identification and evaluation by the tribes, rather the outsiders had imposed it on the tribes. The identity that was forced from outside has ironically now been internalized among the tribes. Today, it is important mark of identity and consciousness of the people, an identity that evokes a sense of self-esteem and pride rather than a sense of lowly and inferior society that often goes with terms like tribe or tribal. The declaration of the year 1993 as the international year of the Indigenous people has only sharpened this identity for identity, since then carries certain rights and privileges with it. On the other hand, International Day of the World’s Indigenous people (9th August) is celebrated worldwide in commemoration of the sacrifices made by the native people to make 19

Ibid, p. 35.

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the new world more resourceful. Thus, the Indian tribes/Adivasis should also be recognized and honored as Indigenous people, so that political, social, cultural and economic justice could be done to them. Declarations No funds, grants, or other support was received, and the author has no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to this study.

References Childs, J. B., & Delgado, G. (1999). On the idea of indigenous. Current Anthropology, 40(2), 211–12. Ferreira, M. L. (2013). The UN Declaration on the rights of indigenous people, University of Minnesota Human Rights Centre. Oxford English Dictionary Vol. IX 1959:339. Report of the high-level committee on socio-economic, Health and Educational status of tribal communities of India, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, May 2014. Sabarwal, Y. K. (2008) Chief Justice of India, Plenary Session: Rights of Indigenous People, ILA convention (p. 5), Toronto. The New Indian Express-Published on 18th May 2016. Warkad, T. (2021). Adivasi Vaicharik Pragatisheel Parivartan ka Masouda, Adivasi Lok JagarPrakasan, Nagpur. Xaxa, V., Ekka, V., Benjamin, A. B., & Horo, J. P. (2021a) India’s indigenous people: A journey of self-reflection on culture, society, and sustainability. Indian Social Institute. Xaxa, V., et al. (2021b). India’s indigenous people: A journey of self-reflection on culture society, and sustainability. Indian Social Institute. Xaxa, V. (2014). State, society, and tribes, issues in post-colonial India. Pearson. Xaxa, V. (1999). Tribes as Indigenes people of India. Economic and Political weekly, 1999, 3589– 3595.

Weblinks http://www.un.orglesa/socdev/unpfil/document/mcs%20intro%201983en.pdf State of the world’s Indigenous people report. http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unfil/en/sowip.html