Indigenization Discourse in Social Work: International Perspectives [1 ed.] 9783031377112, 9783031377129

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Springer Series in International Social Work

Koustab Majumdar Rajendra Baikady Ashok Antony D’Souza  Editors

Indigenization Discourse in Social Work International Perspectives

Springer Series in International Social Work Series Editors Rajendra Baikady, Department of Social Work Central University of Kerala Kasargod, Kerala, India S. M. Sajid, Department of Social Work Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi, India Jaroslaw Przeperski, Centre for Family Research Nicolaus Copernicus University Torun, Poland Jianguo Gao, Department of Social Work Shandong University Jinan, China

Springer Series in International Social Work is a series of full-length monographs and contributed volumes that presents a global portrait of social work education within and across different economic, cultural and political contexts. Volumes published in this Series mainly probe different aspects of social work education such as curriculum, pedagogy, practice and research in both local and global contexts. Further, contributions that deal with development and delivery of social work education and its connection with different service users, such as minority groups, vulnerable groups and social exclusion, also are included to explore the position and development of social work education and practice in different countries across the globe. The objectives of the Series include, among others, to: (1) present a true portrait of international social work scholarship and its challenges in different cultural contexts; (2) invigorate the challenges involved in training future social workers for practice in diverse contexts and social realities; (3) demonstrate a clear significance and contribution to advancing knowledge in the areas of: indigenization of knowledge, practice methods and interventions; post-colonial social work; social work ethics and values; determining the scope of social work in different socio-­ political-­ economic and cultural contexts; (4) present specific models, both conceptual and practical, related to multi-cultural, cross-national and international social work education; and (5) examine emerging perspectives on: leadership in social work; media, technology and teaching; and social work in the era of social media. Springer Series in International Social Work covers a range of contributions and perspectives from cross-national and comparative social work education, practice and research of interest to a global audience. Both solicited and unsolicited manuscripts are considered for publication in this Series.

Koustab Majumdar  •  Rajendra Baikady Ashok Antony D’Souza Editors

Indigenization Discourse in Social Work International Perspectives

Editors Koustab Majumdar Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (RKMVERI) Ranchi, Jharkhand, India International Center for Cultural Studies (ICCS)

National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU) Hsinchu City, Taiwan Ashok Antony D’Souza Department of Studies in Social Work School of Social Sciences Rani Channamma University Belagavi, Karnataka, India

Rajendra Baikady Department of Social Work Central University of Kerala Kasargod, Kerala, India Department of Social Work & Community Development

University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa The Harriet Tubman Institute

York University Toronto, ON, Canada

ISSN 2731-0701     ISSN 2731-071X (electronic) Springer Series in International Social Work ISBN 978-3-031-37711-2    ISBN 978-3-031-37712-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Paper in this product is recyclable.

The idea that social work theories and practice methods originating in Western countries are universally relevant and should be adopted internationally has been successfully challenged, and today, a substantial literature offering a critique as well as culturally appropriate alternatives to Western approaches has been published. In their important book, Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady and Ashok Antony D’Souza make a significant contribution to this literature by providing an incisive academic overview of the field as well as useful case studies of how local level social work knowledge and practice have been implemented in different cultures. Their comprehensive and instructive collection will further inform the field and should be widely consulted. —James Midgley, Professor and Dean Emeritus, Graduate School of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley, USA The issue of indigenization is not a fad. It has been a persistent unmet need in most part of the world, notwithstanding the imposed and inapt (western)social work education and practice. The editors and contributors of the volume have painstakingly analysed this critical issue from multinational perspectives, paving the path for indigenous action and change. —Manohar Pawar, Professor of Social Work, Charles Sturt University, Australia, and President, International Consortium for Social Development

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This book has come at a critical juncture when scholars from non-Western societies and their progressive counterparts in the West are, inter alia, reclaiming the narrative, from the former, which pertains to various socio-political, cultural, and economic issues. Subsumed under the foregoing is social work education and practice. For almost three decades I have searched for alternative pathways and models to the hegemonic Western social sciences discourses. Hence, it is gratifying to see a book that interrogates, among others, the indigenization of knowledge, practice methods, and interventions; post-colonial social work; social work ethics and values. I highly recommend this book. —Ndangwa Noyoo, Professor, University of Cape Town, South Africa The themes of Indigenous social work (social work with the Indigenous and First Nations people in countries in the North and Australia and New Zealand) and indigenization of social work practice (‘making social work indigenous/local’ notably in Asian and African contexts) have seen enduring debates in the last few decades. This book, which brings together critical discussions by scholars from a diverse range of geographical contexts across the globe, is a welcome addition and a useful resource for social work practitioners, educators and policy makers in their endeavours to make social work culturally and locally relevant. —Ling How Kee, Adjunct Professor, Methodist Pilley Institute, Sarawak, Malaysia; Representative, Indigenous Commission, IFSW (Asia Pacific)

Foreword

With contributions from 17 countries, this edited book, comprising 25 chapters, offers Indigenous perspectives on social work education and practice. In so doing, it seeks to add knowledge on Indigenous social work and its central concepts of indigenisation, decolonisation, and cultural relevance. It provides a welcome extension to contemporary scholarship on Indigenous social work around the globe. Indigenous social work is a form of social work that has been galvanised by its strong resistance to, and critique of, Western social work. The origins of its critique lie in Indigenous social workers’ experience of the ill-fittingness of Western perspectives, theories, approaches, models, and methods to the daily realities encountered in social work education and practice. They have variously expressed their critique through calls for indigenisation, localisation, authentication, cultural relevance (appropriateness, sensitivity, competence, and responsiveness), decolonisation, and, depending on location, Africanisation, Sinocisation, Asianisation, Indianisation, and so on. From my experience, it is a field comprising diverse strands of scholarship; due to their different origins and locations, writers in this field do not always relate to one another and many are unaware of scholarship on Indigenous social work outside the location with which they are familiar or with which they identify. Indigenous scholars outside Africa and Asia, especially China, do not often engage with the discourse on indigenisation, for example. Let me explain. When I began my foray into the field as a social work academic in South Africa, the indigenisation debate was gaining momentum and there were increasing calls for culturally relevant Afrocentric social work. When I came to Australia, I discovered quite a different Indigenous discourse with its origins in First Nations experiences of Western social work. While this Indigenous discourse had much in common with the indigenisation arguments with which I was familiar, I found few references to these in Australian scholarship. There was a strong sense that, I, as an outsider, could not speak for, or bring my knowledge to bear on, Indigenous-Australian issues. Hence, when, in 2006, I invited Indigenous-Australian scholars to contribute to an edited book on Indigenous Social Work around the World (Gray et al., 2008), I encountered fierce resistance to my involvement in a book on Indigenous social work, as a non-Indigenous person. These issues were thrashed out when vii

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contributors to the book and its editors met at a writer’s workshop in Canada. Like the contributors to this edited volume, they comprised academics from Australia (two non-Indigenous scholars), New Zealand, USA, and Canada familiar with First Nations Indigenous social work, and Africa, Hong Kong, and Malaysia, where scholars were more familiar with the indigenisation debate. It is heartening to see yet another attempt to bring these strands of Indigenous and indigenisation scholarship together to form a single field of disciplinary inquiry, with recognition of the overlapping issues affecting Indigenous Africa, Asian, and South American people and Indigenous First Nations Peoples around the world. With contributions from academics in the USA, Australia, Georgia, Scotland, Nigeria, Taiwan, India, Japan, New Zealand, Chile, Malawi, Israel, South Africa, Indonesia, Zimbabwe, and Canada, the book attests growing interest in this area of study worldwide. Part I offers a multidimensional perspective on Indigenous social work and its central concepts. Collectively, the contributors extend the discussion on indigenisation, herein defined as an Indigenous knowledge-based philosophy that has been conceptualised differently in different contexts shaped by country-specific experiences and local cultural knowledge. Consequently, the authors highlight that Indigenous knowledge is constantly in flux and there can be no such thing as a universal approach to Indigenous social work. To remain responsive to context, Indigenous practice models are constantly striving for cultural relevance. For example, in India, indigenisation is a process of shaping practice based on Indians’ knowledge, with the Indianisation of social work the goal. Thus, indigenised models are cultural relevant and responsive to local contexts. Likewise, from an Indigenous perspective, decolonisation is an ongoing process of dismantling all vestiges of colonialism and white supremacy and reclaiming Indigenous ways of knowing and being; as such, it is a call to action for the social work profession to dismantle oppression, push back against knowledge hierarchies, value lived experience, prioritise cultural knowledge, further decolonial praxis, and amplify Indigenous voices. As the fourth report of the Global Agenda on Social Work and Social Development concluded: The relationship between indigenous and majority communities appears to be difficult in all countries, with disproportionate numbers of people from indigenous communities in prisons, mental health facilities, child care settings and in unemployment. There is clearly a need to reflect on social work practice which sustains these forms of discrimination but more importantly to address the underlying social conditions which result in this outcome. (IASSW et al., 2020, p. 13)

An important part of decolonial praxis is using dissent as a strategic form of communication to influence outcomes. It involves pushing back against commonly or officially held opinions and misuses of power to advance what is right and what is just from an anti-oppressive, Indigenous standpoint. Dissent involves taking a moral and ideological position shown through inter alia non-cooperation, withdrawal of consent, or non-violent individual or collective action. Offering a macro-perspective on indigenisation and cultural sensitivity in Georgia, contributors broaden the focus of concern in indigenous social work from First Nations groups to multicultural and multi-ethnic victims of colonial wars and

Foreword

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oppressive regimes. As such, indigenisation and decolonial praxis involve honouring diversity through the reclamation of long-suppressed cultures. Since most writers contributing to this field of scholarship are academics teaching social work, the indigenisation of the social work curriculum is a major focus and one that presents complex challenges, given the pressures on universities to attract international students. Across Africa, despite calls for indigenisation and decolonisation and the growing local African literature and scholarship, Western theories and methods of social work have proved extremely difficult to dislodge and continue to dominate. It is, therefore, heartening to hear the challenges in Part II from social work educators attempting to indigenise the curriculum in the USA, Taiwan, Japan, Nigeria, Chile, New Zealand, and Malawi. The contributors discuss their attempts to develop an indigenised pedagogical system and highlight the strategies they have used to indigenise the social work curriculum and teach social work, including experimental learning and research; country-specific content on the history of colonisation, historical trauma, and Indigenous practical wisdom; and field exposure to Indigenous issues and problems. Part III offers insights on practice from the diverse cultural contexts of Israel (in response to Bedouin culture), India, Malawi, Spain, and Chile (a former Spanish colony), while Part IV examines African cultural contexts in Zimbabwe and Nigeria, as these scholars strive for culturally appropriate responses. They highlight rich Indigenous knowledges, caring practices, and unique ways of life, traditions, and customs subdued through colonialism, modernisation, urbanisation, and social integration. They claim there is much to learn from traditional methods of resolving inter-tribal conflicts, settling family disputes, educating children, caring for older persons, and managing the environment. Much is lost by overlooking these cultural resources in social work practice. This book clearly demonstrates that, rather than successive discourses, indigenisation, decolonisation, and cultural relevance remain core themes of contemporary theorising on indigenous social work. It also shows that, though Indigenous voices are increasingly being heard in mainstream social work, in discussions of spirituality, the environment, and eco-social work, this applies mainly to the Global North (Gray, 2016; Gray et al., 2007, 2008, 2013a, b). The direction of knowledge flow, even for Indigenous social work, has been from North to South, with theories and models from the Global North continuing to overshadow Indigenous knowledge from the Global South. As Kansiime et al. (forthcoming) observe: With increased worldwide migration and digital connectivity, one might expect a rapid transfer of knowledge across contexts, but our collective experience as black social work students and educators [from the Global South first studying then teaching social work in the Global North] has shown that this is often not the case, with the biggest barrier to knowledge mobility encountered in social work education due, inter alia, to the continued dominance of Whiteness and Eurocentric knowledge, values, and ideals in social work.

As shown in the chapters that follow, the growing literature on culturally appropriate social work in the Global South has yet to reach the attention of Northern social workers or inform social work education in the Global North. Brown (2021) posited that this might be due to the challenge of meeting standards for evidence-based

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practice in the Global North, further noting that, despite the growing body of literature highlighting the importance of context, few authors have tackled ‘the complex issue of cultural adaptation’ (p. 178). It is hoped, then, that, books like this one will encourage South-North knowledge transfer by not only highlighting issues of cultural relevance, but also showing how to translate cultural concepts from local to international education and practice contexts. The University of Newcastle Newcastle, NSW, Australia

Mel Gray

References Brown, L. (2021). Managing evidence and cultural adaptation in the international transfer of innovative social work models. International Social Work, 64(2), 175–186. https://doi. org/10.1177/0020872818818247 Gray, M. (2016). More than science: Reflections on science, spirit, tradition, and environment. Journal for the Study of Spirituality, 6(2), 155–167. https://doi.org/10.1080/2044024 3.2016.1235176 Gray, M., Coates, J., & Hetherington, T. (2007). Hearing Indigenous voices in mainstream social work. Families in Society: Journal of Contemporary Social Services, 88(1), 53–64. Gray, M., Coates, J., & Yellow Bird, M. (Eds). (2008). Indigenous Social Work around the World: Towards culturally relevant education and practice. Routledge. Gray, M., Coates, J., & Hetherington, T. (Eds). (2013a). Environmental social work. Routledge. Gray, M., Coates, J., Yellow Bird, M., & Hetherington, T. (Eds). (2013b). Decolonizing social work. Routledge. International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW), International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW), & International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW). (2020). Global Agenda for Social Work and Social Development, Fourth report: Strengthening recognition of the importance of human relationships (D. N. Jones, Ed.). IFSW. Retrieved from https://www.ifsw. org/product/books/global-agenda-for-social-work-and-social-development-4th-report/ Kansiime, P., Tusasiirwe, S., & Nabbumba, D. (forthcoming). Knowledge transfer in social work education and its implications: Channels between the Global South and the Global North. In S. Levy, U. Okoye, P. Tanga, & R. Ingram (Eds.), Routledge Handbook on African Social Work Education. Routledge.

Editors’ Note

All chapters in this book (Indigenization Discourse in Social Work: International Perspectives) have undergone blind peer review. Chapters were given to the reviewers blindly. Neither the reviewer nor the author know each other. All reviewers had expertise in Indigenous social work, and the reviews were returned to the authors only after removing the reviewer’s identity. Further, when a review suggested major revision, such chapters were sent for another round of external review after resubmission (based on the reviewer’s comments) for a third opinion. On account of the high number of chapters submitted and difficulty in finding reviewers who can return the review on time, we followed the cross-referring method, i.e., referring the chapter of one author to another author without identifiable information. However, we chose to give chapters for review to only senior and experienced social work educators. In some cases, an outsider was also requested to read and provide review for the chapters. Nevertheless, all reviewers were from social work academia and were from different countries across the globe. Our intention was to provide constructive feedback to assist our authors and make their work stronger and more scholarly. So, we asked our reviewers five questions regarding: relevance of the chapter, insight, international relevance, structure of the chapter, and readability. This process was applied to all authors, including the editors who were also chapter authors. Overall, the Introduction and Conclusion by the editors were deliberately sent to senior social work educators for their comments and suggestions.

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Acknowledgments

This book is the result of excellent collaboration between editorial team members and all of the contributors. The editors are thankful to all the contributing authors for their time, commitment and aspiration in contributing to this book with great enthusiasm. We also thank you for your patience and continuous cooperation during the peer-review process, revision and rewriting throughout this book project. We register our sincere gratitude to all contributing authors who took part in the peer-review process in spite of their busy schedule. Throughout this excellent collaboration, we have built a working collaborative relationship with all the contributing authors and we look forward to keeping this momentum. The actual work of this volume started during the middle of the pandemic of COVID-19, while the entire world was going through severe health crisis. We are a group of scholars discussing and deliberating about Indigenous social work and we believe this literature at this point in time has its own uniqueness and contribution to the global social work literature. Due to the large number of submissions and mutual academic interest, peer review was one of the major challenges. We take this opportunity to thank all of our external peer reviewers – Dr. Govind Dhaske (India), Dr. Rajeev Kumar (India), Dr. Hiroko Furuta (Japan), Dr. Augusta Olaore (Nigeria) – for their time and commitment in reading the manuscript and providing the constructive feedback to the authors in order to improve the quality of the chapters. We also would like to place on record the support and guidance provided by the editors of the Springer Series in International Social Work. Working with series editors and publishing editor Janet Kim was a continuous learning process. We are thankful to you for all your support and guidance. We the editors would like to thank the entire editorial team of Springer especially Pradheepa Vijay and her team for the continuous support throughout the book project.

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Last but not least, we greatly acknowledge all of our family and friends who have been the source of support and encouragement. Ranchi, India Kasargod, Kerala, India Belagavi, Karnataka, India

Koustab Majumdar Rajendra Baikady Ashok Antony D’Souza

Contents

 1 Understanding  Indigenous Social Work Education and Practice: Local and Global Debates ����������������������������������������������������������������������    1 Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza Part I Indigenous Social Work: Multidimensional Perspectives  2 Decolonial  Social Work from an Indigenous Perspective��������������������   17 Autumn Asher BlackDeer  3 Acting  with Intentional Dissent as Minorities: Opportunities and Challenges in the Higher Education ����������������������������������������������   31 Bindi Bennett, Donna Baines, Trevor G. Gates, Debora Ortega, Jioji Ravulo, Dyann Ross, Su Zhaohui, and Krystal Evans  4 Linking  the Global Indigenous Landscape: A Social Work Sustainability Perspective with Co-production of Knowledge������������   49 Jean E. Balestrery  5 Georgian  Social Work Development: From Micro to Macro Social Work Roles������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   67 Shorena Sadzaglishvili and Ketevan Gigineishvili Part II Indigenous Social Work: Curriculum and Pedagogy  6 Indigenizing  the Social Work Curriculum: Why It Matters and How to Start?������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   87 Donalee Unal  7 Comparative  Conceptions of Social Work: Context, Sources of Knowledge and the Professional Role in Scotland and Nigeria����������  109 Richard Ingram, Susan Levy, and Uzoma Okoye  8 Teaching  Indigenous Social Work in Mainstream Social Work Education in Taiwan��������������������������������������������������������������������������������  123 Wan-Jung (Wendy) Hsieh, Wan-Yi Lin, and Ciwang Teyra xv

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 9 Integrating  Indigenous Perspectives into International Social Work Education: A Case Study in Japan����������������������������������������������  143 Masateru Higashida, Kana Matsuo, and Josef Gohori 10 Innovations  in Social Work in Aotearoa New Zealand: Embedding Indigenous Wisdom Within Social Work Education and Practice����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  167 Ksenija Napan and Helene Connor 11 Indigenous  Social Work Education for the Global South��������������������  187 Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza 12 Colonization,  Racism, and Positionality in Social Work Education in Chile: Contemporary and Multilocal Perspectives��������  199 Gabriela Rubilar Donoso, Alicia Rain, and Catherine A. LaBrenz 13 Exploring  a Decoloniality Perspective of Social Work Education in Malawi��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  219 Felix Kakowa and Daniel Kabunduli Nkhata Part III Indigenous Social Work: Poiesis and Praxis 14 Indigenous  Knowledge as a Resource in Social Work Practice: The Case of Bedouin Society������������������������������������������������������������������  237 Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail 15 Indigenous  Practice of Social Work in Northeast India: Issues and Challenges������������������������������������������������������������������������������  253 Deepshikha Carpenter 16 The  Role of Malawi’s Indigenous Knowledge and Practices in Social Work Practice ��������������������������������������������������������������������������  265 Daniel Kabunduli Nkhata and Felix Kakowa 17 Resources  for a Practice of Anti-­discriminatory and Indigenous Social Work in the South of Spain from a Biographical Experience������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  279 Roser Manzanera-Ruiz, Maria del Valle Medina-Rodriguez, and Gemma María González-García 18 Indigenizing  Social Work with Older People in Africa: Issues, Trends, and Implications for Practice����������������������������������������������������  299 Charles Kiiza Wamara and Janestic Twikirize 19 Social  Work with Remote Indigenous Community in Indonesia: Policy, Service, and Practice��������������������������������������������������������������������  319 Adi Fahrudin, Suradi, Atik Rahmawati, and Husmiati Yusuf

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20 Intercultural  Health in Chilean Indigenous and Afro-Descendant Older People: Challenges for Culturally Relevant Social Work������������������������������������������������������������������������������  337 Lorena P. Gallardo-Peralta, Esteban Sánchez-Moreno, and Julio Tereucán Angulo Part IV Indigenous Social Work: Insights from Diverse Cultural Contexts 21 Embracing  Cultural and Indigenous Approaches to Child Discipline: A Response to Corporal Punishment Outlawing in Zimbabwe ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  357 Mulwayini Mundau and Tanatswa Silvanus Chineka 22 Alternative  Childcare Arrangement in Indigenous Communities: Apprenticeship System and Informal Child Fostering in South East Nigeria��������������������������������������������������������������  373 Chinwe U. Nnama-Okechukwu, Ngozi E. Chukwu, and Uzoma O. Okoye 23 Indigenous  Social Work Practice: The Influence of Yoruba Concepts on Effective Intervention in Social Work Settings����������������  389 Christiana Omone Bose Makinde, Toluwanimi Oreoluwa Arogundade, Itunu Ilesanmi, Ayodele Adeoye, and Abigail Azorondu 24 Inculcating  Spirituality in Social Work Practice with Indigenous People in Zimbabwe������������������������������������������������������������  403 Dickson Machimbidza and Vincent Mabvurira 25 Interconnectedness  and Cocreating Indigenous Social Work: Collaborative Approach and Future Directions for Sustainable Development ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  417 Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  427

About the Editors

Koustab  Majumdar, MPhil, PhD, is associated with Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (Deemed to be University, Ranchi campus, India). He is also a Visiting Scholar at International Center for Cultural Studies (ICSS), National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU), Taiwan. Dr. Majumdar was awarded with Taiwan Fellowship (2023) by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), China (Taiwan), to conduct his post-doctoral research on Comparative Indigenous Social Welfare Policy at ICSS–NYCU.  He worked as a Research Associate at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences and RKMVERI.  Dr. Majumdar became the recipient of tuition fee scholarship (2019) to attend Chula Right Livelihood Summer School (Chulalongkorn University), Bangkok, Thailand. He has been associated with many international journals as a reviewer. Majumdar’s research interests include agrarian change, environmental education, social work education, international social work, social welfare policies, rural and tribal livelihood and participatory research. He is also a member of a number of international bodies such as Development Studies Association, UK; Canada India Research Centre for Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE); University of Guelph, Canada; International Consortium for Social Development (ICSD); and UNESCO Inclusive Policy Lab. Rajendra  Baikady, PhD, FRSA, is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, India. He was a Special Post-Doctoral Fellow and Assistant Lecturer at the Department of the Social Work University of Johannesburg, South Africa, during the academic year 2020–2022. In addition to this, Baikady is the Principal Investigator (Summer Research Fellowship) at International Socioeconomic Laboratory, Harvard University, USA, and a Research Associate at the Water Policy Center in India. He completed his first Post-Doctoral Fellowship at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel (2019–2020), and was awarded Golda Meir Fellowship by Lady Davis Trust at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He was also a recipient of the Taiwan Government’s Short Term Research Award (2018) for academic research at National Chengchi University, Taiwan, and the Confucius Institute Understanding China Fellowship by the Government of xix

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China (2018–2019) for academic research at Shandong University, China. He has wide research experience in evaluating best practices of social work education and practice in both local and global contexts. Dr. Baikady is also affiliated with the Department of Social Work and Community Development, University of Johannesburg, South Africa, as a Senior Research Associate, and The Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Canada, as a Faculty Fellow. Dr. Baikady is the Founding Editor-in-Chief of the journal Discover Global Society published by Springer, London. Ashok Antony D’Souza, PhD, is a Professor and Chairperson at the Department of Studies and Research in Social Work, Rani Channamma University, Belagavi, Karnataka, India. He is a person with a deep passion for teaching and research. His multidisciplinary outlook  – obtained primarily from his post-graduate degrees in Philosophy, Social Work, Commerce and Management – has enabled him to strive for meaningful integration of methodologies and knowledge streams in social work education, research and extension initiatives. He has completed 5 research projects, authored 4 books, edited 5 books and has published over 40 research papers in national and international journals. Dr. D’Souza works closely with students, especially in finding more meaningful ways of engaging with vulnerable communities such as Indigenous people and other population groups facing difficult circumstances. He is also a member of the Editorial Board of two journals and has been serving as the chairperson on various academic bodies.

Contributors

Azorondu Abigail  Department of Social Work, Babcock University, Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail  School of Social Work, Sapir Academic College, D.N Hof Ashkelon, Israel Julio  Tereucán  Angulo  Department of Social Work. University of La Frontera, Temuco, Chile Adeoye  Ayodele  Department of Education, Babcock University, Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria Rajendra  Baikady  Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, Kasargod, Kerala, India Department of Social Work & Community Development, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa The Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada Donna Baines  University of British Colombia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Jean E. Balestrery  Integrated Care Counsel, LLC, Minneapolis, MN, USA Bindi Bennett  Federation University, Ballarat, VIC, Australia Autumn Asher BlackDeer  Southern Cheyenne Nation, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA Makinde  Christiana  Omone  Bose  Department of Social Work, Babcock University, Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria Deepshikha  Carpenter  Department of Social Work, Mahapurusha Srimanta Sankaradeva Viswavidyalaya, Guwahati Unit, Assam, India Tanatswa Silvanus Chineka  Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe xxi

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Contributors

Ngozi  E.  Chukwu  Department of Social Work, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Helene Connor  Te Puna Wānanga/The School of Māori and Indigenous Education, Te Kura Akoranga me Te Tauwhiro Tangata/Faculty of Education and Social Work, University of Auckland, Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland), New Zealand Ashok Antony D’Souza  Department of Studies in Social Work, School of Social Sciences, Rani Channamma University, Belagavi, Karnataka, India Maria del Valle Medina-Rodriguez  Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Work, University of Granada, Granada, Spain Gabriela  Rubilar  Donoso  Departamento Trabajo Social, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile Krystal Evans  NSW Health, Sydney, NSW, Australia Adi Fahrudin  Universitas Bhayangkara Jakarta Raya, Jakarta, Indonesia Lorena  P.  Gallardo-Peralta  Department of Social Work, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Santiago, Chile Department of Social Work and Social Services, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, Spain Trevor G. Gates  Colorado State University–Pueblo, Pueblo, CO, USA University of the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast, QLD, Australia Ketevan Gigineishvili  Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia Josef Gohori  Asian Research Institute for International Social Work, Shukutoku University, Chiba, Japan Gemma  María  González-García  PhD Student, Doctoral Program in Women’s Studies, Gender Discourses and Practices, University of Granada, Granada, Spain Masateru  Higashida  Asian Research Institute for International Social Work, Shukutoku University, Chiba, Japan Wan-Jung  (Wendy)  Hsieh  Department of Social Work, National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan Richard Ingram  University of Dundee, Dundee, Scotland, UK Ilesanmi  Itunu  Public Affairs Program, College of Community Innovation and Education, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA Felix  Kakowa  Sociology and Population Studies Department, University of Malawi, Zomba, Malawi Catherine  A.  LaBrenz  School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, TX, USA

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Susan Levy  University of Dundee, Dundee, Scotland, UK Wan-Yi Lin  Department of Social Work, National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan Vincent  Mabvurira  Community Psychosocial Research (COMPRES), North-­ West University, Mafikeng, North-West Province, South Africa Dickson  Machimbidza  Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Harare Province, Zimbabwe Koustab  Majumdar  Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (RKMVERI), Ranchi, Jharkhand, India International Center for Cultural Studies (ICCS), National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU), Hsinchu City, Taiwan Roser Manzanera-Ruiz  Department of Sociology, Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology and The Institute of Women’s and Gender Studies, University of Granada, Granada, Spain Kana Matsuo  Asian Research Institute for International Social Work, Shukutoku University, Chiba, Japan Mulwayini Mundau  National University of Lesotho, Maseru, Lesotho Ksenija  Napan  School of Social Work, College of Health, Massey University, Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland), New Zealand Daniel  Kabunduli  Nkhata  Sociology and Population Studies Department, University of Malawi, Zomba, Malawi Chinwe  U.  Nnama-Okechukwu  Department of Social Work, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Uzoma Okoye  University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Uzoma  O.  Okoye  Department of Social Work, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Arogundade Toluwanimi Oreoluwa  GRO Community, Chicago, IL, USA Debora Ortega  University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA Atik Rahmawati  Universitas Jember, Jember, East Java, Indonesia Alicia  Rain  Departamento Trabajo Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Santiago, Chile Jioji Ravulo  The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Dyann Ross  University of the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast, Australia Shorena  Sadzaglishvili School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia

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Contributors

Esteban  Sánchez-Moreno Department of Sociology, Methods and Theory, Research Institute on Development and Cooperation (IUDC-UCM), Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, Spain Suradi  Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (BRIN), Jakarta, Indonesia Ciwang  Teyra Department of Social Work, National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan Janestic  Twikirize Department of Social Work and Social Administration, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda Donalee  Unal Department of Public Health Sciences, Penn State College of Medicine, Hershey, PA, USA Charles Kiiza Wamara  Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Social Work and Social Administration, Kabale University, Kabale, Uganda Husmiati Yusuf  Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (BRIN), Jakarta, Indonesia Su Zhaohui  Southeast University, Nanjing, China

List of Figures

Fig. 10. 1 High tech-high touch, teaching in Te Noho Kotahitanga Marae, Unitec ��������������������������������������������������������������  181 Fig. 20.1 Composition of peoples comprising Chilean indigenous population ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  339

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List of Tables

Table 7.1 Sources of motivation to become a social worker��������������������������  116 Table 7.2 The role of the social work������������������������������������������������������������  119 Table 9.1 Frequency of terms related to international social work in the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare’s (2020) standardised curriculuma����������������������������������������������������������������  150 Table 9.2 Chapters of a concise textbook for the International Welfare Theory course (Higashida, 2021)��������������������������������������  154 Table 9.3 Topics of each class in the International Welfare Theory course ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������  155 Table 17.1 Organizations interviewed, functions, and population they serve����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  284 Table 17.2 Manuel’s needs and resources��������������������������������������������������������  294 Table 17.3 Type of organization and critical approaches to social work ��������  294 Table 19.1 The population of remote indigenous communities ����������������������  323 Table 19.2 Recapitulation of the PKAT scheme����������������������������������������������  328 Table 20.1 Participant's characteristics������������������������������������������������������������  345 Table 20.2 Health indicators in the indigenous and non-indigenous population in study 1 and 2������������������������������������������������������������  347 Table 20.3 Intercultural health practices among indigenous and Afro-descendant����������������������������������������������������������������������  349 Table 22.1 Socio-demographic of community leaders������������������������������������  380

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List of Tables

Table 23.1 Number of respondents by sex and location����������������������������������  396 Table 23.2 Correlation matrix of the four independent variables on the dependent variable��������������������������������������������������������������  397 Table 23.3 Correlation matrix of “Igbemi ara eni” (suicide) and effective intervention in social work practice��������������������������  397 Table 23.4 Correlation matrix of “Igbemi ara eni” (suicide) and effective intervention in social work practice��������������������������  397 Table 23.5 Correlation matrix of “Ebi” (family togetherness) and effective intervention in social work practice��������������������������  397

Chapter 1

Understanding Indigenous Social Work Education and Practice: Local and Global Debates Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza

In this introductory chapter, we examine the relationship between interchangeable terms used to describe issues related to Indigenous social work education and practice, including “indigenization,” “localization,” “authentization,” “decolonization,” “cultural appropriateness,” and “culturally relevant.” We also discuss the relationship and connections between Indigenous and international social work. Drawing from contemporary debates, the chapter provides critical insights into the background, historical, and conceptual evolution of, and need for, Indigenous social Parts of this chapter published previously in: Sajid, S.M., Baikady, R., Sheng-Li, C., Sakaguchi, H. (eds). (2020). The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Work Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­030-­39966-­5. Used with permission. K. Majumdar (*) Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (RKMVERI), Ranchi, Jharkhand, India International Center for Cultural Studies (ICCS), National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU), Hsinchu City, Taiwan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] R. Baikady Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, Kasargod, Kerala, India Department of Social Work & Community Development, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa The Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] A. A. D’Souza Department of Studies in Social Work, School of Social Sciences, Rani Channamma University, Belagavi, KA, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_1

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work. Building on earlier work by Gray et al. (2008), we suggest a roadmap toward indigenizing and decolonizing education and practice in the face of internationalizing forces, highlighting the importance of context. The world is confronting severe socioeconomic, ecological, climate, and security-­related threats in the aftermath of globalization and modernizing development, natural disasters, wars and conflicts, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In response, social work, as a profession, uses scientific tools to address social problems while pursuing equity, social justice, and human rights. With its roots in charity, the profession aims to address issues and challenges at the local and global levels. Abraham Flexner (1915) addressed the importance of scientific approaches for the legitimation of the profession promulgated through educational programs and practice interventions aimed at social improvement. His seminal paper led to the development of social work schools and professional associations around the world to promulgate a scientific approach to knowledge development through international conferences and standardized curricula promoting this professional ethos. By the 1950s, Greenwood (1957) claimed that social work had achieved all the attributes of a profession in the USA, with the development of “training” and “education” programs and the establishment of the National Association of Social Workers. Its spread across the world led to the establishment of international professional bodies, including the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) in 1928 and the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) in 1958. These organizations played a major role in universalizing and homogenizing education and practice through global education standards, international definitions, and professional codes of ethics. These joint undertakings by these international social work organizations have led to periodic revisions of the international definition of social work in 2000 and 2014, when a coda on local adaptation was added, and the global education standards and code of ethics in 2004. The Global Education Standards defined social work as a profession that: The social work profession promotes social change, problem-solving in human relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance wellbeing. Utilizing theories of human behaviour and social system, social work intervenes at the points where people interact with their environments. Principles of human rights and social justice are fundamental to social work (IFSW & IASSW, 2004, p. 1).

Further, in 2010, the IASSW, the ICSW, and the IFSW launched the Global Agenda for Social Work and Social Development 2010–2020 focused on fulfilling the sustainable development goals, creating a more peaceful and just society, and strengthening the social work profession globally. The subsequent 2020–2030 includes “Co-building Inclusive Social Transformation” as a global agenda. These standardizing and universalizing initiatives have been highly criticized as imperialistic (Midgley, 1983) and Western-centric, ignoring Indigenous and non-­ Western cultures and contexts (Gray, 2005; Gray et al., 2008, 2013; Healy, 2014). Resisting professional imperialism, social workers in Africa began the call for the “indigenization” of social work education and practice, which gained momentum in the 1970s and 1980s (Midgley, 1983; Ragab, 1982; Shawky, 1972; Walton & Abo El Nasr, 1988). They called for the incorporation of Indigenous knowledge and

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culturally relevant practice models responsive to African contexts. The indigenization debate flourished and dovetailed with subsequent calls for Indigenous social work practice and professional decolonization (Gray et al., 2008, 2013). It led to a small but important coda to the international definition, stating that it may be amplified at national and regional levels: Social work is a practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people. Principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversity are central to social work. Underpinned by theories of social work, social sciences, humanities and Indigenous knowledge, social work engages people and structures to address life challenges and enhance wellbeing (IFSW & IASSW, 2014).

There is thus some recognition of the importance of Indigenous social work with the IFSW’s addition of an Indigenous Commission and the growing literature on Indigenous and culturally relevant practice. Indigenous social work professionals strive to mainstream culturally responsive knowledge, practice models, and research methods, as the chapters in this volume attest. They have placed Indigenous issues and cultural sensitivity on social work’s global agenda (IASSW, IFSW, & ICSW, 2020). They have been vocal about the indigenization of educational curricula to address local problems and issues. It is important for social workers and educators to understand that theirs is a profession, educating and engaging in practice in diverse contexts across the world. Thus, integrating Indigenous perspectives and culturally relevant resources will better position social workers to understand and address the problems facing Indigenous and culturally diverse communities across the world and work in multicultural environments to improve people’s sociocultural well-being by providing culturally appropriate services and interventions.

I ndigenization of Social Work: Conceptualization and Contemporary Debates The call for indigenization is not new. The indigenization discourse came to international attention in the 1970s. It began largely in Africa before spreading to other areas of the Global South, while, in North America and Australia, a different discourse was taking place in contexts where Indigenous people constituted minorities and were fighting for self-determination and sovereignty (Gray et al., 2008). In the Global South, Indigenous people constituted the majority population, whose traditions and cultures had been suppressed by colonialism. The discourse on indigenization arising there accelerated post-colonization (Khinduka, 1971; Lasan, 1975; Shawky, 1972, 1976; Midgley, 1983). Starting first as a form of resistance to cultural oppression, it sought radical changes to knowledge development and service delivery responsive to local realities that took account of cosmological beliefs, cultural systems, and traditional wisdom (Dittfeld, 2020; Gray & Allegritti, 2002, 2003; Tamburro, 2013).

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Gray and Coates (2008) saw indigenization as an attempt “to bring out multiple voices and ways of knowing that are situated in particular socio-historical and cultural locations so as to establish a solid local basis for localized social work practice” (p. 19). Indigenized social work practice had three essential attributes: (i) it was a form of culturally inclusive, locally responsive practice; (ii) it involved developmental social work; and (iii) it involved political action (Gray et  al., 2008; Hochfeld, 2002; Ugiagbe, 2015; Wamara et  al., 2022). Gray and Hetherington (2013) traced the origins of the term indigenization in African social work, in contradistinction to the evolving Northern literature on “Indigenous social work” (Ouedraogo & Wedler, 2019). Others noted its origins in South America (Ferguson, 2005; Resnick, 1995; Shahid & Salim, 2019) and Asia (Tan, 2006). Thus, Gray and Hetherington (2013) noted the decades-long calls to “make social work Indigenous” in diverse Global Southern contexts. We conceptualize Indigenous social work as a broad concept that attends to culture-­specific issues and concerns, cultural knowledge and sensitivity, and culturally relevant practice that promotes a local perspective on social work education, research, and practice. Based on our comprehensive review of the literature, we argue that “Indigenous social work” and the “indigenization of social work education and practice” discourses have become embedded in contemporary social work theorizing. This is evident in theorizing on: • Post-colonial social work (Kleibl et al., 2019; Ranta-Tyrkkö, 2011) • Decolonized social work (Gray et al., 2013; Razack, 2009; Rowe et al., 2015; Tamburro, 2013; Yadav & Yadav, 2020) • Culturally relevant social work (Gray & Allegritti, 2002, 2003; Hair & O’Donoghue, 2009; Kreitzer, 2012; Osei-Hwedie & Rankopo, 2016) • Culturally responsive social work (Bender et  al., 2010; Chapple, 2019; Gray et al., 2008) • Culturally competent social work (Casado et al., 2012; Harrison & Turner, 2011) • Aboriginal social work (Bennett et al., 2011, 2013; Sinclair, 2004) • Anti-oppressive social work (Dominelli, 2017; Morgaine & Capous-­ Desyllas, 2014) Collectively, they trace the transition to, and evolution of, decolonizing social work discourse. Perhaps the much-discussed term in this context is “decolonization,” which entails dismantling the colonial or Western ideologically based education and practice and reclaiming the socioeconomic, cultural, and political freedom, rights, and sovereignty of Indigenous peoples. Thus, Gray and Coates (2010) noted that the “development of truly indigenized and culturally appropriate social work knowledge… [would be] free from the restrictions and expectations of positivistic western worldviews” (p. 613). While indigenization called for the adaptation of Western theories to non-­Western contexts, decolonization called for a far more radical engagement, rewriting theories and histories seen through Western eyes through an Indigenous lens. Indigenization sought to embrace diverse ideological perspectives. Yadav and Yadav (2020) noted the movement from colonization-authentization (Walton & Abo El

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Nasr, 1988), globalization-localization (Gray, 2005), and Westernization-­ indigenization (Fejo-King, 2014; Nimmagadda & Balgopal, 2000). Ouedraogo and Wedler (2019) noted the importance of collaborative exchange between the north and south in furthering these processes, while Pulla et al. (2020) called for a blending of Western and Indigenous approaches for South Asian countries. Gray et al. (2008) preferred a move from indigenization to cultural relevance, noting critiques of cultural sensitivity, cultural competence, and localization (Gray, 2010). Noting the failure of indigenization in Africa, Ugiagbe (2017) believed it was time to further the decolonization of social work education and practice through a focus on social development.

 apping Indigenous Social Work: From Internationalization M to Localization Localization is an important aspect of indigenization necessary to counteract the overriding forces of internationalization (Gray, 2005). Hence, the terms localization and indigenization are often used interchangeably (Bradshaw & Graham, 2007) to describe the adaptation of Western theories to local problems, cultures, belief systems, or worldviews. Decolonization, however, is not about the localization of Western theories to enhance their adaptability, as in indigenization. It is about rewriting theory from the bottom up, from the local to the global, as has happened with international social work’s embrace of the Indigenous African concept of Ubuntu. Internationalization in social work is essentially the embrace of Eurocentric theories and models, developed largely in Europe and North America, while localization calls for locally derived knowledge and practice responsive to local sociocultural, economic, and political contexts. In Africa, it calls for Afrocentric perspectives and methodologies to decolonize social work and free it of its colonial, Western gaze (Smith, 2021). It calls for local agendas and standards that may or may not complement international ones, as meeting international standards is not a priority for decolonization theorists, cognizant of the failure of Western models. In the international literature, localization refers to nationally evolved and locally focused or context- and country-specific social work. These include native social work or native-American social work in North America (Weaver, 2000); First-­ Nation or Aboriginal social work in Canada (Sinclair, 2004); Maori social work in New Zealand (Mooney, 2012); Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social work in Australia (Bennett et  al., 2013); and Tribal social work in India (Dash, 2020). It acknowledges that social workers worldwide share a common set of universal principles and values and respect cultural diversity while promoting local responsiveness. Localization has also led to regional perspectives, such as Sinocentric and Afrocentric models (Dash, 2020). In Scandinavia, Nordic social work focuses on social work education and practice in relation to the social, economic, and professional context of the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and

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Sweden) (Strauss, 2008). In India, Dash (2020) highlighted the Indianization (Bharatiyakarn), and Mahajne and Bar-on (2022) argued for the Arabization of social work in Israel. Therefore, orienting and redesigning social work practice through a regional lens is evidence of localization at work. The notion of international social work emerged in 1928; it connected social work theory and practice with the emerging trends of internationalization that accelerated post-war in the UN’s reconstruction of Europe and beyond. International organizations played a major role in promoting international development policy (Ouedraogo & Wedler, 2019). Globalization was an economic thrust to encourage the unrestricted movement of goods and services across borders and the promotion of free-trade agreements. It has also led to the globalization of social problems. Thus, the need to prepare social work students to respond to global social problems such as poverty, inequality, unemployment, and crime and substance abuse. International social work in the era of globalization involves collaborative interactions and knowledge exchange on cross-national and cross-cultural issues on a single professional platform (Lyons, 2006). Gray (2005) highlighted the paradoxical processes of internationalization, localization, indigenization, and universalization and the need to embrace diverse perspectives on and forms of social work, including Indigenous social work. However, the international development discourse in social work did not pay significant attention to “Indigenous, culturally specific considerations” (Gray & Lombard, 2023, p.?). For instance, Gray and Coates (2008) stated that the: Globalization discourse in social work stands at odds not only with its claims to ‘responsiveness to local contexts’ and ‘cultural relevance’ but also its growing ‘evidence based’ thrust. Where is the evidence that the majority of social workers are bothered by, or even mindful of, this internationalization or globalization parlance? (p. 24).

Furthermore, they argued that global social work had been an organizationally driven “political interest” (ref). In fact, the internationalization of social work may be problematic due to its individualistic focus on addressing social problems at the microlevel. Social work interventions continuously participating in social change and policy implications through Therefore, the “global” nature of social work is still in question. Hence, Gray and Coates (2008) highlighted the need for culturally relevant social work, which, of necessity, was tailored to fit local contexts and hence localized as part of indigenization. Localization involves the process of making knowledge fit local contexts. Internationalizing worked in tension with indigenization, as the latter required context-specificity; Indigenous social work was context-based. Likewise, decolonization called for context-specific, situationally embedded social work knowledge, research, education, and practice that arose from the bottom up. Unlike the adaptation model of indigenization, it sought a rewriting of theory from an Indigenous cultural perspective. It holds that Western models and perspectives have no place in post-colonial, non-Western contexts and noted how collaboration and exchange privileges Western rather than Indigenous interests; most information flows from North to South rather than the other way round. Indigenous social work claims a privileged space for Indigenous people’s voices, long silenced by dominant Western discourses.

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Need for Indigenous Social Work According to the United Nations (2009), there were 370 million Indigenous people across the world, representing more than 5000 cultural and language groups, struggling for their rights and sociocultural identity. Indigenous social work calls for knowledge based on Indigenous knowledge and worldviews. It calls for Indigenous perspectives, the recognition of Indigenous knowledge, and Indigenous research methodologies. It could involve the modification of Western theories, approaches, values, methods, and practices promoted through internationalization if they were adaptable to local contexts, but it goes further than indigenization in calling for recognition of Indigenous rights to self-determination and sovereignty. Thus, it is avowedly political, calling for Indigenous-centered frameworks, that is, for First Nations and Aboriginal people long denied a voice and rights (Battiste, 2000; Moeke-Pickering & Cote-Meek, 2015). The growing Indigenous literature provides knowledge to undergird educational curricula and practice models to prepare social workers for context-specific Indigenous social work. This volume, covering different parts of the world, seeks to advance Indigenous social work across the globe.

Structure of the Book Social work as an educational discipline and practice profession is recognized in numerous countries across the globe. However, Western hegemony, that is, the domination of Western-centric curricula, theories, and practice models, though much discussed and critiqued, still prevails in many non-Western countries, especially in Asia and Africa, where most of the discourse on relevance comes from (Sajid et al., 2020). Further, most of the available literature on indigenization, cultural relevance, and decolonization is largely produced by Western scholars. Focusing on Indigenous social work education and practice, the book makes an ambitious attempt to advance understanding of this important form of social work. Based on the content of the contributions, this book is divided into four parts: • • • •

Part I Indigenous Social Work: Multidimensional Perspectives Part II Indigenous Social Work: Curriculum and Pedagogy Part III Indigenous Social Work: Poiesis and Praxis Part IV Indigenous Social Work: Insights from Diverse Cultural Contexts

Collectively, the chapters explore and provide a critical overview of Indigenous social work in 24 commissioned chapters from 17 different countries across the globe. The chapters highlight contemporary issues related to Indigenous social work education and practice and seek a pathway toward strengthening this important area of professional knowledge. The following sections provide a brief overview of each section.

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Part I: Indigenous Social Work: Multidimensional Perspectives (Chaps. 2, 3, 4, and 5) The first section comprises four contributing chapters that discuss theoretical perspectives, such as decolonization and sustainability. They provide a historical perspective through an Indigenous lens. The decolonizing approach emphasizes the deconstruction of colonial supremacy and Western ideologies to embed traditional ways of being and thinking. It calls for a return to traditional practices and an understanding of oppressive social problems. In calling for decolonization, Chap. 2 on Indigenous social work in the USA argues that social workers need to know and understand the nature of oppression and its impact on Indigenous people. They call for anti-oppressive social work practice as a means of decolonizing Indigenous social work education, practice, and research. Chapter 3, a contribution from a group of social work educators, defines indigenization as a perspective on culture, local knowledge, and the voices of under-­ represented groups. The authors see Indigenous social work as having anti-racist and anti-oppressive dimensions and a minority-group focus. Not only does Indigenous social work advocate for the people of under-represented and minority groups, but it also seeks to give social work educators a voice as representatives of minority groups resisting oppressive systems and practices and facing myriad challenges. Together with service users, they strive for solidarity and the recognition of Indigenous peoples rights. Chapter 4 is a contribution researching Alaskan Indigenous communities and social work’s contribution to a sustainable future. It grounds Indigenous social work in diverse ways of knowing, culturally distinct worldviews, and co-produced knowledge. It argues that, to promote and ensure a sustainable and equitable society that benefits all, social work has to engage in a co-equal partnership with Indigenous communities. Chapter 5 from Georgia provides a historical development perspective on Indigenous macro-social work and the need to shift the profession’s focus from the micro to the macro-social work level to address the structural social problems obstructing people’s quality of life. It suggests an Indigenous pathway for the Georgian social work profession.

Part II: Indigenous Social Work: Curriculum and Pedagogy (Chaps. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13) Since social work’s inception, the curriculum has been highly influenced and framed by US- and Euro-centric theories and models in a curriculum devoid of content on the history of colonization, cultural knowledge, and structural inequality. Critical of this, the chapters in this section call for the indigenization of the social work curriculum. Chapter 6 suggests the inclusion of native and colonial histories and a

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strength-based for Indigenous social work practice in the USA. Chapter 7 offers a comparative perspective from a study of students’ views on the need to indigenize the curriculum in Nigeria and Scotland. It shows that Nigerian students were much more aware of attendant issues than Scottish students. Chapter 8 from Taiwan highlights Indigenous teaching strategies and suggests experimental learning pedagogies through field education in Indigenous settings to orient social work students to Indigenous social work practice. Chapter 9 from Japan examines Indigenous social work education as a way to help social work students engage in and experience diverse national and international cultural contexts. Chapter 10 highlights the Māori cultural legacy and wisdom in New Zealand, arguing that social work education and practice need to incorporate Māori perspectives for culturally competent practice. Chapter 11 suggests a framework for promoting Indigenous social work education and practice in the Global South. Chapter 12 discusses the complex process of decolonizing social work education and practice in Chile and the challenges involved. Chapter 13 highlights efforts to decolonize social work education in Malawi and the need to include Indigenous knowledge and models for Indigenous practice in the social work curriculum.

Part III: Indigenous Social Work: Poiesis and Praxis (Chaps. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, and 20) The seven chapters in this section discuss Indigenous social work practice. Chapter 14 examines the Indigenous Bedouin knowledge in Israel and argues that this ethnic minority has a rich Indigenous knowledge that is underutilized in social work practices. Indigenous knowledge offers key insights into resolving the problems of Bedouin people. Chapter 15 explores Indigenous social work practice in North-East India, focusing on professional social work government and non-government services for Indigenous people. Chapter 16 explores African Indigenous knowledge for social work practice in Malawi. Chapter 17 discusses anti-discriminatory practices for Indigenous people in Spain. Chapter 18 on issues for older people highlights the relevance of indigenized social work responsive to the needs of this group. Chapter 19 explores an Indigenous policy perspective for Indonesia, while Chapter 20 examines the intercultural health practices of Indigenous older people. It highlights the challenges of intercultural social work practice with Chilean Indigenous people of Afro-descent.

Part IV: Indigenous Social Work: Insights from Diverse Cultural Contexts (Chaps. 21, 22, 23 and 24) Part IV focuses on Indigenous social work practice in diverse cultural contexts. Chapter 21 presents a culture-based Indigenous knowledge system on child-rearing practices in African cultures. Chapter 22 explores alternative childcare practices

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among the Igbo community of south-east Nigeria and intervention strategies for informal child-fostering processes. Chapter 23 discusses Yoruba culture to inform Indigenous social work practice, including a focus on spirituality. Chapter 24 explores spiritual and cultural dimensions, arguing that social work education and practice should include content on African spirituality.

Insights and Features of This Book Our attempt through this volume is to provide an in-depth understanding on contemporary debates, discussions, and insights on Indigenous social work theory, education, and practice across the globe. Based on the theoretical and empirical perspectives, the authors deliberately emphasize bringing together a comprehensive, critical, and up-to-date discussion for all the readers about Indigenous social work theories, decolonization of social work education, Indigenous social work curriculum, Indigenous social work practice, and cultural perspectives toward Indigenous social work education and practice. The key features of this international volume are: 1. Offers critical insights into the historical evolution of Indigenous social work as a discipline 2. Discusses the global debates on the Westernization and indigenization of social work education; Indigenous philosophies and epistemologies within Indigenous social work practice; Indigenous social work theories, the decolonization of social work education; Indigenous social work teaching and curriculum; Indigenous social work practice; cultural response toward Indigenous social work education and practice; and future directions of Indigenous social work as a profession 3. Provides an extensive overview of local understanding of Indigenous social work and its practice in diverse cultural contexts through international case studies 4. Offers a critical perspective on a national-level overview of Indigenous social work education and practice and international comparative experiences as well 5. Brings together a diverse range of geographical areas (Asia, Oceania, North America, Latin America, Europe, and Africa) and a cross-cultural perspective of indigenization in social work education and practice through critical analysis 6. Chapters contributed by leading social work educators and practitioners bring together an international comparative context of Indigenous social work from 17 countries (Australia, USA, UK, Scotland, Japan, Taiwan, India, Israel, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Uganda,  New Zealand, Georgia, Spain, Chile, Indonesia, and Malawi) across the globe 7. Covers social work education and practice from an Indigenous perspective. Contributions in the book discuss various perspectives on the indigenization of social work and intend to shed new light on nuances of the indigenization of

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social work practice as well. It also inscribes the issues and challenges of social workers in delivering social services to Indigenous communities in social work scholarship in a broader perspective that will help scholars, academicians, policymakers, social workers, and development professionals to respond by developing more appropriate social welfare policies that will lead to a better outcome for the Indigenous population across the globe

Concluding Remarks Social work is a profession that is based on practice, and it has been around for a long time. With the evolving dimension of conceptual discourse in social work education and practice, Indigenous social work has emerged as a new element. Earlier, Indigenous social work was associated with a political tone; however, responding to the social realities and growing dissatisfaction of Western-based social work models has been the fundamental reason behind the emergence of Indigenous social work as a distinct discipline to address the social problems of the local people and has been directed toward various other evolved terminologies that emphasize localizing Indigenous social work. This book has been the result of exclusive international collaboration, while the authors of this volume have portrayed social work through an Indigenous lens. We bring together theoretical approaches to Indigenous social work, curriculum and pedagogical tactics in Indigenous social work education, Indigenous social work practice, and its experiences validated through empirical evidence from multicultural perspectives. As we have described, Indigenous social work is a broad concept, and decolonization is merely a precondition to indigenizing social work education and practice so far. Therefore, our approach has not been to only discuss Indigenous social work as a decolonial mode or analyze it from a post-colonial lens; rather, we aim to internationalize the evolved terms within the social work profession and contextualize its future direction. We do hope that social work educators, students, and practitioners across the globe will continue to debate the indigenization discourse in social work education and practice to standardize and internationalize social work as not only an academic element but also a profession. This book can be an indispensable resource for students, scholars, independent researchers, academicians, policymakers, and practitioners who are working in the field of social work, especially those who are interested in Indigenous social work issues. Moreover, it would be a great reference book for those students, scholars, and academicians who are interested in international social work with a special focus on Indigenous social work. In addition, students and scholars from sociology, development studies, public policy, and economics working with Indigenous people and interested in Indigenous studies will find this book an interdisciplinary reference.

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Hair, H. J., & O’Donoghue, K. (2009). Culturally relevant, socially just social work supervision: Becoming visible through a social constructionist lens. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 18(1–2), 70–88. Harrison, G., & Turner, R. (2011). Being a ‘culturally competent’ social worker: Making sense of a murky concept in practice. The British Journal of Social Work, 41(2), 333–350. Healy, L. M. (2014). Global education for social work: Old debates and future directions for international social work. In C.  Noble, H.  Strauss, & B.  Littlechild (Eds.), Global social work: Crossing borders, blurring boundaries (pp. 369–380). Sydney University Press. Hochfeld, T. (2002). Striving for synergy: Gender analysis and indigenous social work practice in South Africa. Social Work/Maatskaplike Werk, 38(2), 105–118. IASSW, IFSW, & ICSW. (2020). Global agenda (2010–2020). https://www.iassw-­aiets.org/ global-­agenda/global-­agenda-­2010-­2020/ IFSW & IASSW. (2004). Ethics in social work, statement of principles. International Federation of Social Workers & International Association of Schools of Social Work. IFSW & IASSW. (2014). Social work definition. International Federation of Social Workers & International Association of Schools of Social Work. Khinduka, S. K. (1971). Social work in the third world. Social Science Review, 45, 62–73. Kleibl, T., Lutz, R., Noyoo, N., Bunk, B., Dittmann, A., & Seepamore, B. (Eds.). (2019). The Routledge handbook of postcolonial social work. Routledge. Kreitzer, L. (2012). Social work in Africa: Exploring culturally relevant education and practice in Ghana. University of Calgary Press. Lasan, D. B. (1975). Indigenization with a purpose. International Social Work, 18(1), 24–26. Lyons, K. (2006). Globalization and social work: International and local implications. British Journal of Social Work, 36(3), 365–380. Mahajne, I., & Bar-on, A. (2022). Arabization of social work in Israel’s native Arab minority: Potential and obstacles. Social Work Education, 41(6), 1109–1122. https://doi.org/10.108 0/02615479.2021.1933930 Midgley, J. (1983). Professional imperialism: Social work in the third world. Heinemann. Moeke-Pickering, T., & Cote-Meek, S. (2015). Strengthening Indigenous social work in the academy. Journal of Indigenous Social Development, 4(1), 1–11. Mooney, H. (2012). Maori social work views and practices of rapport building with rangatahi Maori. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work, 24(3/4), 49–64. Morgaine, K., & Capous-Desyllas, M. (2014). Anti-oppressive social work practice. Sage. Nimmagadda, J., & Balgopal, P. R. (2000). Transfer of knowledge: An exercise of adaption and indigenization. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work, 10(2), 64–72. Osei-Hwedie, K., & Rankopo, M. J. (2016). Developing culturally relevant social work education in Africa: The case of Botswana. In Indigenous social work around the world (pp. 231–246). Routledge. Ouedraogo, S. V., & Wedler, B. (2019). Westernisation-indigenisation in social work education and practice: Understanding indigenisation in international social work. In J.  E. Henriksen, I. Hydle, & B. Kramvig (Eds.), Recognition, reconciliation and restoration: Applying a postcolonial understanding in social work and healing processes (pp. 181–200). Orkana Akademisk. Pulla, V.  R., Das, T.  K., & Nikku, B.  R. (2020). Indigenous or blended model for South Asian social work? Space and Culture, India, 8(1), 40–58. Ragab, I. (1982). Authentization of social work in developing countries. Integrated Social Services Project. Ranta-Tyrkkö, S. (2011). High time for postcolonial analysis in social work. Nordic Social Work Research, 1(1), 25–41. Razack, N. (2009). Decolonizing the pedagogy and practice of international social work. International Social Work, 52(1), 9–21. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872808097748 Resnick, R. (1995). South America. In T. Watts, D. Elliott, & N. Mayadas (Eds.), International handbook on social work education (pp. 65–85). Greenwood Press. Rowe, S., Baldry, E., & Earles, W. (2015). Decolonising social work research: Learning from critical Indigenous approaches. Australian Social Work, 68(3), 296–308.

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Sajid, S. M., Baikady, R., Sheng-Li, C., & Sakaguchi, H. (2020). Introduction: Social work—a profession without boundaries: Debates on global and contextual social work. In S. M. Sajid, R. Baikady, C. Sheng-Li, & H. Sakaguchi (Eds.), The Palgrave handbook of global social work education (pp. 1–13). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­030-­39966-­5_1 Shahid, M., & Salim, A.  K. (2019). Social work education: A debate on Indigenisation vs. Internationalisation, Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) in International Social Work Education, New Delhi. Shawky, A. (1972). Social work education in Africa. International Social Work, 15(1), 3–16. Shawky, A. M. (1976). ‘Indigenization of social work, an issue and a necessity’. Cairo: Towards social work practice in developing countries, workshop, October 1976. Sinclair, R. (2004). Aboriginal social work education in Canada: Decolonizing pedagogy for the seventh generation. First Peoples Child & Family Review: A Journal on Innovation and Best Practices in Aboriginal Child Welfare Administration, Research, Policy & Practice, 1(1), 49–61. Smith, L. (2021). Historiography of South African social work: Challenging dominant discourses. Critical Proposals in Social Work, 3(1), 155–185. Strauss, H. (2008). Regional perspectives: Social work in the Nordic countries: Contemporary trends and shifts in education and policy. International Social Work, 51(2), 253–261. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0020872807085863 Tamburro, A. (2013). Including decolonization in social work education and practice. Journal of Indigenous Social Development, 2(1). Tan, N.  T. (2006). Regional perspectives... from Asia-Pacific. International Social Work, 49(2), 277–284. Ugiagbe, E. O. (2015). Social work is context-bound: The need for indigenization of social work practice in Nigeria. International Social Work, 58(6), 790–801. Ugiagbe, E. O. (2017). Decolonising social work practice in Nigeria: Moving beyond indigenisation to development. In M.  Gray (Ed.), The Routledge handbook of social work and social development in Africa. Routledge. United Nations (UN). (2009). State of the World’s Indigenous peoples. United Nations publications. Walton, R. G., & Abo El Nasr, M. M. (1988). Indigenization and authentization in terms of social work in Egypt. International Social Work, 31(1), 135–144. Wamara, C.  K., Twikirize, J., Bennich, M., & Strandberg, T. (2022). Reimagining indigenised social work in Uganda: Voices of practitioners. International Social Work. https://doi. org/10.1177/00208728221081823 Weaver, H. N. (2000). Culture and professional education: The experiences of Native American social workers. Journal of Social Work Education, 36(3), 415–428. Yadav, R., & Yadav, A. K. (2020). Decolonising social work education in Nepal. In S. M. Sajid, R. Baikady, C. Sheng-Li, et al. (Eds.), The Palgrave handbook of global social work education (pp. 325–342). Springer.

Part I

Indigenous Social Work: Multidimensional Perspectives

Chapter 2

Decolonial Social Work from an Indigenous Perspective Autumn Asher BlackDeer

Decolonial Social Work from an Indigenous Perspective Decolonization is an ongoing process to undo colonialism and reclaim Indigenous ways of knowing and being. The logical endpoint of decolonization is the dismantling of structures that settlers imposed with the intention of subjugation, oppression, and exploitation. While some get caught up in the theoretical, true decolonial thought calls us to action. This work will present the history and impact of Native social workers throughout the social work profession, delineate how social work perpetuates settler colonialism and white supremacy, and present the current state of decolonial praxis in social work, concluding with decolonization as a path forward. A common sentiment among Indigenous communities is “Before you tell me what you know, tell me who you are,” a practice that is gaining commonality in the academy as positionality. Where I’m from, in our Native way, it is customary to shake hands, introduce yourself, and explain who your family is and where you come from as a sign of respect. Honoring this tradition, I begin this work by introducing myself as an Indigiqueer Tsistsistas scholar. Tsistsistas is Cheyenne for “The People,” and it is our way of saying I am Cheyenne, hailing from the Cheyenne and Arapaho Nation in what is known as western Oklahoma today. I am grateful to have been raised in a community in a single-parent household with my mom, elder sister, and, for the majority of my life, my grandmother, a full-blooded Cheyenne woman. In a world of increasing disconnection and ongoing oppression, it is a privilege to have been raised by a community of strong Indigenous women and have the opportunity to develop into one myself. I also write from a place of privilege in having a A. Asher BlackDeer (*) Southern Cheyenne Nation, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_2

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doctorate in social work; however, one way to decolonize the academy is by pushing back on knowledge hierarchies by valuing lived experience and cultural knowledge just as highly. Ultimately, I strive to use my platform to further decolonial praxis, amplify Indigenous voices, and be a responsible storyteller.

History of Indigenous Social Work Decolonial social work recognizes and credits the strengths and myriad contributions of Indigenous knowledge, tradition, and practices (Gray et al., 2013). Further, it is important to begin by acknowledging and honoring the previous scholarship on decolonization and reconciliation in social work, predominantly undertaken by Indigenous scholars (Allan et al., 2019). I begin this work with an introduction to Indigenous social work, uplifting the legacy of Native social workers and elders (Weaver & Dennis, 2015) and highlighting contemporary social workers who have furthered the path for decolonial social work. Social work has largely ignored both the presence and impact of Indigenous social workers both in the formation of the profession and our continued contributions today. Dr. Prue, an Indigenous social work scholar from the Rosebud Sioux Nation, has previously described the efforts of the social work profession towards Indigenous peoples dating back to the 1870s. The profession of social work has not always been a single entity, particularly in its formative years (Prue, 2014). The National Conference of Charities and Corrections, later called the National Conference on Social Welfare, developed a committee on Indian policy and delivered its first report in 1892; this report embodied Eurocentric bias and belief in racial superiority through a Christian missionary perspective, lamenting that they could not “civilize the Indian… until you have run this furrow right across the tribal circle.” (Prue, 2014). For the next three decades, social work largely ignored American Indian and Alaska Native issues; it was not until the 1927 national conference that social work began to notice Indigenous communities as members of Native nations voicing their concerns and advocating for their communities. (Prue, 2014). These Indigenous advocates persisted, as Native social workers throughout the 1960s–1980s demanded their own voice and invited non-Native social workers to “step out of the protected role of social worker and be encountered as a human being” (Prue, 2014). The turn of the century marked a shift toward cultural competence in social work. In the late 1990s, the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics stated that social workers should understand culture and the way it functions within human behavior and society, ultimately recognizing the strengths inherent within all cultures (NASW, 1999). While cultural competence appeared to be a revolutionary concept for the majority of the social work profession, Indigenous social workers were already practicing a form of social work informed by their cultures (Weaver, 1999; Prue, 2014). Examples of this include Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart’s understanding of historical trauma and grief from the Lakota nation,

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addressing the Tohono O’odham Nation’s social well-being through traditional practices, and substance use work among the Iroquois Nation (Weaver, 1999). ‘Anakē Lynette Kahekili Kaopuiki Paglinawan is a Native Hawaiian cultural practitioner and one of the first social workers to integrate culturally based interventions into social work practice in the mid-1960s (DeMattos, 2015). Ultimately, Indigenous nations have been caring for and ensuring the survivance of our peoples and cultures since time immemorial, meaning that our Native communities were practicing “social work” before the profession even formed. We honor their legacy by reclaiming what it means to be an Indigenous social worker. More contemporary Indigenous social workers have made major strides within the new century, the 2000s, and beyond. Dr. Ronald G. Lewis was the first American Indian to earn a doctorate in social work from the University of Denver in 1974 and later became known as the father of American Indian Social Work (NASW, n.d.). Dr. Eddie Brown (Pascua Yaqui) is the former director of the Kathryn M.  Buder Center for American Indian Studies, leaving behind a legacy of capacity building and Native scholarship (Tovar & Kastelic, 2015). Dr. Evelyn Blanchard from the Laguna and Yaqui Nations addressed how social work has historically viewed Indian Country through a deficit lens (First Nations, 2021). Dr. Dan Edwards (Yurok) developed and directed the American Indian Social Work Career Training Program at the University of Utah (Barkdull et  al., 2015). Dr. John Red Horse (Cherokee) is known for his work on the role of the extended family, a critique of the policies against Native families, and strategies to preserve Native families (Day & Campbell, 2015). Dr. Michael Jacobson (Creek, Seminole, Lakota, and Dakota) is an early organizer of the American Indian and Alaska Native Social Work Educators Group association and is characterized by his dedicated determination, which often meant confrontation with Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) leaders and power structures (Day, 2015). Dr. Jacobson advocated for both a special session and the Native Content Track at CSWE’s All Program Meeting (CSWE APM) (Day, 2015), both of which are mainstays for Native social workers today. Dr. Hilary Weaver (Lakota) was recently named chair-elect of the board of directors at CSWE and is the current president of the Indigenous and Tribal Social Work Educators’ Association (ITSWEA). These leaders, elders, and ancestors are just a glimpse into the world of Indigenous social work, a history and ongoing presence that must be brought to social work education.

Settler Colonialism and White Supremacy in Social Work Social work has consistently perpetuated settler colonialism and subsequent white supremacy (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022). It is essential to explicitly name structures of white supremacy and colonialism in order to interrupt and disrupt them (Lerner, 2021; Almeida et al., 2019). Social work has a history that is guilty of participating in and carrying out colonial agendas on behalf of the federal government (Tang Yan et al., 2021; Brady et al., 2019; Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla

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Ocampo, 2022). Early practice of social work by Mary Richmond and Jane Addams embodied the deficit approach in problematizing individuals and promoting white civility as the benchmark of assimilation (Brady et al., 2019; Fortier & Hon-Sing Wong, 2019). The National Association of Social Workers report (2021) recently detailed how social workers have historically and currently been complicit in shameful colonial practices, furthering harms against marginalized populations, particularly among Black and Indigenous communities. Scholars have called out the social work profession (#SocialWorkSoWhite) as guilty of mainstreaming social justice through virtue signaling and hashtags rather than embodying a true commitment to achieving structural change (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022). In 2021, the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) released a Statement of Accountability and Reconciliation for Harms Done to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (Weaver et al., 2021). This report introduces Indigenous communities, purveys historical harms against Indigenous communities, and speaks to social work with Indigenous peoples today, ultimately concluding with commitments to the present and future. Perhaps most important within this statement is the call for social work to acknowledge its history of complicity in harms against Indigenous peoples and recognize its ongoing failure to require specific curriculum content on Indigenous peoples, “leaving individual programs to determine whether content on the original inhabitants of this country is relevant to social work.” (Weaver et al., 2021, p. 24). It remains to be seen what social work education will do to either continue their complicity in Indigenous erasure or embrace decolonial social work as the pathway forward to addressing settler colonialism and white supremacy throughout the profession.

Education It is important to challenge the colonial nature of welfare and social work education (Al-Natour & Mears, 2016). Coloniality is the long-term patterns of power that result from settler colonialism (Almeida et  al., 2019). Social work is embedded within higher education institutions, which perpetuate coloniality through hierarchies and the division of knowledge (Almeida et  al., 2019). These hierarchies include knowledge hierarchies such as the privileging of the written word, such as peer-reviewed publications and texts, as the sole sources of legitimate knowledge. Knowledge hierarchies ignore traditional Indigenous knowledge and cultural knowledge passed down generationally, written or not. Other examples of hierarchies within higher education include the separation of teacher from student, enforcing a separation rather than creating a learning community. Higher education extends colonization by teaching students from a whitestream or mainstreamed Eurocentric perspective (Choate, 2019). Native students often bear the burden of having to educate their peers, colleagues, and even faculty (Choate, 2019) on Indigenous knowledge, histories, and current events, with the social work classroom being no exception. Further, Native students are used as learning

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opportunities for their fellow non-Native peers, attempting to learn from our pain yet never ultimately arriving at addressing whiteness or settler colonialism (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022; Dumbrill & Green, 2008). Social work bypasses addressing white supremacy and colonialism by talking about white privilege at the individual level rather than identifying and dismantling the structures that maintain this supremacy throughout the profession (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022).

Research Social work research is built on Eurocentric language that Indigenous peoples do not identify with; however, Native communities are judged and assessed upon these criteria (Choate, 2019). This practice extends and perpetuates colonialism in social work rather than promoting social justice. An example of Eurocentric thought in social work is the overall evidence-based practice (EBP) movement. Governmental funding agencies began to push for evidence-based practices in behavioral health just like in medical healthcare settings, following suit with the evidence-based medicine movement. Evidence-­based practice was set forth as a process to integrate the best available research with clinical expertise in light of patient preferences, culture, and characteristics (APA, 2006). While the original EBP was meant to be a process of conducting research, in social work it quickly became coopted into a short-sided research method focusing solely on interventions with peer-reviewed publication and evidentiary support. EBP in social work largely refers to evidence-supported treatments, which are interventions with evidence from at least two randomized trials or 10 case studies, again exemplifying reliance on the knowledge hierarchy and privileging of the written word. Evidence-based practice embodies a philosophy of permanence by seeking to legitimize the process by linking to published research (Crampton, 2015). Evidence-­based practice is a cornerstone of social work research, ultimately demonstrating the profession’s commitment to white ways of knowing, another form of settler colonialism and white supremacy. Evidence-based practice is largely incompatible and ultimately inappropriate to use with Indigenous communities. The majority of these evidence-supported treatments that are identified through the evidence-based practice process are built on assumptions of the western medical model, which ultimately emphasize distress and disfunction (Asher BlackDeer & Patterson Silver Wolf, 2020; Sheehan et al., 2007). These concepts are at inherent odds with Indigenous conceptions of wellness and a holistic picture of health. The use of the western medical model and evidence-­ based practices with Indigenous communities has been referred to as clinical colonization (Walker et al., 2015). A Western outsider coming to a Native community to impose an intervention with no evidentiary support from Native peoples certainly sounds a lot like colonization. The idea of clinical colonization is best understood with the following quote stating, “You cannot be the doctor if you are the disease” (Daes, 2000, p.  4  – cited in Asselin & Basile, 2018). Crampton (2015) writes

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extensively about decolonizing social work best practices, detailing the destructive effects of the evidence-based practice movement. While EBP is problematic for social work research, it is directly harmful to use with Indigenous peoples as a form of clinical colonization.

Practice Social workers haphazardly replicate colonial power structures. Social work teaches from an internalized colonial mindset (Lerner, 2021). The social work classroom is where future social work practitioners are grown; if they are planted in hierarchical, oppressive environments and watered with internalized coloniality, they will blossom into colonial, oppressive social work practitioners. Teaching from such a colonial mindset ultimately leads to social workers who understand the world from an individualist lens, reinforcing coloniality by focusing on individual-level issues rather than addressing the overall system that is causing harm (Almeida et al., 2019). One such example of colonial practice is biopsychosocial assessment. These assessment instruments fail to consider structural and systemic barriers against marginalized communities and instead place the onus on the very individual seeking help (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022). Settler colonialism in social work practice is realized throughout the child welfare system as Native children continue to be removed from their homes at disproportionate rates (Weaver et  al., 2021). Ultimately, without understanding Indigenous histories, cultures, and worldviews, social work practice will continue to pathologize and demonize Native communities in the name of social justice.

Decolonization There is a movement to decolonize and Indigenize the principles and practices of the social welfare field in pursuit of developing systems based on traditional Indigenous values and methods (Weaver et al., 2021; Weaver, 1999). Indigenization is an older concept, described as previous attempts or efforts to preserve cultural heritage and identity in the face of ongoing oppression and colonization, realizing the personal and collective process of decolonizing Indigenous life and restoring self-determination (Gray et al., 2013). However, Indigenization has been criticized for furthering the othering of Indigenous peoples (Gray et al., 2013) and promoting assimilationist frameworks in order to adapt and integrate Indigenous knowledge into western social work contexts. Decolonization is not the same as Indigenization, but decolonization is a way for Native communities to make sense of their own reality instead of having non-Native individuals define it for them (Asselin & Basile, 2018).

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Decolonization is the undoing of colonization, including returning to traditional ways of being and addressing one’s own internalized oppression and colonization. The logical endpoint of decolonization is dismantling structures. Decolonization is not a metaphor (Tuck & Yang, 2012). While social justice is focused on reforming, diversifying, including, and recognizing, decolonization is defined by an anti-­capitalist, anti-colonialist approach with the overall goals of sovereignty, abolition, and liberation. It is important to balance the dismantling of colonial power and structures while building new ones that are accountable to Indigenous sovereignty (Asselin & Basile, 2018). We are reminded to remain committed to our cultures and traditional ways of being while reconciling these problematic relationships with those who have historically and contemporarily benefited from the lasting harmful effects of colonial research and practices (McGregor, 2018). Decolonization has increasingly been used as a buzzword, which is coopted by liberal agendas and misrepresented as another manner of diversity, equity, or inclusion. Decolonization is not diversity as the overall concept of diversity still centers whiteness as normal and neutral and renders everything and everyone else “diverse.” Further, decolonization is much more than adding diverse voices. Decolonization is not the same as equity but can be a pathway toward it. Decolonization is the verb; the actions of decolonization can create equity, but they are not interchangeable. Finally, decolonization is not inclusion. Including more Indigenous or underrepresented or marginalized individuals into a broken and oppressive system will only break and oppress the people rather than fix the system. Decolonization is the mechanism to address the underlying systems of oppression rather than simply adding and including more individuals into them. Previous scholars have posited that decolonization is merely a continuation of social justice in social work by challenging hegemonic forms of practice (Gray et al., 2013). While the overall goal of social work is to achieve social justice, decolonization is not another form of social justice advocacy. Decolonization is a liberatory framework that centers sovereignty, whereas social justice is more aligned with diversity, equity, inclusion, and representation. We must be wary of individuals who seek to empty decolonization of its substance (Asselin & Basile, 2018). Others may try to use decolonization as another hollow politic of recognition, akin to #RepresentationMatters, ultimately recreating these colonial, racist, patriarchal powers. Further, decolonization requires more than surface-level change (Crampton, 2015). True decolonization is the undoing of colonialism; it is an ongoing process with the logical endpoint of dismantling structures. Decolonization is not adding more people of color to one’s syllabus. It is not diversifying the academy. It is not merely the inclusion of Indigenous voices. Decolonization explicitly names settler colonialism and the lasting effects of white supremacy and calls us to action both within our minds and bodies to build new systems that are accountable to and promote sovereignty and liberation.

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Decolonial Social Work Social work has an obligation to prepare students to enter the profession with a firm understanding of theory, practice, and the real world (Choate, 2019). There is a need to decolonize social work because colonialism makes the world white (Beck, 2019). Decolonization is the responsibility of everyone, as we have all been impacted by settler colonialism, Indigenous or not. It is important for both Native and non-Native social workers alike to confront the negative effects of colonialism (Yellow Bird, 2013; Al-Natour & Mears, 2016). Decolonial social work requires the profession to acknowledge its complicity and cease to participate in colonizing projects (Gray et al., 2013). Decolonial social work must condemn the past colonial actions and the ongoing effects of colonialism that persist to the present day. Our northern relatives in what is known today as Canada provide an example of what this practice could look like. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada established in 2015 and the Canadian Association of Social Work Education (CASWE) 2017 statement of Complicity and Commitment to Change (Allan et al., 2019). While these statements and positions are not enough, they certainly set a foundation for the work to be undertaken. The 2021 CSWE Statement of Accountability and Reconciliation for Harms Done to Indigenous Peoples (Weaver et  al., 2021) is the first step toward this within the United States; however, it remains to be seen what structural changes or actions, if any, social work education will take in response to this acknowledgment of harm. Further, it should be noted that this statement was conceptualized, developed, and drafted by several Indigenous social workers (Weaver et  al., 2021) and merely accepted by CSWE, meaning that if again Native social workers had not taken up the mantel and advocated for such a work, it would not even exist and social work would continue to operate with this false sense of service toward Native nations. Perhaps the biggest reason western social work has been reluctant towards decolonial social work is the ingrained habit of mindlessness (Yellow Bird, 2013). Mindlessness is defined as non-reflective, unthinking behaviors (Yellow Bird, 2013); while social work purports to teach critical thinking, it falls short in encouraging reflective thought. Dr. Michael Yellow Bird (Mandan, Hidatsa, Arikara) reminds us that in order for decolonization to be successful, the work must begin in our minds (Yellow Bird, 2013). Mindfulness and decolonial social work combine to form a liberatory framework for both the mind and brain, addressing negative and oppressive thoughts, emotions, behaviors, and actions (Yellow Bird, 2013). Neurodecolonization is the conceptual framework based on mindfulness research that examines how the brain has been affected by colonialism and how individuals can change their neural networks in order to overcome the trauma and oppression from colonialism (Yellow Bird, 2013). In this vein, mindfulness is not a self-­ centered activity, although it incorporates both meditation and introspection. However, mindfulness is more of a shift toward understanding how we live in society, seeking to understand oneself before moving on to helping others (Yellow Bird, 2013).

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Education The way decolonization is presented in the social work classroom has implications for how future social workers will be in the field (Allan et al., 2019). Previous scholars have spoken on how non-Native social work academics can work to embed Indigenous perspectives and knowledge into their classrooms and work to decolonize their curriculum (Al-Natour & Mears, 2016). Examples of this include teaching critical self-reflection, explicitly stating colonization, and examining the historic and ongoing impact of settler colonialism (Al-Natour & Mears, 2016). It is vital for non-Natives to reflect on their own identities, interrogate their own settler-colonial privileges, and critically evaluate how these privileged identities shape their curriculum, pedagogy, and learning frameworks (Al-Natour & Mears, 2016). While decolonization centers Indigenous knowledge by drawing attention to ongoing colonial agendas (Bhuyan et al., 2017), it is not simply completed by integrating Indigenous knowledge into the academy. When we bring Indigenous knowledge into the academy, it typically ends up being forced to fit into a Eurocentric framework (Dumbrill & Green, 2008). Social work rushes to incorporate Indigenous knowledge and decolonize everything, yet fails to address the major issues that persist and ensure the perpetuation of colonial structures (Green & Bennett, 2018). Dumbrill and Green (2008) reframe our thinking from making the academy open to Indigenous knowledge to acknowledging how European knowledge dominates the academy and how we can disrupt that. Decolonization is not trying to fit Indigenous worldviews into existing Western systems, but it is imagining and rebuilding another system entirely. In many Native nations, elders and ancestors hold a traditional responsibility to ensure the passing of knowledge, including the transmission of various ways of being and knowing, ceremonies, languages, and ultimately relationships to the land and Creator (Choate, 2019). However, in contrast to western education, Indigenous knowledge is shared relationally, again reinforcing the relational worldview. For example, wisdom shared from Blackfoot elders recommends that students not be told (like in Western instruction) but taught different ways of inquiry and relationship building that respect Indigenous worldviews and ways of being (Choate, 2019). Our elders ensure the knowledge is kept and appropriately passed, while social work embraces Eurocentric educational methods. Social work must first critically evaluate the worldview from which it teaches, assess how this worldview is related to the curriculum, and then seek to embrace Indigenous worldviews such as relationality. Decolonial social work must remove even the most subtle colonialism within theory and practice (Gray et al., 2013). Storytelling as a pedagogical tool can demonstrate how the academy can deal with whiteness before understanding the ‘other’ (Dumbrill & Green, 2008). Scholars recommend teaching post-colonial theory to include concepts like hegemony and colonial power in order to decolonize social work education (Bhuyan et al., 2017).

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Research Decolonial research centers on the agenda of Indigenous peoples and decenters non-Native researchers focus (Asselin & Basile, 2018). Silva Rivera et al. (2018) have delineated four challenges to decolonial research: 1. The hegemony of hierarchical, patriarchal, unsustainable worldviews 2. Non-Native researchers’ tendency toward interventionism 3. The favoring of theory over action within the academy 4. The socio-ecological crisis that creates and perpetuates inequalities between and within generations Co-constructing methodology is one such way to decolonize research; however, collaborative or participatory research can still reflect colonial approaches and reproduce hierarchical relationships such as the power dynamic of the researcher and subject (Asselin & Basile, 2018). In response to the gross incompatibility of evidence-based practice and behavioral health work for Indigenous communities, evidence mapping emerges as a decolonial research method. Evidence mapping is a methodology for conducting rigorous and systematic searches that capture the breadth and depth of literature in order to view what is known and what gaps still exist (Perkins et al., 2016). A prior study focused particularly on culturally grounded interventions for Native youth mental health using evidence mapping methodology, including all forms of evidence beyond randomized control trials (Asher BlackDeer & Patterson Silver Wolf, 2020). This inclusion of all forms of evidence, rejecting knowledge hierarchies, and ultimately rejecting clinical colonization by centering culturally grounded interventions are all embodiments of decolonized research in social work. Data are emerging as the new global currency (Carroll et al., 2019); social workers must be cognizant of the ways in which capitalism and colonialism converge to create issues with data. Data colonialism is being described as the new frontier for the new land grab; however, the colonization of data is not just land and labor but actual human life. It is vital to reject the default assumption fueling data colonialism: that continuous extraction of data from our daily lives is inherently a public good rather than a corporate gain (Mejias & Couldry, 2020). Social workers must begin to recognize that decolonizing data is a social justice issue (Carroll et al., 2019). Indigenous scholars have introduced data sovereignty and data governance as solutions to decolonize data (Carroll et al., 2019). Strategies for data governance include acknowledging data sovereignty as an objective and building Indigenous data sovereignty frameworks (Carroll et al., 2019). The Urban Indian Health Institute (UIHI) has released best practices for decolonizing data including mandating race and ethnicity in health data, collecting tribal affiliation, and oversampling overlooked populations, especially American Indians and Alaska Natives. Abigail EchoHawk, the executive director of UIHI, reminds us to reframe data and research into our traditional practices of storytelling, stating, “I always think about the data as story, and each person who contributed to that data as

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storytellers.” (Secaira, 2019). As we seek to further decolonial social work, we must integrate decolonizing data into social work curriculum and practice.

Practice While individuals may be familiar with the principle of decolonization, the actual practice of this is largely missing (Asselin & Basile, 2018). Silva Rivera et al. (2018) identified the pitfall of favoring theory over action within the academy, particularly as a challenge to decolonial work. Previous research has found that schools of social work lack an emphasis on social action overall (Apgar, 2021). Ultimately, knowing is not the same as doing (Asselin & Basile, 2018). Social work must fully embrace a decolonial praxis, moving from the mind to the actual embodied practice of decolonial social work. Decolonial social work practice redefines what it means to be a social worker. Previous research with non-Native social workers working with Native clients found that 65% reported they never discussed their client’s culture (Williams & Ellison, 1996). Further, these social workers reported they would not know how much weight to place on “cultural characteristics” and that they felt uncomfortable gathering that information (Williams & Ellison, 1996). This is a clear example of problematic social work and the necessity to decolonize social work practice. Decolonial social work practice must embrace Indigenous worldviews, make space for Native clients to bring their full selves to every interaction, and ultimately work alongside to help dismantle colonial structures. Decolonial social work practice would dismantle the very structures oppressing our clients, not merely help them cope with structural oppression. Decolonization may be the solution to addressing the disconnect between social work’s mission of social justice and the actual practice of social work itself. Prior work has found that social work students report feeling disconnected from curriculum and skills they are learning in the classroom, noting the conflict between classroom content and the profession’s overall purported aim of social justice (Goode et al., 2021). Neurodecolonization calls for critical self-reflection, meditation, and the embodiment of mindfulness into practice (Yellow Bird, 2013). This decolonial praxis could be the pathway for social workers to fully embrace and embody their dedication to social justice and dismantle structures of oppression.

Where Do We Go from Here? Present-day Indigenous social work is defined by us and for us. Dr. John Red Horse (Cherokee) said, “If you are going to make decisions for American Indians, you need to be a part of that community.” (Day & Campbell, 2015). Decolonization calls all social workers, Native or not, to align with Indigenous communities to advocate

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for and create a future that promotes tribal sovereignty and the liberation of all oppressed and marginalized communities. Decolonial social work recognizes the strengths of Indigenous communities by recognizing our resistance to and continued existence in spite of colonialism (Gray et al., 2013). Dr. Michael Yellow Bird makes the call for pushing back against white saviorism and pity in social work and instead calls for social workers “willing to stand with us and help us maintain our sovereignty and nationhood.” (Yellow Bird, 1999, pg. 18). A decolonial future of social work requires a shift to focus on relations and accountability to Indigenous communities in order to be a good relative and change the legacy of social work (Allan et al., 2019). Decolonization is not “rescuing a settler future [but rather] is accountable to Indigenous sovereignty and futurity” (Tuck & Yang, 2012, p. 35). Decolonial futures require more than knowing colonial history or reciting hollow land acknowledgements (Allan et  al., 2019). While the present work delineated a small piece of Indigenous social work, it is important for the profession to require and implement the teaching of Indigenous content across the curriculum. Further, embedded within institutions of higher education, reciting a land acknowledgement will not achieve decolonization at the university or in social work. Social work must do the work to decolonize the profession, going beyond acknowledging harms to actually repairing them and moving forward with a path to uplift the communities it has oppressed. Decolonization is not a single act or moment but a journey (Green & Bennett, 2018). Ultimately, decolonization is not a destination but a new set of relationships to engage in throughout the social work profession (Allan et al., 2019). Embracing a relational Indigenous worldview, we must now turn our attention to how we can be in right relationship with decolonial social work and honor our relatives. Our ancestors and elders have created the path for us; now it is up to us to be good relatives and take up this work in order to decolonize social work.

References Allan, B., Hackett, V.  R., & Jeffery, D. (2019). Decolonial futurities in social work education: Epistemological, relational, and institutional pathways. Intersectionalities: A Global Journal of Social Work Analysis, Research, Polity, and Practice, 7(1), 1–8. Almeida, R. V., Werkmeister Rozas, L. M., Cross-Denny, B., Lee, K. K., & Yamada, A.-M. (2019). Coloniality and intersectionality in social work education and practice. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 30(2), 148–164. Al-Natour, R., & Mears, J. (2016). Practice what you preach: Creating partnerships and decolonising the social work curriculum. Advances in Social Work and Welfare Education, 18(2), 52–65. APA Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based Practice. (2006). Evidence-based practice in psychology. The American Psychologist, 61(4), 271–285. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-­ 066X.61.4.271 Apgar, D. (2021). Developing the next generation of social work activists: Support for eliminating the micro–macro divide. Journal of Community Practice, 29(1), 62–78. Asher BlackDeer, A., & Gandarilla Ocampo, M. (2022). #SocialWorkSoWhite: A critical perspective on settler colonialism, white supremacy, and social justice in social work. Advances in Social Work, 22(2), 720–740.

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Asher BlackDeer, A., & Patterson Silver Wolf, D. (2020). Evidence mapping: Interventions for American Indian and Alaska Native youth mental health. Journal of Evidence-Based Social Work, 17(1), 49–62. https://doi.org/10.1080/26408066.2019.1624237 Asselin, H., & Basile, S. (2018). Concrete ways to decolonize research. ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies, 17(3), 643–650. Barkdull, C., Ned, D., Limb, G., Weaver, H.  N., & Himonas, L. (2015). Dan was there for us. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 68–74. Beck, E. (2019). Naming white supremacy in the social work curriculum. Affilia: Journal of Women & Social Work, 34(3), 393–398. Bhuyan, R., Bejan, R., & Jeyapal, D. (2017). Social workers’ perspectives on social justice in social work education: When mainstreaming social justice masks structural inequalities. Social Work Education, 36(4), 373–390. Brady, S., Sawyer, J. M., & Perkins, N. H. (2019). Debunking the myth of the ‘radical profession’: Analysing and overcoming our professional history to create new pathways and opportunities for social work. Critical and Radical Social Work, 7(3), 315–332. Carroll, S.  R., Rodriguez-Lonebear, D., & Martinez, A. (2019). Indigenous data governance: Strategies from United States native nations. Data Science Journal, 18, 1–22. Choate, P. W. (2019). The call to decolonise: Social work’s challenge for working with Indigenous peoples. The British Journal of Social Work, 49(4), 1081–1099. Crampton, A. (2015). Decolonizing social work “best practices” through a philosophy of impermanence. Journal of Indigenous Social Development, 4(1), 1–11. Daes, E. I. (2000). Prologue: The experience of colonization around the world. In M. Battiste & M. A. Battiste (Eds.), Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision (pp. 3–8). Day, P.  A. (2015). Michael Jacobson, American Indian social work advocate. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 61–63. Day, P.  A., & Campbell, E. (2015). John Red Horse, indigenous social work educator elder. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 64–67. DeMattos, M. (2015). Anakç Lynette Kahekili Kaopuiki Paglinawan: Following in the steps of her ancestors. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 49–55. Dumbrill, G., & Green, J. (2008). Indigenous knowledge in the social work academy. Social Work Education, 27(5), 489–503. First Nations Development Institution. (2021). Evelyn Lance Blanchard, PhD, Laguna/ Yaqui. 2021 Luce Indigenous Knowledge Fellows. https://www.firstnations. org/2021-­luce-­indigenous-­knowledge-­fellows/ Fortier, C., & Hon-Sing Wong, E. (2019). The settler colonialism of social work and the social work of settler colonialism. Settler Colonial Studies, 9(4), 437–456. Goode, R. W., Cowell, M., McMillan, D., Deinse, T. V., & Cooper-Lewter, C. (2021). Preparing social workers to confront social injustice and oppression: Evaluating the role of social work education. Social Work, 66(1), 39–48. Gray, M., Coates, J., Yellow Bird, M., & Hetherington, T. (2013). Introduction: Scoping the terrain of decolonization. In Gray, M., Coates, J., Yellow Bird, M., Hetherington, T. (Eds) Decolonizing Social Work. pp. 1–24. Green, S., & Bennett, B. (2018). Wayanha: A decolonised social work. Australian Social Work, 71(3), 261–264. Lerner, J. E. (2021). Social work the ‘white way’: Helping white students self-reflect on a culture of whiteness in the classroom and beyond. Social Work Education, 41(4), 1–20. McGregor, D. (2018). From ‘decolonized’ to reconciliation research in Canada: Drawing from Indigenous research paradigms. ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies, 17(3), 810–831. Mejias, U.  A., & Couldry, N. (2020). Resistance to the new data colonialism must start now. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2020/4/28/resistance-­to-­the-­new-­data­colonialism-­must-­start-­now

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National Association of Social Workers. (1999). Code of ethics of the National Association of Social Workers. NASW (n.d.) NASW Pioneers Biography - Ronald G. Lewis. Retrieved from: h t t p s : / / w w w. n a s w f o u n d a t i o n . o rg / O u r- Wo r k / NA S W- S o c i a l - Wo r k - P i o n e e r s / NASW-Social-Workers-Pioneers-Bio-Index/id/556 Perkins, K., Tharp, K., Ramsey, A.  T., Wolf, P.  S., & D.  A. (2016). Mapping the evidence to improve retention rates in addiction services. Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions, 16, 233–251. https://doi.org/10.1080/1533256X.2016.1200055 Prue, R. (2014). A standpoint view of the social work professions efforts towards Indigenous peoples in the United States: From the professions origins through its first century. In H. Weaver (Ed.), Reflections from Turtle Island: Social issues in contemporary Native America. NASW Press. Secaira, M. (2019). Abigail Echo-Hawk on the art and science of decolonizing data. Crosscut. https://crosscut.com/2019/05/abigail-­echo-­hawk-­art-­and-­science-­decolonizing-­data Sheehan, A., Walrath-Greene, C., Fisher, S., Crossbear, S., & Walker, J. (2007). Evidence-based practice knowledge, use, and factors that influence decisions: Results from an evidence-based practice survey of providers in American Indian/Alaska Native communities. American Indian & Alaska Native Mental Health Research: The Journal Of The National Center, 14, 29–48. https://doi.org/10.5820/aian.1402.2007.29 Silva Rivera, E., Frenk, G. A., Campos, H. G., & Merçon, J. (2018). Aprendizajes y desafíos para una investigación colaborativa descolonizadora en materia de sustentabilidad: experiencias mexicanas con las bases. ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies, 17(3), 780–809. Tang Yan, C., Orlandimeje, R., Drucker, R., & Lang, A. J. (2021). Unsettling reflexivity and critical race pedagogy in social work education: Narratives from social work students. Social Work Education, 41(8), 1–24. Tovar, M., & Kastelic, S. (2015). A journey we’ve taken together: Dr. Eddie Brown. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 45–48. Tuck, E., & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education, & Society, 1, 1–40. Walker, S., Whitener, R., Trupin, E., & Migliarini, N. (2015). American Indian perspective on evidence-based practice implementation: Results from a statewide tribal mental health gathering. Administration & Policy in Mental Health & Mental Health Services Research, 42, 29–39. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10488-­013-­0530-­4 Weaver, H. N. (1999). Indigenous people and the social work profession: Defining culturally competent services. Social Work, 44(3), 217–225. Weaver, H. N., & Dennis, M. K. (2015). Knowing the source of the water: An introduction to honoring our Indigenous elders in social work education. Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping, 21(2), 1–6. Weaver, H. N., Sloan, L. M., Barkdull, C., & Lee, P. (2021). CSWE statement of accountability and reconciliation for harms done to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples. Council on Social Work Education. Williams, E.  E., & Ellison, F. (1996). Culturally informed social work practice with American Indian clients: Guidelines for non-Indian social workers. Social Work, 41(2), 147–151. Yellow Bird, M. J., & Chenault, V. (1999). The Role of Social Work in Advancing the Practice of Indigenous Education: Obstacles and Promises in Empowerment-Oriented Social Work Practice. Yellow Bird, M. (2013). Neurodecolonization: Applying mindfulness research to decolonizing social work. In M. Gray, J. Coates, B. M. Yellow, & T. Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work. Taylor & Francis Group.

Chapter 3

Acting with Intentional Dissent as Minorities: Opportunities and Challenges in the Higher Education Bindi Bennett, Donna Baines, Trevor G. Gates, Debora Ortega, Jioji Ravulo, Dyann Ross, Su Zhaohui, and Krystal Evans

Positionality We write this article on the lands of sovereign First Nations Peoples, and we acknowledge their Elders, past and present. We thank them for their continued hospitality and teachings and acknowledge all who dissent in this space. We represent various minority populations, including First Nations People, LGBTIQ+ people, people living with mental health issues, those who are on the spectrum, those who live with various disabilities, and women. Our workplaces are located in Australia, America, and Canada. B. Bennett (*) Federation University, Ballarat, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] D. Baines University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada e-mail: [email protected] T. G. Gates Colorado State University–Pueblo, Pueblo, CO, USA University of the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected] D. Ortega University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] J. Ravulo The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] D. Ross University of the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_3

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We write as minority academics. A minority group refers to a group with a smaller population and less power and privilege than the majority of the group (Carl & Scott, 2011). Louis Wirth (1945) assigns minority group status to people who have “been singled out for unequal treatment and have a collective sense of being discriminated against” (Carl & Scott, 2011, p. 58). This chapter was written by the First Nation’s author using First Nation’s social yarning (Barlo et al., 2020; Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010) one-on-one with each other, building themes and ideas and then transcribing these to drafts, which everyone then added to and changed until it became a collective work. According to Bessarab and Ng’andu (2010), social yarning is an informal and often unstructured talk that is guided by the topic (in this instance, the topic was what is it like to be a minority academic) where the discussion includes humour, advice, poetry, song, storytelling, and other ways to share information (for example, one author shared a book for the First Nations author to read titled ‘Community as Rebellion’, 2022, which shaped some of the approach to this article as community together). We write in an autoethnographic fashion in which we use our own self-reflections, lived experiences, and thoughts to explore our connections as academic minorities, and we use this to connect to wider cultural, political, and social meanings and understandings of what being a minority in the workplace may entail such as systemic racism, oppression, lack of voice and power (Poerwandari, 2021). We write because our very existence differs us from others in the academy. We differ from the dominant norms, values, and ideas but also the dominant voices, bodies, and genders. Our use of ideas such as Indigenous pedagogies (Shahjahan et  al., 2022; Page et  al., 2019), Indigenous ways of knowing, doing, and being (Martin, 2006) and our very ‘ness’ sets us apart. Therefore, we use our own words and experiences as data, and we deliberately write in a way that dissents from the Western accepted forms of chapters to continue the development of decolonised ideas and the sharing of knowledge for everyone. We do not place our names beside our quotes; to do so would leave us open to racism and violence, although we do place our names at the top of this chapter, which in itself incurs implications both positive and negative. This chapter is here to raise our voices and to advocate for more people like us and for you, who may be in a dominant group, to make space for us. Typically, the voices of majority group members are most audible and hegemonic, and the voices of minority populations are subordinated and marginalised. Exemplary quotes are presented in each section, interwoven with analysis, discussion, and literature. This chapter provides a platform for minority voices and considers their views and opinions on how to make changes within the academy.

S. Zhaohui Southeast University, Nanjing, China e-mail: [email protected] K. Evans NSW Health, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected]

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What Is Dissent? Lord, make me a channel of disturbance. Where there is apathy, let me provoke; where this compliance, let me bring questioning; Where there is silence, may I be a voice. Where there is too much comfort and too little action, grant disruption: Where there are doors closed and hearts locked, Grant the willingness to listen. When laws dictate and pain is overlooked… When tradition speaks louder than need… Grant that I may seek rather to do justice than to talk about it; Disturb us, O lord. To be with, as well as for, the alienated; To love the unlovable as well as the lovely; Lord, make me a channel of disturbance – Author unknown.

Dissent tends to be understood as actions or opinions at variance with those commonly or officially held; however, dissenting is also about advancing what is right and what is just (Munro & Hardie, 2019). It is about what is occurring in terms of power and fighting and how that power can be misused (Garrett, 2021a). Dissent can be implied with anti-oppressive and standpoint theories (Gates et al., 2022; Cox et al., 2021). It is also on a continuum from non-violent individual actions to direct, collective, and specific actions (Stitzlein, 2015). For example, we may refuse, resist, or hold a different view. We may also withdraw consent or act with non-cooperation by removing ourselves from situations or relationships where there is some level of injustice, lovelessness, or violence occurring (Gates et  al., 2022). Dissent often takes place internally in our minds. For example, we know we disagree, but we choose not to say anything and decide to go with whatever is happening; or it can be a conscious choice of action by placing ourselves in that situation—for example, saying aloud in an unknown space that I do not agree. It is a moral positioning. Dissent is a strategic form of communication motivated by goals of influence (Okafor, 2019). Dissenting about a topic/place/position/thing does not have to be about what we ourselves are personally experiencing. Dissent does not always have to look like a march down the street and does not have to be assertive or aggressive. It can be incredibly soft and gentle. Change can be slow, gentle, and thoughtfully done, all the while engaging with empathy. It can occur in what we call the ‘ripple effect,’ changing one person at a time and one system at a time. That system can then change the other systems, leading to communities of change. Acknowledging that no matter how small a change can be, it can have an impact on a larger scale (Ross, 2020). Lastly, as minority educators, dissent must come from us. Fronek and Chester (2016) state that social work is a “dissenting profession because social workers are agents of change obligated to address social injustice and breaches of human rights when they occur” (p. 165). Social justice is central to our values and the kind of work most social workers do; in addition, we frequently encounter questions about what is fair and equitable in the world. We are encouraged to stand up if there is a sense of possible harm or threat to someone or a position someone is holding. We hold space and advocate. We argue against colonisation, oppression, and marginalisation. Those are the places we most want to dissent. As members of marginalised and oppressed communities, we were all born into and became part of dissent. Dissent has evolved for us over the years and is something that we all now lean into.

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Representing our Minorities as Educators The question of when or when not to dissent is one that every academic must answer for themselves (Schweinsberg et al., 2021). As minority educators, we try to influence at both the formal and informal levels. For example, with university policy decisions and strategic changes, we may resist or try to influence them. Just by being part of the system as non-hegemonic bodies and thoughts, we can influence and change the status quo (Ortega & Busch-Armendariz, 2014). Many of us see our research space as the perfect place to dissent. Here, our dissent is seen in the kinds of questions we try to research and how we try to make change for the most marginalised. In my research, I have more freedom to be much more aggressive and push for real change. Sometimes this type of research has bigger readership. Sometimes you place your output where you think the field will read it or where change may start or occur. Someone said to me, one for the university, one for the people, and I took that quite literally; I took that quite seriously. One for the university or for your career and one for actual social justice and equity and the people.

Another area of dissent can be our service work. For educators, service work includes serving on committees, providing reviews for journals, serving on panels, and reviewing funding. For many educators of minority status, service also includes reaching out to their diverse communities and sitting on membership boards, as well as community activism or volunteer work. In our service work, we can act with humility, inclusive practice, and compassion for both our own interests and our varied communities (Bennett & Gates, 2019). The ability to engage in dissent in person on the so-called ground (or in the field) has been severely impacted due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic created physical barriers due to lockdown measures that impacted fieldwork (e.g., protests, face-to-face volunteer work); however, the pandemic also created an emphasis on the already existing social conflict of marginalised communities. The COVID-19 pandemic has made clear that, whilst our service work has had to be reconsidered, dissent in our workplace is more important than ever, contributing to a global swelling of dissent (Garrett, 2021a, b; Gates et al., 2021), whilst still keeping our and others safety (Bennett et al., 2021; Gates et  al., 2021), and thus developing an evolved practice (Schweinsberg et al., 2021). As minority educators, we are often seen as persons who will and should challenge the status quo of the larger dominant group, particularly when representing our minority groups. This means we often challenge students and colleagues around issues such as sexism, homophobia, racism, and ableism. For us, the person is political, as Wiradjuri scholar Kerry Reed Gilbert stated: I believe that we, as First Nations people, are political from the day we are born as we fight daily for justice in our own land. There are only limited opportunities available to us to evoke awareness of who we are as a people and of our continual struggle for self-­ determination and self-justice in our own land (Cited in Dickens, 2022).

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Bell hooks further supports this view, stating: Our lives must be a living example of our politics…Again and again, it was necessary to remind everyone that no education is politically neutral…we had to work consistently against and through the overwhelming will on the part of folks to deny the politics of racism, sexism, heterosexism, and so forth that inform how and what we teach. We found again and again that almost everyone, especially the old guard, were more disturbed by the overt recognition of the role our political perspectives play in shaping pedagogy than by their passive acceptance of ways of teaching and learning that reflect biases, particularly a white supremacist standpoint (as cited in Merriman, 2018, p. 37–48).

Our Boundaries in Dissent The only thing that would stop most of us from dissenting is the consequences that it may have on others who are less powerful and more marginalised in terms of resources, support, or harm. If we can see that dissenting is going to hurt someone who is already being hurt by the system, it is not something we can morally do. We were often raised with communities and parents who had to dissent to survive, so some of us find it a moral obligation to dissent. It is about our own moral compasses. The knockdowns have made me an unrelenting fighter. I just do it in a calmer way and more strategic. It is important to be centered. It is my belief system that my parents died for me to have a voice in a very particular way through education. Their legacy lasts within my voice.

We represent and embody in our own existence that of our communities. Our diverse life experiences, histories, and academic disciplines position us to influence dissent (Schweinsberg et al., 2021). I think that the body I occupy is threatening to others just because I don’t stand in a typical space. As minority academics, we are seeking to change our lives, the lives of our communities and the lives of future generations. As such, we are asking questions such as ‘Who am I bringing with me?’ ‘How am I going to bring them with me?’ ‘How long have I got them for?’ ‘What can they do?’ ‘What are their strengths?’ ‘What are their challenges?’

We Represent in Dissent! Representing minorities, we are invited to every committee and meeting to ‘speak for’ our minorities. On these panels and at these meetings, you are required to speak for your minority while simultaneously being well-mannered, jovial, likeable, and, if possible, silent. Much of the time, whilst being required to sit on these committees, we have no real power, control, voice, or influence to make a change. This often means that at best, our voices and ideas may be considered, although not strongly, which means we must rely on our personalities, relationships, or values to influence change. Often, people come to us asking for capacity and upskilling, and

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in this way, we often become Google Gay, Google Black, and Google Diversity. We get numerous approaches as the ‘expert’ that knows everything, asking, “Can you please review my PowerPoint slides?” or “Where do I get to source x, y and z?” as well as approaching you to be a representative for your people. This holds extra burdens of time, cultural load, and personal risk. Sometimes it does feel like one of those horror movies where you keep waking up, and it’s just another day, but it’s the same story, different university. Now, what’s this one going to do? Are they going to manage racism any differently or better than the last one?

Racism Within Dissent Systemic and personal racism based on white privilege and arrogance is harder to address within the university once you become part of the system (Berman & Paradies, 2010). Managing this racism requires being incredibly careful about the language we use to ensure that we can bring people with us in shared conversations around addressing arising issues. Negative ways of systemic racism include not obtaining our consent to be utilised by universities (for example, expecting a minority to do an acknowledgement of the country at all the meetings). Obviously, we are fighting for equal rights and human rights because it is our very lives on the line as well as our communities. Just going to work to get paid and do a job does not only not make sense to us but is also impossible. We are often boxed into our diversities when it comes to dissent. We are expected to have something to say (and we usually do), but simultaneously, we wish we were not expected and demanded to have something to say all the time. This is because we desire collaboration, respectful, reciprocal relationships, and safety in the workplace. If I don’t speak up, who will? I’m expected to be the person to speak about all my issues for all my people. There are a lot of emotional burdens that come with being the person that is expected to raise hell. Sometimes I just want to watch.

We find our colleagues would never say they are not interested in our cause (us) because they are afraid to be labelled racist, homophobic, or misogynist (even if they are). We have attended many occasions where our colleagues (and friends) end up saying things that are sexist, homophobic, and racist. It is rare for another peer, colleague, or ally to speak out about this when it occurs. There seems to be no one willing to be responsible for speaking out, and then systemic and personal racism often leads to inaction by those around us. By not speaking out, we condone and say non-verbally that this is acceptable behaviour, or at least agree that we are powerless to do anything about it. We have certainly been in that situation together; we have chosen not to dissent at those times for our own personal security and safety. If you rise up, or speak out, you will get targeted. It may occur on social media, in the classroom, in the staffroom, or during the probation and promotion process (Thompson et al., 2020; Schweinsberg et al., 2021). It’s just a matter of time. It is not if but when and who will harm you, often through microaggressions but sometimes via overt systemic processes. Often, when we are trying to change the system

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with no carrots, no sticks, just the sheer force of our winning personalities, we find that our personalities are not winning over everybody. People get bored with your topic, and they, therefore, get bored with you. If things or issues are not affecting or impacting you, often people have no interest or care factor. Therefore, you learn to be very thoughtful; otherwise, you just get the eye roll.

We are never not part of a minority. Although we come to work at a university and are part of that system, we can appear to be well respected, well paid, and just like non-minority educators; however, the reality is that we are not able to have a break from our actual lives and the lives of our communities and families. There is never a day we can really take a break or abstain from being a minority or a day where we can decide that being a minority does not affect us. This makes us different from other educators in some ways because we are looking to make broader personal, societal, and organisational changes for our people. It is a very communal way of thinking and behaving compared to the individualistic academic approach. Our work rests in the investment of reciprocity and relationship. We take on big systems and try to tackle them in an ecological, spiritual, social, and psychological sense (Redvers et al., 2020). I think the benefits for me have been I feel I can just die now because my work here is done. You came in with a passion to make a change. When you have now made some change, it’s almost like you’ve made a path. And now, someone’s going to come behind me and broaden it. And then it’s going to become a freeway. That’s what you’re envisaging, right? What gives me hope is the number of people that come behind me starting to be better and smarter than me and doing all this amazing change. If we weren’t here to have at least started this, there wouldn’t be all these others coming. So that’s what gives me a lot of hope that we have left a legacy.

Challenges to Dissenting as a Minority in Higher Education We are expected to be in and of service to those who see themselves as the rightful heirs of the academic ivory tower. Regardless of what we actually do and the impact of what we do or want to do, from an institutional perspective, our main job is to make ‘diversity’ work in ways that make people feel comfortable and allow the business to go on as usual. We are expected to feel grateful and indebted for the opportunity to contribute. If we meet ­expectations, we are supported and lifted up. If we refuse to comply, if we decide to rock the boat, our competency is questioned; our work is scrutinized; and direct and indirect retaliation, penalties, and punishments become routine (de Oliveira, 2021, pp. 144–146). As social workers in the field, some of us were labelled troublesome and loudmouths due to our tireless advocacy in the minority space. As educators, many of us commented on the lack of troublemakers, placard holders, and, if you wish to name them so, allies. Our ideals of advocacy, voice, and representation were suddenly quiet. It’s something about the inculturation or what you need to give up as you enter academia. Moving from direct activism in your workplace to more indirect activism, which is through the ideas that you’re teaching about rather than the actions against management. Or dissenting against the nature of the curriculum. I think a certain comfort and privilege happen, and a disjuncture between the harsh realities of life for people in the real world. We are part of a highly individualistic, extremely competitive environment, and I think a whole survival thing happens. The culture and the environment of universities divide and conquer.

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Our Peers in Dissent Some social work educators enter higher education burnt out from practice and do not want to ‘do’ people anymore. Instead, they seek to do their work, often transformative, via teaching and/or research. At university, one can sometimes work for a long and extended period of time without talking to another academic, and it is also possible to seek ways to be isolated, siloed, and individualistic. In the neoliberal university, where work is increasingly precarious and insecure (Rustin, 2016), many educators choose not to dissent against issues such as systemic racism and oppression, instead placing a priority on the needs of living and surviving. The current climate of continued casualisation (Dados et al., 2019; Thomas et al., 2020) creates fear that academic contracts will not be renewed, promotions will not be granted, or ongoing work will not be actualised. Thus, it is not illogical to protect oneself and set boundaries physically, mentally, and spiritually to protect oneself and one’s perceived future within higher education. For those around us, we have seen that many academics do not dissent if it begins to affect them professionally or personally. I see my peers not dissenting when they think it will affect their careers, right, wrong or indifferent like all of a sudden they think they’re the most victimized person, and they’re going to lose the most, which is freaking ridiculous

In social work education, the monetary scale is much larger than in the field. As such, once one is on that money, it is exceedingly difficult to change careers and return to the field, so you must keep your job. Keeping your job means being well-­ behaved and appearing to consent to the status quo. You would think that we would think very similarly, and if someone stood up as a natural justice thing, for example, if a colleague wasn’t being treated very well, that everybody would also stand up on natural justice grounds. But in fact, I have found it less likely. I just have very little confidence that social workers as a professional group are any more or less likely to be reliable as allies to stand up.

We believe that as universities are more neo-liberal and based on business models (Fenton, 2018), they are less likely to want to challenge the status quo or to posit themselves in a place that might be challenged. Even the most courageous dissenters will have their voices silenced unless the university or community of educators determines their suitability and acceptability to dissent (Schweinsberg et al., 2021; Garner, 2013). As government funding dwindles as a share of post-secondary funding, universities rely increasingly on customers (students) who continue to pay (enrol and remain enrolled), and this means that social work as a profession that encourages dissent will be challenged.

Vulnerabilities and Challenges of Dissent Dissenting sometimes means that I am treated as perpetually angry. Don’t get me wrong—I am potentially angry—but I’m not usually angered or enraged.

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Our social yarning confirms that dissenting can be brutal. It can be all-consuming and leave the person with little patience to process or work through issues with other people around

them. It might make them blunt and to the point, leaving little room for subtlety. Sometimes the individual will want to go past all the ‘niceties’ and get to the problem-solving of the issues, regardless of the fragility of the other individual involved, or sometimes even regardless of personal and professional consequences. This affects the minority individual’s physical, spiritual, and mental health. Dissenting means challenging those in power with control, and it is with this action that the dissenting individual is at risk of being labelled non-compliant, non-collegial, loud, or irksome. I think it’s hard not to be liked, and sometimes when you’re dissenting against ideas like whiteness that have been ingrained for aeons because of colonization, people don’t deal well with those ideas and the feelings that bring up like shame and guilt. They need someone to take that out on, and that’s often the person that’s risen to dissent.

Social Work and Dissent Social work has not always been about promoting social justice or creating access. In many countries, social work was about surveillance and controlling those who were poor and different (Thompson et al., 2020; Garrett, 2021a). In Australia, particularly, social work has a strong history of reenforcing colonial practices (Garrett, 2021b; Bennett, 2019). In addition, educators themselves are not always interested in the social work values of social justice and equity. In higher education, plenty of academics are more interested in maintaining the status quo than challenging anything. It’s almost like once we come into academia as social workers, our social work identity does blur. People find it hard to hold their social work identity with their academic identity. So, they might have been quite a go-getter and activist and a person who made decisions and took directions in practice. But then when they come to academia, it seems like that’s left at the door in lots of ways.

Some social work students enter the space with a singular focus on becoming something they have already envisioned, such as a therapist, and in this role, they are very individualistic and not interested in all the social justice philosophical discussions around dissent. Social work educators responsible for teaching the future of social work frequently see their role as training clinical therapists rather than people who want to change the world. Sometimes therapists can see dissenting as advocating for the individual they counsel, but this advocacy rarely incorporates the larger policy and practice picture of what is occurring at the systemic level. This means that the cost of dissent for us in this space can be personal safety and well-being at work, within ourselves, and our mental health. My feelings are out there-I’m wearing my heart on my sleeve, and it frequently gets slapped and punched.

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B. Bennett et al. When people take dissent personally, they can say mean and angry things that they may not mean at the time. But then you take them on, and then you’re dealing with that for a long time. It’s impacted me for years because I’ve not known what to do with those feelings. It comes back to this core need to be liked. As a human, we all sort of pretend we don’t really need it, but I think we do, and so if we’re working in a workplace where we don’t feel valued or we don’t feel accepted, listened to or are powerless, that all impacts. You can internalize some of the narratives. Sometimes we say, oh, I must not be a likeable person, or I must be a difficult person because I dissent. I must be an angry person at my core when in fact, you know everybody does get angry. But that could become part of the narrative, and you could start to believe it yourself. There is a level of toxicity and violence around this.

As educators from marginalised groups, we are very conscious of the ‘right’ way to come across when we dissent, as there is a risk to ourselves and our careers when we decide to dissent. Frequently, we aim for diplomacy and hope that eloquence and persuasion will elicit much-needed changes. Sometimes dissent takes leadership, and someone must lead. But the person who does the leading often absorbs the consequences (Heifetz, 2020), such as rising frustration among workers or unwell organisations. The consequences can result in very real harm or hurt happening because of the dissenting action. The bigger the harm, the more likely it is important to speak, but also the harder it is to speak, though some of us continue to speak anyway. I’ve been called all sorts of things. You can decide that how they think of you is irrelevant. What you think of yourself and how you continue to try to be the best person you can be is the most important thing.

The Costs of Dissenting There is a big cost at the level of emotional work for marginalised and dissenting educators, particularly with dissenting work that has been ongoing for several decades. It is, for those of us with several decades of field practice, incomparable to direct practice and very particular to higher education, including consequences such as opportunities that have not happened for us compared to our non-minority colleagues, lack of mentoring, lack of support, lack of encouragement, and absence of generosity and acceptance. I think it’s the relentlessness of it. Universities are universities. It doesn’t matter where you go, you come up against the same sort of people and the same sort of problems. You’re constantly unable to escape the violence of academia and all the strategic game-playing, and many people play very hard. It’s different if somebody came to me and said something so we could have a discussion. But it’s not. It’s always about you to others and not to you. In academia, it becomes very passive-aggressive, and it goes behind doors. It’s very rare to find people inappropriate to you towards you actively, but other than that, they can be hideous to you, and the bullying, violence and microaggressions can be very subtle in spaces where no one else is around, or decisions are made without you involved. And then you get told some fluffy thing as to why you did not get a promotion or this or not that. But it’s nothing you can get traction on because that’s not the truth. I thought if I keep naming it, it could look different. But it was far worse to try and be direct and explicit.

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The ongoing and relentless emotional and psychological violence of the workplace can mean that we become tired and wish someone else was there to help us get traction or lead. Sometimes there is no tangible evidence for why it is sometimes hard to breathe at work or why we feel unsafe to provide for people around us; sometimes the evidence is there, but other people, particularly managers, choose not to understand or accept this. To recover, we need to keep reframing all the time. Asking questions such as what is important to me? and finding spaces to move and be our authentic selves. This can become lonely, but it is also difficult to keep integrity and stay in the pack. People become people, and they take issues very personally, and things can escalate and become bigger than originally intended. This has consequences. We have been publicly shamed by colleagues, which makes us quite vulnerable; speech alone becomes a form of violence (Fenton & Smith, 2019). We find that we are not directly challenged for our articulated thoughts or teaching most of the time but rather experience interpersonal violence where people attack our careers, our personal integrity, and at an administrative level (for example, reporting to the Head of School or undermining us in leadership roles). This is a reminder that “as academics, our work is never separate from the world around us. Our work will be judged by society based on what we bring to the understanding of its problems” (Schweinsberg et al., 2021, p. 5). However, these experiences can be valuable, as they give us a true sense of who is who in the system (ally versus non-ally). By this, we mean we can get a sense of what people are capable of and, from this, who we can and cannot trust. Dissent with our own and other minorities can develop a sense of solidarity. Together, we can start to plan what, where, and when one should dissent, understanding where one is willing to take up causes. Sometimes we find ‘frenemies’ in people who dissent. Sometimes, when we are dissenting with someone and they’re showing who they are, we think, I never want this person on my offside. This person is incredibly dangerous. They are not your friend and would never be your friend, but due to their ability to politicise or strategise, they can become someone powerful to align with a cause. Sometimes people will dissent with you up to a limit. This limit is often reached whilst dissenting gives them a positive (kudos, pleasure), and therefore, once this finishes, they tap out absolutely. This is very particular to supposed allies, who often wield their privilege to walk away once any issue becomes too difficult, awkward, or tedious. We cannot tap out. You know, I can recognize ’someone’s humanity in the moment and yet still address the thing that’s a problem.

When Dissent Goes Well We are often leaders in our minority spaces. This is because we are often the only persons representing our minority or intersectionality within the university, school, or team. We certainly spend a lot of our academic lives trying to grow a team, trying

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to find a tribe, and trying to create many voices at the table of power and decisions. We seek to influence and gain support from people with money, power, and privilege in higher education, such as Professors, Deans, and Pro-Vice Chancellors. We often gain a reputation. People will know that we will speak up or at least witness the process and debrief it later. You need people with power and voices at tables. It’s very nice to get all your lower-level people on board, which often you can get quite easily, but they’re not necessarily the people making the decisions or with the money or with the power or the privilege. It’s being able to find the right people with the right carrots and the right sticks.

Being able to ally with someone who has real power and control and the ability to make decisions that will affect actions with the ability to spend money can be a game-changer. Being a leader in the space means people will follow you. This is quite impacting positively and negatively. It can be great to be seen as someone who’s leading and respected in the space. But it also comes with a large responsibility for the people you’re advocating for or dissenting from. Expectations from people can grow. Dissent impacts at least one relationship and makes you reconsider some of your decisions. Sometimes you must do something kind and nice as a form of dissent, which doesn’t make anybody cross but still makes a change. This is sneaky and requires planning and thought. For example, giving students extensions. You might decide just to give them, despite the policy in existence. These are micro-­ wins. This kind of approach demonstrates our values of social justice and correct ethical action, mirroring our very reason for dissent. Some battles have taken much longer. They may not have seemed positive in the moment, but they circle back, and there is an acknowledgement that might have been the original argument. If it were safe to dissent, I wouldn’t have to.

Why Do We Have to Dissent as Minorities? For there to be no dissent, it would need people to understand that disagreement is different from dissent. If differences of opinion felt like “dissent,” systematic protection would help. If sharing opinions felt natural, then an even more inclusive culture could further advance us. Dissent occurs when the stakes are high and focused on equity, justice, or fairness. The only way we can safely dissent is if we’re organised together and have some sort of protection. You cannot always protect people who dissent, but if enough people are together around an issue and it is important to us more broadly, especially if it is important to enough people, people will be willing to take on the issue. Therefore, it is important for us to be in an organised workplace with good representation from powerful people or groups (such as a union) so that we are not going it alone. It is important to be critically minded about the status quo. People who are potentially on the margins can become part of the mainstream. At the same time, we need

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to ensure that we have critical conversations where we don’t just say things based on what we might have seen on a social media posting or create a social media posting because we have not critically thought through what it means to have that opinion or perspective. We want people to be more mindful and think of the collective. We are looking for systemic, cultural, and leadership change to encourage, enable, and model, no matter how imperfect. By our behaviour, to offer invitations of active dissent. Let me try from the front. Let me not get corrupted getting there. Let at least two others stand with me in wise ways that don’t add to the trouble at hand. Let me find allies or a mentor who has done and seen it all and survived and flourished. Allow me to join a pack who treat each other well and wisely.

Developing a solidarity team (a group of people who serve as a networked community) is one way in which educators can respond to structural oppression and co-­ create spaces of justice and resistance. Engaging with a spirit of solidarity means we have an ethical commitment to carry and sustain each other (Reynolds, 2011).

Conclusion You might be the vehicle, but we are the engines.

We have some hard realities to face because of our minority status. In some ways, this makes it harder to dissent, but in other ways, it is more pivotal because it can mean our very lives and the lives of our families and communities on the line. We can be uncompromising in the face of this. We work for basic human rights, but in a community where we also must hold ourselves to high accountability. We seek transgenerational change with communal and ancestral ethics versus individual ethics. Your actual life is on the line every time you dissent versus only a career or someone’s hurt feelings or relationships. Everything my family worked for: the right to voice, to be valued and believed in that is something I must be invested in. I will not let them be erased. But with that comes a cost.

“The self should be brought fully to the table and used as a tool for change” (Ryan, 2021). Part of our jobs as academics is to train people how to dissent thoughtfully and kindly, which is mindful and clear as a key feature even in promoting democracy. There need to be strong worker protections for those who must dissent. Universities are concerned with maintaining the system they have created, so dissenting often means some sort of bucking of the system at the university. The mission of universities has been redefined from critiquing and advancing knowledge to promoting the claims of particular identity groups, often the views of the dominant group (Fenton & Smith, 2019). Universities need a culture of allowing visible dissent without taking reputational risks. Critical thinking and permission to step outside of the consensus and status quo are necessary to reflect the profession’s values and ethics in negotiating complex social work issues.

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The ability to honestly share one’s opinion for critical discussion and reflection is especially pertinent as social workers belong to increasingly diverse backgrounds, with diverse lived experiences and correspondingly diverse views (Fenton & Smith, 2019). Moving forward requires a meeting of people as equals as often as possible because then love is possible and the changes we need to make on the planet are clearer. Allowing other people to hold different points of view will build tolerance. The experience of hearing and listening intently to each other’s voices and individual thoughts strengthens our capacity to learn together (hooks, 2014). I have learnt that I will be knocked over. But I am going to get up again.

For us, there is always a cost to dissent at some levels. Even if you win the battle of whatever it is you are dissenting about, it never really goes well due to that cost, whether it be emotional labour, spiritual damage or lost relationships, or hope. We need to keep aiming for a workplace culture where everybody works on addressing harm and violence of all kinds. This is inclusive of ensuring cultural safety within universities to create the space for minority voices to be heard and responded to. One step towards this for universities would be to adopt the use of Continuous Improvement Cultural Responsiveness Measurement Tools (Bennett & Bodkin-­Andrews, 2021). Such tools encourage and promote the process of cultural responsiveness, which is necessary for universities, educators, and students “to learn from and relate respectfully to people from your own and other cultures. It requires openness to experiencing and thinking about things from other people’s points of view” (Bennett & Bodkin-Andrews, 2021, p. 11). This needs to be actively cultivated by all parties in the workspace. Even if the university culture is abhorrent, we ultimately have to tolerate it to survive. Are we more interested in the status quo than doing anything transformative? Social workers may claim to be radical (Ferguson & Woodward, 2009), but then, are we actually? Social workers in higher education have a lot to work on. How to role model respect for persons, social justice, professional integrity, and ethics that aim to change the broken system and institution. When this all shakes out, I want to be on the right side of history.

Drawing on our lived experience and Indigenous yarning methods (Barlo et al., 2020), we argue that racism, colonialism, heterosexism, and all other hideous isms are preventable. We as educators must teach our service user learners to come to terms with our violent and oppressive histories (Loakimidis & Trimikliniotis, 2020) and to begin to see the world through the eyes of others. Confronting traumas of the past and ending transgenerational traumas lies with us. We are responsible for the collective healing necessary to begin to work and live alongside one another. We must be part of the dissent, dealing with the emotionality and resistance that emerge towards us. We, by our presence in higher education, help others grapple with questions such as, what has the past taught us? How can we make a difference in the future? And what are we still

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being taught? We commit to abolishing colonial and racial violence. We aim to heal and centre our minorities within higher education and to use our words and conversations carefully, wisely, and with humility. How prepared are you to join us? Acknowledgement  This research (chapter) is funded by The Australian Research Council Indigenous Discoveries Grant IN180100023.

References Barlo, S., Boyd, W. B. E., Pelizzon, A., & Wilson, S. (2020). Yarning as protected space: Principles and protocols. AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, 16(2), 90–98. Bennett, B. (2019). The importance of Aboriginal history for practitioners. In B.  Bennett & S. Green (Eds.), Our voices Aboriginal social work (2nd ed.). Red Globe Press. Bennett, B., & Bodkin-Andrews, G. (2021). Continuous improvement cultural responsiveness measurement tools. www.usc.edu.au/research/indigenous-­and-­transcultural-­research-­centre/ building-­knowledge-­systems Bennett, B., & Gates, T. G. (2019). Teaching cultural humility for social workers serving LGBTQI Aboriginal communities in Australia. Social Work Education, 38(5), 604–617. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/02615479.2019.1588872 Bennett, B., Ross, D., & Gates, T. G. (2021). Creating spatial, relational, and cultural safety in online social work education during COVID-19. Social Work Education, 1–9. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/02615479.2021.1924664 Berman, G., & Paradies, Y. (2010). Racism, disadvantage and multiculturalism: Towards effective anti-racist praxis. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33(2), 214–232. https://doi. org/10.1080/01419870802302272 Bessarab, D., & Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in Indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37–50. https://doi. org/10.5204/ijcis.v3i1.57 Carl, J., & Scott, J. (2011). Race and ethnic stratification. In J. Carl, S. Baker, B. Robards, J. Scott, W. Hillman, & G. Lawrence (Eds.), THINK sociology (1st ed.). Pearson Education AU. Cox, G. R., FireMoon, P., Anastario, M. P., Ricker, A., Escarcega-Growing Thunder, R., Baldwin, J. A., & Rink, E. (2021). Indigenous standpoint theory as a theoretical framework for decolonizing social science health research with American Indian communities. AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, 17(4), 460–468. Dados, N., Goodman, J., & Yasukawa, K. (2019). Counting the uncounted: Contestations over casualisation data in Australian universities. In Data in society (pp. 327–336). Policy Press. de Oliveira, V. M. (2021). Hospicing modernity: Facing humanity’s wrongs and the implications for social activism. North Atlantic Book. Dickens, K. (2022). Wiradjuri Ngurambanggu | Karla Dickens. https://www.karladickens.com.au/ media/wiradjuri-­ngurambanggu/ Fenton, J. (2018). Putting old heads on young shoulders: Helping social work students uncover the neoliberal hegemony. Social Work Education, 37(8), 941–954.. Fenton, J., & Smith, M. (2019). “You can’t say that!”: Critical thinking, identity politics, and the social work academy. Societies, 9(4), 71. Ferguson, I., & Woodward, R. (2009). Radical social work in practice: Making a difference. Policy Press. Fronek, P., & Chester, P. (2016). Moral outrage: Social workers in the third space. Ethics and Social Welfare, 10(2), 163–176. https://doi.org/10.1080/17496535.2016.1151908

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Garner, J. T. (2013, February 4). How to communicate dissent at work. Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2013/02/how-to-communicate-dissent-at Garrett, P. (2021a). ‘A world to win’: In defense of (dissenting) social work—A response to Chris Maylea. The British Journal of Social Work, 51(4), 1131–1149. https://doi.org/10.1093/ bjsw/bcab009 Garrett, P. M. (2021b). Dissenting social work: Critical theory, resistance and pandemic. Taylor & Francis Group. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bond/detail.action?docID=6455507 Gates, T.  G., Bennett, B., & Baines, D. (2021). Strengthening critical allyship in social work education: Opportunities in the context of #BlackLivesMatter and COVID-19. Social Work Education, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2021.1972961 Gates, T. G., Ross, D., Bennett, B., & Jonathan, K. (2022). Teaching mental health and well-being online in a crisis: Fostering love and self-compassion in clinical social work education. Clinical Social Work Journal, 50(1), 22–34. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10615-­021-­00786-­z Heifetz, R.  A. (2020). Mobilizing for adaptive work. In Making policy happen (pp.  234–246). Routledge. hooks, B. (2014). Teaching to transgress. Routledge. Loakimidis, V., & Trimikliniotis, N. (2020). Making sense of social work’s troubled past: Professional identity, collective memory, and the quest for historical justice. The British Journal of Social Work, 50(6), 1890–1908. Martin, K. (2006). Please knock before you enter: An investigation of how rainforest Aboriginal people regulate outsiders and the implications for western research and researchers. (Doctoral dissertation, James Cook University). Merriman, T. (2018). Chapter 8: Ten responsibilities for those who can. Counterpoints, 507, 37–51. Munro, E., & Hardie, J. (2019). Why we should stop talking about objectivity and subjectivity in social work. The British Journal of Social Work, 49(2), 411–427. Okafor, B.  E. (2019). A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the North Dakota State University of Agriculture and Applied Science. 67. Ortega, D., & Busch-Armendariz, N. (2014). Elite knowledge or the reproduction of the knowledge of privilege: Social work doctoral education. Affilia, 29(1), 5–7. https://doi. org/10.1177/0886109913517162 Page, S., Trudgett, M., & Bodkin-Andrews, G. (2019). Creating a degree-focused pedagogical framework to guide Indigenous graduate attribute curriculum development. Higher Education, 78(1), 1–15. Poerwandari, E. K. (2021). Minimizing bias and maximizing the potential strengths of autoethnography as a narrative research. Japanese Psychological Research, 63(4), 310–323. Redvers, N., Schultz, C., Vera Prince, M., Cunningham, M., Jones, R., & Blondin, B. (2020). Indigenous perspectives on education for sustainable healthcare. Medical Teacher, 42(10), 1085–1090. https://doi.org/10.1080/0142159X.2020.1791320 Reynolds, V. (2011). Supervision of solidarity practices: Solidarity teams and people-ing-the-­ room. Context, 116, 4–7. Ross, D. (2020). The revolutionary social worker: The love ethic model. The University of Sunshine Coast. https://research.usc.edu.au/esploro/outputs/book/The-Revolutionary-Social-WorkerThe-Love-Ethic-Model/99464507502621 Rustin, M. (2016). The neoliberal university and its alternatives. Soundings, 63(63), 147–176. Ryan, G. (2021, October 14). bell hooks: On being a living example of our politics. Woman is a rational animal. https://womanisrational.uchicago.edu/2021/10/14/ bell-hooks-on-being-a-living-example-of-our-politics/ Schweinsberg, S., Fennell, D., & Hassanli, N. (2021). Academic dissent in a post COVID-19 world. Annals of Tourism Research, 91, 103289. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2021.103289 Shahjahan, R. A., Estera, A. L., Surla, K. L., & Edwards, K. T. (2022). “Decolonizing” curriculum and pedagogy: A comparative review across disciplines and global higher education contexts. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 73–113.

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Stitzlein, S.  M. (2015). Teaching for dissent: Citizenship education and political activism. Routledge. Thomas, A., Forsyth, H., & Bonnell, A. G. (2020). ‘The dice are loaded’: History, solidarity and precarity in Australian universities. History Australia, 17(1), 21–39. Thompson, P., McDonald, P., & O’Connor, P. (2020). Employee dissent on social media and organizational discipline. Human Relations, 73(5), 631–652. https://doi. org/10.1177/0018726719846262 Wirth, L. (1945). The problem of minority groups. In R. Linton (Ed.), The science of man in the world crisis. Columbia University Press.

Chapter 4

Linking the Global Indigenous Landscape: A Social Work Sustainability Perspective with Co-production of Knowledge Jean E. Balestrery

Introduction Across the globe, we have an urgent call to action for the world to shift toward sustainable futures. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development provides a universal blueprint and transformative action plan to make this shift happen (United Nations). Seventeen goals comprise this Agenda, which are referred to as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These SDGs present a pathway forward to advance human rights and prosperity for all and to support sustainable economic, social, and environmental development. Notably, social work values, principles, and ethics align with this Agenda. The International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) is the global body for the social work profession. Comprised of distinct representative regions throughout the world, IFSW includes the Global North and Global South. IFSW offers this definition of social work: Social work is a practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people. Principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversities are central to social work. Underpinned by theories of social work, social sciences, humanities and indigenous knowledges, social work engages people and structures to address life challenges and enhance wellbeing. The above definition may be amplified at national and/or regional levels. (IFSW)

As this definition articulates, social work draws upon multiple disciplines as well as place-based knowledge. Further, this definition makes explicit social work’s aim to enhance the well-being of all people through sustainable futures. Achieving this aim J. E. Balestrery (*) Integrated Care Counsel, LLC, Minneapolis, MN, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_4

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involves expanding the professional lens, perspective, and approach in social work. This chapter presents a paradigm of transformational thinking at the nexus of social work and sustainable futures. It does so by presenting diverse ways of knowing, both conceptually and concretely. Conceptually, diverse knowledge systems are exemplified through the differentiation of cultural paradigms. Concretely, diverse knowledge systems are exemplified through the co-production of knowledge as an approach. In North America, this paradigm of transformational thinking is institutionally supported (see National Science Foundation (NSF)). Co-production of knowledge is a collaborative and equitable process that brings different knowledge systems and methodologies together in a holistic view to address research, policy, and management interests. In the Arctic, co-production most often refers to processes that support synergistic roles for Indigenous knowledge holders and conventional scientists based on principles of equity, recipocity and commitment to relationship building. (Navigating the New Arctic, Community Office, 2022)

This collaborative, transdisciplinary, and action-oriented model of knowledge production is increasingly gaining credence as a best practice approach in research with Indigenous communities in the Global North. As the author, I am a cisgender female with ancestral roots in Europe, currently residing in the USA with early childhood residence in Brazil, an LGBTQ+ community member for 20+ years, formally educated in the USA with a Joint Ph.D. in social work and anthropology, and have many years of experience collaborating with equity-seeking groups. More than 20  years’ combined experience in social work research and practice, as well as collaboration with Indigenous peoples and communities in the USA and abroad, informs my perspective. I currently serve on the US National Association of Social Workers Committee for LGBTQ+ Issues and was recently invited to join the Study of Environmental Arctic Change SEARCH, in co-production of knowledge discussions. Here, I advocate for a social work sustainability perspective that draws upon distinct contributions from both social work and Indigenous knowledge (IK) for collective benefit. While co-production of knowledge is increasing in research, this perspective and approach have clear implications for social work practice. It is a paradigm of transformational thinking that expands the social work lens beyond hallmark perspectives and frameworks. For example, the person-and-environment perspective and the multi-level micro-, mezzo-, and macro-intervention framework are instead viewed holistically and collectively through an expanded social work lens. Co-production of knowledge is a paradigm contributing to collective sustainable futures and social work practice 2.0.

Indigeneity: A Cultural Logic Diverse ways of knowing encompass the notion of indigeneity. It is important to note that the term Indigeneity has different meanings based on historical, political, and social contexts. In general, this notion refers to a sense of identity, specifically Indigenous identity.

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According to leading scholars in Indigenous research, Gone and Kirmayer (2020), there are three primary characteristics associated with indigeneity. The first characteristic is the history of colonization that connects all Indigenous peoples. “Most directly, indigeneity is frequently conceived as a social-historical understanding of communities as First Peoples, which necessarily includes the long shadow cast by colonization even as this is now lived and expressed in relation to political agency” (p. 238). The second characteristic of indigeneity signifies a distinct cultural logic. Secondly, “indigeneity entails land-based notions of personhood as connected to particular places grounded in  local ecologies, through cultural knowledge and practices” (p. 238). It is noted that in most, if not all, cases, these practices have been disrupted by colonization. Colonization has also been a salient disruptive force associated with the third characteristic of indigeneity. The “third meaning of indigeneity entails notions of cosmology, ceremony and the sacred, which relate Indigenous communities to potent spiritual persons and powers, and express culturally specific values of divinity, community, morality and well-being (i.e., living a good life)” (p. 238). These three primary characteristics of indigeneity reflect unique frames constituting a distinct cultural logic. The cultural logic of indigeneity can be described as one based upon holism. Holism is a distinct lens through which to view the world, a world in which all things are related and situated within context. For example, the perspective of time is understood as extending beyond birth and beyond death in this lifetime, and connections to people are understood as extending beyond the visible world into the invisible world. Also, holism accounts for and values embodied knowledge through land-based notions of personhood. Notably, each community engages with the cultural logic of indigeneity in unique and particular ways. In the Global North, the cultural logic of indigeneity is being leveraged to advance sustainable futures. For example, this logic is embedded in the “Qasgiq Model as an Indigenous Intervention” (Rasmus et al., 2019). The qasgiq model is a Yup’ik cultural logic model of contexts. It is a perspective leveraged to improve the health and well-being of American Indian and Alaska Native peoples in Alaska, USA. “The qasgiq (“men’s-communal house”) model is a primary conceptual driver in the implementation of the Qungasvik community prevention intervention” (Rasmus et  al., 2019, p.  48). The qasgiq, in traditional Yup’ik culture, was both a living place and a community gathering place for celebrations and ceremonies. In the Yup’ik language, qasgiq is both a noun and a verb. As a noun, it signifies a physical structure – a place. As a verb, it signifies a community and collective process. The qasgiq is a symbol of cultural continuity and change among Yup’ik communities. In an Indigenous Yup’ik model, the qasgiq model, the theory of change associated with a health intervention is distinguished from a Western-based logic model. A key distinction is that an Indigenous Yup’ik model accounts for the historical context of the community. “In a Yup’ik context, the qasgiq is a key community protective factor” (Rasmus et al., 2019, p. 50). While an Indigenous cultural logic in health research may have mutual imbrications with a Western-based logic model, typically described as reductionistic, biomedical, and ahistorical, there is no readily apparent cultural equivalency of context in a Western-based logic model.

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Distinct Cultural Views An Indigenous cultural logic informs a distinct cultural lens. This lens “is assumed qualitative, anecdotal, intuitive, holistic and oral” while situated in contrast to Western scientific knowledge which is “thought to be quantitative, factual, analytical, reductionist and literate” (Reid et al., 2020, p. 3). However, this dichotomy has been critiqued as a rather simplified view that contributes to the subjugation of Indigenous knowledge. Notably, Indigenous knowledge “is now widely accepted as ‘a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment” (Reid et al., 2020, p. 3). Further, there is the additional understanding that “this ‘situated knowledge’ is neither separable from the knowledge holders or keepers, nor is it divisible from the environment in which it is embedded” (Reid et al., 2020, p. 3). In the field of health, the subjugation of Indigenous knowledge occurs within the context of a predominant biomedical model of health. Developed in high-income countries, this model is “based on technological and pragmatic conceptions of health care” (Arteaga-Cruz & Cuvi, 2021, p. e1355). By focusing its attention on the biological element, biomedicine reduces the horizon and breadth of the health–disease process and prioritises the role of the physician and technology. In contrast, ancestral medical models involve the whole community in the process. (Arteaga-Cruz & Cuvi, 2021, p. e1356)

Involving the whole community encompasses a collectivist perspective. This collectivist perspective is in contrast to the paradigm of biomedicine, which views health from an individual, reductionist perspective. In addition, a Euro-American or Western biomedical model of health is decontextualized. This decontextualized model of health lacks ancestral knowledge as well as “a responsibility to the earth,” which is integral to the Indigenous value of reciprocity and is evident through “communal land management, food gathering, seed conservation and availability and reproduction of therapeutic resources” (Arteaga-Cruz & Cuvi, 2021, p. e1356). The Indigenous value of reciprocity encompasses a respectful relationship between local communities and place-based environmental resources for health. More accurately, Indigenous knowledge and Western scientific knowledge are representative of two different knowledge systems. Among the key differences between these knowledge systems is that Indigenous groups around the world hold a distinct view about how knowledge is generated. For Indigenous groups, “the process through which knowledge is generated predominantly ascribes to a paradigm that is cyclic, interconnected and fundamentally relational” (Reid et al., 2020, p. 6). This process is not an embedded characteristic of Western scientific knowledge development. Contrary to a paradigm that is fundamentally relational, Western scientific knowledge centers on the individual and within the context of the philosophical legacy of “Cartesian dualism – a view that mind and body are essentially separate entities” (Mehta, 2011, p. 202; Thibaut, 2018).

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Integral to Indigenous knowledge as “fundamentally relational” is the importance of ancestral knowledge that is passed along to future generations. “It is historical, forged in resistance and characterized by oral transmission” (Arteaga-Cruz & Cuvi, 2021, p. e1355). Indigenous knowledge development occurs within the context of connections to others. This results from an Indigenous worldview based upon interconnection and interdependence among all things – human and nonhuman. The “Indigenous Connectivity Framework” provides a detailed description of this Indigenous worldview (Ullrich, 2019). The mechanisms of connectivity in this framework encompass the following relationship domains: family, community, land/place, intergenerational, and spirit. This framework offers a deeper understanding of what it means to live collectively well. This perspective of relationality, interdependence, and connectivity reflective of an Indigenous cultural lens informs sustainable futures. Such futures are in contrast to “extractivism” (Thomas, 2021). As an Indigenous woman spoke at the 21st session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues: “Engaging in the extractive industry isn’t moving forward, it’s not going to help in the long run… Indigenous people are providing the answers…We understand how to live symbiotically with the environment. How to feed people. We already have systems in place that will protect us and the world” (Dominguez, 2022). An Indigenous perspective and knowledge system are valuable to all of humanity as the world works to address climate change.

Social Work Perspectives The concept of indigeneity expands the social work lens beyond hallmark perspectives and frameworks. Among these are the person-and-environment perspective and the multi-level intervention framework. While these are foundational across social work, limitations do exist. The person-and-environment perspective is limited in three primary ways. First, the core understanding of this perspective is opaque. “There is ambivalence and disagreement over what the person-in-­ environment model means” (Akesson et al., 2017, p. 373). Second, this perspective is unidimensional. Third, this perspective is limited with regard to the scale of reference. There is conceptual confusion associated with the person-in-environment perspective in social work. While the literature charts the historical evolution of this concept from a person-in-environment to a person-and-environment perspective, these perspectives are often used interchangeably. However, there is a distinct difference between the two. The person-in-environment perspective is characterized by systems thinking and whole-part conceptualization. From this perspective, a person is viewed within an environmental context. The person-and-environment perspective combines systems thinking with ecological thinking, which accounts for the person and environment in interaction (Van Wormer & Besthorn, 2011, p. 19). Notably, both perspectives are referenced among social workers in the field today.

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Despite this advanced understanding of the person and environment in interaction, this hallmark perspective remains limited. It is limited by the ubiquitous understanding of “environment” as one-dimensional. Specifically, social work has had a “traditional emphasis on the individual in the context of social environments,” which “has resulted in a neglect of the person in the context of physical environments” (Akesson et al., 2017, p. 372). As social work scholars explain, “the current social work discourse either ignores the concept of place in social work or emphasizes the social environment over the physical environment” (Akesson et al., 2017, p. 373). Further, these scholars state that “current social work trends tend to dichotomize the physical environment into social and physical spheres rather than acknowledging the dynamic and reciprocal interaction between people and place” (Akesson et al., 2017, p. 373). Lastly, the person-and-environment perspective is limited with regard to the scale of reference. The scale of reference refers to the distinction between individual and group, or person and collective. The person-and-environment perspective explicitly emphasizes the individual – the individual person. From its origins as a profession and having historically drawn upon psychology and related theories, social work has centered on the individual person and individual functioning. Another traditional perspective in social work that has its limits is the multi-level intervention framework. This framework identifies micro-, mezzo-, and macro- levels of intervention as unique and separate, yet in reality, they are “artificial dichotomies” (Balestrery, 2016, p.  8). These levels refer generally to the individual, community, and policy domains, respectively. The separation between these different levels of intervention is artificial “because the real world is not so easily bifurcated” (Balestrery, 2016, p.  11). By expanding the social work lens beyond traditional perspectives, social work can more effectively account for the complexities of the human condition. It can do so by advancing the logic of spatial interrelatedness within both the social and environmental contexts to encompass a holistic perspective (Balestrery, 2016).

Co-production of Knowledge Indigenous knowledge and knowledge co-production are central to both research and policymaking in the Arctic, now and in the future. (Degai et al., 2022). Different epistemologies and ideologies constitute the co-production of knowledge. In essence, this emerging paradigm in research encompasses different knowledge systems, namely Indigenous knowledge (IK) and Western scientific knowledge, and combines them in a model of complementarity. In this model, both the process of generating knowledge and the associated knowledge outcomes result from complementary knowledge systems. IK is based upon the cultural logic of context. This logic accounts for place-based histories, cultural values, structural principles, and lived experiences unique to a particular Indigenous community (Rasmus et  al., 2019). IK is specifically defined as:

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a systematic way of thinking applied to phenomena across biological, physical, cultural and spiritual systems. It includes insights based on evidence acquired through direct and long-­ term experiences and extensive and multigenerational observations, lessons and skills. It has developed over millennia and is still developing in a living process, including knowledge acquired today and in the future, and it is passed on from generation to generation. (Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2022)

Indigenous communities are diverse, with distinct cultural traditions and practices that are place-based. Consequently, an intervention that is developed in one Indigenous community may not translate to another Indigenous community. There are multiple variations of the term Indigenous Knowledge. Among these are traditional knowledge (TK), traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), and Indigenous wisdom. “Traditional knowledge comes in different forms and varies across Indigenous communities” (Chang et al., 2020, p. 33). TK/TEK is premised upon an epistemology of personal experience and interaction amongst Indigenous community members. It is fluid, adaptable and flexible, while continually incorporating new knowledge and understandings through community observations. “TK is based on observations, experiences, and knowledges developed and tested, often by an entire community, over millennia” (Chang et al., 2020, p. 33). Further, this knowledge system is unique and protected through the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2008), which stipulates that free, prior, and informed consent by Indigenous tribal communities is required for sharing TK/TEK. TK/TEK represents continued emphasis on decolonized methodologies. There are many references on this topic TK/TEK (see Alaska Native Knowledge Network, 2022). Also, modeled after the well-known TED Talks, there is a series of TEK Talks with featured speakers that includes more resource information (Tek Talks, 2022). IK represents a unique way of knowing that is distinct from Western Science (WS). Differences focus on processes, epistemologies, and ideologies associated with each knowledge system. Among the primary differences are the following: IK involves a historicizing process while WS is typically ahistorical; IK focuses on place-based cultural continuity while WS is typically decontextualized; IK epistemology is based upon personal experience typically conveyed through storytelling, while WS epistemology is typically based upon aggregate outcomes, quantification, and generalizability; and, while IK can include protected spiritual knowledge, WS typically does not and instead involves reductionistic approaches (Chang et  al., 2020; Rasmus et al., 2019).

Collective Benefit There are various metaphors referring to co-production of knowledge, all of which emphasize collective benefit for all of humanity. Among these metaphors are Two-­ Eyed Seeing, Double Canoe, and Two Row Wampum (Reid et al., 2020). In addition to metaphors, there are specific concepts that refer to co-production of knowledge. Among these are braiding (Hopkins et al., 2019; Kimmerer, 2013), both ways (Reid

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et al., 2020), and “learning together” (Hopkins et al., 2019). All of these metaphors and concepts have mutual imbrications. For the purpose here, the example of Two-Eyed Seeing is described. According to Mi’kmaw Elder Albert Marshall, Two-Eyed Seeing is described as “learning to see from one eye with the strengths of Indigenous knowledges and ways of knowing, and from the other eye with the strengths of mainstream knowledges and ways of knowing, and to use both these eyes together, for the benefit of all” (Bartlett et al., 2012). This metaphor expands beyond hackneyed references to approaches that integrate, combine, or incorporate IK into WS, which are approaches that diffuse IK and/or subjugate IK to WS. Instead, Two-Eyed Seeing acknowledges the reality of diverse knowledge systems and positions each as co-equal and complementary to the other. Two-Eyed Seeing is an approach to knowledge development that emphasizes co-existence. The co-existence of different knowledge systems is to be distinguished from processes representative of mainstream research and the current status quo. For example, the status quo typically centers on the cultural paradigm of WS, whereby WS maintains dominance in relation to other knowledge systems. It does so through subjugation or assimilation. In the case of subjugation, it “depicts a ‘one-­ eyed’ approach that accepts solely Western science as a valid knowledge system, producing a singular understanding that informs decision-making” (Reid et  al., 2020, p. 12). In the case of assimilation, another knowledge system is incorporated into WS, whereby WS maintains dominance. This too depicts a “one-eyed” approach. The paradigm of co-existence, however, is one whereby different knowledge systems exist alongside one another with co-equal value and contribution from the beginning phases of knowledge development through to the end. The co-production of knowledge is a distinct paradigm of knowledge development. It contrasts with other paradigms in research, including convergence research and open science. Convergence research is defined by the National Science Foundation (NSF) as having two defining characteristics: “First, convergence research is driven by a specific and compelling problem that is generally inspired by the need to address a specific challenge or opportunity, which may develop from deep scientific questions or critical societal needs. Second, convergence research is formed from deep integration across disciplines.” (NSF, 2022). By contrast, and according to Navigating the New Arctic Community Office (NNA CO), Open Science “facilitates transparent, reproducible science through sharing data, methods and software used in research, as well as through open access to the results of that research” (NNA CO, 2022). This approach supports access to research among a diversity of stakeholders, including academic and non-academic participants. All of these approaches are supported by the NNA initiative, which is one of the NSF’s 10 Big Ideas. This NNA initiative “aims to address complex challenges in the rapidly changing Arctic through research that brings diverse expertise and knowledge systems together” (Druckenmiller et al., 2022). Among these complex challenges are food security, climate resilience, the economy, and environmental security.

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 o-production of Knowledge and Social Work: C Equity Matters Integral to expanding ways of seeing through the co-production of knowledge is the value of equity. According to Yua et al. (2022): Building and attaining equity is foundational to a co-production of knowledge framework. Equity in this context refers to ensuring that space is fairly provided for all knowledge systems and knowledge holders in an agreed upon research process.

This notion of equity supports Arctic Indigenous sovereignty, security, and self-­ determination. It does so through acknowledgement of the legacy of colonial histories and associated trauma. The legacy of colonial histories encompasses a history of harm in research conducted with Indigenous peoples and communities. The literature documents these harms, evidencing unethical behaviors and exploitation (Smith, [1999] 2012). Among such harms are situations whereby institutional researchers used data beyond the scope of participant and/or institutional review board approval or used extractive methodologies that did not include benefits to community participants. In response, there have been ongoing efforts to protect Indigenous knowledge from exploitation. These efforts include the development of Indigenous ethical principles such as the OCAP principles and CARE principles for Indigenous data governance (Carroll et al., 2022; Hayward et al., 2021). Leveraging the perspective and approach of co-production of knowledge for mutual benefit from a social work sustainability perspective requires social work to engage in professional reflexivity. This requires social work to reconcile with the profession’s historical role of complicity and harm associated with the colonization of Indigenous peoples. For example, in Canada, “social workers have been complicit in repeated attacks on Indigenous cultural and traditional systems by removing children from their families and communities” (Blackstock, 2015, p.  4). The removal of Indigenous children from their families has largely occurred within the context of residential schools and associated paternalistic policies in social services and the child welfare system. The legacy of colonization and related trauma continues today. A social work sustainability perspective encompasses “an antiracist and decolonizing path forward” with regard to land management (Gordon, 2022, p. 1). This involves expanding the social work lens to “address the current racist and ongoing colonization practices involved in land ownership and management in Alaska, and how that affects Indigenous subsistence rights and their ability to pass on their culture to their children, grandchildren, and future generations” (Gordon, 2022, p. 2). Sustainable futures involve bringing forth Indigenous knowledge and tribal-specific wisdom, which are anchored in sustainable land stewardship practices. Notably, sustainable land stewardship practices are “based on a relational understanding of the world and thinking of the survival of future generations”; sustainable futures highlight “the central roles the Tribes can be playing in this regard” (Gordon, 2022, p. 2).

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In addition to incorporating equity into the process of knowledge development, a co-production of knowledge paradigm yields mutual benefit pertaining to knowledge outcomes. These benefits impact the larger collective in terms of more comprehensive understandings about environmental changes. The evidence emerging from this co-production of knowledge approach in research projects is yielding success: “Complementing WS with TK has been demonstrated time and again to create more effective, culturally relevant, and long-term strategies to increase community resilience to climate change” (p. 37, Chang et al., 2020). As climate change impacts occur across the globe, it is critically important to build the global community’s resilience to such impacts. The mutual benefit from co-production of knowledge includes not only research outcomes yielding more effective strategies to increase community resilience but also novel findings. For example, according to Yua et al. “bridging Indigenous and scientific understandings of marine mammal ecology and health can generate novel insights that may not otherwise be possible” (2022). Another research project that yielded new data in real time is Ikaaġvik Sikukun, which is Iñupiaq for “Ice Bridges.” This research project was based in Kotzebue, a town in northwest Alaska. It exemplifies how the co-production of knowledge process leverages local Indigenous community knowledge, which influenced the development in real time of an additional research question. Consequently, this approach resulted in an agile response by the research team that allowed for a focus on objectives relevant to both the bearers of Indigenous knowledge and the bearers of Western scientific researchers. Accordingly, “The knowledge co-production framework enabled us to respond to this new development within the parameters of our existing project” and ultimately influenced final research outcomes (Witte et al., 2021, pp. 2–3). Importantly, “Arctic sea ice impacts the lives of people around the globe” (Witte et al., 2021, p. 1).

A Social Work Sustainability Perspective The increasing impacts of climate change across the globe are a call to action for prioritizing sustainable development. Sustainability is about meeting the current needs of our global population as well as the needs of future generations. It is an opportune time for expanding the social work lens. An expanding lens involves seeing beyond current perspectives and frameworks. Specifically, in social work, this entails expanding beyond the person-in-environment, or person-and-environment, perspective as well as the multi-level micro-, mezzo-, and macro-intervention framework. This expanding social work lens accounts for a sustainability perspective, which is characterized by a global community-and-environment view. There is a history in social work of acknowledging the need to promote social as well as environmental justice. More than a decade ago, the following question was explicitly posed: “What is the responsibility of social work in ensuring that we have a future?” (Van Wormer & Besthorn, 2011, p. 22). This question, posed by a social worker, represented a call for “a new sustainability model of social work, one that involves

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an expanded ideology and mission” (Van Wormer & Besthorn, 2011, pp. 22–23). Today, the co-production of knowledge presents as integral among any response to this ongoing call for an expanded social work lens. Social work’s central analytic of justice is the site through which both social justice and environmental justice interconnect. A social work sustainability perspective expands beyond and builds upon the hallmark person-and-environment perspective. It does so in two primary ways. First, a social work sustainability perspective expands the scale of reference from person to people, from the individual to include the collective. Secondly, it expands the focus from the social environment to include the social and place-based, or physical, environment. A social work sustainability perspective also expands beyond the multi-level micro-, mezzo-, and macro-intervention framework. It does so by emphasizing a holistic view in association with the intervention process. More specifically, the larger “community,” however it is defined in any particular context, becomes central with regard to social work interventions. Sustainability is key to linking our present quality of life to our future quality of life, not to mention the existence of life itself. The state of the physical environment has direct implications for the health of human beings. For example, issues such as food security, well-being, and Indigenous cultural traditions are connected to environmental conditions (Hauser et al., 2021). As a result of increasing climate change, these environmental conditions are rapidly changing. The impacts of climate change result in cascading effects that have collective consequences. Sustainability occurs at the nexus of environmental, social, and economic development. Importantly, Indigenous communities and Indigenous wisdom are integral to the path forward toward sustainable economic, social, and environmental development. According to an Indigenous leader at a recent energy conference in Canada, the energy transition requires a need for more resources that are “gonna come from Indigenous lands” (Trahant, 2022). Another Indigenous leader at this conference explained: “So for me, sustainability has a really wide definition. That includes all of who we are. It’s all of our environmental work, it’s all of our work in the community. It’s all of our spiritual practices. It’s all of our culture and language…” (Trahant, 2022). Building “equity partnerships” supports sustainable development and positions Indigenous communities as among the leading stewards in the process. “Sustainable economic development is about a healthy community, a healthy environment” (Trahant, 2022). A social work sustainability perspective emphasizes justice as the central analytic at the nexus of sustainable economic, social, and environmental development. In so doing, economic justice, social justice, and environmental justice are all interconnected. Notably, “justice-oriented commitments within sustainability science remain underdeveloped,” and the call for ways to integrate justice and sustainability is increasing (McGreavy et al., 2021). Through a sustainability perspective, there is an opportunity to develop co-equal partnerships between social work and Indigenous tribal communities to fill knowledge gaps pertaining to sustainable, and equitable, futures. In so doing, social work with Indigenous communities can together advance effective solutions and outcomes at the nexus of climate change and societal inequities, all within the context of aligning with global SDGs.

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Social Work Practice Implications Two-Eyed Seeing uniquely moves beyond “unified-knowledges” as the end goal, to ‘unified-­knowledges-and-here-is-what-we-are-compelled-to-do’ as the ultimate realization of the framework. It is perhaps in part due to this assertion that Two-Eyed Seeing has extended past conceptual spaces, and there are a growing number of concrete examples of Two-Eyed Seeing in practice. (Reid et al., 2020, p. 7)

Co-production of knowledge offers a lens and approach toward developing a social work sustainability perspective. This perspective entails accountability in action for social work, which entails professional reflexivity and partnership with Indigenous communities for co-equal contributions from diverse knowledge systems. While an emerging paradigm in research, the co-production of knowledge has important implications for social work practice. There are three primary implications for social work practice. Firstly, a social work sustainability perspective provides a paradigm for transformative thinking to reimagine mainstream health and social services. It does so by advancing intercultural systems of care that draw upon different knowledge systems. For example, an intercultural paradigm of health and social service systems encompasses a holistic view of health and “medicine.” Rather than espousing a singular view of medicine, intercultural health and social service systems encompass multiple understandings of “medicine” beyond mainstream biomedicine (Balestrery, 2014). For example, intercultural health systems include understanding food as medicine, language as medicine, and culture as medicine. Secondly, a social work sustainability perspective expands beyond the model of cultural competency, which has been a central social work model. Building upon cultural competency entails expanding the social work lens to emphasize cultural safety and structural competency models instead. These models have implications for social work practice because they address issues of power and systemic inequities. Social work’s central analytic of justice aligns with this emphasis on cultural safety. According to Curtis et al. (2019), “A key difference between the concepts of cultural competency and cultural safety is the notion of ‘power’” (p.  17). Curtis et al. explicitly advocate for prioritizing a cultural safety model: “A move to cultural safety rather than cultural competency is recommended” (p. 1). The term cultural safety originated among nurses in New Zealand during the 1990s. The following definition of cultural safety is recommended for healthcare organizations to adopt: Cultural safety requires healthcare professionals and their associated healthcare organisations to examine themselves and the potential impact of their own culture on clinical interactions and healthcare service delivery. This requires individual healthcare professionals and healthcare organisations to acknowledge and address their own biases, attitudes, assumptions, stereotypes, prejudices, structures and characteristics that may affect the quality of care provided. In doing so, cultural safety encompasses a critical consciousness where healthcare professionals and healthcare organisations engage in ongoing self-reflection and self-awareness and hold themselves accountable for providing culturally safe care, as defined by the patient and their communities, and as measure through progress towards

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achieving health equity. Cultural safety requires healthcare professionals and their associated healthcare organisations to influence healthcare to reduce bias and achieve equity within the workforce and working environment. (Curtis et al., 2019, p. 14)

A cultural safety model has mutual imbrications with a structural competency model at the site of health inequities. A structural competency model is based upon understanding and analyzing the system-level processes that contribute to inequities. “Understanding how these processes operate requires not only acknowledging the social determinants of health, but more important, moving farther upstream to address the structural drivers that generate poverty and other aspects of social disadvantage” (Metzl et al., 2020). While individual-level interactions among providers and patients comprise the practice of medicine, the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted that “illness for many people results from larger structures, systems, and economies” (Metzl et al., 2020). In sum, a structural competency model addresses the structural determinants of the social determinants of health. Notably, the multiple pandemics in association with the COVID-19 pandemic and related structural inequities “are impacting everyone, either directly or indirectly through collateral consequences” (Balestrery, 2021, p. 95). Thirdly, a social work sustainability perspective advances a place-based social work practice. Such a practice approach will necessarily involve an expanding intervention toolkit, one that draws upon geographical context and design innovation. In so doing, architecture and human-­ centered design (HCD) emerge as disciplinary resources. These disciplines, in particular, employ principles and practices that support a sustainability perspective. For example, human rights and human dignity were identified as the first principles of human-centered design (HCD), according to HCD scholar Richard Buchanan (2001, pp.  36–37). The discipline of architecture encompasses the built environment, and many initiatives are advancing design innovation to support health and well-being.

Conclusion A social work sustainability perspective aligns with national initiatives advancing the co-production of knowledge in the USA. Recently, the US federal government hosted a virtual and in-person event entitled, “Co-Producing Knowledge with Communities: Equity in Federal Research Programs” (National Academies, 2022). This event was a conversation with a White House Office of Science and Technology Policy keynote presenter followed by an interactive community forum with audience members. Included in the description about this event was the following: Unlike basic science, where knowledge generation is the domain of scientists alone, research conducted for the purpose of decision-making involves broad publics with their own knowledge systems and values. Since the 1990s, the U.S. federal government has established climate research and decision-support programs to produce science that supports local, regional, and national policies. Federal agencies are increasingly using the term co-production to describe engagement with diverse groups of stakeholders in which new

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Among questions of central focus during the community forum were these: “What does equitable co-production look like in practice?” and “Optimally, what should it look like?” Expanding the lens in social work involves engaging in events and discussions such as these. In doing so, social work increases awareness about diverse knowledge systems, the importance of co-equal partnership with Indigenous communities, and how intercultural health and social service systems offer collective benefit. There is a need for restructuring mainstream health and social services, as evidenced by the global COVID-19 pandemic and the global reckoning with structural racism and barriers that reflect health inequities resulting in health disparities. Building upon current perspectives in social work, specifically the person-and-environment perspective and the multi-level micro-, mezzo-, and macro-intervention framework, is the foundation for advancing equity in health and social services. Doing so requires a holistic paradigm that encompasses diverse knowledge systems for collective benefit. Sustainable futures are equitable futures, and equitable futures are collective futures: “Collective Futures: #healing trauma #rethinking #reimagining #restructuring” (Balestrery, 2021, p. 96). Social work in co-equal partnership with Indigenous communities offers the potential to collaboratively lead in the development of sustainable and equitable futures. In order to do so, social work must commit to a sustainability perspective. Co-production of knowledge represents a perspective and approach to doing so. Indigenous Arctic activist Sheila Watt-Cloutier provided a clarion call during the Arctic Science Summit Week (ASSW) in 2021. During her keynote presentation, Watt-Cloutier stated: “What happens in the Arctic, does not stay in the Arctic, it is impacting other places in the world” (ASSW, 2021). This message was followed by Watt-Cloutier acknowledging that “we need to humanize these issues, climate issues. We need to shift how we see, how we do things.” Watt-Cloutier encouraged the Arctic be viewed “as your North Star” and emphasized a larger re-alignment with Indigenous values because these values include respect for all things, living and non-living, in a sustainable way. Watt-Cloutier explained that the traditional way is “never to waste, to use every part of the animal…just as we the Inuit still do today… in many cultures that were very traditional, going back to the basics of not wasting…”  (Watt-Cloutier, 2021). The traditional way is based upon living in a sustainable way. During ASSW 2021, Sheila Watt-Cloutier placed a call for global action to “reimagine and realign with the Indigenous World.” She explained: “Culture is our medicine to move ourselves out of these challenges that we face on the human level, Indigenous Wisdom is the medicine… the very thing that the world seeks is Indigenous wisdom. We’re all in this as human beings, as a common human­ ity” (Watt-Cloutier, 2021). Linking the global Indigenous landscape widens the aperture for social work in developing a sustainability perspective. To do so requires overcoming many challenges. Notably, “our collective challenges and our individual struggles must be treated as a whole” (Watt-Cloutier, 2015, p. 320). Through the

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co-production of knowledge, social work is positioned, with its central analytic, justice, to partner with Indigenous communities in co-equal leadership to develop sustainable and equitable futures. Sustainable futures are collective futures that “call for an anti-racist response,” one that acknowledges and respects Indigenous knowledge (Gordon, 2022 p. 14). It is a call to action: a social work sustainability perspective for collective futures.

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Chapter 5

Georgian Social Work Development: From Micro to Macro Social Work Roles Shorena Sadzaglishvili and Ketevan Gigineishvili

Introduction The social work profession is a newly emerging discipline in Georgia, the former Soviet Union country, which developed as a response to the severe socio-economic crisis following the collapse of the U.S.S.R. in 1991. The social work profession in post-Soviet Georgia developed in the last 22 years. The first steps of social work in the new indigenous environment were microcasework, where social workers directly engaged with individuals and families. However, macrosocial work is becoming more popular as there is an urgent need for advocating issues that are critical for promoting social justice and human rights in the post-Soviet country of Georgia. In the Soviet Georgia, a new type of human being, the so-called “homosovietikus” (same as the Soviet man), was formed (Papava, 2011). The Soviet man’s transformation into a new system is very challenging. Pseudo “rights” of the Soviet country affected the development of a rights-based social work profession in Georgia, as “rights” were understood differently. In particular, the Soviet conception of human rights was very different from conceptions prevalent in the West. The Soviet system did not emphasize individual rights, rather it highlighted rights for the society as a whole. Soviet ideology prioritized economic and social rights, such as access to health care, adequate and affordable basic food supplies, housing, education, and guaranteed employment, which transformed the whole system into a giant welfare state. In this context, the importance of civil and political rights was minimized and degraded (Patenaude, 2012). Thus, the Soviet man was accustomed to the situation where his/her basic needs were met automatically by the State. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, all of society appeared in a position of inferiority, S. Sadzaglishvili (*) K. Gigineishvili School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_5

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signifying a feeling of deficient self-esteem, unable to take responsibility for his/her future, and passively awaiting for the State to supply “everything” again. These social preconditions of feelings of inferiority contributed towards “individualized” social inequality (Neckel, 1996). In this process, leadership could have a critical importance to overcome challenges and fulfill the mission of social work. The establishment of the Georgian Association of Social Workers (GASW) in 2004 was one of the key steps in increasing awareness and the profile of social work in the country. GASW has been playing a key role in developing the social work profession in the country. Currently, GASW has over 600 members and is a part of the global social work professional community. Besides providing professional expertise and support to the Government of Georgia, social service providers, and social workers, GASW is also active in responding to challenges facing the country and requiring social work expertise. Under the leadership of GASW, Georgian social workers are involved in fighting for changes to social policies and organizing protests against unjust governmental practices. In this chapter, the transformation of social work will be discussed in the context of the activities of the Georgian Association of Social Workers, which is the main actor in the country in terms of developing the quality of social work at all levels. This chapter aims to demonstrate the indigenous nature of the development of social work in Georgia. The Georgian social work profession became more macro-­ oriented gradually as a response to macrolevel challenges that were caused by the building of a new social welfare-oriented nation. It is indicated how local means of social work development as well as previous “homosovietikus” experiences created indigenous thinking and shaped its content (Papava, 2011). This chapter will analyze the main aspects and understanding of indigenous social work in the context of Georgia.

Conceptualization of Indigenous Social Work Roy (2020) refers to indigenous perspectives in his book and notes that the concept emerged from within the cultures of a specific country. Accordingly, indigenous perspectives in social work must arise from the culture, share and consider the local specifics and traditions, the social work practice must adjust the local frames of references, in other words social work practice must be culturally sensitive, social workers must be culturally competent. “It also means evaluating any knowledge from the local standpoint, bringing necessary correction or adaptation in them and making them locally relevant” (Roy, 2020, p. 5). However, we should not understand the abovementioned as a denial of any non-local knowledge. It means to identify perspectives of local significance and diversity through perspectives on global knowledge (Roy, 2020, p. 5). Accordingly, indigenous social work can be perceived as social work directly connected to indigenous people and, at the same time, as a social work practice

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focused on legitimating local communities and their culture and supporting them to be included in worldwide or countrywide society. Being culturally sensitive and competitive are the major traits needed for a social worker to work with indigenous and culturally diverse groups. Indigenous social work practice could be applied to different areas such as human rights, community development, and creating new policies and programs to support the indigenous people’s control over social services. (Gray et  al., 2008; Clark & Drolet, 2014; Khan, 2019; Roy, 2020). The social work profession’s involvement with “indigenous peoples” is often viewed from the same perspective as working with people outside the common culture. “Not surprisingly, the social work literature views its work with “indigenous peoples” from cross-cultural, antioppressive, or structural perspectives” (Gray et al., 2008, p. 49). Instead, the development of social work practice was mainly focused on adjusting therapeutic approaches to manage the challenges that indigenous people had (Gray et al., 2008, p. 49). Thus, the conception of indigenous social work is connected and interlinked with colonial experiences that include conquering and armed forces killing locals, including aboriginal populations in the USA, India, Australia, etc. The worst experience the locals had was being forced to leave their houses and their land – “their spiritual source of survival” (Gray et al., 2008, p. 50). This in turn left the cultural trait of loss, cultural loss, and traumatized generations. The authors also emphasized the results of sending children to foster care and boarding houses by force, where their needs were neglected and children were assaulted  – this was an attempt to eliminate them from society (Gray et al., 2008). Despite the huge work done in order to decrease the stigma towards “indigenous peoples,” the picture of indigenous communities is still stigmatized, and often they are portrayed wrongly. People often have a negative and racist attitude toward them (Gray et al., 2008). Khan (2019) conceptualized indigenous social work as social work practice and theory enabling to provide social work “exclusively out of the social history of the dominant white race” (Khan, 2019, p. 18). The other authors considered indigenous concept in social work education and highlighted the importance of cultural competences of the educator and, at the same time, the feeling of cultural safety of the student, which will definitely make the education process more oriented toward the needs of diversity (Clark & Drolet, 2014). In this chapter, we conceptualize “indigenous social work” from different perspectives. In particular, we think that “the concept of indigenous social work” not only refers to the indigenous groups of America or other groups that became the victims of colonial wars, but also refers to other countries that became the victims of big regimes. For instance, a small country like Georgia, which is situated between Europe and Asia, could be considered an indigenous culture that is not always in parallel to mainstream westernized cultures, and their westernized social work theory and practice could not be pasted easily. Multicultural and multiethnic Georgia has a long history of being conquered by different empires, among them the Soviet Union. The Soviet era affected everything, especially individuality and diversity. Accordingly, Georgia, with its multiethnic and, at the same time, its original culture,

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tried very hard during its 70 years of being part of the Soviet Union to survive and safeguard its own culture. The social work profession, as a human rights-based profession, was truly challenged to find its position after the Soviet era. As it is mentioned above, the Soviet conception of human rights was very different, negatively affected people’s minds, and transformed the majority of people into inferiors unable to take responsibility for their own lives and made dependent on the State. All these constructed a deficient and passive individuality (Neckel, 1996). While developing a social work profession in the country and adopting westernized concepts of social work theory and practice, Georgian professionals tried to find a way of implementing culturally sensitive social work practice considering their past experiences and inherited traits from the Soviet era.

Heritage of the Soviet Union: Social System The term “Georgia” is used to describe the land called “Sakartvelo” in Georgian. Georgia is an old culture located on the southern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains, bordered by the Black Sea, Turkey, and its neighboring countries such as Armenia and Azerbaijan. The roots of Georgian history go back for millennia. As a country of mainly Orthodox Christians, Georgia had an important role in eastern Christianity during and after the Byzantium time. Georgia is located at the crossroads of Asia and Europe, and accordingly, it has a mixed culture of oriental and Wwestern mentalities. The countries neighboring Georgia had and have a huge influence on the development of the country. The most recent and influential impact came from the Russian Federation. The long-term relationships with Russia started in the eighteenth century when the Georgian king Irakli II signed the Treaty of Georgievsk with Russian Emperor Catherine II to benefit from Russia’s protection and resist Persian and Ottoman aggression in 1783. Soon after, in 1801, Paul I of Russia annexed Georgia (Group 5, 2022). After the October Revolution of 1917, soon on May 26, 1918, culminated with the establishment of the Georgian Democratic Republic, which was invaded by the Red Army of a re-emerging Russian (Soviet) state on February 25, 1921. The Georgian Soviet Republic was established as a separate Soviet Socialist Republic of the U.S.S.R. until the implosion of the union in 1991 (Brisku, 2022). The Soviet regime was based on social contract between workers and politicians, which guaranteed a secure, albeit unspectacular, social and economic existence to workers, who, in turn, left politics to the politicians (Cook, 1993). The economy of the Soviet Union differed significantly from market economies, as the country’s massive and diverse economic resources were largely owned by the state. The central government controlled directly or indirectly many aspects of the labor force, the retail and wholesale distribution system, and the financial system (Federal Research Division, 1989). The Soviet welfare system approach was “institutional,” thereby it was considered an ongoing, comprehensive social institution whose major function was to prevent social breakdown and, secondarily, to make help available as a right

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for those who were qualified. Soviet welfare planners proclaimed that a high level of economic security and a healthy concern of the state for the welfare of its citizens were essential for maximum production (Madison, 1968). Thus, the Soviet welfare system provided a comprehensive system of social security and social insurance that included old-age retirement and veterans pensions, disability benefits and sick leave compensation, maternity leave and allowances, and subsidies to multichildren and low-income families (Federal Research Division, 1989). Soviet workers did not contribute directly to their social security and insurance coverage; funding was provided by the government and from compulsory deductions from industrial and agricultural enterprises (Federal Research Division, 1989). Since unemployment was rendered unviable through various acts of legislation, the “Soviet worker,” in contrast to a “Capitalist worker,” was more secured economically (Arnot, 1988). It was required to hire a worker if she/he was directed by welfare authorities, and also, there were plentiful jobs available (Madison, 1968). In addition, the Soviet wage system tried systematically to make wages more equal (Arnot, 1988). Though Soviet health care would have to be considered somewhat behind the so- called “Western Standards,” it was universally available free medical care and it provided quality care, and the system was adequate to meet the needs of their people (Friedenberg, 1987). The Soviet Union preferred not to create a new profession to meet certain human needs but rather to assign welfare functions to educational and health personnel who were generally better established and understood (Madison, 1968). Thus, Social work as a profession did not exist in the Soviet Union. Welfare functions were performed by various people with different backgrounds and types of academic preparation. These included not only the untrained worker but also attorneys, public health nurses, and children’s inspectors with special secondary education. In the great majority of social welfare situations, the relationship between the welfare worker and the individual is not carefully assessed. It was assumed that a constructive relationship will result almost automatically if the worker demonstrates genuine interest, respect, and sympathy, in short, if he practices “social humanism.” Hence, in dealing with their clients, welfare personnel adopted a rational, common-sense attitude concerned primarily with rationally learned behavior. They did not probe into “deeper” causes, into the emotional quality of interpersonal relationships, as social work is practiced in America (Madison, 1968). One of the most important and widely used therapies carried out by welfare personnel was work therapy. Based on the Soviet emphasis on the rational rather than the instinctual elements of behavior, work therapy became the ultimate in the theory of the unity of consciousness and activity (Madison, 1968). On the other hand, the Soviet welfare and health care system seemed to suffer from as many of the ills as the rest of Soviet society, such as low work incentives, poor productivity, corruption, and elitism (Friedenberg, 1987). One of the most harmful, costly, and intractable legacies of the command economy of the former Soviet Union was the reliance on residential institutions for the care of children, the elderly, and people with disabilities (Tobis, 2000). As a result, there were almost no community-based alternatives to care for large and growing numbers of vulnerable

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individuals. Poor, neglected, or disabled children lived in institutions that stunted their physical, emotional, and intellectual development. Children with disabilities were segregated from society in grim facilities, most of them would never leave. The elderly and adults with disabilities were cloistered in social care homes. However, the Soviet system did not recognize the harmful effects of institutional care on the process of human development. Moreover, historically throughout the former Soviet bloc, persons with physical and mental disabilities have been stigmatized, hidden from the public, and thus made seemingly invisible (Dunn & Dunn, 1989). Therefore, the development of social work as a rights-based profession could not be seen as a separate process and is interlinked with the previous historical experiences mentioned above.

 ormation of the Social Work Profession F in Post-Soviet Georgia “A Colonization” of Geogia by the Soviet Union shaped the knowledge base of the new profession of social work. After its collapse in 1991, individual countries of the Soviet Union moved from having a tradition of “no social problems” toward facing major social and economic challenges (IFSW, 2014). These macrolevel “large-scale ecological changes” from a communist utopian social-economic system to a market oriented one, from a federated central government to individual national (and potentially democratic) governments, and from collectivist responsibility toward individual responsibility instigated changes at meso and micro levels, transitioning the individual from a citizen of a “super country” to one of a so-called “newly emerged developing country,” with its own transitional social-political-economic system lacking structures conceptually devoted to “social welfare.” In fact, Georgia has one of the highest inequity and poverty levels in Europe. In Georgia, a substantial part of the adult and child population is still living below the poverty line. Poverty, limited employment opportunities, income disparity, and the social exclusion of the most vulnerable create challenges for developing countries. The official unemployment rate of 19.5% in 2021 (GEOSTAT, 2011) masks the real situation considering the fact that 64% of the employed are self-employed, of which a large share is engaged in subsistence farming. Access to education and health services is constrained by physical barriers, societal attitudes, and financial issues (Sadzaglishvili et al., 2018). In Georgia, from the mid-1990s to the present, both Social Welfare services and the profession of Social Work have undergone and continue to undergo significant changes, with the main focus on poverty reduction and institutional development (Sadzaglishvili, 2018). The first social reforms in the county were targeted at the most vulnerable microsystem: children in residential institutions. A well-organized deinstitutionalization process of special residential institutions was considered to be the most appropriate solution to assist this most disadvantaged group by all stakeholders, including government ministries, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),

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local advocates, and others. The deinstitutionalization process was accelerated by the 2001 Law on Foster Care and Adoption. Passage of this Law signaled the Government’s willingness to assume greater responsibility for the deinstitutionalization process and other child welfare reforms with the technical assistance of UNICEF and international NGOs. By 2009, the number of institutionalized children declined to 4600, and by 2015 to only 100 – a 98.6% reduction from the late-Soviet period estimate of over 7000. Also by 2015, the number of state institutions dropped from 46 to just 3, an almost 94% reduction (SSA, 2013).1 These accomplishments resulted from policy-level changes such as the government’s child welfare action plans and legislation supporting the establishment of a host of enhanced operations, including alternative care services, “gate-keeping” policy guiding principles (focused on prevention and family-strengthening services), state child care standards, etc. (Sadzaglishvili, 2018). In terms of developing a workforce to support the de-institutionalization process, a non-degree course was provided to 18 people in 1999 by the British International NGO “Every Child.” This course provided instruction on normal and abnormal child development, the mechanics of promoting and sustaining foster care and small group home programs, and legal matters bearing on adoption. Workers completing the program were called “sotsialuri mushaki,” or “social worker.” This is the birth of the social work profession in Georgia. It can be underlined that a new profession of social work in Georgia has developed in the field of child welfare. In 2000, the Open Society Foundation launched the Social Work Fellowship Program. Within the broad goal of creating skilled human capital in the region in general, the development of a professionally trained Social Work workforce was specifically supported by the provision of grants enabling students to study at American universities. In 2004, the first group of American-educated social workers established the Georgian Association of Social Workers (GASW) as a local Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) to support the continued development of the profession within Georgia. In particular, it advocated for the legal and policy infrastructure necessary to extend professional expertise to local social service providers and to establish a strong educational framework based on recognized professional standards. The GASW also actively contributed to the development of operational procedures and standards integral to the administration and practice of a large child welfare system. In 2006, the first social work programs were created at two major state universities. Social work education development in Georgia is influenced by two social work models: American and UK/European schools. In particular, the Georgian Social Work School can be described as a mixed model. The main focus is on advanced generalist practice and service development-oriented practice rather than on clinically oriented social work practice. Clinical social work is not developed as social workers are not considered the main service providers in the mental health  Kinship and foster care − 1235 children, small group homes only for healthy children − 337 children, day centers – 1089 children, food assistance − 996 children, government reintegration benefit − 442 children, shelters for street connected youth −123 children and etc. (SSA, 2013). 1

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field as there are a large number of unemployed psychologists, psychiatrists, and other health professionals available in the country. The social work terminology accepted by the country also reflects on how the social work profession is perceived in Georgia. For instance, the term “beneficiary” that was established to indicate “client” or “service user” shows more focus on donor-funded grants welfare recipients having less control over attributes of social services, as well as recipient–social worker relationship itself being too far from equally balanced power relationships (Sadzaglishvili, 2018). To sum up, the social work profession demonstrated its potential in Georgia as a helping profession that supports and empowers vulnerable and oppressed individuals. Up until 2019, the main method used by Georgian social workers was casework and local social workers mostly acted in microsocial work roles. The number of social workers employed in state agencies almost doubled in 2022 compared to 2014. In particular, in the study done in 2014, about 334 social workers were employed by the state (Partskhalaladze, 2014), and this number approached 605 in 2022 (GASW, 2022). Moreover, a situational analysis of the social work profession in Georgia done in 2022 showed that social workers see themselves twice less in the role of micro practitioners than it was in 2011 (48.2% compared to 90.2%) (Shatberashvili, 2011; GASW, 2022). Social activism (macro practice) and casework (micro practice) are equally important for the promotion of social change, problem-solving in human relations, and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being (Hare, 2004). Thus, the profession of social work continued its development from micro to macropractice trajectory, and it followed the position of Uehara et al., who observed that social work in the twenty-first century “can and must play a more central, transformative, and collaborative role in society, if the future is to be a bright one for all” (Uehara et al., 2013, p. 6).

I mportance of Leadership of Professional Association in the Development of Social Work Profession GASW has been playing a key role in developing social work practice, education, and a regulatory framework in Georgia (Partskhalaladze et  al., 2020). Currently, GASW has over 600 members and is a part of the global social work professional community. Besides providing professional expertise and support to the Government of Georgia, social service providers, and social workers, GASW is also active in responding to challenges facing the country and requiring social work expertise (GASW, 2022). GASW was engaged in activism in various forms, including lobbying, advocacy, demonstrations, peaceful civil walks, informing the public on the challenges via letters and statements, and actively participating in the development and adoption of the Law on Social Work. In 2018, the Parliament of Georgia approved the Law on social work initiated by GASW and the Human Rights and Civil Integration Committee of Parliament. The Law established the uniform social worker system

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and determined the key principles of social work, obliging the social worker to adhere to the fundamental aspects of her official duties: respect for human rights, social justice, equality, sector competence, proportionality, honesty, and professional ethics. The bill specifies rights and obligations to ensure maximal protection of the beneficiaries and social servants as well as defines professional qualifications of the worker and their competences (Parliament of Georgia, 2018). This is a first step for advancing the professionalization of social work in Georgia, as it ensures the development of professional expertise and the individual accountability of social workers and social work practitioners. The Law on Social Work creates new challenges for social work education and training to be planned in ways that support the formation of a professional workforce acquired with skills and expertise and adapting to new job roles, career structures, and local and international professional discourses. In this context, the role of social work as a transdisciplinary science reaches critical importance in terms of connecting high-quality education and training to service needs and ensuring that social workers develop the expertise necessary to improve outcomes for beneficiaries and create effective services by using research and evidence to inform their practice decisions to meet the rapid social-economical changes and complex needs of transitional societies (Sadzaglishvili, 2020). The history of social work profession development in Georgia shows that this process is dynamic as it facilitates the growth of the profession. The professional identity of social workers is growing step by step. For instance, social workers become aware of the existing discrepancy between the social work theory, as it is taught at the universities and the actual practice that does not allow them to fully meet social workers’ roles, responsibilities, and professional ethics. They become change agents at their workplaces, which is reflected in their activism and protests against the official structures. Social workers are striving for their professional development, advancing better social policies, and maintaining professional standards of practice. In addition, they fight for their place in the social welfare field despite facing competition from the other helping professionals (psychologists, mental health specialists, etc.) by adding more scientific basis and professionalism to dealing with their beneficiaries. GASW and academia have pivotal roles in this promotion of scientifically based social work, professional development, and the advancement of better social policies and educational opportunities in the field (Sadzaglishvili, 2020). In 2020, GASW was actively involved in the process of supporting the implementation of the Code on the Rights of the Child and the Law on Social Work, as well as in the process of strengthening the capacity of the State Care Agency. The latter work continues up to today. GASW developed the Guidelines on Inter-Agency Cooperation for the Implementation of the Code on the Rights of the Child through cooperation with the Parliament of Georgia, UNICEF, and the child care agencies. The goal of the guidelines is to support the effective cooperation of the agencies defined by the Code in order to protect the child’s best interests. Along with the guidelines, relevant assessment tools were also developed. Currently, work is being conducted on achieving the approval of the document by Ministerial Decree and

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thus strengthening inter-agency cooperation. Until the noted Decree is issued, the said document is the guideline for municipalities as it defines the possible role they may have. As per the Code on the Rights of the Child, municipalities’ role is to undertake preventive social work, which should identify the possible vulnerability risks for children and families and be able to protect them in a timely manner. In addition, municipalities have a very important role in terms of effectively cooperating with other local agencies in cases where they are not case managers, with the goal to support children and families. The Code on the Rights of the Child pays attention to one more important issue – delegating programs/services from the central level to the local/municipal level. The noted provides municipalities with ample opportunity to plan and manage programs, especially to empower children and families, considering the local needs and the specifics of the municipality. Local as well as international practice demonstrates that family strengthening programs/services can play a decisive role in terms of empowering families and decreasing the level of socio-economic or psychological vulnerability of the families. As a result of such support, fewer children are separated from their families. As per the principles of the Gatekeeping policy, all measures should be taken to avoid the risks of child abandonment and separation from the family. However, these programs should not only focus on the prevention of abandonment; such programs, as a rule, include supporting families, developing parental skills, preventing violence/supporting nonviolent parenting, as well as developing economic, employment, and social skills and special support programs for children, etc. With the noted goal, GASW developed a concept on municipal family strengthening services that includes the local and international experience on family strengthening programs and, considering Georgian practice, provides recommendations in terms of developing effective programs for the process of delegation. GASW, together with experts, worked on the effective implementation of Article 26 of the Code, namely, separation of the child from his/her family. GASW, together with experts, developed guidelines for the social workers at the State Care Agency, which included detailed procedures for the separation of the child from the family and the rules for the conduct of social workers when working with the court on the noted cases. The guidelines include a description of the cooperation of the court and social workers as well as the filters/indicators according to which the need for separating the child from the family is assessed and presented to the court. In addition, assessment forms were developed for social workers and judges. The guidelines also describe the term “separation” as per Article 26 of the Code on the Rights of the Child. The guidelines were developed through active cooperation with a legal expert, an international expert (with experience in the judicial system of Great Britain), and local child care/social work experts. GASW included practitioner social workers and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (the police) in the process of developing the noted document. GASW has been actively supporting the Care Agency for a period of 2 years in terms of developing social work services, as the Agency is one of the biggest service providers as well as employers of social workers. The following two projects reflect the outcomes of this support. The project “Interventions for Effective Support to the Implementation of the Code on the

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Rights of the Child” was carried out with cooperation and funding from UNICEF and support from USAID in 2021. The project aimed at supporting the implementation of the Law on Social Work, namely, supporting the Ministry of IDPs from the Occupied Territories, Labor, Health, and Social Affairs, and the Agency for State Care and Assistance for the Victims of Human Trafficking with the goal to implement transitional provisions. Within the frames of the project: (1) the Social Work Code of Ethics was reviewed; (2) the Social Work Professional Standards were reviewed; (3) the Safety Rules for Social Workers were reviewed; and (4) a 24-h response mechanism for emergency cases was developed, and the pilot was launched at the territorial units of the LEPL Agency for State Care and Assistance for the Victims of Human Trafficking. The noted documents were approved by the decrees of the Minister of the IDPs from the Occupied Territories, Labor, Health, and Social Affairs of Georgia in June and August of 2021. In addition, GASW developed a training module for the social workers at the State Care Agency as per the safety standards. The training was conducted for all the social workers at the Agency. In addition, part of the staff at the Agency was also trained as trainers. Trainings included topics such as organizational culture and its impact on work ethic, safety at the workplace – in the office, during visits, and while transporting a beneficiary in a car – as well as preparing for safety, namely, considering beneficiaries’ vulnerability, factors to consider in general, and assessing the possible risks at the place of a visit with the goal to prevent these risks. In addition, the training module included professional burnout and its prevention, as well as procedures and the distribution of obligations among the agency staff with the goal to meet safety standards. The Agency planned to approve internal safety procedures in the future. Within the abovementioned project, a new model of case management was developed for various directions in child care at the State Care Agency. The new guideline includes the most common scenarios, a scheme for using various forms in the process of service provision, a list of relevant forms for case management, and instructions for using them within the child care service at the State Care Agency. New forms/documents were also developed, including the following: referral form; emergency response minutes on a referral; screening-assessment form; child and family assessment form; report form on separating the child from the parent (for court cases); progress form; compatibility form (with a foster parent); form on the change of a case manager; conclusion on reintegration; and individual service plan/ review of the individual service plan. The noted forms enabled social workers to document their comprehensive work, which consequently impacted the quality of their work. It should be noted that in the process of supporting the implementation of the Law on Social Work, GASW used a participatory approach. All processes engaged practitioner social workers, the professional association, the professional union, and experts and organizations working on human rights. Starting from 2019, the era of social activism has been strengthening. GASW played a decisive role in the beginning and development of activism. Social activism includes various targeted activities, the goal of which is to implement social

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changes. In particular, social activism includes various targeted activities, the goal of which is to implement social changes. Social workers are fighting to better the society and achieve positive changes. As the international practice demonstrates, social activism is often used by social workers in the governmental or non-governmental sector to protect their own or others’ rights or to change existing social policy (Kharchilava, 2020). There are cases in international social work practice when social workers, together with representatives from other fields, use various forms of activism. On the eighth of February, 2019, social workers presented a letter to the Ministry of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from the occupied territories, Labor, Health, and Social Affairs, informing the Ministry on launching a collective dispute with the Legal Entity of Public Law (LEPL) Social Services Agency. Social workers’ main demands were addressed to the government in regards to the establishment of effective services and the development of minimum labor standards for social workers. The social workers’ strike was indeed unprecedented. Social workers were finally able to raise their voice and protect their professional rights in order to improve their work conditions and gain opportunities for professional development. Finally, on April 8th of 2019, social workers went on strike throughout Georgia. In the interim period, there were negotiations and meetings held with state agencies and the Parliament to reach a compromise and ensure the demands were met; however, in the end, the strike was still needed. The social workers’ strike had great importance not only for improving their work conditions but also as a step forward in developing the profession. Social activism, protecting one’s own rights, and advocating for changes are inseparable parts of the social work profession. GASW was actively involved in the process of preparing for the strike as well as organizing the strike and the relevant negotiations. With the support of the Association, social workers employed at the Social Services Agency voiced their problems and demands. It is important to note that as a result of the noted strike and the willingness of social workers to protect their labor rights, a professional union of social workers was established by 61 social workers, and its initial goal was to advance labor rights. An important outcome of the strike was the unity that social workers were able to reach. It was unprecedented when up to 250 social workers working at the Social Services Agency across the country at the time unanimously reached an agreement that this was the moment they had to make the most painful decision – to stop working. It should also be noted that social workers fully understood and took into consideration the legal framework within which it would be possible to demonstrate their protest in a way that would be least harmful for beneficiaries. Beneficiaries/service users, as well as the society at large, became aware of the role of a social worker, and a large part of the society, including some of the politicians active at the time, stood on the side of the social workers on strike. The unity of organizations working on human rights as well as the support from the network of professional associations should also be noted in the processes that unfolded. Although social workers did not receive a positive outcome on all of their demands, the results of the strike became evident after the reorganization of the care system and the transfer of the system to a different organization/agency that had more

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resources to implement changes; for example, one of the demands of social workers regarding increasing their salaries was satisfied. To conclude, GASW played an important role in the birth of the social work profession in Georgia. Without its active participation and initiatives, the profession would lose its borders and its developmental processes would be inert.

Indigenous Features of Social Work Education in Georgia The post-Soviet states have gone through multiple reformation processes at all levels of social life, including the dramatic reconstruction of their economic, political, and welfare systems. Such transformation has created opportunities for social work as a new profession responsible for dealing with the prevailing social needs of its citizens (An, 2014). Instigated by the common social-economic and human crisis, the common social problems are poverty, unemployment, institutionalization and violation of children’s and human rights, trafficking and violence, the growth of crime, drug abuse, deterioration of health, suicide, social exclusion of disabled and minorities, etc. As An (2014) summarized, the development of social work is an integral component of social policy reform in post-Soviet countries. Consequently, the priority task became the preparation of a social work force through university and academic education. As a result, bachelor’s, master’s, and rarely doctoral programs were established to prepare professionals in Social Work. However, the new profession of Social Work is significantly challenged within academia, as it is not seen as a scientific and research field and is sometimes, seen as a vocation and “secondary” profession. The consequent lack of qualified social work practice and policy researchers, as afforded in the research university setting, prevents internal and comparative research, the delineation of best social work practices at micro and macro levels, and the production of adequate professional manpower (Sadzaglishvili, 2017). The social work programs were developed at two universities in the country – Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University (TSU) and Ilia State University, in 2006. Undergraduate, graduate and doctoral programs in social work count more than 500 graduates at the time of the writing of this chapter. However, another 500 social workers are operating based on social work certificate courses prior to the development of academic programs in the country. The academic programs were developed in accordance with the International Standards on Social Work Education (Global Standards for Social Work Education and Training, 2019) alongside the experiences gained from the partner universities in Europe and the USA. The program curricula embed courses for micro, mezzo, and macropractice and the practice teaching component (Master of Social Work Program, 2019). The missions, goals, and objectives of the social work programs at both universities are to prepare advanced professional practitioners to address the needs of the Country of Georgia and to enhance social services for people in both urban and rural environments. Social Work Programs are grounded in a strengths-based framework

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to promote the wellbeing of individuals, families, and communities. The curriculum incorporates content on the profession’s history, purposes, and philosophy. It emphasizes critical and creative thinking that will enable our graduates to initiate, adapt, and evaluate interventions for urban families while remaining alert to relevant national and global issues. The Programs train professionals to practice ethically and competently and to integrate social work knowledge, processes, and values into all professional activities. Programs’ goals are to educate students for agency-based, culturally sensitive practice founded on strengths, resilience, diversity, and ecological theories (Master of Social Work Program, 2019). At the foundation level, students are offered a comprehensive understanding of the knowledge base of social work. Theories drawn from social and behavioral sciences and philosophy provide them with a generalist perspective out of which to prepare for advanced, autonomous social work practice. They learn macro, meso, and micro social work skills within the courses. At the second/concentration level, students acquire competencies in “Social Program Development and Evaluation,” “Social Welfare Policy,” and “Social Work Research Project.” In addition, they can elect one course in social work practice methods and one in the social work practice field. For practice methods, they can choose from several elective courses in advanced social work practice (Master of Social Work Program, 2019). As historical analysis of social work development showed, one direct way of promoting social work as a science is to establish sound doctoral programs in research university settings (Reid, 2011). These programs should highlight the importance of academic research and not sacrifice “gold standards” for doctoral education in social work in the context where social work is considered a vocational and practical profession and social work doctoral graduates are not accepted as “true” scientists among scientific communities. Sound doctoral education in social work should focus on teaching qualitative as well as quantitative and positivistic approaches and comprehensive research methodologies to identify and study meaningful topics and social problems. In combination with establishing sound doctoral programs in social work it is necessary to form social work Research Lobbing Organizations and Funding Institutions that will support building a research infrastructure for Schools of Social Work and advance “Social Work Research” opportunities. But as mentioned above, social work as a scientific field is still in the developmental process. For example, “Social Work Research” itself is not clearly and coherently identified by well-known American and European social work scholars. Thus, it is critical to promote the idea of Social Work as Science worldwide and especially in countries where social work is a newly emerging discipline. This also refers to the Georgian case. For this purpose, in collaboration with Georgian Universities, the Georgian Association of Social Workers conducted several conferences. In particular, on May 26−29th, 2021, a 4-day online scientific conference was held on the topic “Social Work – Science for Social Change,” and it was dedicated to the celebration of World Social Work Day. The goal of the conference was to support and promote social work as a practical science in Georgia by holding the first scientific conference in the field and by increasing the interest of young professionals in research and science as some of the most important areas

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and roles for a social worker. An additional goal was to share the Georgian scientific experience with scholars in the field of social work, researchers, practitioners, experts, students, representatives of related fields, and other interested persons. The conference was held with the support of the Georgian universities (Ilia State University and Iv. Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University). As a result of the discussion, the main characteristics of social work scientific research were developed. The results were printed and published with the support of Ilia State University (57 Aspects of Social Work Research). This material will be used by the doctoral programs in Social Work to set standards for doctoral education. To support the better implementation of social work education in the country, the leadership of GASW participated in activities aimed at promoting social work education. Patronage of the universities is important to ensure the inflow of professionals into the field of social work. In addition, in 2021, the LEPL National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement, under the leadership of a professional association, developed a document on the sectoral characteristics of social work higher education. This case shows that still it is important to have a well-identified leader in the field, which will ensure the quality development of the profession. Thus, the development of educational programs in Georgia is in a process of evolution but still requires strong support to enhance its sphere as scientific and academic field.

Conclusion In Georgia, the development of Social Work profession is affected by local needs and contexts. The Soviet history of Georgia defined its indigenous pathway towards building a new profession. Firstly, the severe socio-economic crisis urged to form microsocial work modalities to provide support to the most venerable people. Secondly, considering social work as only a microlevel helping profession was not sufficient in order to deal with the urgent challenges related to building a new social welfare system from the remains of the old Soviet welfare system. Thus, social work in Georgia is gradually forming as a more macrolevel profession that is focused on social structures and social systems, organizations, communities, and public policies rather than on individuals and their immediate families (Hepworth et al., 2017). However, social workers are still involved in direct practice as case managers but not as clinical social workers. Throughout the entire process, the Georgian Association of Social Workers has played a pivotal role. Particularly, macro changes such as creating and implementing the Law on Social Work as well as other codes related to welfare and human rights were accomplished in close collaboration with the executive and legislative branches of the Government of Georgia. GASW supports participatory approaches and activates social workers themselves to be involved in all processes. This leadership is very critical to defeat the syndrome of “Homosovietikus” (being passive, awaiting state assistance, low social activism, and participation), as it is still alive in our society and most of the people are alienated from the society and active citizenship processes.

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The expertise of GASW, formed by Western-educated professionals, has the potential to participate in reforming the social welfare system by advocating issues that are critical for promoting social justice and equality in the post-Soviet country of Georgia. Social activism as a social work method is used for the purpose of fighting for changes to social policies and organizing protests against unjust governmental practices.

References An, S. (2014). Social work between “westernization” and “nationalization”: The transnational perspective on social work in post-socialist/post-soviet states. In C.  Bahr, H.  G. Homfeld, C.  Schröder, W.  Schroer, & C.  Schweppe (Eds.), The world atlas of social work. BELTZ Juventa. Arnot, B. (1988). Controlling soviet labour: Experimental change from Brezhnev tot Gorbachev. M.E. Sharpe, Inc. Brisku, A. (2022). Modern Georgia. Oxford research Encyclopedia of Asian History. https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/ acrefore-­9780190277727-­e-­256. Accessed 25 Mar 2022. Clark, N., & Drolet, J. (2014). “Melq’ilwiye” coming together: Reflections on the journey owards Indigenous social work field education. Scholarship in the Human Services, 13(1), 1–24. Cook, L. J. (1993). The Soviet social contract and why it failed: Welfare policy and workers’ politics from Brezhnev to Yeltsin. Presidents and Fellow of Harvard College. Dunn, S.  P., & Dunn, E. (1989). Everyday life of people with disabilities in the USSR.  In W. O. McCagg & L. Siegelbaum (Eds.), People with disabilities in the Soviet Union: Past and present, theory and practice (pp. 107–123). University of Pittsburgh Press. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. (1989). Soviet Union – A country study. Available online at: http://www.country-data.com/cgi- bin/query/r-12574.html. Accessed 27 Dec 2014. Friedenberg, D. S. (1987). Medicine in perspective: Soviet health care system. The Western Journal of Medicine, 147(2), 214–217. Georgian Association of Social Workers. (2022). Professionalization of social work. Unpublished internal document. GEOSTAT. (2011). Statistical yearbook of Georgia 2011, National Statistics Office of Georgia, Tbilisi. Global Standards for Social Work Education and Training. (2019). Retrieved Jan 2020, from The International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) and the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW). https://www.iassw-­aiets.org/ global-­standards-­for-­social-­work-­education-­and-­training/ Gray, M., Coates, J., & Yellow, B.  M. (2008). Indigenous social work from around the world, towards culturally relevant education and practice. Ashgate Publishing Company. Group 5. (2022). Treaty of Georgievsk. Russia in Global Perspective. https://russiaglobal.omeka. fas.harvard.edu/items/show/27. Accessed 25 Mar 2022. Hare, I. (2004). Defining social work for the 21st century – The International Federation of Social Workers’ revised definition of social work. International Social Work, 47(3), 407. https://doi. org/10.1177/0020872804043973 Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Direct social work practice: Theory and skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning. International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW). (2014). Statement in support of social workers in South Caucasus Region. http://ifsw.org/wp-­content/uploads/2014/09/Statement-­of-­IFSW-­ Europe-­in-­ Support-­of-­Social-­Workers-­in-­South-­Caucasus-­Region.pdf. Accessed 20 Apr 2022.

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Khan, M. (2019). A social work perspective on Indigenous knowledges, anticolonial thought, and contemplative pedagogy: Thoughts on decolonization and resistance. Journal of Critical Anti-­ Oppressive Social Inquiry, 2: Decolonizing Scholarship, 8–46. Kharchilava, A. (2020). Social Activism in social work based on case of Georgia. Master Thesis. Ilia State University. Madison, B. Q. (1968). Social welfare in the Soviet Union. Stanford University Press. Master of Social Work Program, Ilia State University. (2019). Fieldwork manual. Ilia State University Printing Press. Neckel, S. (1996). Inferiority: From collective status to deficient individuality. The Sociological Review, 44(1), 17–34. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-­954X.1996.tb02961.x Papava, V. (2011). Nontraditional economics. Iv Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. Parliament of Georgia. (2018). The human rights and civil integration committee. Bill on social work. Available at http://www.parliament.ge/en. Accessed 28 Nov 2018. Partskhalaladze, N. (2014). History of social work in Georgia. Unpublished internal document. Partskhalaladze, N., Sadzaglishvili, S., & Gigineishvili, K. (2020). Role of the Georgian association of social workers in supporting the Covid-19 response in Georgia. Scottish Journal of Residential Child Care SJRCC, 1–7. Special feature: Reflections on COVID-19. Patenaude, B.M. (2012). Regional perspectives on human rights: The USSR and Russia, Part One. Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies: Center for Russian, East European & Eurasian Studies, Stanford University. https://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/regional_perspectives_on_human_rights_the_ussr_and_russia_part_one. Accessed 28 July 2022. Reid, J.  R. (2011). The role of science in social work: The perennial debate. Journal of Social Work, 1(3), 273–293. https://doi.org/10.1177/146801730100100303 Roy, S. (2020). Social work education: Indigenous perspectives. Sage Publications Pvt. Limited. Sadzaglishvili, S. (2017). The current status of social work science and research: A review of the literature and its implications for post-communist countries. International Journal of Social Work, 2332–7278, 4(1). https://doi.org/10.5296/v4i1.11157 Sadzaglishvili, S. (2018). Reconstructing social welfare institutions and building a professional social work workforce in post-soviet Georgia: An ecological systems framework. International Social Work, 2016. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872816674790 Sadzaglishvili, S. (2020). The context of social work profession and education in transitional countries: The case of Georgia. In S. M. Sajid, R. Baikady, C. Shengli, & H. Sakaguchi (Eds.), The Palgrave handbook of global social work education (pp. 251–275). Springer Nature. https:// www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030399658, ISBN 978-3-030-39966-5. Sadzaglishvili, S., Scharf, S., & Kalandadze, T. (2018, January). Descriptive study of roofless people in the post Soviet Georgia. Journal of Sociological Research, 1948–5468, 9(1). https:// doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v9i1.12179 Shatberashvili, N. (2011). Situational analysis of social work: Georgia. Georgian Association of Social Workers. http://www.gasw.org/docs/Soc%20Mushaobis%20Situaciuri%20 Analizi%20-­GASW.pdf. Accessed 24 Nov 2015 Social Service Agency. (2013) About us. http://ssa.gov.ge/index.php?lang_id=ENG&sec_id=14. Accessed 27 Dec 2014. Tobis, D. (2000). Moving from residential institutions to community-based social services in Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. World Bank. Uehara, E., Flynn, M., Fong, R., Brekke, J., Barth, R. P., Coulton, C., et al. (2013). Grand challenges for social work. Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research, 4, 165–169.

Part II

Indigenous Social Work: Curriculum and Pedagogy

Chapter 6

Indigenizing the Social Work Curriculum: Why It Matters and How to Start? Donalee Unal

Introduction Within the past 15 years, there has been increasing impetus in academic institutions and social work departments in the United States to indigenize the curriculum. As early as 1972, national and international social work educators recognized the importance of indigenizing the curriculum for culturally relevant practice (Tanemura Morelli et al., 2013). The process of indigenizing the social work curriculum need not be overwhelming and minor additions to the curriculum and individual syllabi can be taken to introduce Native epistemologies and ontologies in individual practice, policy, and research classes. Implementation of these epistemologies and ontologies is within the guidelines of the professional social work standards set by the Council for Social Work Education (CSWE) and is explained further in this chapter. The CSWE is the national association in the United States that oversees social work education. In addition, implementing Native epistemologies and ontologies can increase a department’s commitment to social justice. The author, while working on her PhD, discovered the lack of strength-based narratives that featured Native voices in the social work curriculum. Often, the actions Natives are taking to create constructive change in their communities go ignored or are lost amidst the grim health disparities and social needs that exist in Native communities. Cree scholar Wilson (2008) expressed that little research has been done with Indigenous people about well-being while much has been done on Indigenous people about poor health. As a result, there is a gap in the social work knowledge base about Native people from a strength-based perspective and, therefore, the need to take steps to indigenize the social work curriculum. This D. Unal (*) Department of Public Health Sciences, Penn State College of Medicine, Hershey, PA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_6

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chapter presents an outsider’s understanding in hopes that social work educators will take on the challenge of indigenizing their curriculum. Because this is written from an outsider’s perspective, it does not discuss any cultural aspects of any given tribal nation and references Native scholars and their work as much as possible. It is important to understand each tribal nation is unique, and culture varies among tribal nations and even among individual Native members. It is important to acknowledge that while members of these nations may be collectively referred to as Natives, they are not a homogenous group (Eschiti, 2004; Gray & Rose, 2012; Walters et al., 2002).

Social Work Education Statistics give evidence as to why it is essential to not only indigenize the social work curriculum but to provide knowledge to social work students about Native people. For many people residing in the United States, Native individuals are imagined rather than understood. One of the reasons for this is that they comprise a very small portion (2.9%) of the entire U.S. population (U.S. Census, 2021). Therefore, in some parts of the country, few people have ever had any contact with Native people, much less knowingly had a conversation with a Native person. According to Echo Hawk (2021), 78% of Americans have little to no knowledge about Natives. This is not surprising when one considers only 14 states have Native populations greater than 100,000 (Leavitt et al., 2015). Secondly, with so small a population, there are few Native people in positions of educational, financial, and political power. For example, there are only six Native members in the 117th U.S. Congress, whereas there are 59 African Americans and 46 Latino members. All six of the Native representatives are members of the House of Representatives (Pew Research Center, 2021). However, with the appointment of Deb Haaland (Pueblo Laguna), as the 54th Secretary of the Interior, there is more public awareness of Native people and their positive contributions to Native sovereignty and society in general. In the field of education, there is a lack of Native teachers. In 2010–2011, the total number of public school teachers in the United States was 3,385,200. Of that total, 81.9% were White, 7.8% were Hispanic, 6.8% were Black, and only 0.5% were Native (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). According to the National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics (2019), in 2016, Hispanics or Latinos earned 13.5% of science and 10% of engineering bachelor’s degrees; Black or African American students 9% of science and 4% of engineering bachelor’s degrees, and Native students 0.5% of science, and 0.3% of engineering bachelor’s degrees; by contrast, 56% of bachelor’s degrees in science and engineering were awarded to White students. Under-representation of Native people is also prevalent in social work education. The Council on Social Work Education’s Task Force on Native Americans in Social Work found that, in accredited social work programs, full-time Native students comprised 1% of all undergraduate students, 1% of all master’s level students, and

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1.5% of all doctoral students (CSWE, 2017). The number of Native faculty in social work is also small. According to the CSWE (2015a, b), 65.6% of full-time social work faculty were White compared to 15.8% Black or African American, 6.8% Hispanic, and 0.9% Native. As illustrated, there is a scarcity of Natives represented in positions of power and education, which then can lead to a lack of exposure to Natives and knowledge of them. Social work educators are ideally situated to teach how the principles of cultural competence and social justice can be applied to work with Native people. Social work educators have the responsibility to prepare students for culturally competent practice as mandated by the Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS) (CSWE 2015a, b), as well as in the National Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics (National Association of Social Workers, 2021) and the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015). Specifically, the 2021 amendment to the National Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics 1.05 (c) Cultural Competence states: social workers should demonstrate awareness and cultural humility by engaging in critical self-reflection (understanding their own bias and engaging in self-correction); recognizing clients as experts of their own culture; committing to life-long learning; and holding institutions accountable for advancing cultural humility. (p. 1)

However, the dominant social work model of education that is used in institutions of higher learning primarily results in students being socialized into Western epistemologies and ontologies, making social work a part of the colonization process (Gray et  al., 2013). Therefore, both social work educators and students need to know how to critically question standard social work practice theories to be able to deem if a particular practice is ethical for the population they are serving. Social work educators have a duty to prepare students for culturally competent practice but not without undertaking a serious introspection into what has been regarded as standard social work theory (Choate, 2019). Because content on Native people and communities is often minimal or nonexistent in the social work curriculum, despite the CSWE and NASW mandates for cultural competence, the study of the oppression and discrimination of minority people should include the history of these people. It is also important to include contemporary perspectives of Native scholars such as social work professor Hiliary Weaver. Dr. Weaver is Lakota and has lived much of her adult life in the Haudenosaunee territory in Western New York. Significantly, her work focuses on the importance of culture in helping processes with a particular focus on Indigenous people. The study of the history of federal government involvement with Natives is essential in any social work program. This is because there is a long and harrowing history of social work, including the social work profession participating in settler colonialism (Cowling, 2018; Laurila, 2018). Even today, social workers are linked to the over-representation of Native children in the child welfare system and with the disproportionately high numbers of Native people in the prison system (Laurila, 2018). The lack of cultural understanding of Native epistemologies and ontologies has been and continues to be destructive to these people and their culture (Cowling,

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2018). This can be mitigated by including content throughout the social work curriculum about Native people. For example, in a social welfare policy course, social work students should learn about the policies that harmed Native people in the United States, policies such as ones that have removed Native children from their home and placed them in Indian residential boarding schools, transracial adoptions, and the involuntary sterilization of Native women. At the same time, social work students should learn about those policies that aim to help Native communities, such as the Indian Child Welfare Act (Weaver & Congress, 2009). Including content on the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) is crucial because it is a key piece of federal legislation that helps tribal nations maintain their culture and keep their communities intact. Furthermore, ICWA is considered the “gold standard” in child welfare practice by a coalition of 18 national child advocacy organizations. ICWA empowers child welfare systems to follow best practices and treat Native children fairly. Therefore, it is necessary for all social workers to have a rudimentary understanding of this legislation (National Indian Child Welfare Association [NICWA], n.d.). It is also essential to include content on ICWA because most Native people think of social workers in their capacity of removing Native children. Historically and still to some extent today, social workers in the United States play a significant role in removing Native children from their families and communities (Weaver & Congress, 2009). Courses in human behavior and social environments also provide opportunities for the inclusion of content on Native individuals and communities. These courses present the opportunity to introduce Native traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), which is the relationship and connection that Native people have with their land and all creation. Although the word traditional has the connotation of repeating actions gained from past knowledge, this is not what TEK means for Native people. TEK involves making observations and comparing those observations with what has been taught. TEK requires modifications of current activities if the activities from the past are no longer viable. Therefore, TEK is perpetually evolving and requires a dynamic way of thinking about the world. This means TEK is always in use as well as in flux (Battiste, 2007; Hill et  al., 2010; Pierotti & Wildcat, 2000; Schultz et al., 2016). TEK is a spatial orientation as opposed to the Western temporal orientation. Having a spatial orientation allows Native people to acknowledge that there are always new experiences and knowledge to be gained. This differs from the Western temporal orientation that is rooted in the written word, for example, ancient Greek philosophers, the Bible, and the Koran, which are thousands of years old and remain unchanged (Battiste, 2007; Hill et al., 2010; Pierotti & Wildcat, 2000; Schultz et al., 2016). TEK is derived from a Native’s daily life that is composed of the physical, biological, and spiritual environment. For Native people, TEK means that humans, plants, and the cosmos are all part of a connected relationship. This knowledge requires them to vigorously observe and then to offer those observations in stories and interactions while simultaneously maintaining appropriate relationships with all things and all people in the world (Battiste, 2007; Pierotti & Wildcat, 2000; Schultz et al., 2016).

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While there is a spiritual orientation to TEK, it also includes the idea of community membership. Because TEK is bound by physical location, all facets of physical space (animals, plants, and landforms) are thought to be part of the community. The importance of TEK is that it provides Native people with the wisdom of how to care for one’s self, family, community, and the planet. This is in contrast to Western European political and social thought, where it is thought that humans are autonomous and in control of the world (Pierotti & Wildcat, 2000; Schultz et al., 2016). The inclusion of content on Native people and their communities can further be achieved by introducing materials that revolve around the Indian residential schools and how this environment was instrumental in shaping individual behavior along with the negative intergenerational effects of those schools. Thus, providing social work students and practitioners with an understanding of the root of what may at first look like “dysfunctional” behavior on the part of individuals and families but have emerged as a result of conquest and colonization not individual pathology (Choate, 2019; Gray, et al., 2013; Ives & Loft, 2013; Tamburro, 2013). Content on historical trauma and its impact on Native populations should be included with the material on Indian residential schools because those two entities are related. However, it should be understood that attendance at Indian residential schools is not the only factor contributing to historical trauma. It is just one of many factors contributing to the historical and intergenerational trauma of Native people. Also, the positive aspects that help shape behavior, such as traditions, language, ceremonies, and elders, should be included in the social work curriculum because many Native people today are thriving and creating construction changes in their communities (Weaver & Congress, 2009). Additionally, a social work education must prepare students to enter the profession, comprehending the intersectionality of theory, practice, and the real world of the clients they will be serving. Therefore, a social work education should include an exploration of standard theory and its applicability to the population they will be serving. Critical thinking and classroom discussion about standard theories such as attachment theory, family systems theory, and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory can give rise to the awareness that leads to the deconstruction of parts of those theories that uphold colonialization. For example, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model was not how Canadian elders involved in a project exploring First Nations parenting would draw the model. These elders did not see this perspective as inclusive and felt a diagram of a spider web was a better depiction because all the interconnected parts act in unison (Choate, 2019). This aspect of a social work student’s education can provide an alternative to the Western Eurocentric perspectives of history and culture (Tamburro, 2013). Lindstrom and Choate (2016) found that definitions of family, parenting, caregiving, attachment, and family systems for Blackfoot Confederacy elders in southern Alberta, Canada were far different than those of the colonial-settler society. Additionally, the genogram, a commonly used tool in social work education, does not reflect how Native systems see families (Choate et al., 2020). Choate et al. argued that the mainstream social work curriculum fails to provide its students with diverse perspectives and ways of knowing, resulting in the perpetuation of colonization.

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Social work educators need to identify what Tamburro (2013) called “null curriculum” (p.  11), what is not included in each component of the curriculum. All courses (policy, research, practice, ethics, and human behavior) should incorporate and introduce Native epistemologies and ontologies. Including historical context and contemporary perspectives can aid in decolonizing social work education and practice while enhancing a student’s ability to think in nontraditional non-Western ways. This gives the social worker additional skills to more effectively interact with diverse populations. Tamburro (2013) offered that this approach can also inform social work with African Americans and Indigenous Hispanics because these groups have also been oppressed and negatively impacted by colonialization. The first step in becoming a culturally competent social work practitioner or educator begins with recognizing that one cannot truly become culturally competent. It is a life-long process. Therefore, the first step in this process is to recognize and celebrate cultural diversity. It also requires honesty and critical self-reflection. This self-reflection should involve the acknowledgement that non-Western and non-scientific frameworks and worldviews are significant and valid (Coates, 2013). This will necessitate social work educators to move away from the one size fits all approach that Western Eurocentric knowledge and practice applies to all people (Ives & Loft, 2013). Coates (2013) argued that the beginning of a “critical consciousness” starts with the admission that one has been colonized and, as a result, “one’s life has been dramatically distorted” (p. 72). After accepting that one has been colonialized, the next step is to examine what decolonization of the self looks like. Dempsey and O (2003) defined decolonization of the self as “taking responsibility for the fact that the ways we chose to live often sustain oppressive ideology” (p. 19). Understanding decolonization of the self is a process of becoming aware (Gray, et al., 2013). This awareness includes understanding that colonialization did not end with the demise of the British empire. Awareness further includes understanding that the ideologies of colonialization permeate almost every aspect of our daily lives. For example, Dempsey and O (2003) argued that media institutions are the most powerful colonial force in today’s world, and a critical examination of who controls the dissemination of information is one aspect of the decolonialization of the self. This awareness ties into the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015). Standard 2 is self-awareness, where social workers need to be aware of their cultural identities and those of others. Another component of awareness is the investigation into those histories that are not readily accessible (Dempsey & O, 2003). This relates to Standard 3, cross-­ cultural knowledge, where social workers continue to develop specialized knowledge of various cultural groups, including tribal groups. Also, Standard 3 states that part of the specialized knowledge is the history of the various cultural groups. Most social work educators and students have gone through the educational system in the United States, learning the narratives of the dominant society. Those narratives include the “discovery” of American through manifest destiny, the ideals of capitalism, and freedom at any cost. However, the United States is also built on untold narratives about stolen Native land, genocide, forced removal, and Indian residential schools (Echo Hawk, 2021). Because these stories go untold, it is possible that Native people are invisible to social work students and educators. For

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example, a study by Reclaiming Native Truth (2018) found 78% of Americans know little to nothing about Natives. In addition, 87% of schools do not teach about Native people past 1900. Astonishingly, a significant percentage of Americans were unsure if Native people still existed (Echo Hawk, 2021). These facts alone give strong support for indigenizing the social work curriculum and justification for a specific course on the Native population. A dedicated course on the Native population would help students to develop a better understanding of the people and their cultures. Social work educators, students, and practitioners should develop a historical perspective about what happened to Native people in the United States. This is necessary to be able to understand that some current personal behaviors have emerged as a result of colonization and endure today because of ongoing colonization not because of individual pathology (Choate, 2019; Gray, et  al., 2013; Ives & Loft, 2013). Dakota historian Cavender Wilson (2004) states: When considering the plethora of social problems facing Indigenous communities today (including poverty, chemical dependency, depression, suicide, family violence, and disease), it is profoundly clear that these are the devastating consequences of conquest and colonization. For Indigenous nations, these problems were largely absent prior to the European and American invasion and destruction of everything to us. A reaffirmation of Indigenous epistemological and ontological foundations, then in contemporary times, offers a central form of resistance to the colonial forces that have consistently and methodically denigrated and silenced them (p. 71). Therefore, social work education should include an exploration, both through the eyes of the colonizer and colonized, of how colonization continues today (Coates, 2013). Significantly, for social work educators, the study of colonialization and decolonization cannot be viewed as an embellishment to a class or a rewriting of a syllabus. In order for future social workers to be equipped to practice from a decolonization perspective, the social work curriculum should provide an alternative to the Eurocentric perspective. Such an approach would include drawing on Native knowledge. Tamburro (2013) stressed that social work practice is made stronger when there are multiple points of view. Also, Tamburro wrote that it has been shown that the introduction of personal stories into the curriculum is a very effective way to sensitize students to social justice issues and create cultural change. One way to do this is to arrange to have a Native individual speak to the class. Hearing a Native individual speak about their perspective on transracial adoption or boarding school can give insight to social work students about the lived experiences of a Native person. A decolonization approach to social work in academia would affirm that Native epistemologies and ontologies have a place in social work curricula (Ives & Loft, 2013). The social work profession in academia is uniquely positioned to bring together educators from diverse disciplines to address colonization and decolonization from an interdisciplinary perspective. Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit, Brayboy, 2005) is connected to the study of colonialization and decolonization in that it offers educators a way to think about both colonization and racism. It can be used as a means for challenging dominant views while providing a foundation from which to begin a conversation in the classroom about colonization and racism. Importantly, TribalCrit brings attention to the

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fact that Native people are a political group. This is essential for people, and not only social workers, to understand as it has implications for government policy. Significantly, those government policies impact the everyday life of Native people and those social workers working with Native people. TribalCrit is derived from Critical Race Theory (CRT); as such, there are commonalities in their epistemologies and ontologies. However, the difference lies in their basic premise. Whereas the basic tenet of CRT is that racism is endemic in society, with TribalCrit, colonization is endemic in society. Brayboy (2005) referred to colonization as the “European American thought, knowledge, and power structure” (p. 430), which is found in and dominates today’s society in the United States. According to Brayboy, CRT does not address the specific needs of Native people because “it does not address American Indians’ liminality as both legal/political and racialized beings or the experience of colonization” (p.  428). While Lumbee tribal citizen Brayboy (2005) developed Tribal Critical Race Theory to “expose the inconsistencies in structural systems and institutions-like colleges and universities and make the situation better for Indigenous students” (p. 441), all tenets of the theory are applicable to social work education because they can be applied to understanding the lived realities and narratives of Natives. TribalCrit moves away from the Western ideas of culture, knowledge, and power by offering and advancing the ontologies and epistemologies of Natives that have existed for thousands of years. Briefly, Brayboy’s (2005) nine tenets of TribalCrit are as follows: 1 . Colonization is endemic to society. 2. U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples are rooted in imperialism, White supremacy, and a desire for material gain. 3. Indigenous peoples occupy a liminal space that accounts for both the political and racialized natures of our identities. 4. Indigenous peoples have a desire to obtain and forge tribal sovereignty, tribal autonomy, self-determination, and self-identification. 5. The concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on new meanings when examined through an Indigenous lens. 6. Government policies and educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are intimately linked around the problematic goal of assimilation. 7. Tribal philosophies, beliefs, customs, traditions, and visions for the future are central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples, but they also illustrate the differences and adaptability among individuals and groups. 8. Stories are not separate from theory; they make up theory and are, therefore, real and legitimate sources of data and ways of being. 9. Theory and practice are connected in deep and explicit ways such that scholars must work toward social change. (p. 430) Brayboy (2005) argued that TribalCrit incorporates the ambiguity that Natives must navigate of being both “legal/political and racialized beings” (p.428) simultaneously along with the colonization experience while allowing for a more fluid reality as opposed to a single fixed reality. Additionally, the tenets comprising TribalCrit have the ability to support core constructs in social work, such as the

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biopsychosocial perspective, the person-in-environment framework, self-determination, and social justice. For example, tenets five and seven capture the essence of the biopsychosocial perspective and person-in-environment framework, whereas tenet four speaks directly to self-determination and tribal sovereignty. Tenet eight has applicability for research methods classes.

Preparation for Social Work Practice Traditionally, social work students receive an education entrenched in European history and Eurocentric values, resulting in these students as social work professionals practicing dominate society norms. Lacking knowledge outside these norms has historically caused harm to Native people (Cowling, 2018). In her work, First Nations Anishinaabe kwe Absolon (2010) provided an overall framework using concentric circles and the four directional circles to establish a knowledge set for Indigenous social work practice based on Indigenous wholistic theory. According to Absolon, “Indigenous wholistic theory is cyclical, circular, and wholistic” (p. 85). Absolon further indicated this theory is a necessary knowledge set for social work practice. It is multifaceted, which embraces the spiritual, emotional, mental, and physical elements of being. Moving around the directional circle, Absolon discussed some elements related to each direction, eventually coming to the point where all components intersect. Using this framework can aid social workers in understanding Native peoples’ experiences. However, it is important to acknowledge that circle teachings are diverse, and representations of the circle can look different depending on the context and tribal nation. Significantly, Absolon stated this theory “forms a framework to ‘indigenize’ our thoughts and actions into active healing processes that simultaneously decolonize and indigenize” (p. 74). In addition, Lakota social work scholar Hilary Weaver (1999) discussed best practices for working toward culturally informed social work practice with Native people. The three categories she listed are: (1) knowledge, (2) skills, and (3) values. In her 1998 article, Weaver provided an in-depth discussion of the four areas of knowledge needed for culturally competent practice with Native people: (1) history, (2) citizenship, (3) cultural identity, and (4) sovereignty. These areas can be incorporated into various social work classes.

History The education of social work students about Native people is an important component in their education because some past practices were destructive to many Native communities. For example, they were involved in forced removal of Native children from their homes against their will. In some Native communities today, social work is still synonymous with forcible removal of Native children from their homes (Ives & Loft, 2013).

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Moreover, finding in-depth information and gaining knowledge about the history of these people and their losses is feasible. When working with Native people and, indeed, with all people whose marginalization is part of the U.S. story, the practitioner needs to be familiar with the general concepts of oppression, colonialism, and racism. Weaver (1998) stressed that practitioners should have some understanding of the historical losses all Native people have experienced. Included in this is gaining knowledge about the historical trauma and unresolved grief many Native people struggle with today as a result of disease, warfare, Indian residential schools, and the federal policy of forced removal from their ancestral homelands. This knowledge and understanding can aid the practitioner because their interventions may be looked upon by Native people with suspicion and mistrust. These reactions to the practitioner must be understood in the context that these can be instinctive outcomes and critical survival skills for Native people and for members of other groups that have experienced attempts at genocide (Weaver, 1998).

Citizenship The criteria of who is considered a Native varies among tribal nations. Each nation has its own requirements for membership. It is not the right of the federal government to determine who is a citizen and who is not of any given tribal nation. However, the federal government does have criteria for who qualifies as a Native American for the purpose of federal programs. The criteria usually include measures of blood quantum. However, it is important for the practitioner to know citizenship because the federal standards as to eligibility for services vary from program to program. Knowledge of citizenship relates to Standard 5, Service Delivery of the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015), which states the practitioner needs to have the ability to make culturally appropriate referrals and address gaps in service affecting specific cultural groups. Additionally, a practitioner needs to be knowledgeable about an individual who does not have citizenship because that individual may struggle with their sense of identity and self-esteem (Weaver, 1998).

Cultural Identity Social work students and practitioners must understand there are 574 federally recognized tribes in the United States and, despite a shared history of colonization, each tribal nation is unique and culture varies among tribal nations, and even among individual tribal members (Cidro et al., 2020). Therefore, it is essential to remember that they are people, not objects or commodities. Terms that use the word “people,” such as Native people, Indigenous people, First Nations people, are most suitable. However, it is best to use the name of a specific nation, such as Lakota, Mohawk,

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Oneida, when speaking about a specific nation. When working with individuals, it is best to ask the individual their preference for terms (Weaver, 1998). A survey by Weaver (2004) of Native social workers, nurses, and psychologists and their beliefs about culturally competent helping practices with Native clients found that culture, history, and diversity were important things to understand. Of those things, culture was identified as the most important to understand. According to Weaver (1998), the connection to land is deeply interwoven with Native culture, religion, values, and lifestyle. The loss of land results in the destruction of social cohesion because the connection to the land is a factor in the psychological foundation of Native people. Also, loss of land results in tremendous challenges for them to maintain their culture. However, practitioners need to know that not all Native people are connected to their culture, whereas some are connected to various degrees. The practitioner must be aware that some individuals can appear to be a part of the dominant society while still having maintained their cultural identity. It is easy to assume because one does not have easily identifiable characteristics or phenotypical features, they are not Native. Practitioners must be knowledgeable that appearances are not an accurate indication of cultural identity (Weaver, 1998). In order to plan and implement an appropriate cultural intervention, an assessment that includes cultural dimensions should be carried out. Unfortunately, most tools that access cultural identity do not work well with Native clients. This is because these assessments rely on language as the main indicator of attachment to language. Many Native people have lost their language abilities not by choice but through federal assimilation policies. Practitioners need to take this into consideration and search out the appropriate cultural identity assessment tool (Weaver, 1998). In addition, Absolon (2010) expressed that when social work practitioners continue to apply psychotherapeutic approaches that omit the social and political context of Native peoples’ realities that this practice continues to pathologize, diminish, and problematize Native people. Absolon along with Bonnie Duran (Opelousas/ Coushatta descendent) and Eduardo Duran (1995) discern the DSM should have a category recognizing the post-trauma effects of colonization and genocide. Social work educators need to identify to students those teachings that have resulted in the marginalization of Natives in contemporary society. In order to not adopt theories and methods of practice that only pathologize and problematize Native clients, educators themselves must be knowledgeable of the broader socio-political issues and historical context.

Sovereignty Social work students and practitioners need to have an understanding of sovereignty because the principles of sovereignty have played a critical role in the lives of all Native people from the time the European settlers stepped onto land in what is now known as North America. Throughout history, federal lawmakers have varyingly

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respected, ignored, terminated, and unilaterally modified the political and sovereign rights of tribal nations. Even today, the relationship between tribal nations and the federal government is a continuing contest over sovereignty (Wilkins & Lomawaima, 2001). Even within tribal nations, there are divisions over the meaning of sovereignty (Weaver, 1998). At the time of the arrival of the European settlers, Native people were distinct tribes representing their own nations and having their own culture and set of laws (Ford, 2010). These distinct cultures and laws – that were in existence long before the arrival of European settlers – together constitute what is known as tribal sovereignty, which is inherent and ancient (Cobb, 2005; Coffey & Tsosie, 2001). Inherent sovereignty can be described as the sovereignty originally experienced by the tribal nations prior to European contact (Moss, 2010). Significantly, inherent sovereignty is not contingent on any grant, gift, or recognition of the federal government (Cobb, 2005; Coffey & Tsosie, 2001). For Native people, there are two dimensions to sovereignty, an external and an internal understanding. At the core, the external understanding revolves around territory and jurisdiction with the goal of reaching an accord between national sovereignty and tribal sovereignty. This is attempted through federal Indian law and policy. The internal understanding of Native sovereignty revolves around three predominant features: (1) land, (2) culture, and (3) community (Tsosie, 2001). It is important to expose social work students to the Western and Native concepts of sovereignty because tribal sovereignty has implications for the delivery of social services to Native people. Practitioners who work for the state need to know if their agencies have jurisdiction over local Native children. All practitioners need to be knowledgeable about the Indian Child Welfare Act, as the principle of sovereignty has been strengthened by this act. Also, sovereignty accords tribal nations the power to make and enforce their own laws through tribal police and courts. This can affect a practitioner’s client involvement in domestic violence situations, probation, parole, and other legal matters (Weaver, 1998). The practitioner needs to develop the ability to navigate federal trust responsibilities, tribal politics, and organizations (Cowling, 2018). This relates to Standard 5, Service Delivery, of the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015), where social workers need to be able to make culturally appropriate referrals within both formal and informal networks. Included in Standard 5 is the need for social workers to be aware of and work to address service gaps affecting specific cultural groups. In addition, Standard 5 states that social workers need to have knowledge and skills in the use of services, resources, and institutions along with having the ability to serve multicultural communities.

Skills There has been criticism about social work programs because they primarily provide a Eurocentric perspective that does not reflect the political, cultural, or social realities of Native people. Therefore, the program does not prepare students with

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adequate skills to work with these communities. This can be corrected by providing students with a range of pedagogical approaches, including teaching from community Elders. It is beneficial for students to have a contextual understanding of Native histories, political, economic, social, legal, and health issues, whether they will or will not work with a Native community. According to Ives and Loft (2013), “lack of contextual knowledge could be ascribed to colonization, contemporary institutional structures and policies, and media, all creating barriers and nurturing cultural misconceptions and stereotyping for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples” (p. 240). Importantly, Weaver (1999) stated that culturally competent skills for working with Native people are not fundamentally different from those that are required for general practice, making it easy to include these skills in practice classes. In addition to general skills, Weaver states that “containment skills” (p. 221) are needed and identified as active listening, tolerating silence, and patience. The practitioner needs to refrain from speaking or feeling the need to fill in the silence. Also, important is the ability to transcend one’s own worldview (Cowling, 2018). This relates directly to Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015) Standard 4, which is cross-cultural skills, requiring social workers to have a wide variety of skills (micro, mezzo, and macro) and techniques that show they understand the significance of culture in practice, policy, and research.

Values Lastly, Weaver (1999) discussed values. Ethics and values are the first Standard found in Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015). Rowe et  al. (2015) expressed that social justice “informs social work ethics as a philosophy, its practice as an outcome, and its research as a methodological framework” (p.  305). Weaver (1999) indicated social justice was a needed value for culturally competent social work practice and as a value included decolonization and the recognition of oppression. Weaver defined decolonization as “recognizing, then shedding, the mindset associated with colonial processes by which one culture subjugates another and defines it as inferior” (p. 222). Weaver (1999) wrote that practitioners must go beyond being respectful, open-­ minded, and withholding judgement. She suggested that humility, as a value, meant the willingness to learn and be continually educated by your clients. Social work practitioners must understand, acknowledge, and support that the rights of Native people are not race-based but based on laws and legislation. For practitioners to have this understanding, the social work curriculum should include basic lessons on tribal sovereignty. Above all, practitioners should be committed to the concept of tribal sovereignty and through their work further their client’s self-determination and tribal self-determination.

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Field Placement When feasible and where available, a social work department needs to offer field placement on reservations or in urban community agencies that are specifically designed to serve Native populations. Often these agencies serve a diverse group of Native people as opposed to a specific tribal nation. This gives social work students real-life exposure to diverse Native cultures.

Social Work Policy Standard 6 of the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015) is empowerment and advocacy, which includes participation in the development and implementation of policies and practices that empower and advocate for those marginalized and oppressed. Dakota historian Angela Cavender Wilson (2004) and First Nations Anishinaabe kwe Absolon (2010) stated that using and applying Indigenous theory to practice requires a knowledge set of the social and political policies and practices of Native people. However, historically and to some degree today, social work with Native people and communities has stressed assimilation as opposed to empowerment and social justice. For example, social workers have played a significant part in removing a great number of Native children from their families and communities. Social workers and the helping professions in general have pathologized people when their behavior did not conform to dominant society norms, resulting in social workers being viewed as an extension of colonization. Even today, Native people have a negative image of social workers because interventions and social polices tend to be culturally insensitive. Most social work practice focuses on a micro level rather than a macro, neglecting Standard 6 (Weaver, 2000). This can change. However, before that can happen, social work educators, students, and practitioners first must have a full understanding of what social justice means to Native people. According to Weaver (2000), “social justice in a Native American context means challenging the colonial structures and mindset that undermine sovereignty and self-determination” (p. 15). Individually, all social workers, including students, can implement traditional advocacy efforts such as letter writing and voting, community organizing, and methods that challenge U.S. and state government structures (Weaver, 2000). Letter writing about causes of importance to Native people and communities can be included as a class requirement in a social welfare policy class. Information about voter registration can be made available in every social work class. All social work educators, students, and practitioners can critically evaluate media sources. This can be implemented as a student assignment and/or a class discussion. As individual social workers, we can challenge any false narrative that is found in those media stories by contacting the reporter or writing a letter to the editor.

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Social work classes can foster a student’s ability to speak up against false or deficit narratives. However, for this to be achieved, social work students need a basic education in the history of Native people. This need exist because the history of Native people beyond 1900 is usually not taught in the U.S. school systems. Therefore, most students enter high learning institutions without the knowledge of contemporary Native people and the issues surrounding them. As scholars and educators, we can use available resources to learn more about Native people and the current issues they face, thereby equipping us as educators to better inform our students (Echo Hawk, 2021; Reclaiming Native Truth, 2018; Weaver, 2000). According to a 2020 poll by The College Fix, 73% of college students want Columbus Day replaced by Indigenous Peoples’ Day  (Kabbany, 2020). This is something all social work departments can undertake in conjunction with other university departments for a truly interdisciplinary and experiential learning experience for all students. In order to organize such a day, students and educators first need to educate themselves about whose land they are on, the history of Native people, and the current issues of Native people. This aspect brings in Standards 2 and 3 of the Standards and Indicators for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice (NASW, 2015). Standard 2 is self-awareness, where social workers need to be aware of their cultural identities and those of others, and Standard 3 is cross-­ cultural knowledge, where social workers continue to develop specialized knowledge of various cultural groups, including tribal groups. Significantly, such an event involves advocacy, which is addressed in Standard 6. A more in-depth celebration of Native people and communities can take place on university campuses during Native American Heritage Month in November. In 1990 President George H.  W. Bush approved a joint resolution designating November 1990 “National American Indian Heritage Month.” Similar proclamations, under various names, including “Native American Heritage Month” and “National American Indian and Alaska Native Heritage Month” have been issued each year since 1994 (Library of Congress, n.d.). During Native American Heritage Month in November, social work departments in collaboration with other departments can hold events honoring Native people. For example, a university can organize a campus read event with a book written by a Native author. This event engages the entire university campus and possibly includes the community through a common reading experience that fosters dialog, critical thinking, and university-wide participation. There are many Native-written books to choose from that are worthy of this event. Depending on resources, the event could culminate with the book’s author giving a reading and leading a discussion. Other ideas for Native American Heritage Month would be showing films featuring Natives with a discussion to follow or a Native speaker. As demonstrated, implementing Standard 6 can be as simple as a letter-writing campaign or more involved by holding an Indigenous Peoples’ Day. All these activities require planning and work but are feasible when undertaken by social work departments in colleges and universities. Not only does this show Native people are “still here,” but it provides social work students with actually examples of social work advocacy in action.

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Social Work Research The subject of research in the social work curriculum is addressed in Competency 4: Engage in practice-informed research and research-informed practice in CSWE’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS) (CSWE, 2015a, b). In order for this mandate to be fulfilled, social work educators need to include content on Indigenous methodologies in research courses. According to Singh and Major (2017), Indigenous methodologies have become a reputable part of qualitative research and are increasingly being used by both Native and non-Native researchers. However, social work educators and researchers must be cognizant that this means more than just putting the word Indigenous in front of Western research concepts (Kovach, 2010). Also, this does not mean rejecting or opposing Western research concepts and ideologies. Both Western and Indigenous methodologies can work together (Singh & Major, 2017). Narrative research is one of five Western qualitative standard approaches discussed by Creswell (2013) and is an example where Western and Indigenous methodologies work together. Also, it is the methodological approach most often associated with Indigenous research because the participant tells the story in their own words. This is closely linked to the tradition of oral storytelling found in Native communities. Moreover, oral storytelling in these communities is used in traditional knowledge sharing (Snow, 2018). While narratives are individual accounts, they have the ability to provide ways to understand Native epistemologies and ontologies. Yellowknife Dene scholar Stewart (2009) wrote that narrative inquiry is a way to integrate Indigenous epistemologies, such as storytelling, into the research process as a means of data collection. Four major paradigms, positivism, post-positivism, critical, and constructivist theory, are commonly used with the Eurocentric dominant way of teaching research methods and conducting research (Chilisa, 2020; Dumbrill & Green, 2008; Kovach, 2010.) For example, in the twentieth century, qualitative research was greatly impacted by positivism and, most notably, ethnographic research. With this type of ethnographic research, Native culture was depicted as exotic and Natives as “other.” The research was extractive and, frequently, the knowledge gained from the research was not shared with the Native individuals or tribes involved (Kovach, 2010). Kovach is not convinced that this type of research is in the past. She wrote that while critical theory and postmodern analysis had made room for representation, voice, and numerous truths, Western thought nevertheless pervades research and has yet to be completely challenged by the academy. She concluded by writing “Indigenous communities are being examined by non-Indigenous academics who pursue Western research on Western terms” (p. 28). Additionally, these theories have the ability to serve as current-day dynamics of colonization. This in turn can lead to further oppression, marginalization, and colonization. Significantly, an Indigenous paradigm focuses on the concept of relational methodology (Stewart, 2009). So, when using the narrative method of inquiry, the

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narrative becomes a connection between the storyteller and the listener, with a relationship developing between the one sharing the story and the one listening. First Nations Pasqua scholar Kovach (2019) articulated that, contrary to Western research that tends to disapprove of the relational because of possible bias, Indigenous ­methodologies support the relational as essential to their core epistemologies. Furthermore, Kovach asserted, “Indigenous paradigm centres Indigenous knowledge” (p. 127). Wilson (2001) defined Indigenous methodology as “talking about relational accountability” which means “as a researcher you are answering to all your relations when you are doing research” (p. 177). He continued with writing that as a researcher “you are not answering questions about validity or reliability or making judgments of better or worse,” instead “you must be gaining knowledge to fulfill your part of the research relationship” (p.  177). Going further, Kovach (2019) offered that when stories are shared the relationship grows and develops, allowing both parties to become involved in a joint process or “collaborative storytelling” (p. 127). With an Indigenous paradigm, there is an understanding that knowledge is relational and shared with all creation as opposed to a dominant paradigm where knowledge is individual and, consequently, can be owned (Hill et al., 2010; Wilson, 2008). It is important to recognize that Indigenous research methods are fluid, dynamic, and interdisciplinary (Cidro et al., 2020; Pidgeon, 2019). While this research method is less reliant on Western-dominated approaches to inquiry, it does not exclude them. With Indigenous research, Western approaches are used when suitable (Cidro et al., 2020). Including content on Indigenous research methodologies in research methods classes aids in decolonizing research. Simonds and Christopher (2013) define decolonizing research as a “process for conducting research with Indigenous communities that places Indigenous voices and epistemologies in the center of the research process” (p. 2185). Indigenous scholars have written that because colonialization continues, research needs to describe the effects of colonialization and importantly, further decolonization (Getty, 2010). It is not difficult to introduce Indigenous methodologies into research courses as there are readily available and accessible peer-reviewed articles and books on this subject. It also has value and relates to other social work classes because it allows the students a view into Native epistemologies and ontologies. Oral histories of Native people have often been ignored as a source of knowledge. It would be beneficial to learn their interpretations and perspectives on history. Natives have a long history of oral tradition, and it would be valuable to capture their stories. Not only are these stories a source of entertainment, but they also offer moral principles by which one should live. There needs to be a greater understanding and acceptance of Indigenous methodology in academia. This can happen when Indigenous methodologies are introduced and taught in social work research classes. There is so much social work students can learn from this type of research methodology.

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Conclusion In a speech, Nelson Mandela (2003) said, “education is the most powerful weapon you can use to change the world.” Social work education is uniquely positioned to do just that. Social work education has the ability to close the gap between professional ideals and the reality of social work practice with Native people. In the past, much of the social work literature on Native issues has come from a deficit approach, with the attention focused on clinical work. The need for social justice and societal change has been overlooked (Weaver & Congress, 2009; Voss, et al., 1999). This gap can be filled through education. Social work educators have the responsibility to teach students about Native history, current perspectives, issues, and advocacy from a strength-based approach that has the ability to support Native people and further their well-being.

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National Association of Social Workers. (2015). Standards and indicators for cultural competence in social work practice. https://www.socialworkers.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=7dVckZAY Umk%3d&portalid=0 National Association of Social Workers. (2021). Code of ethics for the national association of social workers. http://www.socialworkers.org/pubs/code/code.asp. National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Table 1. Total number of public school teachers and percentage distribution of school teachers, by race/ethnicity and state: 2011–12. https:// nces.ed.gov/surveys/sass/tables/sass1112_2013314_t1s_001.asp National Indian Child Welfare Association. (n.d.). Setting the record straight: Indian Child Welfare Act fact sheet. https://www.nicwa.org/wp-­content/uploads/2018/10/Setting-­the-­Record-­ Straight-­2018.pdf Pew Research Center. (2021). Racial, ethnic diversity increases yet again with the 117th Congress. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-­t ank/2021/01/28/racial-­e thnic-­d iversity-­i ncreases-­ yet-­again-­with-­the-­117th-­congress/ Pidgeon, M. (2019). Moving between theory and practice within an Indigenous research paradigm. Qualitative Research, 19(4), 418–436. https://doi.org/10.1177/1468794118781380 Pierotti, R., & Wildcat, D. (2000). Traditional ecological knowledge: The third alternative. Ecological Applications, 10(5), 1333–1340. Reclaiming Native Truth. (2018). Changing the narrative about Native Americans: A guide for allies. https://www.rnt.firstnations.org Rowe, S., Baldry, E., & Earles, W. (2015). Decolonizing social work research: Learning from critical Indigenous approaches. Australian Social Work, 68(3), 296–308. https://doi.org/10.108 0/0312407X.2015.1024264 Schultz, K., Walters, K. L., Beltran, R., Stround, S., & Johnson-Jennings, M. (2016). I’m stronger than I thought: Native women reconnecting to body, health, and place. Health & Place, 40, 21–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2016.05.001 Simonds, V. W., & Christopher, S. (2013). Adapting Western research methods to Indigenous ways of knowing. American Journal of Public Health, 103(12), 2185–2192. Singh, M., & Major, J. (2017). Conducting Indigenous research in Western knowledge spaces: Aligning theory and methodology. Australian Education Research, 44, 5–19. https://doi. org/10.1007/s13384-­017-­0233-­z Snow, K. (2018). What does being a settler ally in research mean? A graduate students experience learning from and working within indigenous research paradigms. International journal of qualitative. Methods, 17, 1-11.https://. https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406918770485 Stewart, S. L. (2009). One Indigenous academic’s evolution: A personal narrative of Native health research and competing ways of knowing. First Peoples Child & Family Review, 4(1), 57–65. Tamburro, A. (2013). Including decolonization in social work education and practice. Journal of Indigenous Social Development, 2(1), 1–16. Tanemura Morelli, P. T., Mataira, P. J., & Malina Kaulukukui, C. (2013). Indigenizing the curriculum: The decolonization of social work education in Hawai’i. In M. Gray, J. Coates, M. Yellow Bird, & T. Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work (pp. 293–310). Routledge. United States Census Bureau. (2021). 2020 Census statistics highlight local population changes and nation’s racial and ethnic diversity. https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-­releases/2021/ population-­changes-­nations-­diversity.html Walters, K.  L., Simoni, J.  M., & Evans-Campbell, T. (2002). Substance use among American Indians and Alaska natives: Incorporating culture in an “Indigenist” stress-coping paradigm. Public Health Reports, 117(Suppl 1), S104–S117. Weaver, H. (1998). Indigenous people in a multicultural society: Unique issues for human services. Social Work, 43(3), 203–211. Weaver, H. (1999). Indigenous people and the social work profession: Defining culturally competent service. Social Work, 44(3), 217–225. Weaver, H. (2000). Activism and American Indian issues: Opportunities and roles for social workers. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 11(1), 3–22.

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Weaver, H. (2004). The elements of cultural competence. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 13(1), 19–35. https://doi.org/10.1300/J051v13n0102 Weaver, H., & Congress, E. (2009). Indigenous people in a landscape of risk: Teaching social work students about socially just social work responses. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 18, 166–179. https://doi.org/10.1080/1531320090290543 Wilkins, D. E., & Lomawaima, K. T. (2001). Uneven ground: American Indian sovereignty and federal law. University of Oklahoma Press. Wilson, S. (2001). What is an indigenous research methodology? Canadian Journal of Native Education, 25(2), 175–179. Wilson, S. (2008). Research is ceremony. Fernwood.

Chapter 7

Comparative Conceptions of Social Work: Context, Sources of Knowledge and the Professional Role in Scotland and Nigeria Richard Ingram, Susan Levy, and Uzoma Okoye

Introduction Social work has developed into a truly global profession and is practised in a myriad of cultural, societal and geographical contexts across the world. The social work profession can point to a shared international definition of the profession (IFSW, 2014) and strategic agenda for its development (IFSW, 2020) as a reflection of the increasing connectedness and visibility of the profession across boundaries. These developments combine, and hold in tension, the ambition to articulate shared values and ambitions for the profession that can be seen as universally understood and enshrined, alongside a crucial need to recognise the criticality required to identify and challenge assumptions of sources of knowledge and power (Mabvurira, 2020; Palattiyil et al., 2018). It is within this context that the focus on the place and importance of indigenous knowledge emerges. The definition of social work marries broad themes of social justice, social cohesion; societal and individual change; and human rights with an explicit recognition of the need for the incorporation of indigenous knowledge. This is further underlined in the IFSW Global Agenda 2020–30, which seeks to promote the inclusion of marginalised voices to co-produce the vision and purpose of the profession. Tascon and Ife (2019) note that such aspirations emerge from a period of sustained privileging of Western knowledge systems in the development of social work, and the active incorporation of indigenous knowledge and marginalised voices must be viewed within that imbalanced history. R. Ingram (*) · S. Levy University of Dundee, Dundee, Scotland, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] U. Okoye University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_7

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When discussing the proliferation and influence of knowledge locally and globally, it is important to consider the underlying concepts and terms at play. This chapter and book refer to the Global North and Global South. In the broader landscape of literature on these issues, other terms such as ‘Western’ emerge and are used interchangeably with Global North (Dirlik, 2007). For the purposes of this chapter, the Global North and South are defined and understood in the context of geographical, economic and colonial histories and more specifically in terms of the dominance of the knowledge systems from the Global North that have influenced and contributed to social work knowledge, education and practice in the Global South at the cost of knowledge systems that reflect the social and cultural context of the Global South. For example, the research project discussed in this chapter serves as a vehicle for exploring such issues and highlights the privileging of northern European and North American knowledge and theory in the development of social work in Nigeria (Levy et al., 2022). Additionally, the impact of such mono-directional mobility of knowledge can lead to a passive sense of certainty in terms of the knowledge base of the Global North and reduce the permeability of such knowledge systems to wider perspectives (Askeland & Payne, 2017). This chapter draws conclusions about indigenous knowledge and the global profile of social work and gives particular focus to the messages this holds for the Global North in terms of the nature, inclusiveness and future of social work knowledge. Dumbrill and Green (2008) describe indigenous knowledge as being traditional knowledge systems that are rooted in a specific context and geography. The identification of tradition here is crucial as it highlights the important history, culture and customs which shape current individual and societal issues and realities. Nnama-­ Okechukwu and McLaughlin (2022) in their exploration of indigenous knowledge is social work education in Nigeria note that indigenous knowledge does not only have its roots in tradition but is an ever-evolving phenomenon that reflects the lived realities and the complex issues that may be at play in any given context. It is argued that for social work services to be appropriate and impactful such knowledge needs to be present and visible. The emergence of a global mindset (Carter Anand & Das, 2019) and international connectedness in social work as described in the introduction to this chapter shines a light on the need to actively incorporate indigenous sources of knowledge and understanding into what we understand as the social work canon of knowledge. This inevitably requires the production and incorporation of such knowledge and crucially the disruption of implicit assumptions about the hegemony of knowledge from the Global North (Smith & Rasool, 2020; Tascon & Ife 2019). Gatiwiri (2019) notes that the emergence of an understanding that indigenous knowledge is important and necessary is not simply about the Global

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South finding ways to incorporate such knowledge into existing bodies of knowledge but a shared responsibility from the Global North to similarly engage in the critical examination of the theoretical foundations of social work knowledge. The increased focus on decolonising curriculum across the globe reflects these developments and sits within the context of re-evaluating and questioning the sources and certainty around established knowledge systems and foundations for social work practice, thus leading to what Dominelli (2020) identifies as a multi-directional, democratic and reciprocal approach to knowledge development and mobility. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide a comprehensive conceptual overview of social work in Nigeria and Africa. If interested in further reading on this topic from a historical and contemporary perspective, we would encourage you to access the following books and papers, which are detailed in the reference list for this chapter (Mbah et al., 2017; Rankopo & Osei-Hwedie, 2011; Ugiagbe, 2015). Anucha (2008) notes that the rise of modern social work in Nigeria and many other African nations in the mid-twentieth century was founded on the knowledge systems and service delivery frameworks from Great Britain and other colonial sources. This legacy has led to a mismatch between these foundations and the application and efficacy in terms of achieving positive outcomes in practice (Mabvurra, 2020). For example, Mabvurra notes the incongruous dominance of individually orientated conceptions of society and practice from the Global North when placed within an African context that recognises community and a significantly reduced emphasis on individual autonomy. Perhaps this is best expressed and most familiar within the African concept of Ubuntu which is an isiZulu term that emphasises solidarity and interconnectedness of individuals within the society. It translates as ‘I am because we are’ and underlines a crucial cultural and philosophical approach to thinking about society and social work from an African perspective (Myaka & Truell, 2021). If we return to an earlier point about a growing global mindset in social work, it is encouraging to note that Ubuntu has been identified and promoted as the first theme of the Global Agenda for Social Work (IFSW, 2020). This underlines that such thinking is not to be viewed as only Afro-centric (although clearly its origins are) but to recognise the transferability and applicability across contexts globally (Jones & Truell, 2012). A final aspect to note is that the incorporation of indigenous knowledge in contexts where it has been largely absent is not simply about its inclusion but also about the production and creation of indigenous knowledge and research, which requires resources and time to develop before it can be meaningfully included (Onalu & Ingram, 2022).

 cottish and Nigerian Student Project: Brief Introduction S and Background This chapter explores some of the key ideas around what we mean by indigenous knowledge and how it can be used and understood within social education. It will be underpinned by findings from research exploring the perspectives of Scottish and

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Nigerian social work students, which vividly highlights how social work is viewed as a profession and how the motivations to embark on a social work career are impacted by one’s cultural context. This provides a foundation for understanding the need for indigenous knowledge that contextualises universally held values and approaches and the ways in which this is felt and understood by those entering the social work profession. The comparative study of Scottish and Nigerian students inevitably has a specific focus and breadth; however, the themes that will emerge through this chapter can be extrapolated across contexts and will lead to conclusions about what we mean by ‘international social work’ and the opportunities and challenges for maintaining the inclusive and co-produced direction of travel of social work in the twenty-first century. The drivers behind the research and this chapter are multi-dimensional. As you read this chapter, you will undoubtedly bring your own lens, context and priorities, which make this topic relevant to you. We have listed in the following some of our key drivers behind writing this chapter to help you locate our positioning as well as providing a prompt for your own reflection on this area of debate and discussion: • A commitment to the incorporation of diverse perspectives on social work in social work education and practice. This relates both to the broadening of the knowledge base in a Global North context and the expansion and generation of indigenous and local knowledge in geographies where this has been limited or marginalised to date. • An acknowledgement that despite some universally shared values and ambitions for the profession, there are fundamental differences in the nature, intensity and impact of social issues across the globe. These differences are multi-faceted but include factors such as culture, professional recognition, societal hierarchies and traditions, war and conflict, the role of the state, economics and human rights. • An awareness of the dominance of Western knowledge systems and underpinning research in the development and proliferation of social work globally. • A professional interest in the impact of increased mobility of service users, practitioners, students and knowledge. The aforementioned research project involved the collaboration between the social work departments of a Scottish University and Nigerian University. We (the authors of this paper) led this partnership with a shared interest in international conceptions of social work and the place of indigenous and alternative sources of knowledge. We were keen to explore the synergies and differences between how social work is understood, experienced and taught in our respective countries. This chapter does not allow space to explore the histories of social work in both countries, but our collaboration was built upon an acknowledgement of the dominance of Western models of practice and theory in Nigerian social work historically and a rise in the active pursuit of the incorporation of indigenous knowledge into education and practice (Onalu & Okoye, 2021). Alongside this context, there was a shared understanding that there is an emerging interest in decolonising and/or diversifying the curriculum in Scottish social work programmes. This juxtaposition underpins our interest in indigenous knowledge and ‘local’ knowledge.

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The research project involved undergraduate and postgraduate social work students from both universities responding to an online survey. The survey contained 36 questions focussed on the following themes: • Sources of motivation to join the profession • Perceptions of the role of social work and key areas of knowledge • The place of indigenous knowledge in education and practice The survey questions combined Likert Scale responses to statements with opportunities to provide open-text responses to add depth and context. The student respondents were drawn from undergraduate and postgraduate students at a Nigerian and Scottish university. Each set of students were given the same questions to facilitate comparison and highlight synergies and differences. The research team was composed of Nigerian and Scottish social work academics, and this helped to ensure the relevancy and appropriateness of the research focus and use of terminology. The data was gathered in the 2019/20 academic year. Whilst this chapter simply refers to the broad themes that emerged from this research and uses a selection of quotations from the survey responses to provide depth and colour to the wider narrative, some basic demographics provides clarity around the nature of the research population. The following are the key aspects of this: • 142 students participated in total with 71% from Nigeria and 29% from Scotland. • The Nigerian students comprised 47% undergraduates and 53% postgraduates. 58% identified as female and 42% as male. • The Scottish students comprised 43% undergraduates and 57% postgraduates. 82% identified as female, 13% as male and 5% chose not to say.

Social Work Knowledge: International, Indigenous and Local The complexities and opportunities noted previously emerged in our comparative study of Nigerian and Scottish students. One area of inquiry centred on the challenges of applying social work knowledge into practice situations. The Nigerian students without prompting identified indigenous knowledge as a key theme in terms of the efficacy and applicability of knowledge. Nigerian Student: ‘Owing to my background as an African the need to indigenize social work to suit my practice. Example our value system, cultural heritage, ethical standard, norms and belief in order to reflect in our quotidian activities, will constitute the biggest challenges if not properly addressed.’ Nigerian Student: ‘The diversification cultural practice in Nigeria as one entity...which will demand a huge knowledge of cultures in its diversity, likewise other competencies that will enhance your intervention with your client or service users.’

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The first of these quotes explicitly identifies the component of knowledge which reflects the context of social work practice in Nigeria. The ethical, cultural and value dimensions of indigenous knowledge are identified and highlight the aspects of contextual knowledge required to facilitate the application of wider social work knowledge and the transformation of theoretical concepts into everyday practice. The second quote makes a crucial point about the over-simplification so often applied to indigenous knowledge in terms of there being ‘one’ set of indigenous knowledge. The students noted the vast cultural diversity within Nigeria that requires awareness and sensitivity in addition to the layering of this knowledge upon knowledge systems that originated from the Global North. This degree of cultural awareness appeared to be more prevalent among the Nigerian students, where the sources of knowledge were perhaps more visible and meaningful rather than their Scottish counterparts, who appeared to view knowledge as implicitly relevant and uncontested within their context (Levy et al., 2022). The quote from the Scottish student is representative of the majority of respondents from the Scottish cohort in that it focussed on systems, processes and organisations to which knowledge was to be applied rather than a consideration of the source, nature and relevance of the knowledge itself. When asked about the most important elements of social work knowledge and where the gaps might be located, there were again interesting differences that contribute further to our understanding of the place of knowledge between the Global North and South. Nigerian student: ‘The curriculum I would like to highlight is the area of international social work. Since social work is a practice-based profession, cross breeding of ideas and exchanges with social workers in diaspora is vital to enrich understanding and practice.’ Scottish student: I would like to see an emphasis on practitioner wellbeing. How to practice self-care and building professional resilience to some of the complex challenges that social work contains as a profession.’

These quotes are representative of the theme concerning curriculum content and relevancy that emerged through the thematic analysis. The first quote reflects a keen interest in international social work and the mobility of knowledge across boundaries. This echoes the focus on knowledge and its source and relevance noted in the previous quotes. The Scottish student focussed on professional development and practice contexts in terms of instrumental knowledge to support their practice and professional capabilities. This may well reflect a more developed professional practice landscape that prompts such needs, but also would appear to reflect a confidence and certainty in the sources of knowledge they receive as being uncontested and relevant. Ongoing discussion around increasing the visibility of indigenous knowledge within the Global South and decolonising curriculum in the Global North has

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focused attention on making alternative knowledge visible to counter the hegemony of Western knowledge. As Stewart (2017) points out, indigenous knowledge is not and should not only be located and associated with the Global South. There is a need to start ‘re-imagining the unnamed, uncritiqued, “taken-for-granted” [Western] knowledge, and seeing it for what it is …“local” knowledge [with] organic and original roots in the West, primarily the US and UK’ (Levy et al., 2022:16). Within our study, amongst the Scottish students there appeared to be little awareness or understanding of the Western knowledge underpinning their curriculum as ‘local’ knowledge. Indeed, the Western canon of knowledge has its roots across diverse and heterogenous contexts including the USA, UK and Europe. To accept such a broad cultural and social expanse as homogeneous is over-simplistic and in turn suggests that there may be (possibly by passive acceptance) a lack of truly ‘local’ and indigenous knowledge in social work programmes in the Global North. In other words, for students based in Scotland, research and conceptions of social work that emerge from the USA should also be viewed as ‘international’ rather than accepted as of uncontested relevance. In contrast, the Nigerian students could clearly see that their social work curriculum was framed by Western, international knowledge. The Nigerian students argued that this knowledge base was not preparing them for practice in very different socio-cultural contexts, and they called for greater indigenous and local knowledge within social work education. Alternative interpretations are being presented here of international, local and indigenous knowledge. The distinction between each was blurred for the Scottish students, whereas for the Nigerian students international was understood as Western knowledge and clearly distinct from indigenous, local knowledge. It is important to note that the researchers undertook a curricula mapping exercise across the two institutions, and the core elements of the social work curriculum were replicated in both institutions with a dominance of Western knowledge sources contributing to the content and structure of the programmes of study.

 otivations, Perceptions and Indigenous Knowledge: M The Influence of Context This chapter opened with an acknowledgment of the important and powerful development of an international definition of the social work role and an inclusive global agenda for the coming decade. As noted previously, these are flexible and inclusive in nature and recognise that such universality is only achievable with significant caveats around context, culture and knowledge. The points of intersectionality and divergence are difficult to identify and inevitably change depending on geography and prevailing circumstances. This chapter intends to use the perspectives of students to illustrate the ways in which one’s point of reference and context can influence one’s perceptions of the social work profession and indeed one’s motivation to a pursue a career within it. This of course is just one of a plethora of global

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comparisons that could be made, but we intend to identify the subtle and substantial ways that these intangible elusive differences can be experienced. The broad themes that emereged in this study can be understood across a range of cultural and geographical contexts, but perhaps most importantly serve as a reminder of the need for continual awareness and criticality around the extent to which social work is universally understood as a profession. The sources of motivation to become a social worker can be seen to be a powerful litmus test for how the profession is perceived and, indeed the ambitions of those who intend to take it forward (Stevens et al., 2012). Stevens et al. (2012), in a study focussed on English social work students, identified three key components of motivation to become a social worker: career opportunities, the opportunity to help others and the nature of the day-to-day role. These often were evident in combination with altruism being the key factor reported. These factors echo the work of Breen and Lindsay (2002), who highlighted the interplay between intrinsic factors (personal experiences, career aspirations, etc.) and extrinsic factors (helping others, tackling social injustice, etc.) as being the two interconnected spheres of influence on motivation. Findings from Sha et al. (2012) in their study of Chinese social work students identified a further factor related to the status and stage of development of the profession in different geographies. Social work is an emerging profession in China with a limited profile, leading students to seek management positions with governmental agencies rather than grassroots or face-to-face practice. This highlights the spatial and temporal dimensions of international social work, the role of place and the maturity of the profession in terms of impact and statutory/regulatory status. Table 7.1 illustrates the key motivational drivers to enter the social work profession in our comparison of Nigerian and Scottish students. This table lists these drivers within the categories of intrinsic and extrinsic factors.in order of importance in terms of the frequency with which they were cited. The interplay of intrinsic and extrinsic factors is reflected in the responses contained in Table 7.1. What is stark is that the motivating factors for Nigerian students reflected a dominance of extrinsic and altruistic elements which are connected to universally understood tenets of the social work role such as social justice human Table 7.1  Sources of motivation to become a social worker Intrinsic factors

Nigerian students (N-98) 1. Uncertain about motivations? (N-10)

Extrinsic 1. Helping others (N-28) factors 2. Working towards social justice (N-11) 3. Making a difference individually and societally (N-10) 4. Links with humanity and rights (N-9)

Scottish students 1. Previous employment experiences (N-14) 2. Previous personal/life experiences (N-8) 3. Career prospects (N-7) 1. Helping others (N-9) 2. Working towards social justice (N-6)

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rights and individual societal change. The juxtaposition with the views of Scottish students reveals an emphasis on intrinsic and personally held motivations that incorporate career aspirations and ambitions, coupled with motivations derived from one’s own individual experiences whether they are through employment or personal circumstances. It would of course be misleading to make this a binary example of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivations but does reveal how one’s context can impact upon how the social work profession is perceived by those who wish to work in that arena. The social work profession within the Nigerian context has been impacted by political instability and flux which has disrupted attempts to establish the profession on a statutory footing in the country. This has led to social work being an unpredictable profession in Nigeria in terms of career progression and status but it continues to evolve due to the recognition of significant social issues and inequalities, which are best addressed through a commitment to guiding principles of justice, welfare and humanity evident in the IFSW definition (Anucha, 2008). This is reflected in the dominance of these principles in the motivations of Nigerian students. The following quotes help to illustrate the nature of the motivations of Nigerian students: Nigerian student: ‘I have a passion for challenging social injustice and working with individuals, groups and families to ensure they get a good living and equal representation in the society, then I found social work interesting and with the capacity to educate me with the necessary skills, values and knowledge so as to achieve my goals and expirations in the society.’

This makes powerful links between what can seem a general aspiration to make a difference with the impact of knowledge and skills gained through study. The challenging injustice seems to refer to both an individual and a structural level. Nigerian student: ‘The need to effect change and affect policies for human wellbeing. To render service to humanity and to speak for the oppressed.’

There is a sense of social justice and human rights in the first quote. These may be universal and are seen to be impacted by policies that may not serve this aspiration well. Additionally, the idea of humanity underlines this universality. It takes away specific characteristics and looks more broadly about what is fair and just. In Scotland, social work has been an accredited and regulated profession since 2003 and has had a statutory presence in welfare service provision for decades. This underpins the clarity of ambition around career progression and the social work-­ infused personal histories that students cite as so influential. These experiences implicitly involves an understanding of the wider role and purpose of social work as more frequently articulated by their Nigerian counterparts but reflects a greater sense of predictability and visibility of the profession as a career that holds personal gains and rewards. The following quotes help to illustrate this interplay of motivation factors in the Scottish context. Scottish student: ‘Having worked in social care, I felt that training as a social worker was not only the logical next step, but also an opportunity to make more of a difference to people’ Scottish student: ‘Witnessing domestic abuse and alcoholism, cousins were also involved in foster care system’

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The first quote places social work within a wider continuum of social care. It brings in the idea of professional knowledge as well as a ‘ceiling’ in terms of career options without a qualification. The term ‘training’ is an interesting one, as it suggests a prescribed set of knowledge and skills to execute a professional role while perhaps reflecting a bureaucratic drift from a more critical and complex social justice starting point. Such intrinsic drivers are combined with an aspiration to make more of a positive impact on the lives of services users through the role and status of a qualified social worker. These personally held motivations are a common theme. The role of personal experience (positive or negative) is powerful drivers. Scottish student: ‘I want the placement experience – the jobs are out there.’

This was not uncommon as a response with the ultimate employment opportunities being a key driver. This is a key recruitment message given to social work student applicants and reflects an established and diverse ‘social work’ sector. It also reflects the increased visibility of social work as a career option and a profession. It may reflect a keen awareness that the degree award has a professional qualification embedded within it. There are broader points to be made here about the impact of context and professional status on the ways in which knowledge is approached and used. Fenton (2019) studied the values and attitudes of Scottish social work students and identified a drift from the traditional values of social work towards an individualistic and increasingly neo-liberalist orientation. This links to the differing emphasis between the two student cohorts in this study. The Scottish students cited more individually orientated motivations at the expense of social work values-driven motivations around the impact and social change precipitated by social work practice. Fenton (2019) drew links between this individualistic tone, with increasingly authoritarian orientation that would appear to have emerged from a dominance of neo-liberalist narratives politically and professionally in the UK context. Fenton suggests that this has led to a more punitive and judgemental approach to social issues such as crime and poverty. This is not evident in the responses from the Nigerian students and may suggest that despite the dominant presence of knowledge from the Global North within the professional landscape of the Global South, there is a greater retention of the core social work values that underpins it. Suggesting that the multi-directional ethos of a global social work culture has much to offer the Global North in terms of reflecting on the place of social work values. The messages from students about their motivations shed light on the impact of context on how the profession is perceived and how this may shape aspirations. The project also asked the students directly about how they perceived the social work profession in their country of study. This helps to understand how universally held and shared definitions can exist and be helpful but can also be viewed and understood through differing lens. This provides a further layer of insight into how we understand the interplay of indigenous knowledge, experience and the professional role. This lends weight to the notion of authentization proffered by Anucha (2008) who suggests that rather than replace or reject knowledge and developments in Western-dominated social work discourse, one can incorporate, adapt and understand them critically within one’s own context and that is not only an intellectual

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Table 7.2  The role of the social work Key aspects of the role of social work – Nigeria (N-94) Social change (N-16) Capacity building (N-15) Improving lives at an individual and community level (N-14) Empowerment (N-8) Enhancing Well-being (N-8)

Key aspects of the role of social work – Scotland (N-40) Social justice (N-10) Helping others (N-10) Equality (N-9) Social change (N-5) Protecting individuals (N-4)

experience, but one that is felt and experienced by those involved in social work practice and education. Table 7.2 presents the top five most identified aspects of the role of the social work profession from our Nigerian and Scottish students. When we consider the two sets of perspectives on the role of social work in Table (7.2), it is heartening to see that there is an apparent cohesion between the two contexts and perceptions of the social work role. This lends a degree of confidence in the shared vision enshrined in the IFSW global definition and indeed associated plans for development, as many of these elements of social change, justice and inclusion echo the tenets of the definition. If we place this within the preceding discussion of indigenous knowledge and professional motivations in this chapter, then we can begin to see that it is the emphasis on contextualised knowledge and culture and the nature and intensity of social issues that vary (Burke & Ngonyani, 2004) but that there is a shared core which unites the purpose of social work. Nigerian student: ‘To help individuals resolve and enhance their problem solving and coping capabilities. To bring about positive social change and development in individuals that will make them responsible citizens in the society and to improve interpersonal relationships with people in the society’

The quote above from a Nigerian student brings together crucial stands of individual and societal change, coupled with a commitment to capacity enhancement through sustained and meaningful relationship-based practice. It is the nature of the society, individual issues and conceptions of citizenship that have a localised interpretation and nuance, whilst the overarching principles have a generic relevance across contexts. Scottish student: ‘To promote social justice and greater equity within society. To challenge and confront the inequalities and barriers to individual and community wellbeing.’ Scottish student: ‘Guide and assist in whichever way possible those that are in need of some help – either little changes or big ones can affect someone’s life for the better.’

Similarly, these two quotes from Scottish students highlight the broad themes of social justice, equality, individual and community well-being and capacity building. The phrase ‘guide and assist’ may reflect a correctional aspect of the social work role with a less clear sense of partnership. Again, we would argue that these are shared principles and ambitions for social work, but the knowledge required to address these issues requires a combination of research and practice wisdom from

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around the world, but crucially coupled with indigenous or ‘local’ knowledge that aids specific aspects of this work. In both groups of respondents, there is a reference to society and community. It is important to recognise that these entities are not fixed or mono-cultural but fluid and full of diversity, and as such, the need for a varied and flexible knowledge base to meet the needs of such a population becomes paramount. It is encouraging to note that when asked to consider the role of social work, there is a much greater sense of cohesion and overlap. Both sets of students have a clear sense of the broad purpose and role of the profession as enshrined in the IFSW definition. It is perhaps the divergence around the personally held motivations that sheds light on the ways in which social workers may approach, interpret and enact such purpose.

Concluding Comments This chapter has explored a plethora of dimensions of international social work and the role and place of knowledge, context and development in how social work is understood, taught and practised. The messages from a comparative study of Nigerian and Scottish students provided a vehicle to explore such issues, and whilst such a study is specific in terms of its context, many of the themes that emerge shine a light on important ideas that are at play when considering indigenous knowledge and conceptions of social work across and within the Global North and the Global South. The IFSW definition of social work provides a visible and important foundation for international social work debates and challenges to coalesce and find a shared core. We have noted that whilst there may be a consensus (albeit one with contextual nuances) about the central purpose of the profession, the lens and values base that can be applied to this can vary. In the context of our comparative study, the Nigerian students held closer to traditional social work values, whilst the Scottish students privileged individually held goals and aspirations. This underlines the need for such international exchange of ideas and narratives to identify and understand the impact of context, histories and prevailing social work cultures on the global realities of social work. Such messages prompt and reassert that the Global North has much to gain from a continued open and permeable dialogue and discourse globally. The role of indigenous knowledge emerged and the need for the further development and inclusion of such knowledge in social work in the Global South was recognised and reaffirmed. Perhaps the greatest challenge and priority is to truly establish a global knowledge exchange for social work that recognises the literal meaning of ‘indigenous knowledge’ in terms of being connected to a specific locale and as such disrupting the assumptions that social work knowledge from the Global North is the accepted framework of understanding and moving to a scenario where it is seen as indigenous to the Global North. This then leads us to acknowledge the paucity of meaningful ‘local’ knowledge in the Global North if we accept that the

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diversity and nuance across and within this area cannot be encapsulated in a homogenous canon of knowledge. We echo the proposal of Levy et al. (2022) to move to thinking about such knowledge to being viewed as ‘local’. This subtle change of mindset may facilitate greater clarity around shared knowledge and conceptions of social work, whilst recognising the importance of the rich and multi-faceted locally sourced and generated frameworks of knowledge. The internationally shared vision of the profession reaffirms many of the messages in this chapter. It is crucial that the mobility of knowledge across the globe (and crucially across and between the Global North and South) and a willingness to integrate, acknowledge and use knowledge, values and experiences from a range of contexts is encouraged in order to facilitate the global ambitions of the social work profession in the twenty-first century.

References Anucha, U. (2008). Exploring a new direction for social work education and training in Nigeria, Social Work Education, 27(3), 229–242. https://doi.org/10.1080/02615470701381459 Askeland, G., & Payne, M. (2017). Internationalising social work education: Insights from leading figures across the globe. Policy Press. Breen, R., & Lindsay, R. (2002). Different disciplines require different motivations for student success. Research in Higher Education, 43, 693–725. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1020940615784 Burke, J., & Ngonyani, B. (2004). A social work vision for Tanzania. International Social Work, 47(1), 39–52. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872804039370 Carter Anand, J., & Das, C. (2019). Global Mindedness in International Social Work Practice, London, MacMillan International. Dirlik, A. (2007). Global south: Predicament and promise. The Global South, 1(1), 12–23. http:// www.jstor.org/stable/40339225 Dominelli, L. (2020). Personal reflections on 30 years of social work development in China. Journal of Social Work, 13(1), 102–109. https://doi.org/10.1080/17525098.2020.1756209 Dumbrill and Green. (2008). Indigenous knowledge in the social work academy. Social Work Education, 27(5), 489–503. https://doi.org/10.1080/02615470701379891 Fenton, J. (2019). Talkin’ bout igeneration: A new era of individualistic social work practice? British Journal of Social Work., 50(4), 1238–1257. Gatwiri, K. (2019). Afrocentric ways of ‘doing’ social work. In J.  Ife & S.  M. Tascón (Eds.), Disrupting whiteness in social work. Routledge. International Federation of Social Work. (2014). Global definition of social work. Global Definition of Social Work – International Federation of Social Workers (ifsw.org). Accessed April 16, 2021. International Federation of Social Workers. (2020). For social work and social development 2020 to 2030. 2020 to 2030 Global Agenda for Social Work and Social Development Framework: ‘Co-­building inclusive social transformation’  – International Federation of Social Workers (ifsw.org) Jones, D. N., & Truell, R. (2012). The global agenda for social work and social development: A place to link together and be effective in a globalized world. International Social Work, 55(4), 454–472. Levy, S., Okoye, U. O., & Ingram, R. (2022). Making the ‘local’ visible in social work education: Insights from Nigeria and Scotland on (Re)balancing and contextualising international and indigenous knowledge. British Journal of Social Work, 52, 4299–4317. https://doi.org/10.1093/ bjsw/bcac02

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Mabvurira, V. (2020). Making sense of African thought in social work practice in Zimbabwe: Towards professional decolonisation. International Social Work, 63(4), 419–430. Mayaka, B., & Truell, R. (2021). Ubuntu and its potential impact on the international social work profession. International Social Work, 64(5), 649–662. https://doi. org/10.1177/00208728211022787 Mbah, F., Ebue, M., & Ugwu, C. (2017). History of social work in Nigeria. In U.  Okoye, N. Chukwu, & P. Agwu (Eds.), Social work in Nigeria: Book of readings (pp. 1–14). University of Nigeria Press Ltd. Nnama-Okechukwu, C., & McLaughlin, H. (2022). Indigenous knowledge and social work education in Nigeria: Made in Nigeria or made in the West? Social Work Education. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/02615479.2022.2038557 Onalu, C. E., & Ingram, R. (2022). The contribution of Western pedagogy and knowledge in the development of social work education in Nigeria: A coin of two sides. Social Work Education. https://doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2022.2052039 Onalu, C. E., & Okoye, U. O. (2021). Social justice and social work curriculum at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria. Research on Social Work Practice, 31(6), 576–583. Palattiyil, G., Sidhva, D., Pawar, M., Shajahan, P., Cox, J., & Carter Anand, J. (2018). Reclaiming international social work in the context of the global agenda for social work and social development: Some critical reflections. International Social Work, 62(3), 1043–1054. https://doi. org/10.1177/0020872818774107 Rankopo, M.  J., & Osei-Hwedie, K. (2011). Globalization and culturally relevant social work: African perspectives on indigenization. International Social Work, 54(1), 137–147. Sha, W., Wong, Y.-c., Lou, V. W. Q., Pearson, V., Donghui, G., & D. H. (2012). Career preferences of social work students in Beijing and Shanghai. Social Work Education, 31(1), 4–21. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2010.538672 Smith, L.  H., & Rasool, S. (2020). Deep transformation toward Decoloniality in social work: Themes for change in a social work higher education program. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 31(2), 144–164. https://doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2020.1762295 Stevens, M., Moriarty, J., Manthorpe, J., Hussein, S., Sharpe, E., Orme, J., Mcyntyre, G., Cavanagh, K., Green-Lister, P., & Crisp, B. (2012). Helping others or a rewarding career? Investigating student motivations to train as social workers in England. Journal of Social Work, 12(1), 16–36. ISSN 1468-0173. Stewart, G. (2017). What does ‘indigenous’ mean, for me? Educational Philosophy and Theory, 50(8), 740–743. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2017.1302050 Tascón, S. M., & Ife, J. (2019). Disrupting whiteness in social work. Routledge. Ugiagbe, E. O. (2015). Social work is context-bound: The need for indigenization of social work practice in Nigeria. International Social Work, 58(6), 790–801.

Chapter 8

Teaching Indigenous Social Work in Mainstream Social Work Education in Taiwan Wan-Jung (Wendy) Hsieh, Wan-Yi Lin, and Ciwang Teyra

Introduction According to statistics in 2021, indigenous peoples account for approximately 2.4% of the total population in Taiwan, representing more than half a million people. While the population proportion is relatively small, at least 16 officially recognized indigenous nations in Taiwan currently exist. The Taiwanese indigenous population is highly diverse, and every nation has a distinct culture, language, traditions, and social structure. Like many indigenous populations worldwide, Taiwanese indigenous communities continue to struggle with colonial oppression and inequality, and social work practices must evolve and decolonize the service delivery system (Ciwang Teyra & Hsieh, 2022).

Indigenous Social Work Education Development in Taiwan Although cultural awareness and competence have long been the core of contemporary social work education, mainstream social work education in Taiwan lacks an understanding of multiculturalism and indigenous culture and perspectives. The development of the indigenous social work profession in Taiwan took place with the implementation of 54 social workers in indigenous townships by the Social Welfare Section in 1978. Without being equipped with social work knowledge and profession, these 54 social workers only received some orientation and basic training for providing services (Lin, 2020). Although the promotion of mainstream social work W.-J. Hsieh · W.-Y. Lin · C. Teyra (*) National Taiwan University, Department of Social Work, Taipei, Taiwan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_8

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education in 4-year universities began in the 1970s, it did not cultivate the development of indigenous social work education in Taiwan. Indigenous social work practices’ knowledge system and structures were not developed until the 2000s. In 1996, the Legislative Yuan officially established the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP) to plan indigenous affairs to respond to the indigenous peoples’ needs and speed up the global trend. This marked a new milestone to systematically incorporate research, explore the indigenous social welfare system, and promote the construction of the Indigenous social work knowledge system. Indigenous social work education development can be divided into the Establishment and Growth stages (Lai, 2020). The Establishment stage began with a series of policy reforms by the CIP, Executive Yuan, in 1998. The Growth state began by establishing the indigenous social work undergraduate program at National Dong Hwa University in 2007, which carried out research products relevant to indigenous social work and enhanced the cumulation of the indigenous social work knowledge system. Starting in 2000, with the rising awareness of diversity and inclusion, more and more social work departments in Taiwan gradually developed courses to address minorities and diversity issues. More university social work departments started offering indigenous social work courses as elective courses. However, the majority of the indigenous social work education program exists with the structure of an “Indigenous social work practitioner credit course” (e.g., National Taipei University) and a “program for indigenous undergraduate students only” (e.g., National Chi Nan University) rather than an entire department and/or school. In 2007, National Dong Hwa University established the “undergraduate program of indigenous social work,” the first indigenous 4-year social work program. This program centers on indigenous people and perspectives in their social work curriculum. With the promotion of the CIP and the Ministry of Education, a few but gradually increasing universities in Taiwan established the indigenous social work program for indigenous undergraduate students (e.g., National Chi Nan University). To cultivate more indigenous social work practitioners and lay the foundation of the indigenous social work system, the CIP has made multiple efforts. The CIP assisted in establishing indigenous social work credit courses among universities and allocated funding to recruit indigenous students (Hsu & Huang, 2013). The CIP further established the Indigenous Peoples Family Service Center to create social worker job positions for indigenous people.

Indigenous Social Work Curriculum in Taiwan Currently, across the available indigenous social work related courses offered in social work departments in Taiwan, the topics include, but are not limited to, cultural capacity/cultural bias, global indigenous issues, the contemporary indigenous issue in Taiwan (e.g., economic development, disaster, discrimination and

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microaggression, urban indigenous people, indigenous and LGBTQIA+, and domestic violence seminar), indigenous social work theories and methods, indigenous colonial history, indigenous knowledge and culture, indigenous social welfare policy, and indigenous social work practices. Despite the various course topic areas and all of the efforts that the CIP put in to establish indigenous social work education, the implemented indigenous social work curriculum at this stage still needed more cultural capacity and an understanding of indigenous perspectives. Specifically, Wanne and colleagues’ (2009) research indicated that indigenous social work education in Taiwan still is framed under the mainstream social work context and reinforces the European colonial social work values and approaches. Furthermore, it fails to acknowledge cultural diversity and indigenous localization, which further reveals the deficiency of critical analysis and critical reflection in current social work education in Taiwan. Currently, the existing indigenous social work curriculum in Taiwan cannot respond to the indigenous’ needs, and indigenous students are forced to accept the knowledge and perspectives from mainstream social work education. In short, without centering indigenous worldviews, culture, knowledge, and values; acknowledging the colonial context; and emphasizing self-­ awareness and reflections, indigenous social work education may be the tool of another colonization from the mainstream society (Chong, 2019). On the other note, the restriction of required course credits for mainstream social work education further limited the scope and depth of the indigenous social work courses in Taiwan. Social work education in Taiwan is designed to fulfill the social work license exam prerequisite. Therefore, only the content areas for the social work exam will be enlisted as mandatory courses in social work education. The social work license exam in Taiwan measures knowledge in social work-specific content areas, including, but not limited to, human development and behaviors, welfare policy, statistics and research methods, and other general subjects (e.g., Chinese literature). Among the currently covered content areas in the social work license exam, unfortunately, diversity and indigenous social work are not one of the subjects. In mainstream social work education, indigenous social work content is thus systematically marginalized and neglected in the education context, resulting in a gap in cultivating cultural capacity among social work practitioners in Taiwan. That is, even with the increasingly more indigenous-related curriculum established in social work education nowadays, most indigenous courses are listed as elective courses rather than mandatory credits, reducing students’ motivation to enroll in those courses. This further creates the vicious cycle that indigenous social work content has yet to be addressed in the current social work license exam because it is optional in social work education. Take the social work curriculum at National Taiwan University as an example; the undergraduate degree requirement is a minimum of 128 credits, with 58 credits as mandatory credits. Diversity and diverse culture related courses are listed as elective courses only. This arrangement hinders the cultivation of the foundation knowledge of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) in social work education.

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Indigenous Social Work Curriculum in Other Countries Cultural capacity and/or indigenous cultural capacity are listed as one of the social work education competencies in the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. Specifically, the Social Workers Registration Board (SWRB) in New Zealand requires the cultivation of the ability among social workers to work with Māori and other ethnic groups (2021). According to Australian Social Work Education and Accreditation Standards (ASWEAS), it requires all social work education in Australia mandates the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social work course as a mandatory course, and indigenous’ “ways of knowing, being, and doing” also need to be included in all the social work curriculum (Australian Association of Social Workers, 2021). The Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) in the United States and the Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE) both emphasize the cultivation of cultural diversity capacity, self-awareness, and social injustice and structural inequality to promote the anti-oppressive and social justice perspective of social work (CSWE, 2015; Baskin and Sinclair, 2015).

Anti-racism Pedagogy and Indigenous Social Work Pedagogy Research indicates five competencies that are critical for both indigenous and nonindigenous social work students to develop: 1) indigenous worldview and practice approach; 2) understanding and acknowledgment of colonial history; 3) acknowledgment of the assumption, values, and bias of the social work profession; 4) understanding of the cultural context of casework;, and 5) decolonial perspective (Smith, 1999; Muller, 2020; Bennett et al., 2013; Baskin, 2006; Briskman, 2008; Gair et al., 2005; Weaver, 1998, 1999). Under the colonial context, the indigenous population has been oppressed by colonial policies, and social work and social welfare policies have also been carrying out the colonial oppression toward the indigenous population and caused disconnections among indigenous people, territories, and cultures (Tait, 2008; Isaac, 2018; Briskman, 2011). Due to social work theories, education, and practices being developed under the context of White-European society, current professional services provided by social workers may not fulfill the needs of the indigenous population. Despite cross-culture or anti-oppressive social work development, these approaches do not center on indigenous culture and historical context. Therefore, it is critical to integrate indigenous epistemology into social work education in order for instructors and students to develop and practice culturally responsive indigenous social work education and training centers on indigenous worldview (e.g., All my Relations and the Sacred) under the context of decolonization (Sinclair, 2004). Currently, mainstream social work education in Taiwan focuses on the psychological and behavioral domains on the micro level. It lacks a systematic examination of racism and discrimination on the macro level. It also fails to educate students to

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critically analyze and deconstruct the White supremacy embedded in social structure, policy, and practices. Therefore, integrating Critical Race Theory (CRT) and anti-racism social work education is essential to enhance students’ critical reflections and understandings of structural racism, power dynamics, social justice, and equity. Under the post-Covid era, this pedagogy is critical and relevant to be implemented to promote the translation of learning to practical anti-racism and anti-­ discrimination actions (Murray-Lichtman et al., 2022). Specifically, the integration of CRT enhances students’ unsettling reflexivity and understanding of their dispositionalities (Tang Yan et al., 2021). Through the narrative of critical autoethnography, students are able to examine and comb through how social structure influenced their family backgrounds and growth experiences in order to understand further their identity and how it shaped the motive of pursuing social work education (Tang Yan et al., 2021; Green, 2020). Additionally, integrating CRT into social work education provides a new perspective rather than the traditional damage-centered social work approach and White supremacy ideology (Tang Yan et al., 2021). It provides and promotes a systematic context for students to examine the historical social context. The paradox and disparity of “being” a social worker and “practicing” social work has been centered in the discussion of anti-racism social work education (Jeffery, 2005). Social work is developed under westernized culture rooted in self-­ reflection and management of differences. It is important to note that anti-racism social work education critically examines Whiteness and privilege and prioritizes self-awareness and self-reflection (Irving & Beresford, 2019; Spano & McPhatter, 2018). That is, if the emphasis merely stays on individuals’ internal work, which may fail to carry out these critical reflections into real social work actions and practices and may further strengthen the values of westernized culture and reproduce witness. Therefore, practicing anti-racism and avoiding the reproduction of white supremacy and mainstream values is a real challenge of anti-racism social work (Jeffery, 2005). In short, centering indigenous knowledge and perspectives into mainstream social work education is critical to bridge the current education gaps and creating more nonindigenous allies for indigenous social workers.

Method To understand the teaching experience of indigenous social work in mainstream social work education in Taiwan, this study utilized a case study focusing on the teaching experience of one indigenous social work educator, Dr. Ciwang Teyra, who is also one of the authors in this chapter. The interviewee, Dr. Ciwang Teyra, is an indigenous female faculty in the Department of Social Work at National Taiwan University (NTU). She identifies as a member of Truku Nation, and she has been offering at least one indigenous social work course every year at NTU since 2017. Dr. Ciwang Teyra also has been actively engaged in indigenous public affairs and

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social movements for years. She also serves as the Director of the Taiwan Association of Indigenous Social Work to promote indigenous social work education development. The interviewer in this study is a female nonindigenous Han faculty in the Department of Social Work at NTU. The interviewer also has many years of experience collaborating with indigenous social work scholars and conducting research emphasizing cultural diversity and an anti-racism approach. The interviewee and interviewer maintain a reciprocal relationship in this study. Both interviewer and interviewee are part of the authorship in this study. The student body of the NTU, with an estimated number of over 30,000 in 2023, is dominantly nonindigenous Han people. In the department of Social Work, indigenous students only account for around 5% of all students. With this racial profile in the department, most of those registered students in the indigenous social work course were nonindigenous Han students, and only less than one-fourth were indigenous students. Two in-depth individual interviews with Dr. Ciwang Teyra were conducted, with the average length of each interview lasting 2–3 h in May 2022. The interviews were conducted with semi-structured interview guides with 10 open-ended questions (e.g., What do you consider effective teaching pedagogies in delivering indigenous content in social work courses? What are your core values in teaching indigenous social work courses to social work students? What barriers or pushbacks have you encountered in delivering the indigenous course in the social work department? What are institutional barriers or struggles you have experienced as an indigenous faculty in proposing this curriculum?). The interview processes were recorded and transcribed verbatim.

 he Foundational Knowledge of Indigenous Social T Work Education In order to extend indigenous social work in a mainstream social work education setting, enabling nonindigenous students to gain basic knowledge of the population’s context is fundamental in this course. Therefore, knowledge about the indigenous worldview is of great importance because the worldview influences the way indigenous people live and their cultural habits. The indigenous worldview also influences interpersonal interactions, whether in terms of interactions between people, between people and the environment, or between people and spirit. It is by learning the indigenous worldview can we have a chance to gain further insights into differences and similarities in the way of life of the ethnic groups. Moreover, indigenous peoples have long been under colonial oppression, subjecting them to difficult societal situations. Therefore, it is only by understanding the colonial history that it can be a chance to understand the situations of contemporary indigenous peoples. In addition to colonial history, racial discrimination has also deepened the detrimental situations of indigenous societies (Ciwang Teyra & Hsieh, 2022; Wang

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& Kuo, 2020; Ciwang Teyra et al., 2022). Under the influence of racial discrimination, the inquisition, awareness, reflection, and inversion of racism are also the focus of this course.

Indigenous History and Historical Trauma Historically, indigenous societies have long been subject to colonial oppression. In recent years, social workers on the international level have successively proposed the construct of historical trauma and have called on the public to pay attention to how colonial oppression events in the past affected the health of indigenous peoples through intergenerational transmission (such as substance use, depression, anxiety, self-mutilation, suicide, etc.) and family and interpersonal relationships (such as domestic violence, sexual assault, etc.). In recent years, scholars in Taiwan have used historical trauma to understand the contemporary health issues among indigenous peoples. Ciwang Teyra (2017) found from the survey on the Truku Tribe’s historical trauma that life limitations formed by long-term colonial oppression have become the indigenous people’s source of stress in everyday life, while drinking has become a way for some indigenous people to relieve stress. Cultural practice is an essential means of preserving indigenous tribe and family relationships. However, over the past centuries, colonization and assimilation policies have resulted in an outflux of land, language, culture, and recognition. This subjects cultural heritage and practice to destruction or interruption, as well as the accompanying impacts on the harmonious and balanced relationships among indigenous peoples; between people and family; among family; among humans, land, and ocean; and between people and spirit. In the face of imbalances in life and institutionalization and interpersonal discrimination in mainstream society, the indigenous people are under tremendous pressure in everyday life, leading to the indigenous people’s limitations in cultural practice, and drinking has gradually become a way for the indigenous people to alleviate their stress. The study has found that the destruction of relationships due to colonization and assimilation policies is one of the critical factors affecting modern Truku people’s substance use and family and interpersonal conflicts, such as domestic violence (Ciwang Teyra, 2017). Wang and Kuo (2020) also applied historical trauma to explore the Wulai indigenous women’s domestic violence experiences, stressing that domestic violence is the contradictory response of the economic and social structure. Changes in colonial, economic, and social structures affect the parties involved in domestic violence and the relatives of domestic violence victims. Historical traumas challenge the viewpoints of conventional academia, where contemporary indigenous social and health issues are viewed from the perspective of personal attributes. Helpers are reminded that indigenous peoples’ health, behavioral, and social issues may be affected by the original colonial past. Knowledge of indigenous peoples based on modern viewpoints alone lacks the unjust vertical mindset of history. This makes it more challenging to understand the situation of indigenous peoples fully.

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Indigenous Worldview The worldview reflects how individuals perceive and interact with their environments and everything on earth. Indigenous worldview underscores the importance of interrelationships among individuals, lands, ocean, and spirituality. In Taiwan, indigenous peoples’ lifestyles are deeply rooted in their unique indigenous worldview. For instance, the Atayal tribe endorsed their indigenous worldview entitled “Gaga,” which emphasizes the lifestyle of “sharing food, sharing joy, and sharing tasks.” Through practicing Gaga, indigenous members internalize the values of caring for each other as a community. Another example of an indigenous worldview is “Gaya,” endorsed by the Truku tribe. Gaya is perceived as the principles of the Truku ancestors and emphasizes the spirit of sharing among the Truku people. Through practicing Gaya in daily life, Truku people endorse the values of Miisug Tuxans (i.e., gratitude toward ancestors and spirits), Psangay (i.e., cherishing the natural environment and resources), and Mhuway (i.e., sharing and caring for each other) (Qiu, 2010). Truku believes that by endorsing Gaya, their Utux Rudan (i.e., ancestors) will grant them blessings, and vice versa; punishment will be granted if they do not endorse Gaya. Therefore, Gaya is perceived as guidance for Truku people and regulates their interpersonal relationships and relationships with nature (Kaji Cihung, 2011). These two examples illustrate the importance of the indigenous worldview and how it guides traditional indigenous lifestyles.

Anti-racism Perspectives Racial discrimination refers to a dominant group that, under the ideology of racism, divides people into social classes based on their race or ethnic group and treats the dominant group differently. The dominant group consolidates its dominance by portraying the negative image of the dominant group. In Taiwan, experiences of discrimination against indigenous people are scattered in research with various areas, such as the presentation of the stigma of mass media (Chang et al., 2003), work environments subjecting ethnic groups to racial discrimination, exploitation by employers (Kuo & Huang, 2010), unfriendly treatment by others as a result of receiving bonus points to advance to a higher school (Zhou & Bo, 2019), the discriminant mentality of the “superiority of Han and inferiority of indigenous people” during post-disaster placement (Lin, 2018), etc. Public discrimination has been curbed with the rising civic and human rights awareness. Nevertheless, discrimination still exists, and the contemporary forms have been delivered more subtly; some are too blurred to identify. Therefore, the term “microaggression” has begun to receive attention. In short, microaggression is a form of discrimination that is expressed in a subtle way that one is unaware of. Microaggression is defined as “Daily slights, put downs, and insults expressed targeting a specific race, gender, sexual orientation, disabilities, religion, and class

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through the brief. They can be intentional and unintentional; sometimes people are unaware they are being offensive, hurting or making the people who receive the messages feel uncomfortable” (Sue, 2010; Sue et  al., 2007; Sue & Spaniermen, 2020). “Microaggression” highlights a state of discrimination not taken seriously or deliberately neglected by individuals due to institutional and systemic oppression from mainstream values. Ciwang Teyra et al. (2022) pointed out in their research that discrimination and microaggression against urban indigenous youth query from two ways: mainstream society and indigenous society. Externally toward the mainstream society, they need to deal with words and deeds that are intentional, unintentional, benevolent, or malicious, such as being asked if one can sing and dance, familiarity with the culture, etc., or the mainstream society’s stereotype of indigenous peoples: one should be good at sports, be capable of performing singing and dancing, expected to wear the traditional costume to entertain in parties, etc. In addition, urban indigenous youth must endure doubts raised over “urban indigenous people are not poor enough to qualify for benefits’‘ or “urban indigenous people cannot speak their mother tongue.” Urban indigenous youth are often judged by mainstream society as “not indigenous enough” or “not real indigenous people’‘ because they may not confirm the stereotype, or they are expected to be “more native.” On the other hand, internally toward the indigenous communities, urban indigenous youth also need to bear pressure from their indigenous members and family. When urban indigenous people return to the tribe to seek their roots and reconnect with their own culture but are ridiculed by their clan folks, deny their identity, or refuse to accept them, the severity of these internal rejections and harms are comparable to discrimination experienced by mainstream society.

Discrimination Brings Harm Research has pointed out that discrimination and microaggression bring physical and mental harm, including, but not limited to, hypervigilance, dysthymia, self-­ doubt, and feeling rejected. Furthermore, many indigenous people often struggle with emphasizing the stereotypes and images of indigenous peoples from mainstream society, constantly making them feel they are not indigenous enough. Moreover, most indigenous people also face interpersonal struggles during their upbringings, such as exclusion or alienation, fear of establishing relationships with others, inability to trust others, etc. This research echoes the Minority Stress Theory. This theory points out that stigmatized identities further add to the burden on indigenous people in addition to stressful events in everyday life. To address the racial discrimination issue, acquiring knowledge about contemporary indigenous peoples facilitates an understanding of the diversity of indigenous peoples and reduces incidences of discrimination. During the process of the Indigenous Social Movement in the past, the indigenous people’s related arguments and viewpoints developed have changed with society. More indigenous people have

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engaged in indigenous and ethnic developments, while the indigenous societies have successively voiced out and announced that the diverse faces of contemporary indigenous people should be taken seriously. In particular, regarding social work, the policy and service plan design should consider cultural diversity and life experiences among indigenous ethnic groups, tribes, and regions. The universal design not only ignores indigenous peoples’ actual local needs, but it also recreates or strengthens stereotypes about indigenous peoples. Hence, indigenous social work education courses must enable students to understand the diversity of contemporary indigenous people’s life experiences. Ciwang concluded: “In my course planning, greater weight is placed on contemporary indigenous people-related issues, such as urban indigenous people, indigenous sexual and gender diversity, and microaggression. I value the contemporary and attach importance to history. However, I believe most people cannot relate to an issue without tracing the context of the past from a contemporary perspective. If an issue has nothing to do with one’s life, one tends to consider it irrelevant and loses learning interest. Therefore, I sorted the context of the past from contemporary experiences, such as the experience of urban indigenous people. Urban indigenous people account for a high proportion of the population, but fewer social work courses address urban indigenous people. Many people stereotype indigenous people as ‘people living in an indigenous town rather than in the big city’, even saying that urban indigenous people are not ‘native’ enough. Therefore, the situation of contemporary urban residents in the city is introduced to convey another important concept: the indigenous peoples show internal diversity and should not be viewed as homogenized.”

I ndigenous Social Work Pedagogy in Mainstream Higher Education in Taiwan  hrough Connecting Past and Present to Better Understand T Indigenous People’s Struggles Social workers in the fields should have a basic understanding of the colonial history of indigenous people because they may have the opportunity to serve indigenous clients whose contemporary struggles are mainly brought about by colonization. Knowledge of the historical context aids social workers in understanding that clients’ issues are closely related to colonial oppression, so they can avoid perceiving clients’ issues from the perspective of personal attributes. That said, it is essential to introduce the history of indigenous peoples into the social work curriculum. To enhance students’ learning outcomes of understanding the lasting effects of historical colonial events, rather than focusing on introducing historical events, addressing the contemporary experiences among indigenous people that students are more familiar with is a way to promote their learning motivation and translate their knowledge. In short, making the linkage of the present and the past is effective for social work students to learn the historical components of contemporary indigenous struggles. Reflecting on her teaching experience, Ciwang shared,

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There is a close association among the colonial history, historical trauma, and the contemporary health disparities in indigenous people. However, the historical trauma and colonial past may not be familiar to most nonindigenous people and the history is long gone for them even though historical events took place in Taiwan. In that case, emphasizing the relevance of colonial history and traumatic lived experiences to them is rather difficult. It would be tough to effectively teach and engage young social work students, especially those with nonindigenous backgrounds, with historical components in indigenous-related courses, because they are just not interested. So, when I talked about the colonial past, I felt the need to connect students with contemporary issues to intrigue their learning motives. This is why I specifically addressed the concept of historical trauma because this concept emphasizes the span of the impact across generations, still impacting the mental and physical health of contemporary indigenous people.

To effectively engage students in learning historical context and motivate students to acknowledge its importance, the application of real lived experiences of indigenous people was brought up during the courses. Students were invited to immerse themselves in the story. Ciwang explained, I would encourage students to put themselves in others’ shoes by providing multiple scenarios and situations of indigenous people. I would encourage students to conduct role-play or provide simulation arrangements to assist students in developing critical thinking skills to cultivate their empathy. During the process, the students would continue to be asked follow-up questions to stimulate their thinking. The students were encouraged to answer questions, and additional questions were added based on their answers to prevent them from supplying arbitrary answers beforehand. For example, when I introduced the concept of an Indian boarding school, I invited students to imagine how they would feel if they had similar experiences. What effects or changes would the event have on our lives? I led the students to learn about colonial events through situations because by introducing roles into the context, they could develop links with the colonial past and its effects. By continuing to ask the students questions, I believe students were able to engage in active thinking, thereby guiding them to construct their ideas toward agendas and fostering their critical thinking ability while flipping the teacher-centered teaching approach.

Cultivating Empathy Through Intersectional Perspectives Each individual’s behaviors and living styles are affected by his/her/their racial identity and its interactions with other identities he/she/them possesses. When nonindigenous students try to engage with indigenous people or clients in the field, the interactions are inevitably limited by not sharing a similar racial and cultural background, resulting in difficulty creating a deeper bonding and a more natural engagement. The intersectional perspective helps lead students to understand that despite the difference in racial or ethnic identity, every individual has multiple other identities, which may be interconnected with their own, such as sexual orientation identity, gender identity, class identity, etc. This helps nonindigenous students share a focus on their similarities with indigenous people rather than differences to cultivate empathy and establish trust and connection. For example, Ciwang stated, An indigenous individual, in addition to his/her/ their indigenous membership, he/she/they also identifies as a member of LGBTQIA+ community. In this case, even though many

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nonindigenous students cannot relate to the racial experiences, it is easier for them to relate to sexual minority lived experiences in Taiwan, especially living in a more queer-friendly city like Taipei.

The intersectionality lens can promote empathy among students through relatable lived experiences. The intersectionality lens can further enhance students’ motives and drive to understand issues distant from their lived experiences. To give out more details about how to cultivate empathy among her students through an international perspective in class, Ciwang further shared, Many nonindigenous students find it hard to relate to indigenous people’s lived experiences. However, when I introduced the concept of intersectionality, that brought relatability to students to understand indigenous peoples’ struggles better. Take me for an example, I am a woman, I am a lesbian, and I come from a Christian family. I can say that all those identities have merged to make me who I am today. I am also a university teacher. This is an example I shared with students: you must examine an individual’s context from an intersectional perspective. While applying gender to race to address the intersectionality perspective helps students to realize, ‘Yes, today’s class under the social work department extensively covers the individual populations.’ I also honestly tell the students that our class now sounds like a class for individual populations. Still, the class for individual populations is allotted because you should also have individual knowledge to be able to talk about intersectional. Therefore, I will still include it in the basic course, but I hope everyone knows I do not want everyone to view the matter as a single status when discussing indigenous social work. A person should see where the converging experience lies.

I nviting Both Indigenous and Nonindigenous Social Work Practitioners to Deliver Experiences Ciwang shared her experiences of collaborating with guest speakers in her class. She reported, That is, I will invite practitioners from the field of indigenous social work to engage in sharing. In a three-hour course, the arrangement is that I would conduct a lecture in the first hour, which would provide the guest lecturer's background and emphasize the goals of today’s class. This would lay a solid foundation and context for students to absorb the gem of today’s course better.

Having the instructor highlight the upcoming talk and providing guidance for students to focus on the later guest lectures serves the purpose of translation because most students have limited-to-none field knowledge and experiences. Students can focus right from the start of the guest talk and comprehend the course content effectively by conducting the translation work for s. In addition to “how” to effectively implement the guest lectures in teaching, identifying “who” to invite matters as well in indigenous social work knowledge delivery. In addition to inviting social workers with an indigenous background, those with a nonindigenous background and performing direct practices to the indigenous population are also relevant and critical to be invited as guest speakers. Ciwang explained,

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Inviting nonindigenous identity social workers who work in the indigenous social work field is important because most of our students have nonindigenous backgrounds, and the indigenous people’s lived experiences are unfamiliar to them. If most students are nonindigenous people, how can I make them feel they can imagine engaging in these jobs based on the sharing by the practical social workers? That is, putting this into consideration, in proceeding with my lecture arrangement, I also would purposely invite social workers with nonindigenous backgrounds who are involved in the field of indigenous social work.

Ciwang further described many benefits of inviting nonindigenous background speakers to the course and how it effectively enhances student learning outcomes. She stated, “I want my students to see that, other than indigenous people, it is also possible for social workers with nonindigenous backgrounds to perform well in the field of indigenous social work. I found out that when I invited nonindigenous social workers to engage in sharing, the students tended to ask questions more freely. Such questions as ‘What difficulties are encountered by nonindigenous people in the field of indigenous social work?’ and ‘How can I prepare myself?’ were specially raised.”

Immersion Teaching Pedagogy Cultural capacity is an essential professional skill for social work practitioners who work with indigenous communities. Multivariate heterogeneity exists in the cultures of indigenous groups. If social work practitioners lack knowledge and understanding of diverse cultures among indigenous ethnic groups, stereotypes and discrimination may be generated during the service process, resulting in harm to clients. Therefore, during training social workers, their cultural sensitivity and capacity should be strengthened while promoting self-awareness and reflection on their cultural background and values so that the strengths and values of clients can be respected. However, it is hard for students to cultivate in-depth cultural understanding via lecturing and knowledge delivery in the classroom environment. The classroom setting may only generate a superficial understanding for students to absorb cultural knowledge from the outside instead of cultivating deeper awareness and cultural reflections from the inside out. Therefore, it creates a false illusion for students to believe they are equipped with knowledge and capacity about cross-­ culture social work and cultural capacity can be easily acquired via taking some courses. Therefore, indigenous social work courses should apply immersive teaching pedagogy (Tanaka, 2009) to good use. Arrangements should be made for students to visit and experience life in urban indigenous communities and rural indigenous tribes. Immersive teaching is an effective way to cultivate cultural capacity and sensitivity. Ciwang stated, It is only by actually entering a tribe to live, putting oneself in different life fields, breaking free from existing life experiences, and experiencing the way of life and wisdom of different ethnic groups that one’s values and life experiences can create deeper reflections and analyses, thereby cultivating the cultural humility of social workers.

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In the process of experiencing the traditional lifestyle in indigenous communities, students may learn about a tribe’s historical culture, knowledge about mountains and forests, traditional values and worldviews, etc., through contact with indigenous people, living together, and exchanging knowledge and reflections with workers who serve the tribe. Students, by immersing themselves in the tribe, will be exposed to a whole different setting from that of the environment in which they were raised. It will foster their humility for different values and wisdom toward a different culture. Ciwang further explained, This immersion teaching arrangement will help social work students see different cultural strengths, allowing them to approach clients with cross-cultural backgrounds with a more open-minded and humbler attitude and provide more friendly services from a strength’s standpoint. Students will, in turn, have a more diverse and specific understanding and respect of the living conditions of the indigenous peoples.

Culture is rooted in life. In social work education, the arrangement of field visits in the course allows students to have an opportunity to leave their comfort zone and immerse themselves in the tribe to observe the natural way of life. The collision between one’s own experience and values will be, in turn, perceived to learn cross-­ cultural interactions, respect, and work methods, thereby cultivating social work students’ cultural capability and sensitivity.

Creating a Brave Space for Difficult Conversations Creating a safe classroom environment for students to discuss controversial issues and process their feelings in social work education is essential. Social work education aims to cultivate self-awareness via one’s values, worldviews, and social justice perspectives. That is, many times, challenging conversations and disagreements may be necessary to happen in the social work classroom. Ciwang stated, It is also important for instructors to create not only a safe environment but also a brave environment for students to say their opinions, engage in a conversation, and respond to disagreements honestly without the fear of being judged. Take my indigenous social work course, for example. It creates a lot of challenging dialogues, conversations, and disagreements among students because everyone has unique upbringings and values, such as different perspectives toward ethnicity, race, social class, gender, sexual orientation, etc. Therefore, the instructor needs to ponder how to create an environment for social work students to share their viewpoints, have them heard, respond to them, and grasp them. Ciwang further stated, “I wanted the indigenous social work course to accommodate discussions. Therefore, when indigenous students spoke out, I made sure I paid attention to the feelings of nonindigenous students. I felt that I tried to concentrate on the emotional responses of nonindigenous students when they heard the contents. I was able to make a turnaround partly because of my Han descent bi-ethnicity background. This reminded me of interactions with my parents and what they said to each other. I love my mother and father. Yes, I love both of them. That said, I took that perspective to think about why they would say such things or how I could understand the emotions behind what they said. As a result, I attempted to retreat, avoiding the stigma of indigenous identity. In other words, I

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pulled myself back a little to view the two voices from the educator’s perspective and let both voices understand each other.”

Ciwang went on and shared an example from her teaching. She stated, The first time my course commenced, one event took place. After I finished the lecture topic on microaggression, I noticed, in the next course, which is for students to take terms to conduct their group presentations, the presenters from EACH group were all indigenous students, not even one Han student. I felt something was up. What happened did not feel right. The phenomenon was strange. I asked a few indigenous students in private, ‘I noticed this arrangement. Did you notice it, too?’ I then asked their opinions, and these indigenous students said that after discussing microaggression, most Han students felt they should not mess things up or were afraid of saying the wrong thing during class. Then the Han students chose not to say anything. That said, this experience greatly inspired me to reflect upon it. In other words, I felt the need to include more aspects, such as sexism and homophobia, to discuss the topic of microaggression not only based on the experiences of racism among indigenous people to create a braver space for difficult conversations. For example, in the past two years in my course, I gave sexual orientation and disability more weight. What is microaggression toward sexual minorities? What is microaggression for people with disabilities? I gave many examples for students to understand that microaggression is involved in many aspects in everyone’s own lived experiences, not just race or ethnic aspect for indigenous students only.

Reflecting on her teaching experiences, Ciwang further shared, To cultivate a brave space for students to engage in classroom discussion, another thing I did is create a weekly class feedback system. I invited students to talk about what they had learned over the past week, areas they were unclear about, if there was anything they wanted to say, and such. Then, after a week, I would spend 30 minutes (sometimes up to one hour) for an extended discussion on questions they had, or areas not yet clarified. This action was intended to connect the previous and current classes to resolve any pending wondering or unresolved feelings toward certain things.

Critical Analysis, Critical Reflection, and Empathy Three capacities are critical for students to cultivate in indigenous social work courses: critical analysis, critical reflection, and empathy. To elaborate on her point of view, Ciwang stated, Discussion is such an important and largest component in my class. For instance, I would start a discussion and cite microaggression as an example. I would then invite and include the students in the discussion and conversation. After they spoke, I would ask them follow­up questions. For example, when they said, ‘I hope to speak to the other person properly. I also hope the other person can tell me his thoughts and feelings.’ I would probably ask them, ‘When we are in a good state, it may be easy for us to talk with each other nicely, but when everyone is not in a good state or a good mood, they will not be able to speak properly. In this situation, how can we deal with that?’ I would further keep asking more follow-up questions with different circumstances to stimulate my students, but not in a harsh way.

The layers of questions force and challenge students to deepen and strengthen their ideas and thoughts, effectively promoting critical analysis and reflection among

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social work students. Additionally, by providing real case scenarios or situations for them to process, it also provides more space for them to grow in empathy. Ciwang stated, “This is the method I used. For example, when I talked about historical trauma or microaggression, I would provide probing questions such as if anything similar to this ever had happened to them or their family and how they felt when it happened or what they knew or felt. I would go back to their lived experiences to connect the dots. These discussions cannot be detached from students' lived experiences. Suppose I only focus on racial discrimination experiences without making links with the discriminated experiences from other aspects of life that happened to other students. In that case, it may be tough for them to engage and acquire a better understanding. Therefore, I felt the need to backtrack and ask them what their real lived experiences were and comb through their experiences with them together during the class.”

Discussion and Implications Along with the indigenous human rights movements globally, needs among indigenous people in Taiwan are gradually receiving attention and visibility recently. It requires immediate responses from the social welfare system. Therefore, more and more indigenous social work-related job openings have been created to respond to the high demands among indigenous communities. Following this trend further creates the need for social work students to acquire indigenous-related knowledge in social work higher education. With this context, indigenous social work education has increased its weight and demands in mainstream social work higher education in Taiwan. Despite the rising demands for indigenous social work education in Taiwan, the ideology and framework of indigenous social work education have yet to be well structured and have reached a consensus among scholars. While some scholars endorse the framework of integrating both the values of indigenous worldview and mainstream social work values in teaching, others stand firmly by only centering indigenous worldview, knowledge, and experiences in indigenous social work education. The latter, with the sole endorsement of an indigenous worldview in social work education, although it is more indigent-oriented and culture-based, faces more contemporary challenges. First is the loss of indigenous worldviews and traditional knowledge due to colonization. Reconstructing the indigenous worldview, reestablish indigenous culture, and reviving indigenous knowledge are inevitable and a must. Second, without integrating with mainstream social work values, indigenous social work education/knowledge may be marginalized in social work education and receive less attention. Therefore, some social work scholars suggest integrating indigenous social work education and mainstream social work education as the first step to advance its development gradually. In sum, although cultural awareness and competence have long been the core of contemporary social work education, mainstream social work education in Taiwan remains lacking an understanding of multiculturalism and indigenous culture and perspectives. Centering indigenous knowledge and perspectives into mainstream

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social work education is critical to bridge the current education gaps and creating more nonindigenous allies for indigenous social workers. Indigenous history and historical trauma, indigenous worldview, and anti-racism perspectives are three foundational knowledge of indigenous social work education. Delivering the above foundational knowledge in social work higher education would enhance students’ understanding of the context among indigenous communities and deepen the cultivation of cultural sensitivity and cultural competence. This article discussed effectively delivering indigenous social work perspectives and content in mainstream education. In terms of indigenous social work pedagogy, connecting indigenous history and present, cultivating empathy through intersectional perspectives, inviting both indigenous and nonindigenous social work practitioners to deliver experiences, visiting indigenous communities to immerse and learn from elders and community members, and creating a brave space for difficult conversations are considered as effective approaches to deliver indigenous social work contents. In short, through the adaptation of contextualized learning and experiential learning pedagogy (e.g., field exposures in indigenous communities), effectively promotes reflexivity, curiosity, critical thinking, and critical reflection among social work students in Taiwan.

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Chapter 9

Integrating Indigenous Perspectives into International Social Work Education: A Case Study in Japan Masateru Higashida, Kana Matsuo, and Josef Gohori

Introduction The relation between international social work education and indigenous perspectives is a complex but significant topic. Such complexity includes the dynamics amongst indigenous issues in a domestic context, internationalisation of social work and globalisation (Dominelli, 2012). In Japan, indigenous and locally unique knowledges1 and practices in social work exist regardless of whether they are discussed and described using English terms associated with ‘indigenousness’. For instance, domestic studies have explored the origins of social welfare in Japan, with themes such as Buddhist compassion and local relief activities (e.g., Ikeda & Doi, 2000; Mishima, 2016, 2017). However, while social work education in Japan has largely introduced Western-rooted (particularly North American and Western European) professional social work2 theories into the domestic context (Matsuo, 2021), its approach to ‘indigenous’ perspectives seem limited (Mishima, 2017).  This chapter primarily uses the plural form of related terms, such as indigenous ‘knowledges’, consistent with the Global Definition of Social Work Profession (International Federation of Social Workers and International Association of Schools of Social Work, 2014). Although we recognise the potential grammatical issue of using this form, we intend to emphasise the significance of diverse knowledges in this chapter. 2  Terms related to ‘Western-rooted professional social work’ are often used by the Asian Research Institute for International Social Work (ARIISW), Shukutoku University. The ARIISW has explored Buddhist social work in partnership with researchers in the Asian region and other countries (Akimoto, 2017). 1

M. Higashida (*) · K. Matsuo · J. Gohori Asian Research Institute for International Social Work, Shukutoku University, Chiba, Japan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_9

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Simply put, although Japanese social work education has adopted Western-rooted theories—thereby indigenising them—to address domestic welfare issues, further discussion is required for a multifaceted, international perspective on the matter. Considering these complex issues, this chapter discusses how indigenous social work perspectives can enrich social work education. These points indicate the significance of global and local (or glocal) perspectives in international social work education as proposed by domestic and international researchers (Gray, 2019; Healy & Link, 2012; Higashida, 2023; Wake, 2019). This section explores the global and local context of indigenous discourses and international social work education in Japan.

 erminology and Discourses Related to Indigenisation T and Indigenous Knowledges Before investigating a specific context, we provide a brief overview of the terminology associated with indigenousness from an international social work perspective. While different discourses of these related terms have been constructed amongst scholars, this chapter distinguishes ‘indigenisation’ from ‘indigenous’ in social work. As argued by some researchers of international social work (Gray et al., 2010) and related areas such as Buddhist social work (Akimoto, 2017, 2021; Akimoto et al., 2020), the ‘indigenisation’ of mainstream and Western-rooted professional social work in a local and domestic context is likely different from the ‘indigenous’ knowledges and practices preceding its introduction and application.3 This chapter focuses on indigenous knowledges and practices and their implications for international social work; that is, we will examine indigenous social work and its relation to transnationality and interculturality rather than the indigenisation of mainstream Western-rooted theories in a specific context. The following two examples show various aspects of indigenous knowledges and practices. First, a fundamental debate is linked to the construction and authorisation of these knowledges, such as ‘Whose knowledges and practices are considered indigenous?’ Some researchers have argued for indigenous knowledges and practices ‘for, with and by Indigenous Peoples’ (Gray et  al., 2010: 8), including First Nations and Aboriginal peoples (Johnson & Yellow Bird, 2012), and we agree that they must be respected to the fullest extent. However, as other researchers have pointed out, indigenous knowledges and practices, as well as discourses of local and  Researchers at the ARIISW have proposed the ABC model of indigenous social work (Akimoto, 2021; Akimoto et al., 2020), classified into three main types: Western-rooted professional social work (WPSW) by indigenous peoples (Model A), adapted or indigenised WPSW (Model B, or B-A); adapted or Westernised indigenous social work (Model B′, or B-C) and indigenous social work (Model C). The reality, including the case studies in this chapter, can be understood as being in a gradation amongst them, but we must be at least sensitive to the implications of each relevant term. 3

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indigenous peoples, can vary4 because of the diversity in socio-cultural and historical contexts amongst different countries and regions (Akimoto, 2021; Akimoto et al., 2020; Dominelli, 2012). Therefore, we will focus on the significance of considering local and indigenous knowledges and practices, including but not limited to those of Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities, as opposed to the indigenisation of Western-rooted ones. Second, there is likely a wide range of indigenous knowledges and practices from mainstream to minor or marginalised ones. Critical discussions would need to be conducted if mainstream indigenous knowledges are associated with the social issues that minorities face in a society, such as prejudice and discrimination (Higashida, 2022b; Mishima, 2017). In other words, this study does not endorse the unconditional acceptance of all local and indigenous knowledges by grouping them,5 including harmful ones (Mishima, 2017), as the Global Definition of Social Work Profession (hereinafter ‘Global Definition’) also warns of potential harm and lack of respect for minorities in a socio-culturally and ethnically dominant society (International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) & International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW), 2014). These perspectives also correspond to the viewpoint of international social work, namely, the principle of no attachment of ‘any special meaning or importance in value to any specific country or people’ (Akimoto, 2004: 1). Considering these perspectives, we will describe indigenous knowledges and practices in the specific context of Japan as a case country.

Japan’s Historical and Social Context under Globalisation The historical, geographical and socio-cultural context plays a significant role in Japanese social work education. Japan is composed of more than 14,000 islands, including Hokkaido, Honshu, Shikoku, Kyushu and Okinawa, with maritime borders to other countries (Geospatial Information Authority of Japan, 2023). In the country, discourses on the history of Indigenous peoples and assimilation have taken various forms. The majority of the Japanese people (Nihonjin: 日本人) are  For instance, a report on Buddhist social work states, ‘In our usage, indigenous people in this paper are not necessarily associated with Western colonization and hegemony and not necessarily confined as a minority in their current countries . . . but must have their origins in the community, society, area, region or nation in olden days’ (Akimoto et al., 2020: 67). 5  Indigenous knowledges and practices, for instance, in Japanese social work and welfare contexts would include not only positive but also negative aspects. Mishima (2017) argued that institutional practices with neighbourhood households, which were conducted in the Edo period (Nakagawa, 1937), constituted a device for maintaining public order. While cohesion and mutual support among these groups are therefore expected, as Mishima also pointed out, the dysfunction, such as the exclusion of marginalised people, is observed. Even in contemporary social welfare, the system of unpaid public workers, including commissioned welfare volunteers and commissioned child welfare volunteers (Minsei-iin, Jidou-iin: 民生委員・児童委員), has been rooted in these traditional knowledges and institutional practices (Nakagawa, 1937; Mishima, 2017). 4

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sometimes described as Yamato-minzoku (大和民族) or Wajin (和人) with a dominant ethnic identity. Indigenous and ethnic minorities include the Ainu (or Ainu-­ minzoku: アイヌ民族), whose rooted areas include Hokkaido and its surroundings, and the Ryukyuan (or Ryukyu-minzoku: 琉球民族), whose rooted areas include Okinawa and its surroundings, although the Japanese government has officially recognised only the Ainu people as Indigenous peoples of the country (Hammine, 2019). In addition, each region in Japan has its own unique cultures and dialects, while their real-life situations and people’s perceptions of them have varied over time (Long, 1999). However, some politicians described Japan as a ‘monoethnic country’, for which they have been heavily criticised (Tsunoda, 2021). As noted later in this chapter, Japanese social work education likely paid inadequate attention to the issues faced by indigenous and ethnically marginalised peoples, including the Ainu, particularly before 2014, the year the Global Definition was adopted (IFSW & IASSW, 2014). This necessitates a discussion of perspectives associated with indigenous social work, with critical views, considering the various backgrounds and discourses surrounding social work. In contrast, globalisation has affected Japan through rapid domestic internationalisation. Since the westernisation of the Meiji period (Bunmei-kaika: 文明開化) in the late nineteenth century, Japan had undergone modernisation especially in urban areas by adopting Western culture whilst in certain cases overlooking the traditional Japanese one, which might have been regarded as out-of-date or inferior (Hoston, 1992; Mishima, 2017); though, some may argue that the cultural fusion itself, including multi-religious/polytheistic aspects, also constituted unique Japanese cultures, as depicted in a classical novel (Akutagawa, 1923). While the relationship between the historical processes and cultural dynamics in the first half of the twentieth century was complex due to imperialism and the two world wars, the occupation policy by the General Headquarters (GHQ), Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, after the Second World War, included the penetration of the culture of the United States and other related countries (Fujita, 2015; Kohchi, 1991). In terms of the recent phenomena influencing culture, the number of foreign visitors to Japan has exceeded 30 million in 2019, and the Japanese government set a target of 40 million by 2020 (Japan Tourism Agency, 2019), just prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of foreign residents in Japan has increased, which include foreign care workers; thus, the theme of globalisation is now directly linked to the social welfare sector in Japan. With this trend, the importance of international issues and ‘multicultural coexistence’ (Tabunka-kyosei: 多文化共生), or interculturalism, in Japan, including life-related issues experienced by people with overseas roots,6 has recently emerged as a topic of discussion (Aiden, 2011; Ishikawa, 2003). Globalisation has also affected social work in Japan, with the development of Japanese social work education taking place through the widespread importation of Western-rooted professional social work theories (Matsuo, 2020). For example, students who read textbooks on social work (e.g., JASWE, 2021a, b) can easily find the  Some researchers have reported that migrant workers in Japan, such as those working under the Technical Intern Training Program, faced issues including labour exploitation and human rights abuses (Chonlaworn, 2021). 6

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achievements of Mary Ellen Richmond, regarded as the mother of social casework, as well as the seven principles proposed by Felix Biestek (Higashida, 2021).7 Some domestic researchers have explored the unique historical tradition of social work practices and policies (Iwamoto, 2011), but social work education and welfare ­policies, particularly after World War II,8 seem to have been indigenised based on Western-rooted professional social work theories (Matsuo, 2013, 2020). Furthermore, Japanese social work education has interacted with the Japanese Amplification of the Global Definition of the Social Work Profession (JFSW, n.d.), which states that ‘[s]ocial work, recognizing discriminatory and oppressive histories, engages in practice that respects diverse cultures and strives for peace’. This Japanese amplification does not directly mention a term that corresponds to ‘indigenous knowledges’ but states that ‘people living in Japan traditionally have been aspiring for harmony with the natural environment’ and emphasises the significance of cultural diversity (JFSW, n.d.).9 Considering such a local and global context, this study focuses on the case study of Japan. First, it discusses indigenous perspectives on social work education and research in the country. Next, it reviews the state of international social work-related courses and examines the issues surrounding the integration of the indigenous social work perspective. It then presents the aims of this study.

An Indigenous Perspective in the Japanese Context In Japan, indigenous perspectives on social work have been gradually discussed, especially after the mid-2010s, when the Global Definition was adopted10; they do not seem to be a novel perspective because of certain historical achievements

 For example, a Japanese textbook (JASWE, 2021b) introduces various Western-rooted casework theories, such as the strengths model, systems theory, psycho-social approach, solution-focused approach, task-centred approach, cognitive behavioural approach, crisis intervention model, empowerment approach and narrative approach. 8  Some scholars examined the impact of the GHQ policy on social welfare and social work in Japan, although differences in intentions between the American and Japanese sides could be observed (Inoue, 2022). 9  There are linguistic differences with difficulties because the ‘Amplification’ was discussed in Japanese and then translated into English in the process. In addition, the difficulties and complexities of the translation between the two languages are mentioned in the explanation of the Global Definition (JFSW & JASWE, 2015). One study has also identified cultural discrepancies between Western and Japanese social work theories (Hazama, 2021). Moreover, the issues of ‘official languages’, including English and Japanese, amongst others, in international social work discourses should be critically discussed (Akimoto, 2010). 10  Mishima (2017: 19) argued that three factors are linked to the inactive discussion on indigenous knowledges in Japan: (1) a relatively small number of Indigenous peoples in the country, (2) the lack of social problematisation of issues faced by these peoples and (3) the tendency that the translated concept of ‘local and indigenous knowledge’ in the IFSW’s definition of social work in 2000 was not recognised as indigenous knowledges in Japanese societies. 7

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worldwide,11 such as the United Nations’ study on social work training in 1971 and studies in other Asian countries that explored ways to integrate indigenous perspectives into social work education (Roy, 2021: 5). In Japan, terms that correspond to Indigenous peoples and indigenous knowledges are not indexed in the Japanese Encyclopaedia of Social Welfare Studies (Japanese Society of the Study of Social Welfare, 2014). However, scholars have explored topics of locally unique social work, perhaps without using corresponding terms such as ‘indigenous social work’, in Japanese welfare fields for many years, as mentioned previously. Some researchers have recently discussed such social work as well as indigenous issues from an ‘indigenous’ perspective. For instance, a major domestic journal published a review article on indigenous knowledges in the Global Definition (Mishima, 2016). Therefore, using these terms and frameworks, some researchers (re)discovered the phenomena of indigenous and local knowledges in Japanese social work, albeit to an inadequate degree. While the Global Definition follows the United Nations’ descriptions of Indigenous peoples (IFSW & IASSW, 2014), the concept’s meanings and implications and the term ‘indigenous’ are controversial—perhaps even broadly interpreted—in Japanese social work research and education because of linguistic issues. There has been some agreement around the Japanese translation of the term in the Global Definition. ‘Indigenous knowledges’ has been translated as Chiiki-minzoku-­ koyuuno-chi (地域・民族固有の知), meaning locally and ethnically unique knowledges (JFSW & Japanese Association for Social Work Education (JASWE, 2015)). The translated concept can be understood to include not only indigenous knowledges in areas colonised by Western countries but also the knowledges of long-time residents of the Japanese archipelago—while it is also necessary to address the marginalised issues Indigenous peoples face (Hazama, 2021). However, various debates were observed regarding the adaptation and translation of related terms (Mishima, 2016). For example, the fourth draft, presented in December 2012, includes Kakuchi-no-dochaku-no-chishiki (各地の土着の知識), which refers to indigenous knowledges from different regions (JFSW, 2012), and in the fifth draft of April 2013, the term ‘indigenous knowledges’ was translated as Senjyumin-no-­ chi (先住民の知), which means Indigenous peoples’ knowledges (Mishima, 2016). This process indicates that the standardised translation of Chiiki-minzoku-koyuuno-­ chi is broadly translated in the Japanese context from the English term ‘indigenous knowledges’. Simply put, the related terms may hold slightly different connotations from what are referred to as indigenous representations amongst countries and societies. Hence, it is important to question what is indigenous, as well as what is local,12

 Historically, international organisations have recognised indigenous matters in social work education. For instance, the IASSW has acknowledged the significance of collecting indigenous cases for social work education since its reorganisation from the International Committee of Schools of Social Work (ICSSW) in 1956 (Kiesling, 1982): this historical document was collected by the ARIISW’s researchers, including the second author in February 2011. 12  In general, the term ‘indigenous’ would clearly include a historical perspective when compared to the term ‘local’ although some aspects overlap between the two terms. However, in Japanese, the terms ‘indigenous’ and ‘local’ might be interpreted in an integrated way. 11

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in the first place and to have pluralistic indigenous perspectives and discourses (Akimoto, 2021; Akimoto et al., 2020; Roy, 2021), critical self-reflection and dialogue (Hart & Burton, 2016). The manner in which indigenous knowledges are integrated into or interpreted in Japanese education and practice has also been a subject of debate. In the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare’s (MHLW) new standardised curriculum for social work education, a designated subject, ‘Foundations of Social Work and the Profession’, includes related social work concepts clearly linked to the Global Definition as expected educational content. For example, a standardised textbook that corresponds to the new curriculum includes a brief description of Chiiki-­ minzoku-­koyuuno-chi that is in line with the Global Definition. It states, ‘Let us consider what are local and ethnic-specific knowledges in Japan. Think about what is different from Western culture and values’ (JASWE, 2021a: 61, translated by the authors). A specific instance concerns social work practices around issues faced by the Ainu people, including prejudice and discrimination, which might be understood in Japan in relation to indigenous social work, together with cultural competence (Virág, 2020, 2022). Social work has also been noted to contribute to the peripheralisation of local cultures in the name of modernisation when the Empire of Japan imposed its wartime colonial policies on some Asia-Pacific countries (Mishima, 2016, 2017; Otomo, 2018). However, these issues, as well as their relation with international social work, are yet to be comprehensively discussed in Japan (Matsuo, 2021). Therefore, it is necessary to further consider their integration and teaching methods while examining the changing socio-cultural context, which is also shaped by globalisation. In other words, it is important to re-examine these contexts, which interact with globalisation or ‘Westernisation’, in terms of critical and international perspectives including decolonisation (Johnson & Yellow Bird, 2012; Yellow Bird & Gray, 2016).

International Social Work Education in Japan 13 This section provides an overview of the debate on international social work and welfare education involving certified social worker candidates and related professionals in Japan, where the terms ‘social welfare’—or Shakai-fukushi (社会福 祉)—and ‘social work’ are often used interchangeably14 (Matsuo, 2013, 2020; Sasaki, 2010). To emphasise the importance of multiple perspectives—or ‘compound eyes’—in international social work to realise the well-being of all people worldwide (Akimoto, 2004), the term ‘international social work’ would be more appropriate than ‘international social welfare’ in this context. Although the authors

 Some of the contents in this section were adapted with modification from Higashida (2022a).  In the previous study, the author tentatively used ‘international social welfare’ as an umbrella term (Higashida, 2022a). 13 14

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Table 9.1  Frequency of terms related to international social work in the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare’s (2020) standardised curriculuma Frequency

Term International

Views to be Objectives included in Total (Goals) education 9 1 1

Examples of possible educational content 7

No. of applicable actual courses 4

Foreign

7

1

1

5

4

Multicultural

3

0

0

3

3

Globalb

4

0

0

4

3

Western/ developed countries

7

1

0

6

3

Asia

1

0

0

1

1

Examples International comparison, ICF,c international trends Trends in other countries, social security systems in other countries Multicultural coexistence (Kyosei) Globalisation, global ageing, global definition Comparison with Europe and the U.S., Western social welfare system, trends in Western countries Types of welfare policies (e.g., Europe, the United States, East Asia)

This table was adapted from the author’s book published in Japanese and translated into English (Higashida, 2021: 10) b Includes globalisation c International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health a

recognise the importance of further debate on this topic, this chapter primarily uses ‘international social work’ except when describing a specific subject name and welfare policies.15 The 1970s saw advanced efforts in subjects related to international social work in Japan (Mori, 1996). The curriculum for social work education and training courses, which became a national qualification in 1987, was revised in 2020. The curriculum includes 23 subjects but excludes those related to international social work in a narrow sense. However, some subjects in the curriculum included elements related to international perspectives; in fact, terms that could be associated with international perspectives are found, such as ‘international’, ‘foreign’, ‘Western (or developed) countries’ and ‘global’ (Table  9.1). In addition, the content of  Matsuo (2013) described the historical and social context as well as the process in which the term and concept of social work (or Sosharu-waku in Japanese pronunciation) were incorporated and constructed in Japan. 15

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subjects in the new standardised curriculum does not seem to directly mention any titles or terminology associated with ‘indigenous’ matters; nevertheless, it incorporates some ‘multicultural’ perspectives in the context of globalisation. This implies that international social work and other related courses would be at the discretion of each university and department. Therefore, it is necessary to explore how to deliver practical education based on an understanding of social culture in other countries, including indigenous perspectives, in international social work education, as well as how to teach global and local social welfare issues across subjects. Several studies and initiatives have been conducted on international social work-­ related subjects that are expected to complement social work education. For instance, one study (Higashida, 2022a) analysed the syllabi of international social work-related subjects at Japanese national and public universities. It found that in most of the sample universities, the subjects’ aims and objectives tended to emphasise a multifaceted and relativisation perspective while comparing social policies and social work with global and local views. Some subjects in Japan also focused on international issues and multiculturalism and coexistence (Tabunka-kyosei), or interculturalism, while teaching about diverse situations in other countries and regions. These subjects varied widely in content, but some of them discussed people, including minorities, and the issues they face worldwide, as well as ways to solve these problems. Only a few subjects included international social work and indigenous perspectives.16 The syllabus content of sample university subjects included ‘Impact of Globalisation and Indigenisation: Considering Indigenous Wisdom in the Context of Social Work’ and ‘International Trends in Social Work: Indigenisation’. These findings suggest that, when considering the integration of indigenous perspectives into the subject of international social work, content design is expected to reflect both global and local social work practices. Some subject contents, while not necessarily using the term ‘indigenous’, seem to aim to provide a discussion of global issues and measures in conjunction with domestic themes. Therefore, the integration of indigenous perspectives into the subject and the development of teaching methods through subject planning and implementation are worth exploring.

The Current Study Whilst international social work subjects in Japan have developed considering global and local views, they must encourage debate on the integration of indigenous perspectives and corresponding teaching methods. Education-based research is expected to exploratively reveal how indigenous perspectives are incorporated into international social work subjects. The aim of this

 A recently published textbook involves a chapter that focuses on international social work practices for Indigenous peoples (Virág, 2022). 16

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educational practice-based study is to develop classes by integrating indigenous perspectives into international social work subjects at a Japanese university, considering global and local trends.

Methods This study was part of the educational research on a social work course at a prefectural university in the northernmost part of Honshu in Japan (Higashida, 2022a). With reference to Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL: Felten, 2013), this study was conducted on the subject titled ‘International Welfare Theory’ (Kokusai-­fukushi-­ron: 国際福祉論). The research period was from December 2020 to December 2021. Before conducting research on the main subject, a syllabus was developed that included classes on indigenous practices in the international social work context (Higashida, 2022a). During planning, the syllabus reflected lessons and students’ feedback from trial classes in social work-related subjects in January 2021. In addition, teaching materials were created, including a concise textbook written in Japanese. In the second semester, from October to December 2021, this International Welfare Theory course was offered to third-year students as an elective. Fifteen classes were conducted in accordance with the planned syllabus. Data were collected from students’ reflection sheets (reaction papers) and the lecturer’s (the first author’s) field notes. The students provided their reflection sheets with their written consent in accordance with the university’s research and educational ethics regulations and guidelines. The data collected were anonymised, but any information that could identify individuals were removed before analysis. By eliminating the possibility of linkage with students’ information, utmost care was taken to avoid any influence on the assessment of their coursework and the assignment. The data were analysed descriptively and interpretively along a time series in a classroom. This study focuses on the process of syllabus development and the implementation of the subject. As part of the planning and implementation process, this study interpreted the students’ descriptions of their reflection sheets by focusing on their perceptions and subjective experiences. Data analysis was supplemented by another lecturer’s teaching experiences of related courses in other universities in the Discussion section.

Findings Trial Classes and Reflection This study attempted to develop a course on international social work at the university considering previous findings from a syllabi analysis of related subjects at national and public universities (Higashida, 2022a). According to the findings,

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subjects related to international social work appeared to be designed so that students can relativise Japanese social work by learning about overarching international perspectives and the views of local and indigenous practices. In other words, students were expected to gain multifaceted perspectives while learning about theories and techniques of practice in various settings, including both developed and developing countries. Therefore, it can be considered appropriate to discuss indigenous views and an approach that is relevant to local cultures and societies while also identifying implications for Japan. Trial classes were held on the other subjects. For example, one class theme in the course Introduction to Social Welfare was titled ‘Multicultural Life and International Social Work’. Another trial class for third-year students was conducted in the course Mental Health and Welfare Theory. These classes aimed to explore practical implications for global and local social work through groupwork amongst students. Before the groupwork in each trial class, the lecturer provided examples of international social welfare issues and social work practices. The classes were conducted so that students learnt about global perspectives—including international trends and frameworks—and community-based perspectives—including local and indigenous knowledges and the practices of frontline social workers—while also examining issues and practices within Japan. The students provided the following feedback after the class: With all the different religions and cultures in the world, I was curious as to how we can develop (social work) practices and services that are appropriate to the area. As I had almost no knowledge of (social work in) foreign countries (before this class), I was able to understand the perspectives so as to capture the policies and characteristics of each country. They were easier to understand through comparisons with Japan. I thought that by learning about the current situation in developing countries, I would be able to understand the development and shortcomings of policies and practices in Japan. (Higashida, 2022a)

These comments and the lecturer’s practical experience were indicative of the students’ limited opportunities in anything other than what they had learnt in lectures and textbooks about social work and social welfare issues in Japan and the Global North. They also reported that learning about indigenous perspectives, together with international comparisons, would provide them with the opportunity to gain a new perspective.

Classes Implemented and Reflection Based on the lessons and learning experiences acquired through these trial classes, the International Welfare Theory course was designed for third-year undergraduate students. Four objectives sought to teach multifaceted perspectives in the context of international practices, including perspectives on indigenous social work (Higashida, 2022a). This study also intended to consider international trends, learn about practices surrounding global issues and obtain suggestions for practice in the local

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context. In the course syllabus (Higashida, 2022a), the main learning goals for students were as follows: By the end of the unit, students will be able to confidently: 1. Analyse and synthesise core debates around perspectives required for international social work considering the interaction between global and local issues. 2. Critically discuss one or more examples of collaborative practice in international social work. 3. Prepare a draft of a project plan for international social work and development by using the Project Design Matrix (PDM). 4. Demonstrate critical understanding of the opportunities and challenges of social work in a global society through the study of perspectives and practical cases that can be applied to local practice. Regarding lesson content, the plan included both theories and case studies of situations and collaborative practices in developed, developing and emerging countries with emphasis on social work perspectives and techniques in international development. As shown in Table 9.2, the main concise textbook consisted of nine chapters, including a discussion of indigenous social work in Chap. 4 (Higashida, 2021). The lesson was planned and implemented so that students could ponder on the following questions, among others: ‘In what context and by what process local practices have been produced?’, ‘What socio-cultural perspectives have been valued?’, ‘Why are an indigenous view and an intercultural perspective necessary?’ and ‘What are the implications for social workers?’ The subject was composed of 15 sessions, the content of which is presented in Table  9.3. Indigenous social work was a key perspective applied throughout the entire course, particularly in the fourth to seventh sessions. For example, in the sixth lecture, students learnt about indigenous social work practices using the content of Chapter 4 in the textbook. After an overview of the term, related discourses were briefly presented with reference to relevant literature (Gray et al., 2010; Healy & Table 9.2 Chapters of a concise textbook for the International Welfare Theory course (Higashida, 2021) Part I: Introduction Chapter 1: Current trends and field practice of international social work and development Chapter 2: Basic concepts and terminology of international social work and development Part II: Practical perspectives and approaches Chapter 3: Developmental social work Chapter 4: Indigenous social work Chapter 5: Dialogue and collaborative practice in international developmental social work Chapter 6: Project design in international developmental social work Part III: Case studies Chapter 7: International cooperation practice by Japanese social workers Chapter 8: Community-based inclusive development and international developmental social work Chapter 9: Multiculturalism and intercultural social work

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Table 9.3  Topics of each class in the International Welfare Theory course First Half 1st and 2nd classes 3rd class

Trends in international social work and required perspectives Basic concepts and terminology related to international social work 4th and Overview and case studies of 5th classes social work by country/region 6th and Theories of international 7th classes social work practice

Second Half 8th and 9th Planning international social work classes projects (overview) 10th and 11th classes 12th and 13th classes 14th and 15th classes

International social work project planning, monitoring and evaluation (case studies) Case studies of international cooperation and social work practices Multiculturalism and intercultural social work

Thomas, 2020; Johnson & Yellow Bird, 2012; Kleibl et al., 2019), and examples from other countries were discussed. The lecturer introduced indigenous and other socio-cultural and religious activities as local practices in Asia.17 The students were given the opportunity to reflect on their acquired content and knowledges through other social welfare classes while also thinking of their relationship with indigenous knowledges and practices from countries around the world, including Japan. Students who attended the classes reconsidered Western-rooted professional perspectives and comparisons with Japan. First, one student wrote about their impressions of learning about local perspectives that were expected to be relevant to social situations in each country and region, including developing countries: I think that most of the foreign countries noted in (Japanese) social work textbooks are about policies and practices in developed countries like Europe and the USA. Therefore, I found the topics about developing countries fresh and interesting to me. I became particularly interested in what is the nature of social work activities in different values and cultures. (25 October 2021)

This student’s comments show a willingness to advance their understanding of social work by considering diverse values and cultures. In the same session, another student made similar points: I thought it (this class) was worthwhile to consider not only the Eurocentric (Global North) view of social work but also the views of developing countries while learning from these countries. I believe that great developments are possible when we face unknown thoughts and assumptions beyond the existing ones, such as individualism in my case. (25 October 2021: Higashida, 2022a)

 Attempts have also been made to explore elements of Buddhist social work research in comparison with Western-rooted professional social work. For example, in Buddhist social work in Asia, there have been discussions about whether subjects are limited to ‘clients’ or could include animals and nature, whether social work practices are conducted not only by professionals but also by volunteers and whether basic concepts of rights are discussed with responsibilities, amongst others (Gohori, 2020). 17

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This implies that social work students who attended the classes were confronted with critical or unrecognised thoughts and ideas derived from indigenous social work perspectives or arguments in international development. Indeed, in another class, a student provided the following feedback, integrating self-learning: I have previously had the opportunity to see the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its guidelines. I found that (in addition to the rights of minority and indigenous children) ... along with foster care and institutions, ‘kafalah’ in Islamic law is also specified as an example of social care for children (Article 20). I don’t know whether ‘kafalah’ is actually used as a means of social care in any country, but I think it could be linked to indigenous social work perspectives. It may be a controversial theme because it could be just indigenisation, or ‘kafalah’ has sometimes been criticised as a means of gaining slaves through its misuse, though. (15 November 2021)

Second, some students reported learning about indigenous social work perspectives, as well as diversified socio-cultural and historical views, through discussions on global and local social issues in the context of international cooperation and development. One student described the relation between values rooted in culture and society and international social work as follows: It was mentioned that developmental social work would be difficult to capture solely from a simple binary perspective such as non-Western vs Western or global vs local. In the case of Japanese social workers dispatched to other countries, for example, they may find themselves in a very difficult position, as they are from a non-Western country, but their thoughts and values may be close to (or heavily influenced by) Western thinking. (15 November 2021)

This complex relation can be interpreted to cause dilemmas and challenges for international social workers. Another student, imagining such difficulties and complexities in reality, expressed motivation for the assignment: For studying complex social issues, I felt that by taking into account the country’s or society’s contexts, religious, ethnic, historical and other related backgrounds, entry points to the issues might be found. I would like to make use of the knowledges and perspectives I gained from today’s class to engage in my midterm assignment (an assignment essay on global and local issues whose specific theme was chosen by each student). (8 November 2021)

This comment may lead to an exploration of culturally relevant practices in international development. However, amongst the discussion of various theories, the undergraduate students described their difficulties in learning about indigenous social work: An overview of various theories, such as developmental social work, a capability approach and indigenous social work, was reviewed, but it felt a bit difficult for me to gain sufficient understanding. I felt that learning through knowledge alone was limited and that these understandings could be deepened through practical learning. (15 November 2021)

Third, we found comments describing comparisons with Japanese social work and implications for local and indigenous social work in Japan: (During a discussion about some conflicts amongst groups with different religions and ethnicities within a country or region) I felt that it may be difficult for Japanese students to imagine ... In Japan, I think that Okinawan culture, for example, is often seen as slightly different from the mainland (or mainstream) culture, but it might generally be perceived (or marginalised) as just part, or just one prefecture, in Japan. (8 November 2021)

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This description highlighted Okinawa as an example of a local perspective in Japan and its relation to Japanese mainstream culture. It seemed to lead to questions and interest in how indigenous and intercultural perspectives are incorporated into other contexts. Students in attendance were likely to develop their understandings and described the perspectives required for social work: All classes in this subject were a good opportunity for me to learn a lot about matters that had not often been touched upon in other classes. Professional ethics and values are often raised as important topics for social workers. But I learnt that in international social work settings, the values we take for granted need to be discussed critically considering multifaceted aspects, such as culture. I think it is important to be aware that anyone who goes to a foreign country can face social barriers, and it is important to try to understand each other’s culture. (20 December 2021)

Another student described the insights into intercultural social work in Japan that they learnt through the international social work perspective: I was able to think about social work from the international perspective, which I had rarely learnt, and develop my critical thinking skills. Additionally, we may support minority clients with overseas (or transnational) roots even in Japan. Considering such possibilities, I think it is necessary to learn how to support them without imposing ‘normality’ in Japan or as a ‘developed’ country ... (20 December 2021: Higashida, 2022a)

These descriptions show that through the subject’s classes and individual learning involved in indigenous social work, students could develop a critical perspective on domestic social work as well as international social work practice.

Discussion Drawing lessons from the progress and results of the design and implementation of the International Welfare Theory course, this section discusses the educational content involving perspectives on indigenous social work. It also describes the status of the related subject in social work education in Japan and discusses the significance and challenges of integrating perspectives on indigenous social work.

 ositioning and Content of Indigenous Social Work Discourses P in International Social Work Subjects The syllabi of international social work-related courses at Japanese national and public universities are considered to have limited content on indigenous social work, although it is incorporated in some cases (Higashida, 2022a). In Japan, general social work texts at undergraduate schools tend to lack a comprehensive discussion of indigenous matters and international social work. This situation may change, however, as some researchers have discussed the issue and called for improvement (Virág, 2022).

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In this context, this study’s findings show the practical implications of planning and implementing international social work education and incorporating perspectives on indigenous social work. Teaching methods including seminars and the use of an original concise textbook sought to encourage students to engage in independent and mutual learning. The findings may provide some implications for international welfare and international social work education at universities in Japan. Content for international social work education can be developed with originality and ingenuity. Specifically, learning the perspectives associated with indigenous social work can foster multifaceted views that are not limited to Western-rooted professional social work. The findings emphasise the significance of deeply exploring the meaning of indigenous knowledges and practices in Japan as well as in other countries based on the field of practice. Next, this study will discuss the significance of international social work subjects integrating indigenous social work perspectives, considering students’ experiences.

Exploring the Significance of Learning Indigenous Social Work Reconsidering the Japanese context, this section explores the importance of integrating perspectives on indigenous social work into international social work. First, Japanese students taking up social work may generally perceive only a few opportunities to become directly involved in international social work after graduation. Rather, there is a growing focus on supporting people from a diverse range of backgrounds within the country. Second, as mentioned in the Introduction, discussions on indigenous matters have also gradually attracted the attention of Japanese social work research with the advent of the term and concept of indigenous knowledges.18 In the Japanese context, the significance of students learning indigenous perspectives on international social work education will be discussed by considering the findings of this educational study. What and how students should learn about international social work and global and local (or glocal) welfare situations, including those in other countries, is a fairly controversial matter in Japan. This study’s findings indicate the need to explore educational content and views beyond superficially learning the welfare situation and history of social work in foreign countries, particularly Western countries. Given that the issues encountered by foreign residents involved in an interdependent world could be an entry point for the students as indicated by their reflection sheets, it would also be an appropriate strategy to emphasise indigenous knowledges, interculturality and transnationality in an international social work course (Fook, 2004; Lyons et al., 2006).  The authors recognise that this point is also debatable. While this chapter critically discussed the tendency to rely on Western-rooted professional social work in Japan, it intentionally uses a global discourse related to indigenous knowledges and practices. This could be further discussed in future research. 18

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The findings of this study also suggest that integrating the perspectives of indigenous social work into international social work education, across the border and beyond the context of the students’ home countries, enables them to critically rethink their perspectives. As Akimoto (2004) argued, the international social work perspective should include social work for all peoples worldwide, including practice in transnational contexts with the most marginalised groups and Indigenous peoples. While students are expected to acquire cultural competence with Indigenous peoples, who might be marginalised and discriminated against in domestic contexts, they are also expected to be mindful of all peoples in the world through their international social work education. Simply put, an international social work course with indigenous perspectives can provide an opportunity for students, who tend to focus solely on the Japanese social welfare system and practice, to re-examine the well-­ being of people outside their own countries and dominant cultures. In addition, students are exposed to diverse views on knowledges and theories in social work that are not limited to Western-rooted ones by learning a multifaceted view beyond their home countries and prevailing cultures, including indigenous discourses in the world context, in international social work education (Akimoto, 2004, 2017; Higashida, 2022a). Indeed, some of the students’ comments on the subject suggest that learning indigenous social work perspectives can broaden one’s multifaceted social work perspective: students are also expected to adopt a critical viewpoint on dominant discourses that may assign superiority or inferiority to a particular knowledge regardless of whether it is Western or indigenous (Akimoto, 2004; Sewpaul et al., 2021). Thus, this can include an exploration of different indigenous social work perspectives, ranging from mainstream to marginalised, and their power dynamics in global and local contexts.

 nother Perspective and Practice: Perceptions of Culture A in the Japanese Context During the discussion of indigenous discourses in international social work classes, the authors faced other issues on the concept of culture, including dominant and marginalised cultures in society. While culture is a fundamental concept in social work theories, it is often misunderstood or narrowly or vaguely interpreted (Gohori, 2021). Both the broadly shared social consciousness and conceptions of many scholars and educators might strictly distinguish Japanese culture, which is often misinterpreted as monolithic and homogeneous, from foreign cultures. As noted in the Introduction and indicated by a few students in their reflection sheets, culture in the field of international social work might be solely associated with foreigners, migrant workers and refugees within the discourse of ‘multicultural coexistence’ (Tabunka-kyosei). Such a misinterpretation of culture may be an additional obstacle to understanding and discussing domestic and international perspectives.

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Considering these issues, another lecturer (the third author) used a ‘culturagram’ (Congress, 2004) to help students recognise and rethink their own culture to realise its differences and commonalities in relation to international social work classes at private universities.19 Groupwork sessions featuring the culturagram appeared to provide insights into both the visible and invisible parts of the cultural background and increase awareness of cultural diversity. In the succeeding exercise, the lecturer asked the students to discuss the cultural background and the behaviour and communication patterns of three different persons. The first was a foreigner, a 35-year-old Canadian-born IT engineer who has lived in Tokyo as a Canadian citizen for 10 years with his wife and two children. The second person was a Japanese native, a 35-year-old IT engineer living in the same place as the first individual with his wife and child. The third person was a retired 78-year-old woman who was living in a rural area in northern Japan. While imagining these people and discussing what their everyday lives might be like, the students were expected to realise that citizenship and the simplified Japanese/foreigner paradigm might not be relevant when exploring an individual’s cultural background. In this groupwork, the students identified that not only ethnicity or nationality but also other aspects of a person’s background, such as age and generation, gender, job, education and community, are important for social workers when assessing their clients’ cultural settings. This simple exercise during the classes enabled the students to overcome cultural stereotypes and understand their complexities while promoting their self- and other-­ awareness. This experience has implications for the understanding of culture in a specific context in relation to the integration of indigenous content into international social work education.

Limitations The study has several limitations. First, it was conducted at the intermediate stage of development of the subject and classes. Although student responses and opinions were incorporated into this study, they may be insufficient. The subject design process was expected to involve assessment, planning, implementation and evaluation. This study mainly discussed stages from assessment to implementation, and both reflections on the continual implementation of classes and evaluation of the teaching practice will be required. Second, the analysis was mainly based on the authors’ subjective interpretation of an educational practice case with student feedback in higher-education institutions. During the planning and implementation of teaching, both educational practice and research, exemplified by action research, are expected to be pursued. In this context, the work was undertaken with subjectivity and creativity rather than with an ‘objective’ analysis. However, some descriptions might  The International Social Welfare course taught at the Shukutoku University Graduate School, and the Social Welfare in Asia course taught at the Japanese College of Social Work Graduate School. 19

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strongly reflect the authors’ own interpretations in the specific context. These may also differ from practices in other higher-education institutions with different contexts, even in Japan. For example, social culture varies widely from one area to another in Japan, so the nature of social work education might also exhibit differences. In fact, this study was mainly conducted in a prefecture in the northernmost part of Honshu; hence, the degree of internationalisation of the local community may differ from that of other communities in the country. In other words, comparisons with other similar educational studies were inadequate in this study. Since the socio-cultural context is crucial when discussing indigenous social work perspectives, the findings of this study are not suitable for generalisation.

Conclusions This practical case study explored the viewpoints and content of classes integrating indigenous social work perspectives into international social work education in Japan. Despite the study’s limitations, its findings indicate that such integration could strengthen the learning of students who might have limited opportunities beyond mainstream social work, which have likely been influenced by Western-­ rooted professional social work, in the institutionalised Japanese welfare systems. These findings and implications suggest challenges and future recommendations for international social work education and research. Although international social work education has been a long-standing topic of discussion in Japan, future studies must advance the discussion on indigenous as well as culturally relevant perspectives. This chapter, in its discussion of the association between international social work education and indigenous perspectives, presents certain challenges. As mentioned in the Introduction, discussions on indigenous and locally unique knowledges and practices are currently limited in Japan. Further dialogue on international social work education is expected to focus on all people across the globe, including related issues, particularly those experienced by ethnically and socio-culturally marginalised peoples. Additionally, further consideration must be given to the following fundamental questions in social work education: ‘What is indigenous social work?’ and ‘What is international social work?’ (Akimoto, 2017, 2021; Healy & Thomas, 2020). Specifically, the findings in this chapter indicate the possibility of a wider interpretation of indigenous knowledges and practice—whilst also suggesting the necessity of considering the power dynamics amongst diverse indigenous knowledges, particularly the marginalised knowledge of Indigenous peoples—from the viewpoint of international social work education. In other words, indigenous social work perspectives, together with the international point of view, enable scholars and students to re-examine the mainstream discourses in social work education, which have been heavily influenced by theories and approaches rooted in the United States and Europe. Future critical examination of the unique context could attract further international debate on the nature of (international) social work for all people worldwide.

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Acknowledgements  The authors wish to express their sincere gratitude to Dr. Tatsuru Akimoto, honorary director at the Asian Research Institute for International Social Work, Shukutoku University, for his comments and suggestions. The authors acknowledge that part of the content of this chapter has been revised significantly through dialogue with Dr. Akimoto since April 2022. The authors are also grateful to the academic staff of Aomori University of Health and Welfare for their advice and assistance in this study. The views expressed in this chapter are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the university. As indicated in this chapter, the first author’s article (Higashida, 2022a) was, with modification, the source of some of the content after permission was obtained from the publisher. Funding  This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI grant numbers JP21K13477 and JP22K02016.

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Chapter 10

Innovations in Social Work in Aotearoa New Zealand: Embedding Indigenous Wisdom Within Social Work Education and Practice Ksenija Napan and Helene Connor

Introduction Ksenija: Positioning Myself as Tarara (Person of Yugoslav Descent) Both authors are passionate teachers actively engaged in decolonisation of social work education and practice. When Ksenija was 18, she circled Aotearoa New Zealand on a word map as a desired destination. There was this strange pull that she could not explain. She rationalised that this would be a nice country to visit, and over the years, she read whatever she could find about Aotearoa believing that this a beautiful country at the “end of the world” (there is no end on a round planet, but her  obliviousness to  her Eurocentric worldview blinded her at that stage of her life)  to her naÏve view of race relations. Aotearoa was portrayed as a country where there was racial harmony and where there was a Treaty between Māori and the English, who not only lived in equal partnership but also welcome people from the whole world to live in peace and mutual reciprocity. Ksenija was born in Yugoslavia. Her country does not exist anymore. She was brought up in socialism in a country which was a founding member of the unaligned movement and represented a balance between the East and the West during the period of cold war. Radical equality was part of the indoctrination she experienced. Free education up

K. Napan (*) School of Social Work, College of Health, Massey University, Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland), New Zealand e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] H. Connor Te Puna Wānanga/The School of Māori and Indigenous Education, Te Kura Akoranga me Te Tauwhiro Tangata/Faculty of Education and Social Work, University of Auckland, Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland), New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_10

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to master’s level, free health care, support with housing, union organised holidays, primacy of the collective over individualism. An illusion of equality between genders, nationalities and skin colour were proclaimed at every step. Nationalism was outlawed but was festering underground and eventually broke into a bloody war where brothers were killing each other, marriages were breaking up because of national differences, and neighbours and colleagues were spying on each other. Ksenija has ancestors on all sides of the conflict, and although born in Croatia, she never identified with nationalistic ideas that were promoted during and after the war. After the war, in 1995, in her early 30s, she applied for Aotearoa New Zealand residency and was welcomed together with her partner and their 2-year-old son. The moment she landed, she felt the wairua (soul, spirit) of the land without even knowing what it meant. The strong sense of coming home was weird and unexpected. Very soon, contrary to her expectations, she realised that there was no official Māori involvement in her assessment nor in being welcomed to the country. A few years later, this culminated in a very English citizenship ceremony where she had to swear on the Bible or to the English monarch, Queen Elizabeth II. There was no mention of Māori and no involvement of Māori. The next morning, she went to her social work class, shared her experience and wrote a letter to the city mayor and sent the same letter to the local paper. She never got a response, but her students, Māori and Pākehā (European settlers), created a welcome card for her. This was the a beginning of her passion for what Moana Jackson (2020) calls the ethic of restoration. In her mind, this is not merely a process of Indigenous people realising their rights; it is about realising that our liberation is interrelated and that we can only work together to liberate humanity from its patriarchal and exploitative violation of human rights that colonisation inflicted. Being a social work educator and a person with a genuine sense of social justice, Ksenija is a hopeless optimist believing that the damage of colonisation can be restored through acknowledgement of the pain inflicted and encouraged by the ‘doctrine of discovery’, reparations through treaty settlements, development of cultural humility by descendants of colonisers and immigrants and, above all, deep respect and appreciation of Māori, who managed to keep the language, culture and sustainable ways of being alive.

Helene: Positioning Myself as Tangata Whenua On my maternal side, I identify as tangata whenua (Indigeneous people of the land). My whakapapa (genealogy) locates my iwi (tribe) as Te Ātiawa and my hapu (sub-­ tribe) as Ngāti Rāhiri. Traditionally, Māori identity is located within a specific geographic location, and connection to the land remains very important for maintaining a sense of Māori identity within contemporary society. My papakāinga (home place) is in Taranaki, situated on the west coast of the lower half of the North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand. The province of Taranaki takes its name from the beautiful volcanic cone, Mount Taranaki, which dominates the region. Although I grew up in Auckland, I consider Taranaki as my turangawaewae (place to stand). This is the

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place my whakapapa links me to and this is where the emotional landscape my Māori grandparents created for their tamariki (children) and mokopuna (grandchildren) connects me. By acknowledging my whakapapa, I am declaring not only my location as Māori but am also reinforcing the importance of whakapapa as a politics of identity which articulates particular geographic, political, social, historical and economic relations. Within the context of colonisation, whakapapa as a meaningful epistemological framework has not been erased and continues to connect Māori to one another, our tribal lands, histories and stories (Hemara, 2000, Connor, 2019, Connor, 2021). For Māori, identity is central to decolonisation and an important factor for political action. Claiming whakapapa (genealogy) and identifying iwi and hapu are at the heart of decolonisation (MacDonald, 2016). Chapter Focus and Organisation This chapter focuses on Indigenous innovations in social work practice and education in Aotearoa New Zealand, highlighting tensions between the Global North and the Global South within Aotearoa New Zealand. In the late twentieth century, when the Global North and Global South terminology replaced previous descriptors of the global order, Aotearoa New Zealand was positioned in the Global North even though it is situated in the southern hemisphere (Braff & Nelson, 2021). The Global South (Dutta & Pal, 2020) was to include formerly colonised countries, many of which are still marked by the social, cultural and economic repercussions of colonialism (Braff & Nelson, 2021). Aotearoa New Zealand as a colonised country is not situated in the Global South, where Indigenous knowledge is privileged. Rather it is positioned in the Global North, privileging the dominant epistemologies of colonialism and the colonisers’ ways of knowing (Richards, 2014). Nevertheless, Indigenous knowledge in the Global South is being recognised as paramount in terms of ecological challenges and sustainability and promoting sustainable development (Breidlid, 2013). In Aotearoa, Indigenous Māori knowledge is viewed as having an intricate, holistic and interconnected relationship with the natural world and its resources with a strong understanding of ecosystems (Harmsworth & Awatere, 2013). Academic scholarship produced in the Global North has upheld the colonial relationship (Richards, 2014). Academic scholarship in the field of social work education in Aotearoa New Zealand has been influenced by the Global North, particularly, the United Kingdom and the United States. Not only has this influence upheld the colonial relationship, but it has also upheld the power dynamics between the Global North and the Global South. The colonisation of Aotearoa New Zealand entailed not only cultural imperialism but also the imposition of liberal capitalism. Ultimately, this resulted in a systematic separation of Māori from communal land ownership and a collective way of life, to provide the capitalist economy with low-waged labour (Hyslop, 2022). Eurocentrism has been a central characteristic of colonisation and the Global North (Richards, 2014). In Aotearoa, Eurocentrism manifested as mono-culturalism embedded within discourses of cultural superiority and assimilation. Mono-­ culturalism alienated Māori from their culture and language until the Māori

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Renaissance, a social movement of the 1970s and 1980s set out to revive te reo Māori (the Māori language) and tikanga Māori (cultural practices) (George, 2012). The Māori Renaissance has been pivotal to the growth of Indigenous social work education in Aotearoa, disrupting the image of Aotearoa New Zealand as a utopic version of the Global North as society began a transformation towards biculturalism (During, 2000). The notion of biculturalism radically challenged social work practice and education. Ritchie (1992) described biculturalism as “a fact of contemporary social life so profound that everything we do, everything we are, must be considered and reconsidered in terms of it. My world is divided not just into Māori and Pākehā but into those who think biculturally and those who do not” (p.6). To amplify a unique understanding of biculturalism as a foundation of country that prides itself as a world leader in appreciation of Indigenous wisdom, writer and academic Ranginui Walker (2004) noted: ‘To survive in the political economy, Māori are impelled to learn and to function in two cultures. Therefore Māori are, by definition, bicultural’(p.389). If biculturalism in Aotearoa New Zealand context relates to acknowledgement of Māori as Tangata Whenua (people of this land) and everybody else, who arrived later; have Pākehā (European settlers) and Tauiwi (non-European migrants) partners over years became bicultural as Māori were forced to become and where does the process of decolonisation or ethic of restoration fit in contemporary Aotearoa?

All social workers in Aotearoa New Zealand are now required to demonstrate competence to practise social work with Māori. These changes represent what Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999) describes as ‘strategic directions’ for developing Indigenous epistemologies. These changes can also be read as theorizing from the bottom up and privileging the Māori ancestral wisdom that is deeply ingrained in this land and at this point of time can provide wisdom to do social work ethically and competently for all. This chapter is organised into four sections. The first section, ‘The Māori and History of Aotearoa’, provides a brief introduction to Aotearoa and Māori within the pre-colonial context. The second section, ‘A Colonial Legacy and a Post-colonial Response’, introduces the colonisation of Aotearoa and Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi) signed between the British Crown and iwi (tribes) Māori. This section explores the impact of colonisation on the social organsiation of Aotearoa as it morphed into a mono-cultural society. It then briefly discusses the impact of the Māori Renaissance as a post-colonial response. The third section, ‘Appreciating Māori Cultural Legacy and Wisdom Without Appropriating It: Restoring Social Work Practice and Education’, provides examples of the Social Work Registration Board’s mandate for acknowledging Māori wisdom, ensuring that colonial practices of institutional abuse either through uplifting children and separating them from their families or istitutionalisation of people who are unwell or merely responding to violence inflicted by consequences of colonisation will not be repeated. It also introduces Māori frameworks for teaching social work and the concept of the Noho Marae as an experiential teaching approach for social workers to become immersed in te ao Māori (the Māori world). The fourth and final section, ‘Conclusion: The Uniqueness of Aotearoa and Its Global Relevance’, argues that an epistemological

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alliance between the Global North and the Global South can offer a balance between Western science and Indigenous wisdom. We argue that Aotearoa New Zealand is in a unique position to offer a blueprint for the development of a socially just, economically and ecologically sustainable and spiritually respectful world. The section, however, also acknowledges that our turbulent colonial past and the increasingly multicultural nature of Aotearoa may make these aspirations a challenging endeavour.

The Māori and History of Aotearoa Aotearoa, meaning ‘The Land of the Long White Cloud’, is the Māori name for New Zealand. Situated in the South Pacific in Oceania, Aotearoa is made up of two main islands. The North Island or Te-ika-a-Maui (The Fish of Maui) and the South Island, or Te-Wai-Pounamu (The Waters of Greenstone). Its total land mass of around 268,680 square kilometres makes it slightly larger than the United Kingdom (King, 2003). It is thought that the first people to land in Aotearoa may have originated from Eastern Polynesia and arrived in a series of migrations sometime between 700 and 2000  years ago. Over time these seafaring people developed a distinct cultural identity based on a collective tribal organisation of iwi (tribes) and hapū (sub-tribes) and became known as Māori, a term which originally meant ordinary (King, 2003). The term Māori is now understood by many as an ethnic group or cultural identity (Hancock, 2020). In te ao Māori (the Māori world), whakapapa (genealogy) provides the foundation for connectedness to the past through tupuna (ancestors). Knowledge about whakapapa was handed down over generations in the form of oral traditions and is a critical component of Māori identity and social connectedness (Anderson et al., 2015; Mahuika, 2019, Webber & O’Connor 2019). Whakapapa would often include waka (canoe) ancestors and migration traditions (Anderson et al., 2015). Makereti (1938) illustrates the importance of whakapapa in an account of the migration pūrākau (story) for her iwi, Te Arawa: A Māori tribe is made up of all the descendants of the ancestors who arrived in Aotearoa in a particular canoe. Take for instance Te Arawa tribe, whose ancestors came in the canoe Te Arawa in the great migration about 1350. The chief in charge was Tama te Kapua, son of Hou-mai-tawhiti who remained in Hawaiki. I should say here that Hawaiki means “the distant home” and refers to any place from which the Māori came in their ancient wanderings. (Makereti, 1938, p. 34)

Traditional Māori society was organised via kinship connections and the lineage of whakapapa determined one’s place in the hierarchy of the hapū (sub-tribe) (Best, 1934). Whakapapa connected Māori to both the spiritual and physical realms, including nature, and provided a blueprint for ethical relationships between humankind and other living and non-living things. Whakapapa also determined relationships, obligations and responsibilities within and for the whānau (family, extended family), hapū and iwi (tribe). The whānau was usually headed by elders; kaumatua

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(mature men) and kuia (mature women) and all members of the whānau would have their own roles and place within the whānau (Mead, 2003). Whakapapa also had an impact on the everyday lives of the whānau determining the division of labour according to rank, rather than gender (Mead, 2003). The socio-political systems within traditional Māori society were also connected to whakapapa and the complex synthesis of inherited hierarchy, collective ideals and a mixture of direct and representative deliberative democratic decision-making (Smith et al., 2021). At a traditional societal level, whakapapa can be viewed as a theoretical kaupapa (philosophy). Within this kaupapa, the concept of wairuatanga (spiritual dimension) permeated every aspect of a person’s life from birth to death (Barlow, 1993). Wairuatanga sustained the Indigenous way of life and ensured tikanga (cultural practices) and the political and economic identity of Māori survived. Wairuatanga was practiced through karakia (sacred invocations), which were integral to tikanga (culture), kawa (traditions) and matauranga Māori (traditional Māori knowledge). Wairuatanga was also a central feature of hauora (health and wellbeing) and the foundation of te ao Māori (Māori worldview), which also included the atua (gods) (Mead, 2003). Within te ao Māori, the hapū incorporated key values and concepts that were developed to facilitate a collective society where people would work together for the greater good of the whānau. These values included kotahitanga (togetherness); whānaungatanga (belonging), manākitanga (caring for others) and rangatiratanga (self-determination) (Smith et al., 2021). Of these values, tino rangatiratanga was the most impacted by colonisation. Fundamentally, tino rangatiratanga guaranteed control over one’s own life and cultural practices. It ensured sovereignty, autonomy, self-determination and independence. Colonisation limited and suppressed tino rangatiratanga, te reo Māori (the Māori language) and tikanga Māori (cultural values) and eroded the traditional collective way of life – whakapapa, the mainstay of Māori identity. Nevertheless, despite the brutality of colonisation, whakapapa as a meaningful epistemological framework has survived and continues to connect Māori to one another and our tribal lands, histories and stories (Cooper, 2012, Connor, 2019). The following section provides a brief overview of colonisation and the post-­ colonial environment, which enabled the resurgence and reclamation of whakapapa, traditional Māori knowledge and Indigenous wisdom within the context of the Māori Renaissance.

A Colonial Legacy and a Post-colonial Response The first wave of European explorers visited the Pacific in the seventeenth century, with the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman being the first to reach Aotearoa in 1642. In 1769, the English explorer James Cook rediscovered the country and mapped most of the coastline of both islands. Following Cook’s rediscovery, the country was visited by many European and North American whalers and sealers who traded food

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and goods with Māori. Christian missionaries began to settle in the early nineteenth century, converting many of the Māori population to Christianity (King, 2003). Traditionally, te reo Māori was an oral language. With the establishment of the missionary schools in the early nineteenth century, many Māori became skilled at writing and reading te reo Māori (Barlow, 1993). The first schoolhouse in Aotearoa was built in a settlement in the Bay of Islands, in the northern part of the North Island. The one-roomed building was completed in August 1816, nearly 2  years after the first Pākehā settlers arrived in New Zealand. The first teachers were the missionaries, Thomas Kendall and William Carlisle, who were employed by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) (Jones & Jenkins, 2016). The first teachers learnt te reo Māori and taught in Māori. Christian scripture was the basis of the curriculum, and writing and reading spread rapidly (Jones & Jenkins, 2016). Paradoxically, while the move to a literate society ensured the preservation of the Indigenous language, colonialism was also responsible for its decline. In 1887, the Native School system was established with an overt agenda of assimilation. Te Ao Māori (Māori world) knowledge, tikanga (culture), land, identity, knowledge, history, language and society were continually undermined through the Native school’s system (Cox, 2020). The suppression of te reo Māori (Māori language) saw many Māori becoming fluent English speakers to the detriment of retaining te reo Māori (Simon & Smith, 2001). Salazar (2000) contends that colonised people can be positioned as sharing a similar cultural continuum, one that has been fragmented by settler colonialism, land confiscation, andeconomic exploitation. In Aotearoa New Zealand, settler colonialism is framed within the colonial relationship between Māori and Pākehā (Hancock, 2020). Many of the settler population in nineteenth century Aotearoa were seduced by the vision of New Zealand Company founder, Edward Gibbon Wakefield’s1 rhetoric to build a ‘Better Britain’ (Terruhn, 2019; Temple, 2002). For many of the Pākehā settlers, a ‘Better Britain’ encapsulated the promise of prosperity, healthier environments and prospects for social advancement without the hurdles of a class system (King, 2003). The settlers’ aspiration to create a “Better Britain” inevitably raised questions around relationality with Māori. The desire to assimilate Māori into the new settler nation became an important colonial aspiration as it was closely aligned with the acquisition of Māori land (Terruhn, 2019). The aspiration to create a “Better Britain” was ultimately embedded within discourses of cultural superiority and assimilation. The relationship between the British Crown and Māori iwi (tribes), with its origins in colonial and imperialist discourse, processes and policies, was also characterised by the desire for economic expansion (Tomlins-Jahnke, 2011). Economic expansion and acquisition of Māori land were motivating factors for the British Crown to establish a treaty with Māori. Under a treaty, Māori rights to land would be recognized and the Crown would be accorded

 Edward Gibbon Wakefield (1796–1862) set up the New Zealand Company in the 1830s and designed a commercial enterprise to organise settlement in New Zealand (Ministry for Culture and Heritage, 2017). 1

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a right of pre-emption to purchase lands that Māori owners were willing to sell (Sorrenson, 1975). There are two versions of the treaty. The English version was prepared by the British Resident James Busby, and a Māori version, translated from the English version by a senior Anglican missionary, Henry William (Orange, 1990). Briefly, there were two different understandings of the two versions. In the Māori version, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, Māori gave the Crown ‘kawanatanga katoa’, complete governorship. In return, Māori were guaranteed ‘tino rangatiratanga’, the unqualified exercise of chieftainship over their lands, dwelling places and all other possessions. In the English version, Māori gave the British Crown ‘absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of sovereignty’ over their lands, but were guaranteed ‘undisturbed possession’ of their lands, forests, fisheries and other properties. These differences created an important historical context for race relations and the formation of a national identity within Aotearoa New Zealand (Orange, 1990). However, since the signing of the treaty, Māori have struggled to establish tino rangatiratanga (self-determination or self-regulation) that was promised, and consequently, debates around the treaty have been complex, confrontational and conflicting (Orange, 1990). On February 6, 1840, as Māori rangatira (chiefs) signed Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi) with Governor Hobson, the representative of the British Crown, he proclaimed, ‘he iwi kotahi tātou’ ‘we are one people’ (Orange, 1990, p.  21). Hobson’s words became a rationale for assimilation policies and mono-culturalism and epitomised European attitudes towards Māori. The implications implicit within a mono-cultural society invariably reflect that the dominant group does not acknowledge minority groups. European colonists and Māori were to become one people, one culture and live under one law, a European law, where Māori were to become brown Pākehā and assimilated into European culture. In the aftermath of World War II, there was a mass migration of Māori from rural areas into the cities. While post-war urbanization did impact the tribal structures, leadership and culture of Māori, the quest for rangatiratanga (self-determination) manifested in ways which challenged assimilation as Māori adapted to life in the urban spaces (Hill, 2012) and started developing urban marae, as community development centres, where Māori could meet and discuss and resolve problems that urbanisation brought. Mono-culturalism, amalgamation and assimilation policies alienated Māori from their own culture and language until the Māori Renaissance, a social movement of the 1970s and 1980s, served to revive te reo Māori (the Māori language) and tikanga Māori (cultural practices). As Sissons (1995) notes, the term ‘renaissance’ refers to a revival of art, linguistic forms and other aspects of ‘high’ culture based on the models of an earlier era. The Māori Renaissance saw the rapid expansion of Māori language programmes such as kohanga reo (Māori language pre-schools) and Māori literary and artistic achievements. These ‘expressive aspects’ of Māori culture were a visible manifestation of Māori impetus for political and economic inclusion at both local community and government level (Sissons, 1995). The retention and revival of the Māori language has been central to the Māori Renaissance. Within contemporary Māori

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education, Māori language development is considered essential to scientific growth, empowerment and the transmission of Māori cultural values (Hemara, 2000). Aotearoa New Zealand considers itself to be a bicultural nation. Biculturalism acknowledges the history of colonisation and challenges mono-culturalism. It also reaffirms the commitment to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. In contemporary New Zealand society, biculturalism also includes Tauiwi (non-European migrants). Biculturalism forms a foundational base within the diverse, multi-cultural communities that make up the population of Aotearoa New Zealand. However, rather than focusing on multiculturalism, which bypasses Indigenous rights, discourses around biculturalism emphasise cultural and ethnic differences between Māori, Pākehā and Tauiwi within wider debates about ethnicity, colonisation and political struggles in Aotearoa New Zealand (Napan & Connor, 2014; Connor 2021). The adoption of a progressive politicised identity in relation to Māori and the Treaty of Waitangi and the social transformations of biculturalism have challenged historically accumulated Pākehā privileges (Higgins & Terruhn, 2021). Nevertheless, biculturalism and a commitment to the Te Tiriti o Waitangi have endured. Social Work practice and education in Aotearoa exemplify these commitments.

Appreciating Māori Cultural Legacy and Wisdom Without Appropriating It: Restoring Social Work Practice and Education Social work in Aotearoa is committed to respecting tāngata whenua (Māori people of the land) and is informed by the Aotearoa New Zealand Association of Social Workers Code of Ethics (ANZASW, 2019). Implicit in the Code of Ethics is the notion of a bicultural framework where every social worker needs to develop competencies to work with Māori and with Tauiwi, inclusively acknowledging and being respectful to all ethnicities and cultural identities (Passells & Ackroyd, 2006). A key theme of this endeavour is the inclusion of kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face) engagements between Oceanic peoples and tauiwi (Hoskins & Jones, 2017). It is not a mere academic exercise. Kanohi ki te kanohi requires an openness to engage and to see beyond difference. We wonder how human civilisation on the planet would look like at this point of global development if cultural difference was approached with genuine curiosity instead of the intention to conquer, transform, oppress, ‘civilise’, assimilate or subdue as proposed by the ‘doctrine of discovery’, which legitimised the worst genocide ever inflicted on humans around the world. The legacy of colonisation is deep and painful for the colonised but also for descendants of colonisers, who often detach themselves from their ancestors, becoming dislocated from their roots and their own indigeneity. With that loss, an understanding of the importance of culture and ancestry may become eroded or weakened. Over time, the gap becomes deeper, more entrenched, manifesting in institutional racism and White fragility. This is

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particularly relevant for social work as the impacts of colonisation created and contributed to numerous social problems as well as racist and discriminatory practices perpetrated by social workers themselves. In Aotearoa New Zealand, child protection was frequently expressed by the removal of Māori children from their homes. While child welfare officers (early social workers) potentially attempted to do their best (within a patronising charitable framework dominating welfare at the time) to work with Māori communities, ‘statistical evidence illustrates grossly biased outcomes for Māori with the child welfare and justice systems’ Hyslop, 2022, p. 57). Although the grief and pain of colonisation was passed on from generation to generation, the culture and a language survived reaching the zenith of its revival during the Māori Renaissance period. As the twenty-first century unfolds, more non-Indigenous peoples in Aotearoa have started learning the protocols, culture and the language of Māori and during that process becoming more in touch with their own indigenous as well as the core of their motivation for becoming social workers. For some, the impetus for this learning has stemmed from disillusionment with the superficialness of exploitative materialist capitalism, a yearning for spiritual wisdom and an exploration of their place and role in Aotearoa New Zealand. For social workers wanting to learn about te ao Māori, this has often manifested in critical reflective practices and such questions as noted below: How is it that the imposition of western social work methods has damaged so many Māori and other Indigenous communities all around the world and how come that Māori theories and methods, when applied appropriately have benefitted individuals, groups and communities regardless of their cultural backgrounds? How can we liberate social work theory and practice from its colonial past and give way to a more life-giving social change in the community? Could principles embedded within Indigenous wisdom enable social work to faithfully serve its communities beyond the notion of mere tolerance or superficial and tokenistic diversity and inclusion?

Aotearoa New Zealand social work education prides itself in pioneering the integration of Indigenous wisdom in mainstream education. To this end, Aotearoa New Zealand Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics (ANZASW, 2019) reflects Māori principles and values embedded within competent social work practice. Both the social work profession and social work education model collaborate across cultures. Teaching methods that enhance the integration of Western science and Indigenous wisdom and propose innovative ways of social work education lead the way in the creation of socially just, economically and ecologically sustainable and spiritually and culturally respectful practices; however, because of the years of white domination and institutional racism still present in the country, it is likely to be a challenging and bumpy ride. Social work education and practice are well positioned to stimulate change, to move beyond the rhetoric of binaries and to attempt to transcend the effects colonisation has had on the mind, body, spirit and culture of ‘Westernised’ societies. This can happen through critical examination of personal, professional, political and

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cultural oppression manifested in racism, homophobia, the destruction of the planet, classism, disablism and anthropocentric and misogynistic attitudes. The section below proposes ways of enabling social work education to evolve in order to serve the public in harmony with Indigenous wisdom while utilizing advances of modern science of twenty-first century. In this context, seemingly contradictory worldviews are not perceived as binaries but parts of the same whole. Both views critique the harm colonisation has done and engage in the ethic of restoration, perceived as a more proactive term than decolonisation (Jackson, 2020). Decolonisation’ may not be the most appropriate word for that kind of remedy because, like colonisation, it came from somewhere else. Perhaps it could be replaced with the ethic of restoration. The use of this term would seek to replace colonisation not by merely deconstructing or culturally sensitising the attitudes and power structures that it has established, but by restoring a kawa that allows for balanced relationships based on the need for iwi and hapū independence upon which any meaningful interdependence must rest. Such an ethic derives from the lessons in the stories in the land about the potential to whaka-tika or to make right even the most egregious wrong, and to then whakapapa, or build new relationships. To adapt it as a tool to create non-colonising relationships is to rekindle faith in the “ought to be” in this land; to draw upon the same land-and tikanga-­ centred way of ordering society that was envisaged in Te Tiriti. Restoration (like colonisation) is also a process, not an event, and it will require a change of mind and heart as much as a change of structure. There will of course be difficulties: such transformations must confront the implacability of a power unjustly taken (Jackson 2020, p. 150).

Critical reflective practice may well ask the questions, ‘how can an ethic of restoration be created?’ and ‘how can social work education and practice contribute to an ethic of restoration?’ If we manage to restore the colonising practices of social work and enable social work to evolve from its paternalistic origins, would it be possible to utilize the same or similar processes to decolonise society and transcend the contrived binaries of the Global South and North? Could the ethic of restoration become a global process of eradicating discrimination on all levels whilst rejuvenating our relationship with Papatūānuku (the Earth Mother), enabling us to become respectful citizens and not mere exploiters of her beauty and bounty? In many ways this is a lofty question and one that can bring forth the tensions between Indigenous wisdom and Western knowledge. For Māori, Papatūānuku bestows mana (prestige) upon her kaitiaki (guardians). The mana is earned through reciprocity, as Papatūānuku looks after her people, the people look after her (Connor, 2003). Social work in Aotearoa is committed to respecting tangata whenua as first people of this land. This includes an acknowledgement of Māori values towards land and cultural space. Reflecting on these can both advance and challenge our practice. It can also illuminate the tensions between the Global North and the Global South, where the Indigenous wisdom of Māori is positioned as equal (or of more value) to Western knowledge. The Code of Ethics opens with a whakataukī (proverb)

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Te mana whakaratarata te iwi whānui hei hāpai ngā mahi whakaharatau This whakataukī2 (wisdom guiding the Māori culture, commonly used in formal speeches to enlighten through poetic expression) was explained as: Te mana whakaratarata Exploring, navigating and communicating about those powers, authority and prestige dynamics to understand and know what is happening for people Te iwi whānui In the community Hei hāpai To live Ngā mahi whakaharatau It’s up to you to strive for perfection in your practice Right at the start of the Code of Ethics, we are presented with the importance of poetic and metaphorical practices in social work. When facing complex problems, we are posing radical solutions that recall ancient Indigenous wisdom within a social work context. The association (ANZASW) declares its commitment to Te Tiriti O Waitangi and acknowledges that although Aotearoa is not governed by it, a commitment to Te Tiriti by every member is expected (ANZASW, 2019). The constitution also mandates a minimum (but no maximum) of Tangata Whenua on the board as well as the promotion of an Indigenous identity for social work in Aotearoa New Zealand. The values and ethical principles are presented in the form of a house with a roof representing social work supported with seven values underpinning Indigenous wisdom, whereas the foundations lie in Te Tiriti O Waitangi. The image of the house is familiar to every social worker in Aotearoa as it resembles a well-known Māori model of health, Te Whare Tapa Whā (Durie, 1984). There are several other Māori models that are known for their holistic nature, respectfulness and reciprocity, so essential for effective social work. Māori models have an advantage of not being individualistic nor narrowly problem centred. They consider external influences such as colonisation, marginalisation, racism and migration as emphasised in the Meihana model, which supports psychologists, social workers, educators and others to be more responsive to Māori clients with the aim of reducing inequities in health care services (Pitama et al., 2017). Being mindful of these principles in social work education and practice represents not only aspirations but also active intentions in every social work encounter. It goes beyond mere problem-solving towards creating contexts where societal transformation is possible. Rangatiratanga  The first value in the Code of Ethics relates to self-determination, empowerment, social justice and just allocation of resources. If this principle were  This whakataukī (proverb) was gifted to Dr. Leland A.  Ruwhiu by his father, Pirihi Te Ohaki Ruwhiu, in a personal communication, September 2008, to provide a Māori understanding to explain his model of practice, Te Mahi Whakamana-Mana enhancing practice. 2

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applied in in its entirety, one can imagine there would be no wars, no abuse, no ­colonisation, no bullying nor any kind of inequal power sharing. Resources would be allocated equitably, and basic human needs would be satisfied within a community of choice. Manaakitanga  It relates to a recognition of the ingrained value of every being on the planet, including the sentience of animals and the recognition of rivers and mountains as legal beings (Lurgio, 2019). It extends the notion of kindness and compassion through a practice of empathic solidarity asserting unique worth and dignity of everybody and everything in the universe. If this principle were exercised around the globe, extinctions would not be an issue, unethical farming and abuse of animals would not be happening and every being would be treated with kindness, recognising their value and worth. Manaakitanga also stands for hospitality and kindness, values that every social worker needs to exercise in their daily mahi (work). Whanaungatanga  It is about strengthening reciprocal relationships and emphasising the importance of the extended family and tribal affiliations while enabling all to connect with their kith and kin and establishing ongoing means of support. Social workers inform themselves about cultural practices relevant to people with whom they work. There is an expectation that they engage in these practices respectfully, without cultural appropriation or imposition. Reciprocity is essential in high context cultures and has been replaced by monetary values in low context cultures. It is essential for a social worker to be capable of navigating and recognising both. Aroha  It is a principle which in five letters encompasses love in the widest possible sense, including the notion of unconditional positive regard. It is similar to the Greek concept of agape, meaning love which transcends and persists regardless of circumstances (D’Olimpio, 2019). It is about beneficence and acknowledgement of the mutual responsibility for wellbeing. It also relates to ‘tough love’, which enables social workers to use professional judgement without being judgmental and placing the needs of others above self-interest. This Indigenous principle is deeply ingrained in all humans, yet exploitative political systems may have dimmed it to the point where self-interest leads to hoarding and exploitation and consequent destruction of land, the environment and its inhabitants. Kotahitanga  It focuses on the sense of community, solidarity and collective action aiming at creating social change. This ancient Indigenous principle does not tolerate injustice, oppression, marginalisation, cultural imperialism nor any form of discrimination. It stands for addressing any form of violence and abuse, terror or torture or using social work knowledge for unethical or inhumane purposes. Kotahitanga recognises that all humans are individual and communal beings at the same time. The notion of kotahitanga challenges the artificial distinction between individualistic and communal cultures as all humans are individuals with a need to belong to a community. Imposition of imperialist beliefs damaged the Indigenous people but also colonisers, depriving them from their basic need to connect, belong and know

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their roots. Many people in the ‘Global North’ do not know who their ancestors were as trauma, shame and violence permeated European history. Imposition of the ‘nuclear family’, hoarding of material goods and the primacy of individual needs at the expense of the community resulted in a lack of a sense of belonging, connection and alienation. This has been a growing trend in the Global North resulting in the rise of mental illness, loneliness, alienation and detachment. Mātātoa  It is about courage, critical reflection, advocacy and challenging the structures of society that perpetuate injustice. Social work is the only profession that has the term social justice in its definition. Unfortunately, systems that social workers are part of may require them to either maintain the status quo or perpetuate discrimination, prejudice and the devaluation of individuals, groups or communities. Standing up for human rights requires courage, competence and strength, and this work cannot be done in isolation. The Aotearoa New Zealand  Social Workers Association supports their members through professional development, caucus groups, primacy of supervision, professional indemnity insurance, social media groups and a range of activities that enable social workers to stand up to challenging situations as a collective or as lone voices. Wairuatanga  It is about the soul of social work. It links to holistic well-being encompassing all aspects of health. Although it relates to the definition of health as a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity (World Health Organisation, 2022) it expands it with the notion of spiritual well-being. Spiritual wellbeing is essential in all Indigenous cultures and it is closely related to the life and wellbeing of the planet. The World Health Organisation acknowledges that by focusing on a ‘World Health Day’ on urgent actions to keep humankind and the planet healthy can foster a movement to create societies focused on well-being (World Health Organisation, 2022). However, wairuatanga goes beyond well-being; it is about raising consciousness, recognising a sense of calling or vocation; feeling the unity with Mother Earth and all her inhabitants; being intuitive, yet factual and professional, embracing the mystery of life and allowing ancestral wisdom to ‘whisper in our ear’; allowing serendipity to inspire out practice while taking care of our own well-being through supervision, self-care and community engagement. The Code of Ethics has been incorporated into social work education programmes throughout Aotearoa. These values cannot be learned from a book or in a lecture. They need to be experienced to emphasise our raison d’être, our calling. Experiencing these values during a journey of becoming a culturally respectful social worker enables students to evoke the reverence for life by reflecting on and embedding these principles in their lives. In some programmes, students are asked to write their own code of ethics integrating their own values while embedding ones proposed by a Code. Through practical examples, these values become engaging and alive. Another innovative Indigenous-based teaching and learning process to support transformative learning within Māori environments is the Noho Marae (Passells & Ackroyd, 2006). Every student social worker in Aotearoa needs to experience the

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Noho Marae, a cultural experience usually over a few days and nights embedding cultural learning within a Māori environment. The marae is a community and spiritual centre which has a wharenui (large meeting house), a marae ātea (forecourt or large open meeting area), a whare kai (kitchen and dining hall), wharepaku (toilet) and poraka horoi (ablutions block). In traditional Māori society, the wharenui was decorated with toi whakairo (art carvings), tukutuku panels (decorative wall panels) and kōwhaiwhai (traditional Māori painted scroll patterns often on the rafters). The wharenui represented a prostrate ancestral body: the ridgepole its spine, the rafters its ribs, the bargeboards its arms (Salmond, 1978). Students experience the pōwhiri, a formal Māori welcoming ceremony carried out by tangata whenua (local people or hosts) to welcome manuhiri (visitors) into the marae space. Being welcomed onto the marae, learning inside a wharenui and eating together in a wharekai are all part of the experiential learning process. Teaching and learning in a marae space is a powerful way to conscientize Tauiwi and to provide opportunities to explore cultural difference and diversity (Ka’ai, 2008) and also commonalities and unity. The marae space also provides an opportunity to practice ako, a culturally responsive learning and teaching approach which means to both learn and to teach. Ako recognizes that learning does not always happen in formal contexts and acknowledges that learning also occurs through working alongside elders and watching, observing and developing behaviours with their guidance (Napan, Connor & Toki, 2019) (Fig. 10.1). For many students, this is the first time they have stayed in a wharenui, where everyone sleeps in the same space. Something about the authenticity of the space creates what can be termed a communal spiritual experience as the ancient protocols

Fig. 10. 1  High tech-high touch, teaching in Te Noho Kotahitanga Marae, Unitec

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open students’ hearts and enable them to learn about themselves as well as about Māori culture. Concepts such as tūrangawaewae (a place to stand and belong) are explored in a personalised manner, and expressions of emotions are welcome. This is in complete contrast to academic classrooms where only cognitive learning takes place. Equal importance is placed on the process as well as on the content. Building relationships, connection with one another, sharing, and reciprocity all serve to create a holistic approach to transformative education and to learn new ways of interacting and ‘being’ (Napan et al., 2019).

 onclusion: The Uniqueness of Aotearoa and Its C Global Relevance Surrounded with Te moana nui a Kiwa (the Pacific Ocean) Aotearoa New Zealand is probably one of the most remote places on the Earth. Its geographic position, its culture, a combination of the deep richness of Māori culture and Tauiwi cultures provide a unique heritage. The advances of modern technology and open-minded thinking have enabled Aotearoa to start transcending the artificial binaries of the Global North and the Global South. Social work practice and education in Aotearoa New Zealand is deeply immersed in Indigenous wisdom and as such has the potential for offering a flexible conceptual framework to decolonise social work through the process of an ethic of restoration (Jackson 2020). This process involves acknowledging the brutality and injustices of colonisation as well as a genuine dialogue and an ability to manage the emotional pain and grief of the impact of colonisation on Indigenous populations. Jackson (2020) asserts that the process of an ethic of restoration cannot occur within the systems and institutions which the process of colonisation has established. Rather, he calls for constitutional transformation based on a politics of love. The politics of love is a values-based politics which affirms the importance of people and extends beyond us to non-human animals and the environment; it holds that all people are important – and as such, it incorporates a commitment to radical equality (Harris & Mckibbin, 2015). This kind of politics incorporates all the values outlined in the Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work Code of Ethics. It addresses discrimination with its commitment to radical equality extending its appreciation and deep respect for animals, plants, rivers, mountains, and the environment ensuring that everybody has a place to stand and call home. The challenge of creating a sustainable and truly respectful society is burdened by the legacy of colonisation and a constitution that supports it. Te Tiriti o Waitangi, the founding document of Aotearoa New Zealand, that guarantees partnership between Indigenous people and settlers can offer a starting point for renegotiating relationships for the benefit of all. From this standpoint Aotearoa New Zealand is in a unique position to offer a blueprint for the development of a socially just, economically, and ecologically sustainable, culturally and spiritually respectful world.

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However, within the false dichotomy of the Global North and the Global South, social work of the ‘south’ requires a significant re-focus and restoration. Social work originating in the Global South will focus on Indigenous and local knowledge formed within traditional knowledge bases and environments (Lutz, Kristin, Stauß & Stauß, 2017). Indigenous practices also need to be understood within their respective places, such as the marae complex, the traditional home place for Māori. Another layer of the complexities inherent in the dichotomy of the Global North and the Global South is ‘transnationalization’. Transnational social workers have gradually been migrating to Aotearoa New Zealand since the 1990s. Lutz, Kristin, Stauß & Stauß (2017, p. 188) argue that ‘transnational social work can be understood as cross-border social work that goes beyond national and cultural borders’. While there is an increasing awareness regarding transnational social workers crossing borders to practise in Aotearoa, it is clear, more awareness is needed about the bicultural context of Aotearoa. All practising social workers must be registered, and in order to be fully registered, they must demonstrate initial and ongoing competency to work with Māori population (Staniforth & Connor, 2021). Transnational social workers often find the cultural specificity of practising social work in Aotearoa something of a culture shock. The bicultural context is often disconcerting, particularly as Aotearoa has multi-cultural population. Without an understanding of the history of colonisation and the ensuing years of monoculturalism it is difficult for transnational social workers to navigate the bicultural terrain and reiterates the importance of local knowledge about the Māori and Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The focus on local and Indigenous knowledge in Aotearoa is unique in that Māori knowledge and Indigenous wisdom has been extensively incorporated into social worker registration requirements, practice and education. These features of social work in Aotearoa have global relevance, particularly as the International Federation of Social Workers’ (ISFW) global definition of social work profession (2014) includes reference to theories of Indigenous knowledge. ‘Social work is a practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people. Principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversities are central to social work. Underpinned by theories of social work, social sciences, humanities and Indigenous knowledges, social work engages people and structures to address life challenges and enhance wellbeing. The above definition may be amplified at national and/or regional levels’ (IFSW 2014). This chapter has argued that an epistemological alliance between the Global North and the Global South can offer a balance between Western science and Indigenous wisdom, albeit, an uneasy alliance. The chapter also acknowledges, that our turbulent colonial past and the increasingly multicultural nature of Aotearoa may make these aspirations a challenging endeavour. Nevertheless, Aotearoa is well positioned to create an ethic of restoration where the Indigenous knowledges of the Global South can intersect and interconnect with the Global North promoting social cohesion and social change that both empower and enhance the mana of all humanity.

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Chapter 11

Indigenous Social Work Education for the Global South Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza

Introduction The term ‘global south’ specifically refers to the region of Asia, Africa and Latin America (Dados, & Connell, 2012), often recognized as developing countries and socio-economically and culturally marginalized. The gap between the global north and the global south has been based on economy and wealth. All the developed countries are designated as global north, while countries with low, lower-middle Parts of this chapter published previously in: Sajid, S.M., Baikady, R., Sheng-Li, C., Sakaguchi, H. (eds). (2020). The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Work Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­030-­39966-­5. Used with permission. K. Majumdar (*) Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (RKMVERI), Ranchi, Jharkhand, India International Center for Cultural Studies (ICCS), National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU), Hsinchu City, Taiwan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] R. Baikady Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, Kasargod, Kerala, India Department of Social Work & Community Development, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa The Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] A. A. D’Souza Department of Studies in Social Work, School of Social Sciences, Rani Channamma University, Belagavi, Karnataka, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_11

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income and low socio-economic status are considered as global south or developing countries (Odeh, 2010). Given this fact, the countries located in the global south experience context-specific social problems and challenges such as poverty, inequality, violence and marginalization. Social work as a human service profession in these countries is expected to provide context-specific response to these social issues. However, since the inception of social work as a profession, it has been dominated by Western thoughts and theories. Addressing the social problems in ‘global south’ through social work education and practice has been a normative implementation due to the unfitness of Euro-American-based social work philosophy and model (Rankopo and Osei-Hwedie, 2011; Wamara et al., 2022). Therefore, social work scholars started discussing Indigenous social work as a complementary model to tackle social problems in the local context (Ugiagbe, 2014). Indigenous social work is an approach to deconstruct the existing Western ideologies and models of social work that impose cultural beliefs, local systems and contexts, Indigenous knowledge-based and culturally relevant social work practices (Yunong & Xiong, 2008; Gray et  al., 2009). Gray and Coates (2010) argued that indigenized social work includes developing theory, research and practice from the local perspective that is culturally relevant and addresses local needs. Since the emergence of social work training and education (in the present context), the hegemony of Western knowledge (imported from the global north) has been prevailing and it turned down the ‘contextual social work’ in the global south. Yet, debates are arising related to indigenizing and re-indigenizing social work education worldwide, especially in the global south. The fundamental goal of indigenized social work education is to develop an independent social work pedagogical system, education, field placement and social work practice that can address the need of the Indigenous people. “Social work education should prepare social workers to work with ethnic and culturally diverse populations and more safely with Indigenous peoples” (Bennett & Gates, 2021, p. 1). The distinctiveness and differences between the global north and the global south in social, economic, environmental and political spheres have been one of the dominant reasons in raising voices towards indigenizing social work education for the Global South. In fact, the socio-cultural context and problems encountered by the countries in the global south are quite different from that in the global north (Lutz et al., 2017). In this context, we should not only focus on indigenizing social work in the global context but also rethink and introduce Indigenous social work education for global south. Our special focus is on the global south due to several reasons such as limited literature on the global south, regional backwardness and inequality in terms of social and economic characteristics. Therefore, there has been an urgent need to address Indigenous social work education in the global south context. As a helping profession, social work aims to bring social change and development, cohesion, empowerment and liberation of people through the principles of social justice, human rights and collective responsibilities and respect the diversities (IFSW & ISSW, 2014). Social work is a global profession that has been growing in size and scope since its inception. As a result, the field has become increasingly diverse, with practitioners coming from all walks of life. Social workers have also

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had to adapt to the changing world in which they work, with many new challenges presented by globalization and technological innovation. In the transitional and globalized socio-cultural conditions, social work education is evolving at a rapid pace in terms of curriculum, practice and research across the globe. Social work education aims to develop qualified social work professionals equipped with relevant knowledge, skills and field experiences to address social problems at both local and global levels (Sajid et al., 2020a, b, c). Social work is a profession that has been shaped by the social, political and economic context of the country where it exists. It was founded at a time when colonialism and slavery were still common practices, and society continued to face challenges from these oppressive practices. Contextualizing the emerging trends of global poverty, inequality and climate change scenario, especially in the global south, needs a distinct consideration especially while responding through social work approaches. As such, indigenization discourse has been important for social work education and practice in the twenty-­ first century. Scholars (Gray & Coates, 2010; Rankopo & Osei-Hwedie, 2011; Sajid et al., 2020a, b, c; Wamara et al., 2022) have argued for indigenized social work to effectively address the social realities of the global south. Social work has its origin in the global north (North America and Europe) and had dispersed across the world as a human-service profession. However, due to distinct socio-cultural and political conditions, the Western model-based social work philosophy has received plenty of critics and the movement of indigenization of social work education gets momentum as a counter-colonization of social work education. Further, with reference to socio-economic, cultural and political backgrounds, social work is sometimes considered a universal profession; however, it is indeed not due to socio-cultural differences in the local context. Notably, social work is not an established profession in many countries in the global south. In this context, we have attempted to bring a critical discussion about Indigenous social work education from the global south perspective, which will enable us to recognize the issues and challenges of social work education in the global south and the need for indigenizing the social work education, particularly for the global south. Further, we also provide a brief account of designing the Indigenous social work education model for the countries in the global south.

 ocial Work Education in Global South: Issues S and Challenges Due to the similarities in the socio-economic and political environment, the issues and challenges in promoting social work education and practice in the global south countries have been quite similar. In this chapter, we focus on the issues and challenges of social work education based on the regions such as Africa, Latin America and Asia. As noted earlier, social work has not yet been recognized as a profession in most of the countries in the global south. For example, the existence of social work in Africa can be traced to the colonial period and the majority of African

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countries were influenced and facilitated by the activities of European missionaries. However, despite several initiatives by social workers, the goals of establishing social work as a profession in most of the African countries have not been realized (Kreitzer, 2019). Notably, except South Africa, there are no well-established regulatory mechanisms to mandate social work education and practice in most of the countries in Africa. As a result, social work involves non-social work graduates. Despite several professional associations actively advocating for professional recognition, social work education and practice in Africa have been encountering a range of issues and challenges, such as insufficient funds to conduct research, inadequate research facilities, educational infrastructure, limited resources (teaching and learning materials), and the absence of qualified and competent social work educators (Spitzer, 2019). A number of studies (Chikadzi & Edmarié, 2011; Kurevakwesu, 2017; Rwomire, 2012; Spitzer, 2019) argued that social work education in Africa is lacking adequate instructional materials and practice guidelines. The social work education system in Africa has often incorporated social work textbooks, literature, and models that are primarily Euro-American centric. This practice has been prevalent, despite the unique context of African social work education system. The social work curriculum is based on the Western knowledge framework which failed to contextualize the social realities in the African context. Due to the absence of African-contextualized social work theories, models and practicum guidelines, social work education has been under a great challenge where students need to orient to Western knowledge and practice in the local context (Veta & McLaughlin, 2022). In this context, social work education in Africa needs to focus on developing social work curricula that can grip the local context and promote the Afro-centric framework (Mwansa, 2011). Latin America has been encountering many socio-economic problems (increasing population, poverty, depletion of natural resources, internal conflict, unemployment, etc.), which are similar to that of other countries in the global south. In 1925, the first School of Social Work in Latin America was started in Chile (Gonzalez, 2018). The development of the social work education system in Latin America was significantly influenced by North America and Europe (Resnick, 1980; Pereyra, 2008). The 1940s and 1950s had witnessed the rapid expansion of social work, which is considered a ‘Golden Age of Social Work’ in Latin America (Wolfe, 1972). Unfortunately, social work education lost its symbolic framework and pathway due to military administration in the mid-1960s. A reconceptualization movement led to a shift in the epistemological foundation of social work theories and models during this period, which was often interpreted as an indigenization process in Latin American social work (Resnick, 1980). However, the movement was not realized with full potential and social work developed haphazardly in the 1970s. There was stagnation in the growth of social work education in Chile, Uruguay and Argentina, for example. On the other hand, social work education has received significant momentum in Brazil. This uneven growth of social work education within Latin America created many complexities in the regional context (Gonzalez, 2018). Social work education has experienced natural growth over the past few decades and has been recognized on a regional level for its excellence. However, in the

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contemporary context of the Latin American region perspective, it faces a variety of difficulties that can be easily identified in order to promote social work education. In order to address some of the key challenges, it is important that there is a localized curriculum and guidelines that assist students in understanding the problems that they face in their communities. In addition, we must keep in mind that the lack of literature associated with social work education, practice and research within the Latin American context has been one of the biggest impediments to realizing the full potential of social work as an independent profession in the region. Furthermore, we have recognized that the production of up-to-date literature in social work academia related to the Latin American context is low as compared to Asia and Africa. Social work education in Asian countries is not exceptional in terms of encountering various challenges in promoting social work education. Despite the rapid growth of social work education, it has not been recognized as a profession in most Asian countries and has been struggling to establish its independent identity, especially in South Asian countries such as India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka (Sajid et al., 2020a, b, c). Most countries with the global south identity face socio-­ economic problems (poverty, unemployment, political conflict, human rights violation, gender discrimination). Historically, missionary guidance and Western influence were the pioneers of the diffusion of social work education in most Asian countries. However, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) formerly known as Sir Dorabji Tata Graduate School of Social Work is considered to be the first educational institute in the Asian region to start the social work education with the help of Clifford Manshardt, an American missionary from Chicago in 1936 (Nikku, 2014). As a matter of fact that since the diffusion of social work education, the social work curriculum in the South Asian countries has been based on Western concepts and models. Rather than including Indigenous materials and practice models, countries have been utilizing Western theories and techniques in the local context. Similar to Africa and Latin America, schools of social work in the Asian countries have been facing several challenges in promoting social work education. Challenges that are evident in the mainstream literature are lack of Indigenous literature, absence of culturally competent methodology and fieldwork education (Baikady et al., 2022), lack of funding to conduct advanced research, instrumental use of social work in the development perspective with Western values and lack of social workers (Shek, 2017). In summary, it is evident from the discussion above that the countries in the global south are experiencing several issues when it comes to the evolution of their social work education and practice. Although Western knowledge in the absence of context-specific strategies has been effective in addressing social problems, especially those caused by colonial exploitation, the need for developing advanced methodologies that are content and culture-specific cannot be overlooked. Even though the contemporary educational system is extremely popular, it should be noted that despite its popularity, social work could neither establish its professional identity nor consciously incept the indigenization approach, especially in the countries in the global south region. In this context, we should initiate the process of

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indigenization in social work education, especially design for the global south as a new mission.

I ndigenization of Social Work Education in Global South: A New Mission There has been a long tradition that the global north has been considered to be the source of knowledge, power and skills, or often viewed as richer countries. This, as a means of development cooperation, has transferred its wealth and knowledge to less developed countries in the global south since the colonial era (Sajid et  al., 2020a, b, c). As a consequence, countries in the global south received cooperation, international exchange and interdependence of information, knowledge and skills to some extent. Similarly, since the emergence of social work, it has spread at a rapid pace across the world. Social work as a profession emerged from the global north and slowly diffused and expanded to the countries in the global south after the Second World War through international collaboration and exchange (Midgley, 2001). However, after more than a century and two decades, the countries in the global south could not receive sufficient support in developing and orienting social work academia in meeting the demands and needs based on local knowledge and resources. Contextually speaking, social work education in the global south has been going through plenty of hurdles. Even though the progress and growth of professional social work is impressive in several countries, mostly located in the global north, this has not been the case all over the globe. Because of the fact that social work has not yet been recognized as a profession, and because it is still in the process of development (Sajid et al., 2020a, b, c), the role of social work is evolving. Over the past five decades, contributions in social work literature have been prominent and most of them are based on Western ideologies and contributors from the global north (Baikady et al., 2022) and it has been clear proof of ‘academic imperialism’ (Shokane & Masoga, 2019; Sajid et al., 2020a, b, c) which got significant attention within the social work academia and much literature has discussed how one can approach it in academia. In addition, it is important to note that the dominance of the global north has not only been witnessed in the literature, but also in the pedagogical system, field placement, practice models and research that are also dominated by the global north. It is not feasible in imparting west-based knowledge and social work ideology into the developing countries context as the society, social system and the people’s life are different in these two contexts. Moreover, it would be a great challenge to prepare the students with such knowledge and skills, while they will be encountering a different socio-cultural system. It is a matter of fact that social work education is dominated by Western theories and models which have received a range of critiques so far and contextually, scholars across the world, especially from the Global South, have been emphasizing establishing the indigenization discourse in social work education and practice. In

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the last three decades, the indigenization discourse has received momentum across the world. So far, it has not succeeded. Notably, the demand, needs and socio-­ economic perspectives are different in the global south. In view of all of the above-­ mentioned concerns, there is an urgent call for the indigenization of social work education, especially for the societies in the global south. The radical ideological shift of Indigenous social work in the Global South aims to develop the inclusive nature of social work, i.e., theory development, pedagogical system, field work education and placement, context-specific practice models, production of Indigenous literature most importantly establishing the professional identity of the social work profession. Indigenization of social work education and practice will be supposed to be key to addressing the socio-economic and political challenges of the global south. Indigenization as an approach to social work needs to devise a knowledge system about culture and local context (Tsui & Yan, 2010) and ought to address the social, economic, political and environmental contexts of the global south. However, it would be a challenging task to reimagine the Indigenous social work for the global south as the majority of the countries have been in a transformation phase. As a new mission, developing an implicit knowledge system which will further devise theories and models for social work education and practice in the local context and is culturally relevant might be forwarding a new perspective of Indigenous social work. Meanwhile, we need strong collaboration between social work educators and practitioners to develop Indigenous social work for the global south in this new millennium and globalized world. Even though there are some similarities in the socio-­ cultural, economic and political aspects in the global south countries, it is unrealistic to develop or devise one fit model of social work education for all these countries. A social work pedagogy, curriculum, and practice education that are pertinent to various socio-political contexts are necessary. Additionally, this need to be consistent with the type of social changes happening in each of these nations. In other words, countries with different socio-political and cultural orientations need a tailored social work curriculum that can address the very unique social issues experienced by these societies. A mere attempt to become more uniform through indigenization would not be able to provide much assistance in achieving the overall aim of the profession. In this context, we do not anticipate standardization emerging in Indigenous social work; rather, we can move in the direction of localization in Indigenous social work as a counter to Western social work in the global south (Lutz et al., 2021).

 nvisioning the Framework of Indigenous Social Work E Education: New Directions for Global South The concept of indigenizing the profession of social work is growing as a movement. As a result, social work is expected to be more relevant and responsive to the needs of local people and contextually appropriate. One way to do this is by bringing structural reforms in social work education, pedagogy, curriculum and practice.

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Advocates of Indigenous social work have long argued that social work education and practice need to be more culturally relevant and responsive to the unique needs of Indigenous communities. In recent years, there has been a renewed push for these reforms, with initiatives and developments from both within and outside of the profession. There are many different perspectives on how best to reform social work education and practice. As a number of studies have mentioned developing an all-­ inclusive Indigenous social work curriculum would be a great challenge, where the Western concept, models and pedagogical issues overlap. Some argue for a complete overhaul like bringing a decolonial pedagogical system (Sinclair, 2004) while others suggest more incremental changes by promoting a blended mode (Pulla et al., 2020) of social work education. Moreover, Pawar (1999) has recommended ten different steps in indigenizing social work education – (i) accepting the fact that social work educators are teaching west-based social work theories and models; (ii) raising questions about the existing Western social work models to respect to local relevance; (iii) documentation of irrelevant perspectives and their reason; (iv) identification of factors associated with irrelevant model and approaches; (v) developing solution and strategies in order to determine the revised approaches that would fit into the local levels based on the culture and tradition; (vi) recording and documentation of approaches; (vii) conducting micro-level exercises to boost in developing Indigenous social work; (viii) sharing the strategies, approaches and documented practices; (ix) making revision of the curricula; (x) conducting seminar, workshops and training programme through involving the educators and practitioners to disseminate and discuss the emerged Indigenous system at the school level first and international level later. In a world characterized by globalization and neoliberal market, teaching Indigenous social work models is imperative. However, questioning the domination of Western social work and bringing structural reforms are complex issues with no easy solutions. Despite its predicament, it is clear that there is a need for change in social work to truly meet the demands of Indigenous communities. Furthermore, Nimmagadda and Balgopal (2000) shared six different steps in the indigenization process – (i) unfitting the Western model; (ii) understanding the context; (iii) cultural construction of social work practice; (iv) inclusion of local knowledge; (v) evaluation of progress and outcomes; (vi) intellectual interventions and imagination (cited in Shahid & Khan, 2019, p.  15). As Bennett and Gates (2021, p.  12) suggested, six best practices (Critique your past and current lived experiences, Develop culturally responsive communication skills, Develop cultural self-awareness, Seek Indigenous guidance, Maintain accountability and commitment to advocacy, Advocate for culturally responsive university curriculum) in re-indigenizing the social work curriculum. So now, the question is how we can start a successful mission in indigenizing social work education for the south. However, we have argued that indigenization is such a discourse and process which is highly associated with local contexts and environment; therefore, indigenization of social work education may not be universal and cross-cultural (Sinclair, 2004) rather it is highly context-­ specific and culturally oriented. Keeping this point in our vision, we suggest a

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two-­dimensional approach (general and specific) to indigenizing social work education for the global south. As part of the general approach, the following seven steps can be considered – (1) understand the need for indigenizing social work education for the specific context (history of socio-political perspective) of the region or country; (2) plan to indigenize the social work education; (3) designing indigenized social work curriculum; (4) development of an indigenized pedagogical system; (5) execution of the planned strategies; (6) continuous evaluation of the adopted strategy; (7) conducting international collaboration (through seminars, workshops and research projects). On the one hand, adherence to the above-mentioned steps would be effective in indigenizing social work education in the developing countries. On the other, our specific approach and action towards indigenizing social work education involves our commitment towards redeveloping the curriculum and pedagogy which is relevant to local context. In the specific approach, we should focus on developing an indigenized social work curriculum. The indigenized curriculum should aim at developing a course content focusing on the following aspects – (i) country-specific socio-cultural and historical context; (ii) contemporary socio-economic and policy issues; (iii) issues and challenges of indigenous people; (iv) developmental perspective; (v) field education (focus should be given at all three areas – rural, urban and Indigenous regions to enhance the understanding). Furthermore, the development of the indigenized social work pedagogical system is a crucial aspect which includes – (i) identification (textbook, reference books); (ii) development of indigenized teaching materials (textbook and reference materials in national or regional language); (ii) teaching instructions (teaching instruction with well-equipped classroom; cross-­ cultural interactions among the students).

Conclusion Although call for indigenization of professional knowledge is nothing new and in discussion across the globe for quite a long time, the movement towards developing culturally relevant social work education and practice in the global south took its momentum recently. Today, we live in a constantly changing global society characterized by multiple communities and population groups. The problems our society is experiencing are mostly determined by the adverse effects of industrial, economic and market policies implemented by the state. Social work as a profession has continuously proved to be successful in addressing larger global challenges across the world. However, at this point we live in a society that is recovering from health and economic crisis (Baikady, 2023). These crises require approaches and methods that are responsive to context -specific challenges. The models and strategies developed in the Western world may be responsive but cannot give a concrete solution, especially for the developing countries. As evident in the literature (Baikady et al., 2021, 2022; Yan, 2005; Nilsen et al., 2023; Ananias et al., 2023) most of the educational programmes in the developing countries seem to be dominated by the Western

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knowledge and theories despite harsh criticism. Further, a genuine thrust for developing culturally relevant social work in many countries is already evident (Midgley, 1992, 2008; Yip, 2007; Wang, 2000; Baikady & Cheng, 2022). In order to strengthen the movements for indigenization and localization, we need to focus on developing more and more evidence-based literature and experimental findings that provide context-specific solution to many social problems that our society is facing. Developing countries can also learn from the experiences of the social work academics from the People’s Republic of China (Yan, 2005; Baikady & Cheng, 2022), Nigeria (Chukwu et al., 2022), Uganda (Tusasiirwe et al., 2022), Scotland (Levy et al., 2022), Israel (Mahajne & Bar-on, 2022) and Namibia (Ananias et al., 2023) in developing Indigenous knowledge and culturally relevant social work.

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Chapter 12

Colonization, Racism, and Positionality in Social Work Education in Chile: Contemporary and Multilocal Perspectives Gabriela Rubilar Donoso, Alicia Rain, and Catherine A. LaBrenz

Introduction and Context: Racism and Colonialism This chapter has been developed within the context of a longstanding history of tensions between indigenous communities and the Chilean state. The coexistence has been rife with conflict, resulting from the lack of recognition and inadequate policies to meet the social, cultural, and economic needs of habitants of indigenous land in Chile. Historically, these relationships have been characterized by power differentials and a series of vindications and struggles that have become synonymous with indigenous issues in the country (Mases, 2005). Recently, these relationships have also led to questions about how best to address colonialism and racism at the root of these tensions (De Sousa Santos, 2009, 2022). During the Spanish conquest (sixth century), the First Nations in Chile were submitted to war-like political conditions. Some indigenous nations quickly assimilated to the colonizing group, while others continued to push back against colonization across the centuries. For example, the Treaty of Peace with the Mapuche Nation was established in the seventh century, through which the Spanish Crown recognized the political and territorial autonomy of the Mapuche Nation from south of the Bio Bio river, part of the current Bio Bio region, to the southern extremes of the country. G. Rubilar Donoso (*) Departamento Trabajo Social, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] A. Rain Departamento Trabajo Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Santiago, Chile e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] C. A. LaBrenz School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, TX, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_12

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Chile’s steps toward independence from the Spanish Crown at the beginning of the nineteenth century resulted in a new strife among Chilean political authorities, who aspired to annex the territory and land that were south of the Bio Bio river. Consequently, in the second half of the nineteenth century the military campaign dubbed ‘Pacification of Araucania’ was implemented, which was executed by the military of the emerging country to take over land, property, and animals that had belonged to the Mapuche Nation (Canio & Pozo, 2013; Correa, 2021). From this historical event on, this and other existing indigenous nations have been systematically denied rights. Through these processes, othering has continued between those who are considered “Chilean” and “non-Chilean,” with ongoing perpetuation of discrimination and racism (Tijoux, 2013). The process of othering and failing to recognize indigenous nations as autonomous continues to impact current conflicts. Removal from land, violence, discrimination, cooptation attempts, and assimilation are some of the situations that evidence the historical denial and repression in Chilean society of cultural and ethnic diversity (Bengoa, 2007; De la Maza et al., 2018; Mondaca-Rojas et al., 2020). In conjunction, policies directed toward indigenous peoples have traditionally been characterized by patronage, discrimination, and erasure of cultural practices (Aylwin, 2000), which have led to feelings of rejection toward indigenous identities and annulment of cultural differences (Serrano & Rojas, 2003). This has remained the case since the beginning of colonization until the end of the past century. Initiatives like the New Imperial Agreement (1989), the Special Commission for Indigenous Peoples (1990), the Indigenous Law (# 19,253, 1993), and the Report from the Historical Truth and New Deal Commission with indigenous peoples (2003) laid the foundations for a new relationship between the Chilean state and indigenous peoples and nations. These new initiatives attempt to recognize the diversity of identities that exists in the country and restructure a more equitable relationship through recognition of the autonomy of each nation (Millaleo & Valdés, 2003; Mignolo, 2007; Milla-Curiñanco & Rubilar, 2018). Thus, these new initiatives serve as a catalyst for a series of initiatives that promote and recognize the value of cultural, ethnic, linguistic, and phytogenic diversity in the broadest sense (Boccara & Bolados, 2008; CONADI [Corporación Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena], 2009; Canio & Pozo, 2013; Lara-Millapán & Saavedra, 2014; Bastías et al., 2018), and through this the idea of interculturality addressed in this chapter. Some international instruments have also emphasized the demands related to minimum standards to guarantee rights and promotion of interculturality (De la Maza et  al., 2018). Chile subscribed and ratified the Convention about Racial Discrimination in 1971; the Fund for Development of Indigenous Nations in Latin America and the Caribbean in 1995; and Agreement 169 about indigenous peoples and nations from the OIT in 2008 (Vargas, 2020). These frameworks evidence advances in universal human rights and collective rights of indigenous peoples and nations, which pave the way for specific rights related to recognition and autonomy of indigenous peoples. The Indigenous Law (19,253) of 1993 recognized nine preexisting Chilean Nations that survived colonization, all of which represent diverse indigenous

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nations: Aymaras, Quechuas, Atacameños, Collas, and Diaguitas in the North of Chile; Mapuche, Kawashqar or Alacalufe, and Yámana or Yágan in the South of Chile; and Rapa Nui on Easter Island. In addition to these nine nations, two recent laws: Law 21,151 of 2019 and Law 21,273 of 2020, also legally recognized the afrodescendent tribe and the Chango Nation in the North of Chile, respectively. Across the country, 12.4% (2,144,479) of the total population reports belonging to one of the indigenous nations or tribes that has been recognized. The Mapuche Nation represents 9.9% of the total Chilean population; thus, the focus of this chapter is on policies that target Mapuche communities and peoples, as this group currently represents 79.8% of all indigenous peoples in Chile (INE [Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas], 2018). Topics related to interculturality and indigenous rights have been introduced in the draft of the new constitution that has been discussed, but ultimately rejected, in the country. Thus, there is a need to continue to address and guarantee rights for indigenous groups. One of the most controversial aspects of the proposal for autonomy proposed: The Constitution recognizes the cultural rights of peoples descended from African Tribes in Chile, and assures their exercise, development, promotion, conservation, and protection within full respect for the relevant international instruments (Constitutional Convention, 2022, Article 483).

In this context, another transversal topic to consider is the impact of racism, instilled from the first colonial contacts that has since become systemically ingrained in State institutions, policies, and daily interactions (Richards, 2016). Racism in Chile results in discrimination for indigenous peoples and migrants from other racial or ethnic groups. Bonhomme (2022) expresses that this is how racism works in Chile: othering based on constructions of a white identity through interactions with migrants. In her study of colorism among Chileans, Bonhomme (2022) concluded that there was a “reproduction of colonial representations” in the way Chileans racialized migrants to claim a “racially superior” national identity (p. 6). Migrants are racialized in Chilean residents’ imaginaries through the assumption of a radical difference that is considered unbridgeable since it is understood as a cultural practice. Moreover, whiteness in Chile is “performed as a sign of high culture” and also used to “justify anti-immigrant sentiment” (Bonhomme, 2022, p. 6). It is this production of difference that defines racism as we know it. As Fredrickson (2003) affirms, the ideology of racism is constituted by difference and power: it originates within a mentality that considers ‘them’ as different from ‘us’ in ways that are permanent and inviolable. Through this mentality, people who are not indigenous or migrants (from here on out, Chilean) are able to position themselves in a dominant hierarchical position and produce relationships based on domination and oppression. Given that a cultural code is assigned as “other” (Solomos & Back, 1994), it is crucial to not only recognize rights, but also reinstate those that have been violated. Caniuqueo (2009) distinguishes three forms of violence: i) institutional violence that is expressed in a general way stemming from colonial discipline; ii) xenophobic

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violence, with an emphasis on racial difference, as defined in the previous paragraph; and iii) assimilationist violence, which seeks to transform indigenous peoples to integrate them into the Western world. Assimilation is understood today as one of the key goals of colonialism as it is “the logic that underlies the establishment and development of Western Civilization from the Renaissance until the present” (Mignolo, 2011, p. 2). Similarly, Tijoux (2016) affirms that racism is part of a structural, historical process that highlights ideologies that have permeated institutions in the country. Racism can be both explicit and implicit, which can make it difficult to address and even more challenging to eradicate (Loncon, 2019; Rain, 2021; Muñoz-Arce & Rain, 2022) as it adapts and transforms to evolving society. In fact, in a recent study of Chilean social workers, LaBrenz et al. (2022) found that internalized, interpersonal, institutional, and structural biases and discrimination impacted decision-­ making and outcomes for families and communities. To address the impact of racism and colonization on social work formation and curricula in Chile, this chapter focuses on decolonization, as this perspective allows us to explore hierarchies based on race, politics, and other social identities that modern European colonialism instilled in Latin America. Furthermore, this chapter analyzes the legacy of colonization: an articulation of structures of power and knowledge, established based on racial and gender constructs that permeated historical colonialism and have been integrated into current social order in the twenty-­ first century (De Sousa Santos, 2022). More broadly, studies on (de)colonization view Eurocentric modernity as intrinsically racist and capitalist, which leads to the need to critically analyze their reach and influence on knowledge production, education, and pedagogy in social work. To explore this further, we first present the debate about positionality in indigenous knowledge and then center our experiences of university education and pedagogy.

 ositionality of Knowledge Among Indigenous Peoples P and Nations Some materials and social policies developed to support indigenous peoples and nations in Latin America and the Caribbean acknowledge the relationship between the interpretation of history and value placed on knowledge produced. Over the centuries, we have witnessed political and social discourse that has supported the idea of generating education systems that are relevant to diverse sociocultural realities. While there have been several proposals related to sociocultural belonging, it is crucial to think about how educational institutions, particularly those of higher education, may appropriate these proposals that address issues such as access, production, organization, dissemination, and control of knowledge (Quiroz, 2010). Since the last decade of the twentieth century, institutions of higher education have begun to actively encourage enrollment and retention of students of indigenous

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and Afro descent in the classroom. To encourage enrollment, universities have created scholarships and support for students and special spots have been designated to promote affirmative action and attempt to lessen the achievement gap, despite ongoing inequities in recognition and valuing diversity (Mato, 2008). In Chile, indigenous scholarships are one example of this, with studies and reports that highlight the reach of these initiatives (Blanco et al., 2011; Silva & Oliva, 2011). Along with mentioning policies related to accessibility and equity in higher education for indigenous peoples, it is also necessary to explore the daily experiences and significance of these for students. It is of particular interest to consider subjectivity, identity, and experiences at the university, and whether new gaps or inequities emerge that have not previously been explored. Zapata (2009) explores one such dimension through their work on life trajectories of indigenous students. Similarly, Mato (2008) concludes that daily experiences of indigenous students in higher education are necessary to integrate into broader proposals that target interculturality, in that these encompass aspects that go beyond academic or curricular considerations. Through the prior literature, interculturality emerges as a process that is still in development as it requires conditions to generate dialogue about value placed on non-Western knowledge and wisdom. One key to generating these spaces for dialogue could be through social responsibility that universities practice, and how they can actively engage indigenous communities that may continue to be affected by the presence and actions of institutions of higher education (Córdova, 2010; Mato, 2008; Quiroz, 2010). The invisibility of diverse types of knowledge and their integration into learning-­ teaching strategies is evidence of ongoing racism. This chapter critically analyzes this invisibility through the concept of geopolitical positionality of knowledge. Geopolitical positionality of knowledge is a concept developed by Hofmann and Cabrapan (2021) that focuses on the intersectionality of hierarchies of oppression and the complex power relations that position individuals and collectives in spaces of changing geopolitical power. This often leads to tensions or contradictions, as occurs in higher education. Muñoz-Arce and Rubilar (2022) further delve into this concept: “gender, age, territory, and/or race, among other hierarchies of oppression, serve to mark one’s positionality. Indeed, based on one’s identities or distinctions positionality emerges that may impact social materiality and other social conditions (p. 127). Within higher education, researchers have found that knowledge from indigenous peoples and nations are rarely integrated into the curricula and that there are few instructors that identify as indigenous. This may be due to economic reasons, lack of information, or more structural challenges to access these positions (Quidel, 2015; Quilaqueo et al., 2011). Muñoz-Arce and Rubilar (2022) identified markers of positionality within academia that involve inequality for faculty or researchers. Among the markers are “ethnicity or tribal affiliation (that) impacts the position of researchers or the larger research community that tends to identify as European or Anglo-American” (p. 133). Furthermore, in interactions generated through learning-teaching processes, the social and cultural backgrounds of students is often not considered. This may lead to the

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higher levels of discrimination, school dropout, lower academic achievement, lower rates of enrollment in higher education, lower self-esteem, and cultural undervaluation that may impact indigenous students (Caniuqueo, 2009; Quilaqueo et al., 2011). There have been clear examples of racism documented in early educational experiences that are then reproduced in higher education. Findings from one recent study with the adult Mapuche population in two regions in Chile concluded that there were four different types of discrimination: verbal, behavioral, institutional, and macro/ social, that Mapuche participants had experienced (Merino, 2007). In this study, participants employed three different types of responses when confronted with discrimination: defensive, coping, and controlling. Moreover, the impact of discrimination included psychosomatic symptoms and psychological issues. Notably, in this study, the contexts where participants reported experiencing the most discrimination was in educational establishments during their childhood or youth. Merino (2007) states that discrimination reinforces domination and marginalization of indigenous peoples, through economic, cultural, and educational means. If there are no sanctions for discrimination or if there is a lack of adequate means to address it, then the right to one’s cultural identity continues to be denied. Results from this study align with other literature on discrimination, reparation, and indigenous peoples (Zapata-Sepúlveda et al., 2021) and among children and adolescents who identify as Aymara in Northern Chile (Mondaca-Rojas et al., 2020). Within democratic societies, education should strengthen principles of justice, liberty, and diversity (Ornelas, 2012; Mato, 2008). Translations, as De Sousa Santos (2009) refers to, constitute one strategy to increase social coexistence and respect of difference, what Cordova (2010) refers to as permanent exchanges for shared learning in day-to-day life. Indeed, through permanent exchanges and social coexistence, it is possible to solidify values of mutual respect and ongoing encounters (Levinas, 2001; Todorov & Burlá, 1987; Rubilar, 2013; Muñoz-Arce & Rain, 2022). Therefore, we need to understand teaching as a dialogue that requires us to construct diverse types of knowledge. In contrast to the assimilationist framework that guides society more broadly, it is crucial to actively dismantle the cultural tendency to cancel knowledge and wisdom that does not come from a Western lens, instead promoting diversity, self-affirmation, and sociocultural self-determination across learning processes. Specific to higher education, there is a need to guarantee ongoing dialogue to produce knowledge, develop student competencies, and shape attitudes needed for adult life, preparing students and citizens in our larger society for diverse contexts and relationships (Gaete & Dittborn, 2011). This requires a shift toward culturally responsive pedagogy that allows us to understand and explore who we are through raising consciousness about our own histories. Through this shift, it is possible to strengthen our own cultural identities and promote the right to be ourselves, a value that is often considered a universal right. Finally, this also allows us to respond to the question of who we live with, paving the way to acknowledge and respect diversity (Todorov, 1991; Taylor, 1993, 1994).

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University Experiences of Intercultural Education Despite processes that decrease visibility and increase racial, patriarchal, and class violence, there are examples of how universities can be sensitive to interculturality. Indeed, experiences across the educational cycle have been traced and documented from preschool through higher education (De la Maza et al., 2010). In this chapter, we focus on higher education as that allows us to answer questions about what is considered valid knowledge and how this is transmitted or taught to university students. In 2000, the la Universidad Católica de Temuco, located in the heart of Mapuche territory, incorporated knowledge and practices from the Mapuche culture into their undergraduate and graduate anthropology curriculum, through a process of participatory action research. Durán et al. (2008) found that these initiatives modified the internal structure of the university and led to changes in political order. Through the integration of Mapuche knowledge and practices, the presence of students who identified as Mapuche was made more visible across campus and also connected the university to the ancestral Mapuche land on which it was built, called Wallmapu. This led to an interesting point to consider, in that universities need to acknowledge the land and territory on which they are situated in the design and implementation of programs. Another initiative related to intercultural education is highlighted in a later part of this chapter that was undertaken at the same university in 2010. This initiative consisted of a learning-teaching process that involved intercultural dialogue between Western and Mapuche philosophies and was launched in an interdisciplinary course that had a Mapuche instructor. In a study on this initiative, Salas and Marileo (2011) found that students reported a favorable reception of the course as they were able to experience non-Western philosophies, but also were able to participate in a ceremony Wiñol tripantü, a ceremony that can occur within families or collectively that celebrates the Mapuche nation and traditionally occurs during the Winter solstice in Latin America.1 The Wiñol tripantü ceremony focuses on strengthening the relationship among nature, time, and organization of one’s life. Although students reported valuing this experience, the individuals who led the initiative identified barriers and resistance from the institution to open genuine spaces of intercultural dialogue. Some situations that were brought to light included: difficulties to bridge meeting points, replicating these experiences given institutional standards, and economic and academic policies that challenged the legitimacy of a Mapuche leader as an instructor, an issue that has yet to be resolved (Salas & Marileo, 2011). Thus, institutions of higher education in Chile are strongly defined by their academic and bureaucratic logic, product of colonization and determinations of what constitutes valid knowledge to teach. This narrows the flexibility allowed to generate real and experiential learning that is sensitive and inclusive of diverse sociocultural realities.  June 21 of each year, Winter solstice.

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Experiences of Intercultural Education in Social Work Through the Wallmapu initiative, there was also an attempt to disrupt the cultural homogenization in social work education. Notably, the initiative took place at the Universidad Católica de Temuco in response to the insistence of Mapuche instructors, the demands and favorable reception of students, and the support from the Social Work Department leadership that led to curricular changes. Through this initiative, there was a reflexive process about the need to focus curricula to respond to diversity that exists in the classroom and in the larger community in which the university is situated. In fact, this served as a launching point for changing the very identity of the degree program and discipline at the university, as evidenced by the expected competencies of graduates: The social work program at the Universidad Católica de Temuco prepares professionals in a tradition of excellence. From a Christian orientation, our social work graduates are prepared to work with individuals in their family, community, and organizational environments and to contribute to improving their quality of life and the larger regional and societal development. To achieve this, students conduct activities oriented towards social transformation and knowledge production from a theoretical-practical lens, articulating world views, local and scientific knowledge, and valuing ethnic and social diversity through ethical dialogues and relationships with various social actors (Sanhueza et al., 2015, p. 46).

Thus, it is necessary to consider the sociocultural context of university curricula and its content. Raising awareness among academics is a process that, in these examples, spans over a decade (2006–2016). For example, in this period there was an elective course Social Work, the Mapuche Nation, and Intercultural Praxis (2008) that was implemented. This course was co-taught be a Mapuche instructor and a non-Mapuche instructor and sought to initiate dialogue about knowledge and social work education, with a focus on interculturality in social work (Sanhueza et al., 2015). In these initiatives, the issue is raised having people with indigenous heritage lead the course, which has led to some challenges for social work in Chile. Instructors who belong to indigenous nations or are African descendants bring their own knowledge and perspectives that can create bridges to challenge and expand Western-­ dominated knowledge dissemination in academia. Recently, Agreement 169 has encompassed this as part of the transversal participation in social policies, particularly in education. Specifically, Agreement 169 stipulates in letter b: [The need] to establish ways in which interested Nations can freely participate, at least in similar ways to other sectors of the population, in all levels of decision-making, elected positions, and administrative organizations that generate policies and programs that are relevant to them (Agreement 169 [OIT], articles 6 and 7).

The initiatives mentioned in this section have only been implemented at a few select universities. Most of them were incorporated into courses considered electives or other advanced topics that students could opt into. By and large, social work degree programs in Chile are homogenous with few intercultural adaptations. When

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adaptations or initiatives are implemented, they tend to be singular experiential learning experiences tied to specific territories or connected to specific research projects on the topic. The experiences narrated in the next section include first-hand accounts from the three authors of this chapter, to highlight tensions and issues associated with lack of recognition and integration of indigenous social work into more standard Chilean social work curricula.

 atherine from a Student Perspective: Experience C as an International Student in Chile This narrative focuses on my experience as an international student (originally from the United States) who was enrolled in the MSW program at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, located in the Metropolitan Region of Chile, between 2011 and 2013. As study abroad and global exchange becomes more common, I use critical lens to analyze my experience from a framework of decolonization of knowledge. This is particularly important in study abroad situations, through which stereotypes and power dynamics of knowledge and knowledge production may be reinforced if not critically assessed and reflected upon (Hughes & Popoola, 2022). Indeed, careful consideration is needed to decolonize the Western-centric curricula and content of social work programs across the globe, through which oppressive relationships and othering may be perpetuated (Razack, 2009). Furthermore, coming from an approach of critical humility, I analyze my experiences as a lifelong learner, learning from others, to understand how my own identities and positionality may have impacted my experiences. As a gringa, I arrived in Chile in July 2008 to finish my last year as an undergraduate student at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. During my year abroad, I was able to take courses in diverse disciplines, including one course in the history department that focused on indigenous communities in Chile. The coursework learning about and celebrating the Ayamara, Rapa Nui, and Mapuche, was contradictory to the experiences I had outside of the classroom. I quickly learned that “Plaza Italia pa’ arriba” was where the other gringos tended to congregate and discovered the extreme segregation within Santiago. Outside of the classroom, I balanced my time between volunteering with families involved in child welfare, disproportionately low-income and indigenous, and getting together with classmates (Chilean and foreigners alike), often at exclusive clubs such as the Spanish or German Stadiums, which prided themselves on creating spaces for people of European ancestry. Thus, from my first year in Chile, I flowed in and out of two worlds—one full of privilege, and one ostracized and pushed to the literal limits and periphery of the city. After the initial year abroad, I remained in Chile to work as a social worker, and enrolled as an MSW student at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile in 2011.

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Guided by a standard MSW curriculum, I enrolled in courses related to ethics, social work practice, contemporary families, and research. Each week, we would immerse ourselves in key readings by Europeans or North Americans, learning social work skills from the lenses of Luhman, White, and Cyrlunik, among others. In the research courses, the “science of social work” prevailed (Brekke, 2012), with a positivist (and Western) framework guiding several of the courses. I learned in-­ depth quantitative analyses skills, theoretical frameworks from the Frankfurt School, and evidence-based practices based on randomized controlled trials (many of which had been developed and tested in the Western world). While these skills positioned me well for the PhD, I ended up completing years later, voices from indigenous communities or other communities of color in Chile were shockingly absent. In fact, despite the history of Chilean social work in recent times with advocacy and social justice, particularly during the Dictatorship, the curricula and coursework felt strangely disconnected from the social justice and activism focus of the profession.

 abriela from a Researcher Perspective: Ethnicity, Politics G of Recognition, and Social Indigenous Issues In 2012, the Chilean government funded research centers under the umbrella of Research Funding in Priority Areas (FONDAP). One of the priority areas identified focused on indigenous studies and was granted to a consortium of universities, including the one at which I was employed. I was able to collaborate as a researcher on the first phase of the project (2012–2016) which gave me the opportunity to observe first-hand the tensions with recognition (Taylor, 1993) that are generated between nonindigenous researchers and researchers with ties to indigenous communities in Chile. This is particularly true among the Mapuche, who openly critiqued the research design and development in these topics and how resources were distributed. The designation of funds that led to the creation of the Center of Indigenous and Intercultural Studies (CIIR)2 led to more public debate surrounding the issue of researching indigenous topics as an outsider. This debate aligned with Spivak’s question of whether outsiders can adequately speak about certain topics and highlights the importance of engaging voices from within the community. In fact, the statement below was signed by more than 60 key people from the Mapuche nation, including Elisa Loncon, who less than a decade later would end up chairing the Constitutional Commission. Key components from the initial draft of the new constitution were shared in the introduction of this chapter. In the statement released in February 2013, the representatives manifested the importance of considering the ethnicity of researchers, stating:  More background on this center available from: https://www.ciir.cl/ciir/

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We believe that it is crucial to analyze the objectives of this center and its real contribution to transforming current political, economic, cultural, and legal relationships among indigenous peoples and nations, the State, civil society, universities, and research centers. How much do institutional policies within Chilean academia actually contribute to preserving knowledge of our nations and the ‘quality of science’ that is invoked3 (Declaration, February 2013).

The majority of those who signed had received scholarships as a result of affirmative action, described in more detail in previous paragraphs. These scholarships increased access to college education—both at the undergraduate and graduate levels. To truly increase access to education, not only are these types of scholarships needed and valid, but it is also crucial to involve the center and institution in financing scientific research in Chile to review inclusion/exclusion criteria, the parameters of affirmative action, and the debates surrounding it. Moreover, in this narration I would like to highlight two significant events that have been enlightening in my reflection of indigenous social work and its reach in education. The first was the research project that I developed in conjunction with a student, Cristian Milla-Curiñanco, which resulted in a joint publication. This chapter demonstrates the first steps of a student researcher and raises the debate about issues of authorship in research on topics that one is part of, an issue I explore in more depth in a recently published article (Rubilar, 2022). Looking back on this experience, the author states: That [project] was about sensitive topics that related to my own life history. I felt like how I was accompanied was relevant and I felt respected, especially that my opinion was heard on some authors. We had more or less a critical vision and that was important…with regards to respect, they considered my own interest and sensitivity to the topic (Interview to Milla-­ Curiñanco, June 2022).

Research on sensitive topics is a debate we have explored more profoundly with Cornejo et al. (2019) and that reappears in the discussion about authors and authorship in narrative works (Rubilar, 2022). Often in narratives, colonizing practices may occur during the translation of research to Western logic and meanings that are not one’s own. The second experience I would like to narrate is related to this and is anchored in the last phase of my participation on the project FONDAP, through which I coordinated an international project that allowed me to explore issues related to inequity, discrimination, race, and language.4 Throughout this project, I was able to strengthen my ties with the writer and academic María Lara-Millapán, who studies the language Mapuzungun and developed a practice to revitalize it through teaching. Her work highlights issues of dispossession and othering (Beverley, 2013) through which knowledge from the Mapuche and other ancestral wisdom has been suppressed. Therefore, it is necessary to critically assess the geopolitics of knowledge  Please see the following link for more information https://www.comunidadhistoriamapuche.cl/ declaracion-publica-ante-la-creacion-del-centro-interdisciplinario-de-estudios-interculturales-eindigenas-financiado-por-el-fondo-de-investigacion-avanzada-en-areas-prioritarias-fondap/ 4  More details about this project are available from this link: https://incasi.uab.cat/ 3

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(Muñoz-Arce & Rubilar, 2022) that we referred to in the earlier parts of this chapter. In fact, Beverley, in the original publication in 1994, raised the issue of narrative authorship by asking: can the outsider talk on their own? Does this require the mediation of another? Beverley states: …this implies invariably that the narrator is no longer in a situation of marginalization and othering that their own narrative describes, but rather they have achieved the cultural condition of authorship (2013, p. 346).

The otherness, in this case, is an amplification of their voice instead of being replaced or erased by authorship of someone else (Rubilar, 2013). The poem ÜY by Maria Lara-Millapán (2018, p. 27) is an expression of raising one’s voice: ÜY Kakekününgi, Niefuiñ üñüm üy, kulliñ üy ka kura üy anümka ka rayen chew taiñ choyünmew, ko üy niefuiñ, fotra ka pire taiñ pu chuchu taiñ üy taiñ laku müleweki tañi pu reñma mew ramtumetuiñ chem üy am ta niefuiñ? NAMES [When they changed our names we had names of birds, of animals and of stones, names of trees and of flowers from the territory we were born, we had names of water, of mud and of snow. The same names of our grandparents were inherited by their children and grandchildren. We are going to ask for the name that belong to us]5

Experience Teaching at a University in Wallmapu What characterized this teaching experience was that it centered my own cultural identity, recognizing diversity in identities among Mapuche and non-Mapuche instructors and students. Through this experience, there was a convergence of university instruction, identity formation, and dialogue about knowledge and

 This translation was provided by Maria Lara-Millapan (2018) author of the poem, who authorized the inclusion of the poem in its original and translated version for the current book chapter on June 27, 2022. Copyright permission. 5

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subjectivity. Grounded in materials collected through a personal journal, I present and analyze various dialogues with students related to academic-personal relationships within classrooms. Within the framework of a course, I taught in Social Work at the Universidad Católica de Temuco, from 2008 on I invited a social worker who was a descendent of longko.6 In this guest lecture, she taught students about Mapuche culture and in her presentation she would tell students: ‘none of you are able to say that you respect the Mapuche, if you are note even able to greet us in our language’. Through this first encounter, one student who was hesitant about their own identity (given that they had experienced rejection as a child from their paternal grandparents who were not Mapuche), expressed: What you say is true. My mother is Mapuche, but I didn’t see that as something Good. Now, listening to her, I think that if I study this discipline I should know about my own culture (Field notebook, October 2011).

Through these dialogues, we encounter the lack of non-Western languages and knowledge in spaces of academic social work. Loncon (2010) calls for more value on Mapudungun, the Mapuche language, in education as a means of recognizing indigenous nations and languages as cultural patrimony. However, if the instructors do not speak indigenous languages, it is very unlikely that this can occur. Therefore, there is a fundamental right that has been violated, which is particularly relevant given that social work is a profession and discipline guided by professional ethics that emphasize social justice. Later on, the same student recounted episodes in which they faced discrimination from their non-Mapuche grandparents: With my brother, we knew that our grandparents didn’t want us because they said that our mother was Mapuche. They would give our cousins money and be nurturing with them, but not with us. No, they looked at us differently (Field notebook, October 2011).

The ambiguities observed in the student as they recognize themselves as Mapuche, and among them, the desire to re-elaborate their own identity, can be attributed to internal or external motivation (Durán, 1986). In this particular case, it likely was produced by both types of motivation through which the student sought closure in their own identity construction that had previously felt incomplete and damaged. Elías (1997) posits that society categorizes humans into groups based on who is valued and who is not, which constitutes a process of social stigmatization (Goffman, 1970) through which social positionality is determined. In the case of this particular student, he finds himself in a group deemed inferior, even within his own family. In parallel, I invited students to dialogue with a longko about Mapuche culture and how a longko is selected, as part of a workshop for students in their field internships. This Mapuche authority belongs to the Carahue sector, a coastal zone that  This figure is responsible for political and cultural representation of diverse families and from the lof, an autonomous territorial space, comprised of different families. This figure is the head or main representative that, by lineage or election by the lof, assumes the duties as assigned by the principles of the Mapuche nation. 6

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identifies as lafkenche –Mapuche. The main symbols associated with this social-­ spatial identity are the sea and its strength. In fact, the lafkenche have their own forms of speaking Mapudungun, their own protocols of social and political relations, and their own ceremonies, connected to their ancestral territory.7 The longko mentioned that he had left his community and moved to another after separating from his wife, leading to him questioning his own ability to speak as an authority as he was no longer living in the territory. He was experiencing discontinuity in his role, despite maintaining his connection to his family and children. This Mapuche authority figure shared his feelings of solitude attributed to not being in his lof, his reactions to the incarceration of his Mapuche brothers that were part of political movements, and the strength of Mapuche faith and how this has affected him. Through his narrative, the emotions were powerful in him, in the Mapuche students, and in myself, given everything that is involved with being part of this Nation. Across the diverse experiences I had, I noticed a trend that the Mapuche students tended to communicate more freely than their non-Mapuche peers did, expressing themselves with more confidence. One of them stated: I feel as if I were talking with my family in the country, it is like I was with family (Field notebook, November 2014).

The closeness that the Mapuche students demonstrated with the longko figure is related to reymagneñen, a concept describing the principle of brotherhood, in which a meeting with any other Mapuche is considered a meeting with a brother, sister, parent, or grandparent. Other students who were not Mapuche reported feeling comfortable in the dialogue and listened attentively. In general, students tend to get uncomfortable when classes go over their designated end time, in my experience. In this case, the three hours allotted to this class turned into five, due to the students asking for more time. Finally, one of them told the longko: ‘This is the best class I have had in the years I’ve been at this university. Thank you for this day.’ Moreover, one student asked the longko for advice about her own experience: ‘I want to ask you for advice: what can you do when someone is doing things that harm others, and as much as they say they will change, they do not?’ (Field notebook, November 2014).

The desire to get advice from a Mapuche authority figure appears as an element that, without being conscious of it, rekindles the main principles and values of the Nation, which emphasize wisdom in elderly members, particularly when they may have been elected to a position in their lof. Reverence is also given to those who teach from nütram and wewpin, which involve a Mapuche practice in which conversations target reflection and education.

 In a rural zone of Wallmapu.

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Discussion and Conclusion Researchers such as Gaete and Dittborn (2011), Julca (2010), and Novaro (2012) argue that, for an inclusive and quality education, it is necessary to delve into and respect social and cultural diversity both in academic curricula and values of the discipline. The exclusion of wisdom and knowledge from indigenous peoples and nations, which has been evidenced through the narratives presented in this chapter, perpetuates discrimination. Thus, higher education needs to incorporate indigenous science and knowledge at the same level as Western scientific knowledge (Mato, 2008; Ornelas, 2012; Durán et al., 2008; Loncon, 2010). Within teaching and learning processes, social work considers contextual factors, such as territoriality, social, cultural, and political factors, as necessary to understand particularities of a case and to understand the social reality of our clients. Together, this ecological approach leads to contextual social work or work that is situated within the current landscape. In addition, it is important to include a historical perspective to understand intertwining of social issues over time with silencing and colonization, patriarchy, and classism, and how to address these. Providing students with spaces in higher education that include experiential learning through encounters with ancestral practices of indigenous peoples and nations, creates an opportunity to develop interculturality. The narratives analyzed in this chapter demonstrate the lack of recognition and the perpetuation of “othering” that can occur when students are not exposed to indigenous practices and customs. Indeed, as presented in the last narrative, exposure and immersion in traditional practices can serve as catalyst to mobilize one’s own identity formation and development when they have faced historical discrimination. To date, recognition from a structural and political stance remains incomplete. Acknowledgements This work was funded by the project ANID/CONICYT/FONDECYT 1190257 Longitudinal study of research trajectories and transitions of Chilean social workers; ANID/CONICYT/FONDEF ID21I10279 Temukomapu ñi Tukulpazugun: Modelo para el levantamiento, construcción y puesta en valor de rutas de la memoria mapuche.

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Chapter 13

Exploring a Decoloniality Perspective of Social Work Education in Malawi Felix Kakowa and Daniel Kabunduli Nkhata

Introduction Malawi is a developing country with a population of 19,130,000 and a GDP per capita of $407. Fifty-two percent of the population are women, who are mostly based in rural areas while about 50% of the population is below the age of 18 (Destatis, 2021). Having almost half of the population below the age of 18 means that the country has few income earners and hence a high dependency ratio. This coupled with a poor performing agricultural sector, which is the main source of national revenue, renders the country poor. Consequently, most Malawians live in poverty hence requiring developmental approaches that can empower individuals to break the poverty trap. Malawi has several ethnic groups that have rich traditional practices and modes of social welfare support. Some traditions have been erased since the advent of colonialism and Christianity. Chewa is the largest ethnic group which is concentrated in the central region of the country (Zeze, 2015). Yao is the second largest ethnic group and covers Balaka, Mangochi, Machinga and Zomba district of the Eastern region of the country. Zeze (2015: Ibid) further indicates that Tumbuka is the third largest ethnic group and is concentrated in the Northern region of the country, followed by the Lomwe ethnic group found in Thyolo, Mulanje, Phalombe and Zomba districts of the Southern region. The fifth largest ethnic group is the Ngoni which is concentrated in Mzimba district in the northern region; Dedza, Ntchisi and Ntcheu districts in the Central region as well as Mwanza and Neno districts in the Southern region of the country (Zeze, 2015). The ethnic groups have different

F. Kakowa (*) · D. K. Nkhata Sociology and Population Studies Department, University of Malawi, Zomba, Malawi e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_13

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traditional practices that are aimed at promoting social support and social welfare in their communities. Social work education as a professional training requires that students should be equipped with the requisite knowledge for practice and proven fit and capable of practice. This, therefore, entails that both theory, in class, and practice, through practicum, must be emphasised in training. Practice placements or practicum provide students with the opportunity to develop professional competence and prepare them for graduate practice (Holmes et  al., 2010). Every school of social work ensures that its students are adequately exposed to both realms. Through these placements, students are able to relate the theoretical aspects mostly developed in the West, to local contexts characterised by the different ethnic cultures. Social work education in Malawi is offered by two public universities, a public college under the Ministry of Gender, Community Development and Social Welfare (MoGCDSW), and four private universities. Social work curricula in Malawi are generally not harmonised because of the absence of a relevant authority, thus, the Council for Social Work. Instead, the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) accredits the programmes through general standards. This chapter reviews social work education in Malawi by analysing curricula of three schools of social work to establish efforts by the training institutions to decolonise the curricula. These institutions include University of Malawi, the Catholic University of Malawi and Magomero College. The Catholic University was selected because it is the first university to offer bachelor’s degree in social work in Malawi and also a private university. The University of Malawi, on the other hand, was selected because it is the first public university to offer a social work degree programme and the largest university in Malawi, while Magomero College was selected because it was the first training institution to offer social work training in the country. A decoloniality perspective becomes imperative because social work education in Malawi, like most other African countries, has a strong Western footprint. Most concepts and approaches that are taught and used were originally developed for the Western contexts and may not be fully applicable in the African and more specifically Malawian contexts. Social work in Malawi is a relatively new profession with professional qualifications starting in 2006 (Kakowa, 2016). This is despite the fact that training in social work started rather earlier with a certificate in social welfare programme, which has been offered by Magomero College and an existing arrangement where local social workers were sent abroad for further studies. Several institutions are offering training in social work at the degree level and these include: University of Malawi, The Catholic University of Malawi, Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural Resources, DMI St. John of God University, Lilongwe University and Millennium University. Magomero College on the other hand offers certificate and diploma programmes. According to Twikirize and Spitzer (2019), one of the criticisms that have been levelled against social work education in Africa is that most approaches and models contained in the curricula were designed for Western contexts and may not be fully relevant to the African contexts. This is mostly because most curricula were adapted

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from Western universities in recognition of social work as an international profession. Twikirize and Spitzer (Ibid) (2019) point out several factors that cause this disparity. These include differences in cultural orientations; different developmental stages that imply different sets and magnitude of social problems; but also different social, economic, political and spiritual realities. These differences are expected to influence dominant approaches in the curricula, however, most curricula in Africa adapted or adopted Western curricula without considering the impact of these factors. With the majority of the population in poverty and living in rural areas, developmental social work can empower the poor and promote their well-being. Developmental social work can be defined as a process of planned social change designed to promote the well-being of the population as a whole within the context of a dynamic multifaceted development process (Mingle, 2013; cited in Manyama, 2018). However, this approach also requires to take into account the rural contexts in which these approaches are applied. However, as noted by Mupedziswa (2005; and Chitereka, 2009, both cited by Manyama, 2018), the problem with African social work is that it has over-utilised remedial/curative method in solving problems. This approach on its own, has proved ineffective in curbing problems of developmental nature such as poverty, unemployment, inadequate shelter, homelessness, illiteracy, disease and ignorance. Tan (2009) argued that the developmental social work method has received very little attention in most of the social work curricula in terms of instructions, policy and practical environment. As such, social work instructors in many social work programmes are biased towards micro practice. Social workers need to effectively collaborate with local communities through developmental social work to achieve sustainable change and by extension, training institutions need to give adequate attention to developmental social work and indigenous approaches in solving social problems. We therefore used key informant interviews and systematic document review to analyse approaches that social work training institutions are employing to decolonise the social work education and by extension, practice in the country. Document review through curricula of the training institutions and key informant interviews with personnel from University of Malawi, the Catholic University of Malawi as well as Magomero College were used to collect data for the study. Using content analysis technique, we explored the following areas: description of the decoloniality perspective of social work; investigation of some of the indigenous social work practices in Malawi; and exploration of efforts by Malawi’s schools of social work to decolonise and promote indigenous social work practices.

Social Work Training in Malawi Social work training in Malawi started in 1964 as a certificate course in social welfare programme at Magomero College (Kakowa, 2016), and by 2021, there were about six universities offering degree programmes in social work. Most of the social

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work programmes under offer from these institutions have a Western influence in their development except for the programmes offered by DMI St. John of God University which has an Indian orientation. In all these cases, it is important that training institutions should incorporate existing indigenous social work practices in their curricula to ensure effectiveness and success of ensuing interventions by their graduates. Practice that recognises indigenous approaches becomes more sustainable unlike practice that does not, which becomes alien to the community members. An example of a gap existing between social welfare services and their effectiveness is the rising cases of suicide. Despite different initiatives undertaken to reduce cases of suicide, Banda et al. (2021) reported that Lilongwe district recorded 128 suicide cases and five attempted suicide cases. Out of these 133 cases, only six were women. The trend is representative of the whole country because all districts recorded increasing rates. Banda et al. (2021) argue that this phenomenon has been caused by economic hardships that were exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. They further argue that there has been a drastic increase in suicide cases mainly among men due to cultural norms of perseverance where men do not want to appear weak or defeated by challenges. Consequently, they fail to see the importance of sharing their challenges with others for possible solutions. If social work education could incorporate such an understanding, then better ways could be identified for social workers to effectively work with boys and men and resolve issues before suicidal thoughts can come in. Owusu-Bemba (2003, cited in Spaneas, 2011) argues that one reason Western approaches have difficulties to apply in the African contexts is the focus on the individual in Western societies as contrasted to collective ideas in African societies. Malawi like most other African societies has a strong tradition of communal support and it is therefore important for training institutions to recognise this and ensure that their graduating students are introduced to these differences with regard to indigenous social work practices. The process of colonisation was characterised by the demonisation of African cultural practices which led to the loss of some cultural identities (Maathi, 2009: 168). Consequently, there are many indigenous helping approaches and processes that have received less attention and promotion, some to the extent of erasure. Spitzer, Twikirize and Wairire (2014, cited in Twikirize & Spitzer, 2019) established from their empirical study, that there are gaps in terms of social workers’ abilities to deliver culturally appropriate practices due to their type of education which pays little attention to local knowledge systems and indigenous approaches to problem solving. Most curricula in Africa have been developed with support from Western countries and they have also been benchmarked on international and mostly Western university curricula. Lowman and Mayblin (2011) support this by arguing that, while other philosophies are parochialised in the academy, always to be set within the context from which they emerged, the European is apparently left untainted by culture or history. This privileging of Western epistemologies also has its roots in colonial domination, with the latter having asserted an articular and totalising logic over the past 500  years, insisting that European knowledge is superior to other knowledges

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(Lowman and Mayblin, Ibid). They further posit that European knowledge represents rationality, science and reason, while other ways of knowing are constructed as traditional, irrational, spiritual and contextual. The strong focus on social casework or micro social work practice in the Western countries therefore becomes the prominent approach taught in African social work programmes. This often becomes a challenge when the student social workers or social work graduates implement their interventions in the communities. The approaches become alien to the communities and they fail to make the best use of them for sustainable change. One way of propagating indigenous social work approaches is through adages or proverbs which are mostly orally transmitted from one generation to another. Such adages remind members of the community on indigenous ways of solving problems and also provides guidance on how one ought to conduct oneself to promote unity and co-existence in a community. The concept of ‘ubuntu’ as emphasising humanness, means that individual members in a community should value the principle of reciprocity. Rankopo, Osei-Hwedie and Modie-Moroka (2007) observed that the point of departure for the ubuntu principle, is a consideration that those that are privileged at one point, may become vulnerable at another point. How one treats others, should be expected to be the way others will treat you as well. It therefore follows that community members or the extended family operate on the principle of reciprocity. Malawi’s oral cultural tradition provides many proverbs that demonstrate how the different cultural orientations envisaged problem solving and helping processes. Such adages include: ‘Akulu ndi m’dambo modzimira moto’ (literally meaning ‘Elders are wetlands that extinguish fires’) meaning that if members of a community have disagreements or quarrels, they needed to present the issues before elders and the elders in return were responsible for ensuring amicable resolution of the disagreements. By extension, elders are appointed for a marriage where they assume responsibilities as counsellors. Any serious disagreement in a family is presented to these counsellors for adjudication. Taking a marital dispute to an outsider is considered a last resort after the marriage counsellors have failed to adjudicate. Similarly, a village Head is expected to have elders or ‘nduna’ who are supposed to adjudicate whenever there are conflicts among members of the community or village, when the Village Head cannot handle the case himself or herself. If a case jumps the required protocols and fails to be amicably resolved, parties involved would be liable of an offence for by-­ passing the elders. ‘Mwana wa mnzako ndi wako yemwe, ukachenjera manja udzadya naye’ (literary meaning ‘Your neighbour’s/friend’s child is your child as well, if you are clever enough s/he will take care of you in future’). This adage explains the value of reciprocal relationships that have always characterised African cultures and promote communal caring of children. Children are raised to consider adults as parents and adults are also expected to treat all children in the community as theirs. Twikirize and Spitzer (2019) further add that group or community context defines Africans, hence community practice becomes central to African social work and ubuntu philosophy in solving social problems. Ubuntu is an African concept that refers to

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humaneness between people within a community (Nyaumwe & Mkabela, 2007). Van Breda (2019) argues that contemporary research shows that ubuntu continues to play an important role in African society. It is regarded as a key cultural strength of families, emerges as an important foundation for resilience among the youth, can shape community responses to disaster and has been used to inform an approach to psychotherapy. Mugumbate (2021) further describes ubuntu as a collection of values, practices and theories that people of Africa view as making people and their communities authentic. This can be exemplified by informal fostering that is common in African and Malawian societies in particular. Many families raise children of their relatives as their own and also believe that such children would also have a reciprocal responsibility towards the family if situations would require for such. Similar to this is the Mphala tradition, where community members were taking care of its children as if they were of the same family. This meant that no child could go hungry when other children in the community had food. Shelter was also provided to all. In traditional Malawi, like in all other Sub-Saharan African countries, the extended family system has served as a most effective response, enabling access to support for any household facing a crisis (Foster, 2007). The extended family provides social and financial assistance to its members, fostering children informally, being one of these services. This practice also resonates with the watoto wazuri concept of the Eastern Africa where traumatised or bereaved children are gathered together no matter who the parents are, to be given different pieces of advice and emotional support to survive the challenge (Kakowa & Kaomba, 2020). Through such practices, communities are able to provide the much needed psycho-social support to children. Through a study that was conducted at Dzaleka refugee camp in Dowa district of Malawi, it was observed that such practices have transcended the Eastern Africa region and have been assimilated by other countries and communities (Kakowa and Kaomba, Ibid). This has been a result of migration due to various reasons. Such traditions as supported by such adages, had been sources of support for community members. Increasing individuality, as promoted by Westernisation and coupled with HIV and AIDS pandemic as well as associated increasing poverty levels, eroded some of these practices. Much as we have established that some indigenous practices permeate modern social work practice in Malawi, schools of social work have a responsibility to deliberately include indigenous approaches in the social work training. Mugumbate and Nyanguru (2013) contend that groups are a key feature of the African society, implying that common approaches in African contexts, should target groups. This however, does not mean that micro-practice is not applicable. Twikirize and Spitzer (2019) argue that at the micro-level practice, ubuntu comes in through group solidarity where several members of the community can share confidential information with none of them divulging this to any outsider. Thus, in an African context, counselling does not need to be on a one-to-one stipulation.

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A Description of the Decoloniality Perspective Mignolo (2007) traces the concept and philosophy of decolonialism to Anibal Quijano by arguing that Quijano saw decolonisation as the obvious solution to coloniality. He argues that Quijano introduced the disturbing concept of ‘coloniality’ (the invisible and constitutive side of ‘modernity’) in an article published in 1989 and reprinted in 1992, titled ‘Colonialidad y modernidad racionalidad’. Quijano explicitly linked coloniality of power in the political and economic spheres with the coloniality of knowledge; and ended the argument with the natural consequence: if knowledge is colonised one of the tasks ahead is to de-colonise knowledge. According to Mignolo (ibid), delinking leads to de-colonial epistemic shift and brings to the foreground other epistemologies, other principles of knowledge and understanding and, consequently, other economy, other politics, other ethics. Mignolo (2007, p.459) explains delinking as a transformational process of changing from Western narratives in order to relink and affirm the modes of existence we want to preserve. Lowman and Mayblin (2011) argue that one of the main strands of thought that in recent years have driven forward the agenda of theorising the postcolonial and decolonising theory is the postcolonial theory. Postcolonial theory calls for a dramatic change in academic thinking, away from the perception of colonialism as being primarily about states and borders, and towards an analysis of the cultural and epistemic legacies of colonialism. According to Young (2001:383–426), postcolonial theory emerged mainly from experiences of oppression and struggles for freedom after the ‘tricontinental’ awakening in Africa, Asia and Latin America: the continents associated with poverty and conflict. He further draws three perspectives in which postcolonial theory emerges, namely humanitarian (moral), liberal (political) and economic. Whereas humanitarians and economists staged anti-colonial campaigns, politicians (liberals) supported colonisation as a means of civilising the heathens by any and all means, including force. Spitzer (2017) argues that the heritage of imported theories and concepts from the West is still heavily affecting social work education and practice in the twenty-­ first century and that these imported models neither provide sufficient responses to contemporary challenges in society nor do they effectively meet the socio-cultural realities of these contexts. The onus is left with training institutions to ensure that they do not propagate this trend by producing graduates that are not in touch with the African contexts and socio-cultural realities. Gray (2002) argues that the problem confronting African social work has to do with its past, in which indigenous ways of helping did not feature, but in which foreign developments, thought and theory were preferred. She further argues that the community, which is the bedrock of culture, should be the point of entry for interventions, if we are to attain a cultural relevant social work practice and education (Gray et al., 2008). The decoloniality perspective of education requires that deliberate education processes should aim at undoing Euro-American-centric approaches and incorporate indigenous approaches. A caution is however given that this indigenisation

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should not be equated with the adoption of the so-called traditional or primitive values but be predicated upon whatever the masses regard to be an authentic representation of themselves (Rankopo & Osei-Hwedie, 2011). Social work remains an international practice hence indigenisation does not have to imply a total overhaul and rejection of everything (Twikirize, 2014). The integration of indigenous approaches by practitioners should be complemented by the incorporation of such knowledge and approaches by universities in their curricula. Decoloniality perspective according to Escobar (2007, cited in Fuchs, 2013) criticises the effects of the Westernisation of sciences and modes of knowledge production that have silenced other voices and alternative forms of knowledge. Colonial period was characterised by the imposition of Western approaches and cultural orientations mainly centering on individuality. Decoloniality therefore, is the attainment of liberation from the political and epistemic domination of Eurocentrism and Western imperialism (Maldonado-Torres 2016, cited in Rasool & Harms-Smith, 2021). Castro-Gómez and Martin (2002: 270–275, cited in Fuchs, 2013) contend that in the process of expansion, the knowledge production of the social sciences was of extreme importance for the consolidation of European states and colonialism as interrelated social phenomena. This process fostered the illusion that knowledge is universal, neutral and objective. But these criteria were judged from a Eurocentric viewpoint, and therefore only European productions of knowledge (or those according to the European model) were accepted as possible and valid (or legitimate) (Fuchs, 2013). The presuppositions were supported by the Church and were characterised by the demonisation of African cultural practices. Consequently, traditional practices such as Jando/thezo (initiation ceremony for boys) or Chinamwali (initiation ceremony for girls) were discouraged and denounced as profanity. These were some of the traditions that were used to re-socialise youths as they joined adulthood and the areas of coverage in these traditions included marriage etiquette as well communal responsibilities. In Malawi, most cultures especially the Lomwe, Mang’anja, Sena and Yao ethnic groups strongly practiced these traditions, while for the Chewa ethnic group, it has been the Nyau/Gule tradition. These traditions promoted African values and traditions that centred on communal responsibilities and reciprocal relationships. Hegemony is a concept that has been used to refer to a representation of the dominators’/colonialists’ viewpoint as the only reality (Tamburro, 2013). This hegemonic process contributes to poor self-esteem and social work, as a profession has been part of this hegemonic belief system, with an emphasis on charity instead of empowerment (Tamburro, Ibid). A decoloniality perspective therefore calls for a recognition of indigenous knowledge and approaches to the empowerment of the citizenry. Ransor (2002 cited in Owusu-Ansah & Mji, 2013) concluded that the spirit of the African worldview includes wholeness, community and harmony which are deeply embedded in cultural values. A person becomes human only in the midst of others and seeks both individual and collective harmony as the primary task in the process of becoming a true person. Complementary and effective social work education should train its social workers to inculcate this.

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Curricula for Schools of Social Work in Malawi The Social Work curricula in Malawi have not been harmonised and are not coordinated in any way apart from the normal accreditation process conducted by the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE). Universities such as the Catholic University of Malawi, University of Malawi, DMI St. John of God University, Lilongwe University and Millennium University offer four-year degree programmes. In some cases, there are variations in modes of offering the programmes, for example, the Catholic University and DMI St. John of God University also have weekend class arrangements while the University of Malawi has a block-release programme in addition to the regular generic programme. Magomero College on the other hand, has a curriculum that is duo staged. Completion of first year only accounts for a certificate in social work while completion of the two years of the programme results in a diploma award. The presentation is also a combination regular full-time classes and block-release arrangement. For the programmes analysed in this study, the following are compositions of the programmes:

Year 1 Both the University of Malawi and the Catholic University of Malawi have four-­ year degree programmes while Magomero College has a two-year diploma programme. The first year of the University of Malawi comprises the following modules: Introduction to social work  – theory and practice; Introduction to Sociology – Theories and concepts; Introduction to the science of psychology and developmental psychology; Analysis of social problems; and Early childhood development. Most of these modules are general introductory modules to the social sciences. Some content on indigenous knowledge can be found in the Introduction to sociology and the Analysis of social problems modules. The modules have content on mores and folklores and their impact in maintaining social order in the community as well as the nature of society, with a focus on culture, values and norms. References are made to traditional African societies. The Introduction to social work module has a topic on indigenous knowledge systems, skills and practices in social work and social development, which also introduces indigenous helping processes. Similarly, the social anthropology module has a topic on kinship, marriages and the family, that focus on the roles of the extended family in providing social welfare support. On the other hand, the first year content for the Catholic University of Malawi comprises the following: Introduction to social work; Introduction to Sociology and Social Theory; Critical thinking; Introduction to socio-cultural anthropology; Introduction to micro and macroeconomics; Special needs education – Concepts, policy and practice; Social work methods – Case management; and Catholic social

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teaching. At this level, only socio-cultural anthropology and introduction to social work modules have some indigenous knowledge content. The rest of the modules generally introduce the students to social sciences and social work in particular. Magomero College’s modules of the first year include: Introduction to social work and social welfare; Human behaviour and the social environment; Analysis of social problems-vulnerable populations; Social welfare policy, legislation and services; Social work practice with individuals and families; Communication and interviewing  – Theory and Skills for social workers; Social work practice with groups and communities; Professional development seminar; and Field practicum. For students that have been enrolled to pursue certificate in social work studies, they cover this first year only. This is the reason the period contains a three-month long field practicum. No specific module targets indigenous knowledge; however, the design of the curriculum is in the way that it only provides the key topic to be covered and the handler can populate relevant indicative content to satisfy the topic.

Year 2 The second year for the University of Malawi’s curriculum includes the following modules: Social casework; Social group-work; Introduction to social work practice; Communication skills in social work; Human rights and the Law; Assessment, Planning and Intervention; Gender and development; and Introduction to social policy. Some content on indigenous social welfare support can be identified in social casework and social group-work modules. Social casework module contains topics on ‘indigenous helping systems in Malawian context’ and ‘African perspectives of social casework’. These topics contextualise social casework practice into the African and Malawian traditional contexts. Introduction to Social Work Practice introduces students to realities of practice contexts in Malawi by introducing students to the practicum, where they are expected to strike a balance between the Western, well-documented models and the indigenous and usually undocumented approaches of the different cultural groupings of Malawi. The second year of the Catholic University of Malawi contains the following modules: Introduction to statistics; Social statistics; Social policy; Community health; Gerontology and geriatrics; Social psychology; Gender and kinship; Anthropological views of political economy; Governance and citizenship; Deviance and rehabilitation; Principles of demography; Leadership and Community work; Mental health and its social context; and electives including Medical anthropology; Intermediate micro and macroeconomics; Life skills for learners with special educational needs; Health and physical impairment; Speech and language development in children; African political thought; and Local government. Content on indigenous social welfare practice can be found in the Gender and kinship module under the ‘Rituals of manhood’ and ‘Kinship system’ topics. The African political thought module also has indigenous content through topics such as ‘Individuality and communism in African traditional societies’ and ‘Ubuntu and African humanism’ topics.

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The second year for Magomero College is also the final year for the diploma programme. The level has the following modules: Introduction to psychology; Family and child welfare policy, service and practice; Research methods; Empowerment practice with persons with disabilities; Disaster risk management and prevention; Social work practice in probation and aftercare (Criminal Justice); Social work leadership, facilitation and networking; Professional development seminars II; and Field Practicum II.

Year 3 The first semester of the third year for the social work programme at the University of Malawi is the first hands-on field practicum. In the second semester, the modules covered include: Social Work Practice Skills with Special Populations; Counselling Psychology; Evidence-Based Social Work Practice; Social Research Methods; and Reflective Practice. Counselling psychology offers some content on indigenous practice through a topic on ‘traditional counselling’ – aspects and process. The third year of the CUNIMA social work programme comprises the following modules: Research methods; Religion and society in Malawi; Human rights; Family and child welfare; Socio-economic development; Project design management; Social work and HIV/AIDS management; Development anthropology; Urban development planning; Social work and disabilities; Gender and development; and social welfare policy. On top of these modules, the programme has electives including: Public policy; Development economics; Anthropological views on political economy; Hearing impairment – Assessment and rehabilitation; Visual Impairment-­ Assessment and rehabilitation; Anthropology of HIV/AIDS; Health economics; Regional integration and cooperation; Malawi sign language; and Braille reading and writing. Indigenous knowledge content can be found in the Developmental anthropology module in the ‘Decolonisation and modernisation’, ‘Culture and development’ and ‘Local concepts of knowledge’ sub-topics. The Social work and Disability module focuses on community-based interventions and rehabilitation. The faculty complements this focus with invitations to members of functional community groups to co-teach. This is aimed at demystifying the theoretical perspectives. Alternatively, the students go on field visits to see the groups in action and learn from them.

Year 4 The final year for the social work programme at the University of Malawi comprises the following modules: Research Proposal Development; Child Protection; Community Health and Nutrition; Research Project; Community Development; Social Protection and electives including: The Environment and Sustainable

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Development; Disability and Special Needs; Diversity; Youth and Development; Entrepreneurship; Life-course and Aging; Social Work Perspectives on HIV and AIDS; Vulnerability and Disaster Risk Reduction. The programme has another field practicum that comes in semester 9. Indigenous practice is incorporated in the Community development module under the ‘Aims, principles and practice of community development in Malawi – Traditional values and development’ topic. Other modules that cover indigenous practice are social protection and Life course and aging. The Social protection module has content on ‘social protection traditional interventions’ while Life-course and aging has a topic on ‘role of extended family system in providing needs of the elderly’. The extended family system has served as a most effective response, enabling access to support for any household facing crisis in the Sub-Saharan Africa (Foster, 2007). He further asserts that extended family has supported the members with economic needs as well as fostering of children for continued care. This becomes the backbone of indigenous helping system. The final year at the Catholic University has the following modules: Counselling; Social work in developing countries; Social work administration; Social work and the law; Environmental and natural resources management; and Conflict resolution. The programme also has electives including: Anthropology of modernity; Malawi sign language II; Economic management and policy analysis; Conflict management and leadership development; and Braille reading and writing II. The second semester of the programme is field practicum. Indigenous knowledge content is covered in the ‘Social work in developing countries’ module in topics such as Western influence on social work education in developing countries. The module allows students to critique the applicability of the models they have learned through the years. The module has other aspects of indigenous practice as emphasised by the Key Informant: The Catholic University of Malawi has a number of courses that integrate local methods/ models of helping and such content emphasize on the role of community in problem-­ solving. An example of these courses is, Social Economic Development which emphasizes on village savings or rotation savings in empowering the vulnerable. (KI-Interview)

Practicum One common feature of the programmes is the field practicum. Magomero College has two hands-on practicum that come in both academic years/levels. This is in consideration of those that might exit at the certificate level. The University of Malawi has three field practicum exercises, with the first being a shorter hands-off observational placement that comes after the first year. This is aimed at introducing students to the practice contexts. In the third year, comes the first hands-on placement, which is followed by the second hands-on practicum after the completion of curse work, thus is semester 9. The Catholic University on the hand, has one field practicum that comes in the second semester of the final year, thus in semester 8. Although the arrangement and modalities differ, students are expected to interact with service users either in institutions or communities and assist in solving their

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challenges. In these cases, the students are expected to submit reports, and the ensuing processes differ from one institution to another. For the Catholic University, their curriculum requires that students should document as many case studies as possible where local interventions were administered in areas of conflict resolution, child protection and work with the elderly. These reports are later submitted to the University where best case studies are adapted into different topics in different modules for exemplification. Magomero College on the other hand utilises existing public social welfare systems to train its students and inculcate practice knowledge. The College is under the Ministry of Gender, Community Development and Social Welfare (MoGCDSW) and initially, the student social workers were sent to district offices where they concentrated on district level interventions based on the national social welfare programmes under the Department of Social Welfare in the ministry. However, the quest to expand exposure to local practice contexts and widen practice experience, led the College to include allocation of students to local communities under the mentorship of Community Child Protection Workers (CCPWs) and Case Managers. These are frontline workers who received comparatively less training but are more conversant with community approaches and government case management procedures. Practice Educators and District Social Welfare Officers complement by supporting the mentorship of the students. Similarly, the students are expected to document their experience and make presentations on, back at the university. The faculty incorporates some of these interventions and case studies in their teaching. In general, indigenous helping approaches are not emphasised in all the curricula except for cases where they are introduced or indirectly expected through practicum. There are also varied approaches to practicum which leads to varied outcomes and exposure to indigenous knowledge. Most modules in all curricula however, do not attempt to include indigenous knowledge. Another effort is by the University of Malawi which introduced a Practice Educator (PE) training in collaboration with Supporting Social Work in Malawi (SSWiM). Practice educators are social work practitioners that supervise, teach and assess social work students on practice learning placements and make a recommendation to the awarding institution whether a student is ‘fit to practise at the point of qualification’ (SWRB, 2010: 1). The initiative strengthens students’ ability to learn from practicum by providing these well-trained Practice Educators to mentor the students in practice. A strong practice learning environment is vital to the training of effective social workers because they graduate for the training institutions not only with theoretical knowledge but also with relevant practice skills and knowledge. Owing to the infancy of the profession in Malawi, students are able to be located in agencies that emphasise indigenous approaches and still be able to apply modern social work practices through the support of the Practice Educators. Earlier exploration by the University had established that most social work agencies were managed by personnel that was not trained in social work. Students were therefore able to balance modern and indigenous approaches through these arrangements. Notably, Malawi’s Practice Educators training, as adapted by the facilitators Prof. Janet Walker from University of Lincoln, UK and Dr. Simon Cauvain from

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Nottingham Trent University, UK uses Paulo Freire’s philosophy, combined with the UK Practice Educators training to suit the African and more specifically, Malawian context through principles of adult learning. Bolin (2019) asserts that Freire’s political, intellectual and pedagogical project aims at promoting a more just and humane world through a praxis that seeks to counter dominant ideologies in practice and theory. The facilitators understand that the content of programme has to be decolonised to be in tandem with Malawian practice contexts. The training targets practising social workers and is designed in such a way that the participants are considered to possess the knowledge of the practice settings and relevant indigenous as well as theoretical knowledge of interventions. Concepts are therefore introduced and knowledge and approaches are negotiated through group work activities that amalgamate lived experiences and internationally recommended procedures and processes.

Conclusion and Recommendations Spitzer (2017) points out that one key challenge to the indigenisation of social work and social development education and practice is the lack of research coupled with theory building that aligns social work and social development with cultural concepts and epistemologies in order to identify innovative approaches that work in a given context. Universities have a huge responsibility in ensuring that this gap is filled. Rwanda is a good example that has adopted and mainstreamed traditional and innovative models of social development into national development plans and some national policies (Twikirize & Spitzer, 2019). Social work education in Malawi is still in its infancy considering that training to the degree level started just in 2006. Still more, schools of social work in the country have started incorporating indigenous approaches and make content relevant to contexts. Training institutions in Malawi are putting in place measures to ensure that students are able to appreciate and make use of indigenous social welfare systems. Much as this is being done, it is a long process to realise a practice that is respectful of traditional approaches and well incorporated into the academic curricula. This is because the curricula themselves need to be decolonised and incorporate an African perspective of social work that recognises indigenous approaches. These approaches would have to be innovatively adapted into the internationally benchmarked curricula in recognition of the global standards of social work education. However, this study has established that there are no strong deliberate efforts to decolonize the content. As the profession is getting established in the country, the focus is much on adoption of practices from countries in which the profession is well established, and this is mostly from the West and India. The international benchmarking and internationalisation of the profession is directly hindering the progress of decolonisation of content and education. Similar is the inadequate or unavailability of literature or publications to support and guide training institutions in providing indigenous knowledge or practices in social work which is also hindering progress in decolonising the training content.

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It is important that the social work education should continue learning from the practicums as well as conduct deliberate research to enhance local knowledge. This would have a direct impact in the training of social workers that are relevant to communities and are able to implement interventions that resonate with the targeted beneficiaries. According to Spitzer (2017), one of the key challenges for the indigenisation of social work and social development is the lack of research, coupled with theory building that aligns social work and social development with cultural concepts and epistemologies in order to identify innovative approaches that work in a given context. The lack of supportive literature is a key challenge for the training institutions to effectively incorporate indigenous knowledge. Social work is by nature, an evidence-based profession. We therefore recommend concerted effort by the academics to explore indigenous approaches and document them to support the teaching and learning. The curricula also require harmonisation, focusing on key modules that each programme must include, while leaving room for identity specific modules.

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Mugumbate, J. (2021). Ubuntu philosophy. Africa Social Work Network. https://africasocialwork. net/2021/03/13/ubuntu-­theories/ Mugumbate, J., & Nyanguru, A. (2013). Exploring African philosophy: The value of Ubuntu in social work. African Journal of Social Work, 3(1), 82–100. Nyaumwe, L.  J., & Mkabela, Q. (2007). Revisiting the traditional African cultural framework of Ubuntuism: A theoretical perspective. Indilinga African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, 6(2), 152–163. Owusu-Ansah, F.  E., & Mji, G. (2013). African indigenous knowledge and research. African Journal of Disability, 2(1) Art. #30 5 pages. https://doi.org/10.4102/ajod.v2i1.30 Rankopo, M.  J., & Osei-Hwedie, K. (2011). Globalization and culturally relevant social work: African perspectives on indigenization. International Social Work, 54(1), 137–147. Rankopo, M., Osei-Hwedie, K., & Modie-Moroka, T. (2007). Issues in service volunteerism in Botswana. In L. Patel & R. Mupedziswa (Eds.), Research partnerships build the service field in Africa. Special issue of JSDA and social work practitioner-researcher (pp. 24–39). Rasool, S., & Harms-Smith, L. (2021). Towards decoloniality in a social work programme: A process of dialogue, reflexivity, action and change. Critical African Studies, 13(1), 56–72. https:// doi.org/10.1080/21681392.2021.1886136 Spaneas, S. (2011). Social work in Cyprus. The challenge of indigenization. 9th Annual ESPAnet conference: Sustainability and transformation in European Social Policy, Valencia, 8–10 September. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/879976/ Spitzer, H. (2017). Social work in East Africa: A mzungu perspective. International Social Work, 62(2):1–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872817742696 SWRB. (2010). Practice educator professional standards for social work. http://www.education. gov.uk/swrb/education.shtml. Social Work Reform Board. Tamburro, A. (2013, September). Including Decolonisation in Social Work Education and Practice. In Journal of Indigenous Social Development Volume 2, Issue 1 pp. 1–16. http://www.hawaii. edu/sswork/jisd. E-ISSN 2164-9170. Tan, A. (2009). Community development theory and practice: bridging the divide between ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ levels of social work. Presented at: NACSW Convention 2009 October, 2009 Indianapolis, IN. Twikirize, J. M. (2014). Indigenisation of social work in Africa: Debates, prospects and challenges. In H. Spitzer, J. M. Twikirize, & G. G. Wairire (Eds.), Professional social work in East Africa. Towards social development, poverty reduction and gender equality (pp. 75–90). Fountain. Twikirize, J., & Spitzer, H. (2019). Indigenous and innovative social work practice: Evidence from East Africa. Van Breda, A. (2019). Developing the notion of Ubuntu as African theory of social work practice. Social Work/Maatskaplike Werk, 55(4), 438–450. Young, R. J. C. (2001). Post-colonialism: An historical introduction. Blackwell. Zeze, W. (2015). Democratic constitution and ethnic organizations in Malawi: Preserving good traditional practices or promoting nepotism and tribalism? https://classic.iclrs.org/content/ events/103/2000.pdf

Part III

Indigenous Social Work: Poiesis and Praxis

Chapter 14

Indigenous Knowledge as a Resource in Social Work Practice: The Case of Bedouin Society Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail

Bedouin Society: An Overview The Bedouins are an integral part of the Arab population that became a national minority in Israel when the state was established in 1948. The Arab population’s relations with the state, its institutions, and its majority Jewish population are tense and complex (Tatour, 2019). The Bedouins close themselves off but also experience marginalization by the state and the hegemonic Israeli-Jewish population. They experience paternalism, and they fear change and too much openness to Western culture (Shehade & Zuabi, 2019). Although Israel’s Arab population is characterized as conservative, it is actually a dynamic society in transition, from a traditional and conservative one to a modern one. This transition is manifested in changes in various aspects of life, including education, economics, and housing (Allassad, 2020), resulting primarily from the development of an education system that has led to a rise in the education level and improvement of the economic situation. But these changes have not been comprehensive or consistent over time; the trend toward change derives from individual processes, such as individual initiatives and individual autonomy, as a counter-trend to the society’s collective and traditional-religious preservation of tradition and family unity (Abu-Baker, 2016). The Bedouins are an especially disadvantaged sub-group of the Arab population, constituting 15.6% of that population and numbering some 250,000—mainly in the Negev, Israel’s arid southern region. The Bedouin population is characterized by low socioeconomic status and poverty, partly because of several unique features, primarily high fertility and high unemployment. Some live in urban locales that are N. Allassad Alhuzail (*) School of Social Work, Sapir Academic College, D.N Hof Ashkelon, Israel e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_14

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recognized by the state, but some 30% still live in unrecognized villages, which lack municipal status. The lack of recognition entails, among other problems, a lack of infrastructure for welfare, education, health, and transportation and consequent difficulty in acquiring higher education and suitable jobs (Allassad, 2021). The Bedouins self-define as Indigenous, though the state does not recognize them as such. The definition stems from their having preceded the Jews as inhabitants of the Negev and from their being a people with primacy of time, heritage, history, language, and religion and with a unique way of life. Since the establishment of the state, they have suffered constraints, expropriation of land, disenfranchisement, and forced urbanization (Amara et al., 2013).

Indigenous Knowledge and Social Work Indigenous knowledge is defined as skills and philosophies developed by societies with a long history of interaction with their natural environment. It is an inseparable part of the cultural ensemble that also includes language, practices, use of resources, social interactions, rituals, and spirituality (Yellow Bird, 2010). Acquired through everyday experience, it is holistic and constitutes a worldview that is very different from that of Western societies (Dominelli & Hackett, 2012). With regard to the use of Indigenous knowledge in social work, three congruent environmental frameworks enable us to see the opposition of Indigenous peoples to state policy decisions (Kitossa, 2000). One framework is eco-social work, which argues that the environmental crisis is a social crisis because it increases social inequality and creates extreme difficulties for the most vulnerable members of society. But this approach leads to treatment of Indigenous peoples as victims rather than as peoples harmed by policy (Matthies & Närhi, 2016). The second framework is that of eco-spiritual social work—building the foundations of a practice that relates to mutual dependence, humankind’s connection to nature, and the importance of place in all aspects of life. Eco-spiritual social work challenges the individualism and Eurocentrism of social work and promotes holistic understandings of place for Indigenous peoples (Baskin, 2011). The third framework pertains to environmental justice, based on spatial rights and analysis of environmental racism and revealing that the destruction, trauma, and negative influences of industrial development and climate change have a disproportionate effect on marginalized and oppressed populations served by social workers. Lena Dominelli, a leading researcher in the field, has adopted an anti-capitalist framework that addresses how the neoliberal economy and the forms of industrial development it brings lead to the destruction of nonindustrial ways of life (Dominelli, 2012). On the basis of the three environmental frameworks, social work practice is supposed to create an alliance between social workers and Indigenous peoples against the oppressive and hurtful policy in the spiritual and environmental spaces.

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The Use of Indigenous Knowledge as a Resource Social workers who are not Indigenous can look to Indigenous peoples to ensure that their practice is culturally aware. This involves analyzing colonial history and its ramifications at the macrolevel while implementing a practice of environmental justice. It also involves relating to the “person in place” and not only to the “person in the environment.” Also, it involves an intervention to prevent invasion and exploitation of resources in a place where Indigenous people live. Transitional justice refers to the totality of the legal and social mechanisms whereby countries (or societies) address the harmful effects of a violent conflict or oppressive regime, in a way that corrects the injustice and at the same time promotes peace and democracy. Thus, it requires intervention to create a rights discourse and not a needs discourse (Jeffery, 2014). By emphasizing cultural competence rather than Indigenous knowledge, social work education may lead social workers to perpetuate colonial practices in the name of cultural competence. The professional multicultural discourse in Israel is becoming widespread, cutting across various intervention practices (individual, family, group, and community), diverse problem areas (for example, neglect or violence), education, training, and research. And its boundaries have expanded: No longer is there almost absolute exclusivity to ethnicity, culture, and race, but rather inclusivity in additional categories such as gender, social class, religion, religiosity, sexual orientation, age, and physical and emotional capability. Dilemmas regarding the universal and the particular—which cannot be separated from the question of tolerance of the other—are of greater concern to social workers in Israel. Examples include how much to take the service user’s explanatory model into account in proposing a solution to the service user’s problem: Is the problem as expressed the outcome of the service user’s cultural uniqueness or does it convey signals that should be understood by means of the theoretical, supposedly universal but actually Western, frameworks that are an integral part of the social workers’ education? And what are the limits of the permissible and the forbidden in the definitions of “proper” and “improper” (Mahajne & Allassad Alhuzail, 2021)? The challenge is that the essentialist conceptualization of cultural competence— namely, that such competence can be acquired by learning a group’s essential defining characteristics—is problematic because it can lead to over-generalization and stereotyping (Nadan, 2017). In his well-known book Orientalism, the Palestinian-­ American intellectual Edward Said argued that transmitting knowledge of the ‘other’ in a situation of power relations constructs the ‘other’ as less than oneself (Said, 1978). Josepha Campinha-Bacote (2018) proposed countering these negative aspects of cultural competence by introducing cultural humility.

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 he Ramifications of a Colonial Regime T for Indigenous Peoples A colonial regime may disappear but leave its mechanism in place. Academic institutions operate in accordance with this mechanism and perpetuate colonial practices. The ramifications of the colonial regime appear in three areas:

Eradication and Denigration of Indigenous Knowledge In the course of conquest and colonization, European countries tried to subjugate Indigenous peoples by eradicating their Indigenous knowledge, mainly through education. For example, in Australia, Indigenous children were systematically separated from their parents and placed in boarding schools where they were trained in Western thinking. The eradication of Indigenous knowledge focused especially on language: Children were punished for speaking their native tongue, and adults were forbidden to use Indigenous practices in discussions and resolution of local problems (LaRocque, 2010). In Israel, instruction in academic institutions is in Hebrew, the language of the majority, while Arabic, the language of the Indigenous people in the state, goes begging. Moreover, Indigenous knowledge has been denigrated as primitive and ineffective, an embarrassment that should be excluded from everyday practice.

The Lack of Nutritional Security The disruption or prevention of Indigenous people’s access to food through the enactment of laws, such as declarations that a plant that is a key component of Indigenous people’s nutrition is a protected species, threatens nutritional security. Israel, for example, passed a law in 1977 that forbids picking of the hyssop plant, which is an important component of the nutrition of Arab and Bedouin citizens. Also, Bedouin lands that were used for agriculture and for grazing animals have been expropriated by declaring their lands that are neither worked nor settled. Yet another form of disrupting access is the declaration of Indigenous lands as nature preserves and prevention of access to water sources, grazing land, and so on. Such policies push Indigenous peoples toward a market-based food economy, usually industrial food that harms their health (McAdam, 2015).

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Institutional Control Institutions that generate dependence and dismantle cultural ties constitute a third ramification of colonial regimes. The transition from military control to institutional control took place when colonial settlers understood that it was easier to settle with teachers and knowledge than with soldiers and guns. The White settlers initiated “educational” programs and took Indigenous children from their families, at first on a voluntary basis and later by force. Schools taught that the laws written by the European settlers were the “truth,” the stories that the Europeans told in the past were “history,” and the ways they lived were “civilized.” The project was completed when the White European ways of knowing became the social norm that built the society. Eurocentric knowledge represents the neutral and necessary story of us all. This discourse of neutrality combines with the universities’ serial blocking or avoidance of Indigenous knowledge in order to protect the destructive colonial and Eurocentric heritage (Battiste & Henderson, 2002, p. 83).

Methodology The aim of this chapter is to examine the Indigenous knowledge of Bedouins in the south of Israel pertaining to family and tribal disputes and care of the elderly. To explore the Indigenous knowledge of Bedouins in the south of Israel, the study used a qualitative methodology in the phenomenological tradition (Creswell, 2003; Starks & Brown Trinidad, 2007).

The Study Population The study population included 30 participants, 15 men and 15 women, ages 60–70. All were married and had children and grandchildren. All lived in locales recognized by the state. The men had basic education, 5–10 years; the women had none. None of the participants was working. Eight of the men had worked in the past and were retired.

The Research Team The researcher is a Bedouin woman, a senior lecturer in a school of social work at an academic institution in Israel. She interviewed the female participants. The research assistant is a Bedouin man, 29 years old, who has a second degree in social

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work and who lives and works in a locale recognized by the state. He interviewed the male participants. Both researchers are fluent in Arabic and Hebrew.

Data Gathering The data were gathered by means of a semi-structured in-depth interview whose aim was to try to understand what Indigenous Bedouin knowledge is and what efficacy is ascribed to it by the participants. To that end, a guide was written for the interview. It included questions aimed at trying to understand in depth which practices the Bedouins used regarding care of the elderly and to resolve disputes within the family, conflicts between husband and wife, and violent clashes between tribes. The interview began with a question that invited the participant to share important Bedouin knowledge and how it can be used to resolve social problems. Then the participant was asked specific questions regarding Indigenous practices for resolving problems within the family, intertribal violence, and care of the elderly. The interviews were conducted in Arabic, the language of the participants, in a place of their choice. Most participants chose to be interviewed at home. A few interviews were conducted in a neutral public place, such as a café. The interviews lasted between 60 and 90  min. All the interviews were audio-recorded with the knowledge and consent of the interviewees and were transcribed verbatim. The data gathering, in 2021, took about 1 year.

Data Analysis The data underwent thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2008; Patton, 2002). All the interviews were read by the researcher, who jotted down first impressions and the main topics that appeared. The aim was deep familiarity with the data (Braun & Clarke, 2008). Then each interview was analyzed separately in accordance with grounded theory (Creswell, 2003). Inductive open coding was used to identify meaning units in each of the interviews separately and then patterns of meaning that arose from the interviews taken together. The third stage consisted of building connections between the categories of meaning units, grouping them together as themes, and naming them in a shared file for all the interviews. This stage included an in-depth examination of Indigenous knowledge that was described by the participants.

Ethics The study was approved by the ethics committee of the institution in which the researcher is employed. The rules of ethics were observed rigorously. Each participant signed a consent form, and full confidentiality was maintained. Every

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identifying detail was removed from this report, and each participant was assigned an identifying letter. The interviewees received a detailed explanation from the interviewer regarding the aim of the study, its importance, the confidentiality, and their freedom to withdraw from the study at any point.

Findings The findings reveal the practices based on Indigenous knowledge that the Bedouins used in solving social problems in three areas.

Resolving Disputes within the Family The participants described Indigenous practices they deemed effective for resolving conflicts within the family—between married couples, between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, and between adolescents. They also voiced criticism of Western intervention practices, the main ones used by social workers, and described them as ineffective. In relation to this theme, I describe Indigenous practices and Western practices from the perspective of the participants.

Going Another Way Mothers-in-law used this practice to resolve conflicts with their daughters-in-law. According to the participants, the mothers-in-law belong to a different generation from the daughters-in-law, and the intergenerational difference and the different views of the marital relationship sometimes generated conflict between them. They chose a practice of turning aside to a different path from that of the daughter-in-law while allowing the daughter-in-law to follow her own path, and the mothers-in-law continued to serve as a family anchor, on the principle that they are the elders and are responsible for the family. Their path enabled them to step back and observe the couple from a different perspective, and that, in their view, enabled them to offer help and calm the conflict, as is evident in the words of B: I don’t know what happened, but the daughter-in-law came into my house like a bull…screaming and angry. I’m the older and responsible one here. [I] don’t get into a confrontation. I told her, go on your own path and I [will go] on my own path. Our paths are different. From my place I can observe her and protect her on her way. (B, female)

The participants described complex relations with their daughters-in-law, constant tension between the young women’s desire for independence and freedom and the older women’s desire to preserve traditional values. The conflict was manifested

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in various ways, the daughter-in-law choosing Western means and the mother-in-­ law preferring Indigenous means such as ascribing responsibility to the older person in the conflict, wisdom, and restraint, as A described it: Our way is the way of wisdom, insight, responsibility, and a lot of restraint. A mother-in-­ law must be responsible for managing the conflict. She can’t do that if she and the daughter-­ in-­law use the same path. It is important to split up, to let the daughter-in-law go her own way and to protect her so she comes back. (A, female)

On the other hand, the mothers-in-law expressed criticism of the way that the daughters-in-law chose to resolve the conflict—involving an external person of authority such as the police or a social worker, as M and L described it: The daughter-in-law erred in her path. We can solve the dispute between us. If she comes one step closer from her path I can come two steps toward her, and one step from her and that’s how you resolve [disputes]. But her choice to…file a complaint against me with the police does not resolve the dispute. (M, female) Turning to the social worker is a mistake. Instead of minimizing the conflict she enlarges it. I went my way and let her go her way. Introducing another person only causes harm. The social worker advised her to get a restraining order that would prevent me from coming to her house. Doesn’t the social worker understand that that is a very grave act? A daughter-­ in-­law who uses that path will destroy her home and her name in the society. (L, female)

As the words of the mothers-in-law show, they regard the practice they use as effective, enabling temporary distancing or a severing of ties. They describe different paths but these are paths that connect, paths that enable observation before returning to the one path, as R’s words show: My daughter-in-law did not agree for me to mind her children. She wanted to enroll them in a private preschool so that they would develop and learn another language. I didn’t agree…[She] was very angry that I was interfering in her life. I explained to her that I was just trying to help. If it doesn’t suit, I’m on one path and she is on another. She tries to imitate the Jews in her path and I try to look after the grandchildren in my way. I looked after them and would take them to my house in the afternoon. In the beginning the split created a new path that benefited both of us. (R, female)

Taqeel Derived from the word aqeel, which means “mind” (symbolizing intelligence) in Arabic, taqeel is a practice that the participants use of talking to the “head” of a husband and wife who are locked in conflict, that is, appealing to their wisdom and rationality. They try to silence the “stomach,” which symbolizes emotions and lack of control. This Indigenous practice is described as being highly effective, especially in disputes between husbands and wives, as is evident in the words of N: My daughter learned that her husband wants to marry another wife whom he met at work. My daughter was very angry and wanted to file a complaint against him with the police. I went to her, her mother-in-law and I…We held her by the hand and spoke to her head. We said to her, “Wake up. Then this [points to her heart] must be silenced now. The head needs to work hard…Will you forfeit your home and the children because of the husband? No.

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You remain strong. This is a passing passion. Praise God, after a year he will divorce the second wife and stay with my daughter.” (N, female)

The rational talk is aimed at calming, quieting, and preventing and minimizing damage caused by the decisions of one member of the couple, as described by S: My son married his cousin because I asked him to. I know he didn’t love her. Now he has fallen in love with another girl he met and he wants to marry her. I spoke to his head, because his heart was in love and paralyzed the head. He wanted to divorce his first wife…In such a case the head must navigate and not the heart…He must protect his first wife’s honor and fulfill his obligations to her and his children. He must placate her and ask her permission. That way he will have quiet afterwards. It’s all in his hands. (S, male)

The participants see Western practices as not effective and as adding fuel to the conflict and creating a rupture between the husband and wife that is difficult to bridge, as is evident from the words of F: There was an argument between my son and his wife…The social worker recommended that she leave the house and come to the welfare bureau because she was in danger. [The social worker] said that she was suffering from verbal abuse and emotional abuse and suggested that she turn to a shelter for women suffering domestic violence or obtain a restraining order against the husband. Instead of resolving the conflict, the social worker made it worse and fanned the flames. She should have involved us, the parents. We can...speak to the head. (F, male)

Wasset Kheer: A Positive Mediator In the event of a severe conflict between husband and wife, the help of a neutral mediator is enlisted, generally by the husband’s father or another older member of the family. Sometimes the mediator offers his services if he becomes aware of a dispute that threatens to break up the family. This study revealed that the role of the mediator is to find a way that is acceptable to both husband and wife and to serve as a guarantor for it. D served as a mediator when he witnessed a man inflicting severe physical harm on his wife in front of their young children: I saw him beat her, and the children were crying and scared. I came into the house and grabbed him tight. I scolded him for beating his wife. I took her in my car to her parents’ house so that things would calm down. On the way I spoke to her head. I told her, “You don’t tell your parents about the violence. You tell them that you came as a guest.” I went back to him and tried to calm him down, to find a way to deal with the problem and to ensure that he would not raise a hand again against his wife and would compensate her and the children for his unacceptable behavior. (D, male)

The analysis of the data reveals that the mediators use a practice of instilling hope and forgiveness while using the religion to bridge a dispute, as T’s words reveal: The best things I remember from the female mediator was that she constantly offered hope that he would change…He was a drug addict and used to steal from the house, and if he didn’t find [anything], he would scream and threaten to beat me and the children. The mediator used a lot of religion and convinced him to start praying and to come to the village

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mosque. Thanks to her he was rehabilitated, returned to God, and returned to us. The hope she instilled in me helped me survive the difficult period and helped me forgive him. (T, female)

According to the participants, the social services that are supposed to take care of them ignore them, and they themselves have the ability to help, as is evident in the words of H: I went to the social worker in the village to help and to be a wasset kheer mediator between a husband and wife in the village. They had been separated for a long time and the children were paying the price. I have the ability to mediate between them and to help them forgive each other. The social worker refused to give me their details, on the grounds of confidentiality. What confidentiality! The whole village knows the story…She could have used me and my skills, or of any other wasset kheer from the society. (H, male)

Taweel: Temporary Separation The practice of temporary separation is intended to create a temporal space and a distance between a husband and wife in order to resolve a complex dispute between them and to protect the couple from losing control and inflicting irreversible damage. In this case, the wife may leave her husband of her free will, the husband may ask her to leave their shared home, her parents may come to take her, or the husband’s parents may ask her to distance herself a little. In such a case, the woman is declared publicly as “distanced from her husband” and stays with her parents or with a respected person in the village. The period of taweel is three days, at the end of which the husband and his family must initiate a procedure for resolving the dispute. If they do not, they will be responsible for the living expenses of the wife and children for each additional day. B said that a man who respects himself would not allow his wife to be apart for more than three days. The social pressure requires the husband and wife to begin a conflict resolution procedure: When the woman is distanced from the husband it is the test of [his] masculinity. A man who respects himself and his family will not allow his wife to sleep outside the home. He can go and placate her on the first day and declare the Taweel [the distanced wife] as a guest in her parents’ home. Changing the picture is important, and every man wants his good name. (B, female)

According to the findings, during the period that the woman is distanced from the husband, his family and friends exert pressure on him to initiate a reconciliation process and a resolution of the conflict and they do not manage the household in place of the woman. If she leaves and the children remain with the husband, the extended family and friends will not help the husband with the children, in order to exert social pressure on him, as F recounted: My daughter-in-law quarreled with my son and left their home for her parents’ home. She left behind three children…I was heartbroken but I said to him, “You cook for them, clean, organize. Neither I nor anyone is willing to help.” It was very hard for him. He’s not used

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to that. Evening came and he asked me to go with him to his wife’s parents’ house to arrive at a solution to their problem. (F, female)

The practice of constraint is also used with regard to the wife. For three days she is forbidden to go out, and her family asks her to stay in her parents’ house. After that period, she is free. R described this practice as effective in that the period during which the woman is angry and emotional poses a danger to her: A person who is angry can make many mistakes. They don’t allow the woman to go out for the first three days so she will calm down, so her emotions will settle. Therefore, the families recommend to the daughter that she stay with them for three days. It’s calming and provides time for reason to return to the head. (R, female)

The participants criticized the Western practices that are sometimes proposed to women in the case of a marital conflict. They see these practices as harming the conjugal relationship and liable to break it up, as is apparent in the words of A: Conflicts between marital partners occur. Offering to rent an apartment for the wife in Beersheba [a nearby city] and to live her life with her children and to free herself, as it were, from the oppressive cultural conventions is not effective. Our neighbor fought with her husband and left home and moved to an apartment that she rented in Beersheba on the grounds that she wants her freedom. It was difficult to use our Bedouin customs to mediate. In the end they divorced. The woman was exploited sexually and today she regrets the moment she listened to Jews and their advice. (A, female)

“ Whoever Does Not Have an Elderly Person Falls into an Abyss”: Indigenous Practices in Care of the Elderly Underlying the Bedouins’ care of the elderly is the principle that the old person is a blessing and not a burden on the family. They view the elder as a symbol that unites the family, brings blessing and joy, and promises reward on the Day of Judgment, as L’s words reveal: An old person in the home is a blessing. Whoever does not have an elderly person falls into an abyss and gets lost. We take care of Father, and taking care of him only brings us joy in life and Paradise on Judgment Day. (L, male)

The participants also described the respect granted to the elder’s decisions and choice to grow old at home. Generally, the elderly remains in the home, and their children, and even grandchildren, take care of them. W described this: We take care of Mother. There is a division of tasks between me and her children, and the grandchildren are enlisted too. I’m in charge of everything. Sometimes we hire a caregiver who comes in the morning hours while we are at work. Mother is a blessing for the family, and caring for her lights up all our lives. (W, female)

Another practice is having the elderly join groups that read the Quran in the village mosque. The elderly come to the mosque every day for an hour or two and learn together to read the Quran. They also participate in discussion groups on everyday

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matters run by young male and female volunteers. D described what this activity gave her mother: Mother has a routine. She gets up early, gets dressed, gets dolled up, and goes to the mosque by herself. She learned an entire Juzu [chapter] by heart in a period of a month. She’s proud of her accomplishment. These two hours every day fill her with energy for the whole day and keep her mind from atrophying. (D, female)

The participants expressed opposition to, and even criticism of, caring for the elderly outside the home or in institutions such as old age homes and daycare clubs. They see these solutions as violating the honor of the elderly and the honor of their children for not being able to care for them, as C’s words make clear: We don’t have old age homes. Only someone who is unacceptable or abnormal would neglect his parents. There are very rare cases of sending an elderly person to an old age home—only old people who have no family. I know an old man who has two sons and both of them have severe emotional problems. They weren’t able to care for him and the welfare authorities moved him to an old age home in the north of the country. It’s heartbreaking. (C, male)

Indigenous Justice In cases of violence between tribes in which individuals are injured or in the event of a murder, Indigenous practices are invoked that are aimed at treating collective, rather than individual, problems. The participants described three practices: Wjeh, Atwa, and Jalw. Wjeh Wjeh (literally “face”) is a respected person, usually a sheikh, who heads a delegation to the tribe whose members were injured, requests a span of several days (usually up to three days), and offers himself as a guarantor of a truce between the battling tribes. This practice, which involves only men, is described as being aimed at calming the combatants and providing a brief period for calm and rational thinking to address the ramifications of the violent dispute, as M recounted: The young men in tribe X severely beat the son of one of the respected families. There was a quarrel between them and they used truncheons and injured him severely…I went with a delegation headed by our sheikh to the tribe of the young man. We admitted the act of the children and requested two days, and we gave the Wjeh [gurantee] of the sheikh. (M, male)

Sometimes a third party is involved: A neutral tribe that is not involved in the dispute may intervene to bring about calm between the two tribes engaged in the conflict and to stop the violence between them. In such cases, both sides are guilty, but the responsibility for requesting the Wjeh lies with the tribe that injured or killed someone in the rival tribe, as is evident from the words of S:

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Their sons are insolent. They spoke not nicely to our sons who were sitting together in a restaurant. Things heated up and our sons got up and beat them and stabbed two young men. We didn’t want this matter to grow and for the other tribe to take revenge on our sons. Many tribes enlisted, and in the end one of the well-known tribes requested Wjeh [a guarantor]. (S, male)

Atwa Atwa is an Indigenous practice used in the event of severe violence between tribes. Neutral Arab notables who do not belong to any of the tribes involved form a group called Jaha and turn to the tribe that was harmed to seek agreement for a cease-fire in order to resolve the dispute. A described the practice: When there is a serious dispute between two tribes, I turn to the notables in the society and enlist a large Jaha. I try to make it very large in order to honor the tribe that was injured. We always succeed in getting an Atwa [agreement for a cease-fire] and sign an agreement, and there are two guarantors for the cease-fire on the way to a final reconciliation agreement. (A, male)

This practice was described by the study’s participants as an effective way to end a violent dispute between tribes and to bring about reconciliation, as is evident in B’s words: This is one of the good customs of Bedouin culture: determination to end a dispute and to placate brothers. Always, the tribes that are not involved in the dispute volunteer and do not leave the [rival] tribes to beat each other and shed each other’s blood. (B, male)

Jalw Jalw is an Indigenous practice used to protect the members of rival tribes in the event of a murder. In such a case, the murderer’s tribe is asked to leave the village and be exiled to another village, usually geographically distant from the victim’s tribe. This practice is very difficult, especially in the present period of permanent settlement, as D recounted: They murdered a young man who was married just a year ago [and] whose wife is pregnant…To calm things down and stop a bloodbath, the tribal court ordered the murderer’s family to exile themselves to the north. It was very difficult. They have homes and the focus of their life is here. (D, male)

The findings show that this practice, which was effective in the past when the Bedouins lived in tents, is impossible today, and there are voices calling for only the family of the murderer, and not the entire tribe, to leave the village. This is evident in the words of S: In the past, the Jalw was easy. The murderer’s family folds up the tent and leaves for another place. Today it is impossible to fold up the home and move to another city. There’s no city that can accommodate a tribe of 300 people…[so] the men leave and the women remain to protect the home. (S, male)

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As the words of S reveal, today, women pay the price of the dispute in that the men leave and the women must remain to guard the tribe’s property on their own. This practice also conflicts with Israeli law. Murder is a grave crime and the murderer will be arrested and sentenced to many years in prison even if his tribe has moved to another village. That is, the family is punished doubly, as T’s words reveal: The murderer was sentenced to 27 years in prison. That didn’t calm things down, and the victim’s tribe threatened to avenge his blood and murder someone in the other tribe. To calm things down, the tribal court decided that the victim’s family and extended family would leave the city for the north. (T, male)

Discussion Bedouin society has a great deal of Indigenous knowledge and practices for resolving societal, individual, and familial problems. This knowledge and these practices could be effective in the hands of the social workers who serve this population. The Bedouins are an Indigenous people living in southern Israel and have undergone imposed changes since the establishment of the state. Settling the Bedouins in urban locales that are not suited to their Indigenous way of life has greatly affected this society and its knowledge. The study’s findings reveal various Bedouin practices for addressing problems within the family, disputes between husband and wife, intertribal violence, and care of the elderly. The findings also reveal that these practices have been used by Bedouins but have not been widely adopted by social workers who provide services to this population. The exclusion of the Bedouins’ Indigenous knowledge is not accidental. Dominelli (1997) proposed a shift in social work education toward antiracist approaches. Lynn (2001) argued that Australian social work and welfare education “strongly reflect(s) the models and value base of western society” (p. 1). Both authors, along with others, called for the “indigenization” of social work education for “culturally appropriate education and training” (p. 2) and the valuing of the “cultural resources and material experiences” of marginalized groups. Lynn further argued that Indigenous social work approaches have been silenced and relegated to the periphery (p. 903). The participants in the current study criticized the intervention strategies proposed by social workers for addressing difficulties between husband and wife, such as suggesting that the wife obtain a restraining order against the husband or that she rent an apartment and live on her own. The social workers are educated in Israeli academic institutions, which have a Western orientation and no place for the Bedouins’ Indigenous knowledge. Therefore, social workers are not aware of the existence of this knowledge and consequently do not make use of it Author, 2020. The findings also show that the Bedouins’ Indigenous knowledge is in the hands of the older generation and that the younger generation seeks help from state institutions, such as welfare services. The younger generation interacts with Israeli society, and this may affect the process of acculturation that is manifested in seeking aid from the institutions of the majority instead of from the aid institutions of the

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Indigenous society. Acculturation is a social process whereby groups of people acquire and adapt the culture and values of another group as the result of contact between them, almost always from the dominant majority group to the minority group. The extent of acculturation depends on how much people preserve their culture, heritage, and identity, and how much they seek involvement with the dominant society (Berry et al., 2006). The findings of the current study show that members of Bedouin society maintain their culture by preserving Indigenous practices for dealing with problems in their society. The state’s welfare Institutions are generally considered professional, as opposed to the institutions of Indigenous societies, which are considered primitive and not effective. This view is among the ramifications of colonial regimes that exalt their institutions and denigrate Indigenous knowledge and its institutions (Dotson, 2015). As Buhai (2012) explains it, professionalism draws on a unique body of knowledge that defines how the practice is to be understood. Professionals enjoy high social status, require specialized training, and are expected to be neutral and to work within set boundaries. All this adds up to a monopoly on expertise. However, as Muzio et al. (2013) point out, professions change as they interact with institutional and societal change.

Conclusion Indigenous knowledge constitutes an important resource in every practice, and particularly in social work, and should be included in the training of social workers. Also, social work students should be made aware of the ramifications of the colonial regime that causes this knowledge to be excluded and denigrated. The social work profession calls for social justice and social justice is manifested also in the integration of the knowledge of Indigenous populations in every practice that affects them.

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Baskin, C. (2011). Strong helpers’ teachings: The value of indigenous knowledges in the helping professions. Canadian Scholars’ Press. Battiste, M., & Henderson, J. Y. (2002). Protecting indigenous knowledge and heritage. Punch. Berry, J.  W., Phinney, J.  S., Sam, D.  L., & Vedder, P. (2006). Immigrant youth: Acculturation, identity and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 55(3), 303–332. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1464-­0597.2006.00256.x Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2008). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Buhai, S. L. (2012). Profession: A definition. Fordham Urban Law Journal, 40(1), 241–281. Campinha-Bacote, J. (2018). Cultural competemility: A paradigm shift in the cultural competence versus cultural humility debate – Part I. The Online Journal of Issues in Nursing, 24(1). Creswell, J. W. (2003). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method. Sage. Dominelli, L. (1997). Antiracist social work (2nd ed.). Macmillan. Dominelli, L. (2012). Green social work: From environmental crises to environmental justice. Polity Press. Dominelli, L., & Hackett, S. (2012). Social work responses to the challenges for practice in the 21st century. International Social Work, 55(4), 449–453. Dotson, K. (2015). Inheriting Patricia Hill Collins’s black feminist epistemology. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38(13), 2322–2328. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1058496 Jeffery, D. (2014). Environmentalism in social work: What shall we teach? Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 29(4), 492–498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109914533697 Kitossa, T. (2000). Same difference: Biocentric imperialism and the assault on indigenous culture and hunting. Environments, 28(2), 23–36. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib. uwaterloo.ca/docview/207672455?accountid=14906 LaRocque, E. (2010). When the other is me: Native resistance discourse, 1850–1990. University of Manitoba Press. Lynn, R. (2001). Learning from a “Murri Way.”. British Journal of Social Work, 31, 903–916. Mahajne, I., & Allassad Alhuzail, N. (2021). Culturally competent social work in Arab-Palestinian locality welfare bureaus in Israel: Is it possible? British Journal of Social Work., 52(6), 3366–3384. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcab241 Matthies, A., & Närhi, K. (2016). Introduction. In A. Matthies & K. Närhi (Eds.), The ecosocial transition of societies: The contribution of social work and social policy (pp. 1–13). Routledge. McAdam, S. (2015). Nationhood interrupted: Revitalizing Nêhiyaw legal systems. Purich. Muzio, D., Brock, D., & Suddaby, R. (2013). Professions and institutional change: Towards an institutionalist sociology of the professions. Journal of Management Studies, 50(5), 699–721. https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12030 Nadan, Y. (2017). Rethinking ‘cultural competence’ in international social work. International Social Work, 60(1), 74–83. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872814539986 Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Sage. Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. Pantheon. Shehade, M., & Zuabi, H. (2019). The needs of young Arabs in Israel: A field study. Baladna. [Hebrew]. Starks, H., & Brown Trinidad, S. (2007). Choose your method: A comparison of phenomenology, discourse analysis, and grounded theory. Qualitative Health Research, 17(10), 1372–1380. https://doi.org/10.1177/1049732307307031 Tatour, L. (2019). Citizenship as domination: Settler colonialism and the making of Palestinian citizenship in Israel. Arab Studies Journal, 27(2), 8–39. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3533490 Yellow Bird, M. (2010). Postscript: Terms of endearment: A brief dictionary for decolonizing social work with indigenous peoples. In M.  Gray, J.  Coates, & M.  Yellow Bird (Eds.), Indigenous social work around the world: Towards culturally relevant education and practice (pp. 275–291). Ashgate.

Chapter 15

Indigenous Practice of Social Work in Northeast India: Issues and Challenges Deepshikha Carpenter

Introduction The year 1993 is celebrated as the International Year of Indigenous People and 1995 to 2004 as the decade for the indigenous community. According to the Department of Public Communications, United Nations (International Day of the World’s Indigenous People, 2007), the indigenous community constitutes approximately 5% of the world population. Indigenous people make up to 15% of the world’s population and 900 million are extremely poor rural people. Their languages are also endangered. The landmark UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People in 2007 and subsequently the importance of the International Year of Indigenous Language in 2019 signify the importance of indigenous communities and their rights and recognition. Indigenous people is a collective term which refers to the native people who share a close bond with their land having their own uniqueness. They come from different racial stock with their own dialects, languages, and cultural practice. They are the reservoirs of indigenous knowledge system; historically, they have contributed greatly to the freedom movement against the British and other invaders as well. They have been displaced by the traditionally inhabited lands, and their lifestyle and livelihood are dependent on forest and agriculture. The indigenous community is also referred to as Adivasis in India. They follow equality and respect all forms of life. Adivasis suffer from extreme poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, displacement, and unemployment because their rights to self-government are superimposed by various external political structures (Deswal, 2016). Adivasis are given the Scheduled Tribe Status in India (Banerjee, 2022). The status refers to all the indigenous communities. D. Carpenter (*) Department of Social Work, Mahapurusha Srimanta Sankaradeva Viswavidyalaya, Guwahati, Assam, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_15

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Through the provisions or safeguards in the Indian Constitution, the indigenous rights are recognized, which is found in Article 342 (1 & 2), that is, Schedule Tribe and their right to self-determination. Article 244 brings up the issue of administration in the Scheduled areas. The Tribal Areas are also protected under the Forest Rights Act 2005, Biological Diversity Act 2002, Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (or PESA), 1996, and the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act 1993 under the Indian Constitution for inclusive political rights and representatives in the public domain.

Objectives Northeast India represents around 220 ethnic communities which represent migrants from different parts of East and Southeast Asia. It is essential to distinguish the meaning of ethnicity due to its multiple connotations. Ethnicity is classified into two groups  – one is instrumental ethnicity and the other is symbolical. Instrumental roots from material deprivation and symbolic are based on one’s anxiety to preserve one’s cultural identity (Noyoo, 2000). At present, Northeast India is also undergoing various struggles to preserve one’s identity as well as availing the resources within. This chapter looks into the various issues of the two communities. One remains a part of history and culture in Assam, Nagaland, and West Bengal referred to as the Bodo Kachari or Bodos. They have a separated Bodo Territorial Region now to represent their community, and it is politically represented as well. The other represents a migrant community entered during the colonial time to work in tea gardens as laborers. They are known as Adivasis or Tea/Ex-Tribe in Assam. The Tea tribes referred to as Ex-tea1 tribes have settled down close to the tea estates in different parts of the state after the end of their contract providing services such as casual laborers. In the state of Assam, the ex-tea tribes are present in Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Sibsagar, Jorhat, and Golaghat in upper parts, Marigaon, Nagaon, Darrang, and Sonitpur in middle Assam; Kokrajhar in the western part currently under the Bodo Territorial Region and Karbi Anglong and North Cachar in southern Assam or part of Barak valley (Kandulna, 1999; Mishra, 2005). They are scattered in different parts of Assam due to their homeland in the tea plantation area. The Bodos belong to Tibeto-Burman and Adivasis belong to Austro-Asiatic language. Northeast India is represented to the world as a hotbed of ethnic violence, extremism, and insurgency. Hence, it becomes a necessity to undertake peaceful measures through the lens of professional workers. Wolf (1995) talks about various kinds of exclusion that affect the indigenous community such as livelihood, exclusion from social services, political choice, welfare and security network, solidarity, and what is happening  Ex-tea tribe refers to the members of the tea tribes who have settled down close to the tea estates in the state after the end of their contract and occasionally provide their services as casual labourers (Kandulna, 1999). The Directorate for Welfare of Tea and Ex-tea Garden Tribes was established in 1983 and the Assam Tea Labour Welfare Board in 2004 (Bharali, 2004). 1

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around. There is a social exclusion of the indigenous community at the group and societal level that results in the denial of public goods, institutions, access of opportunities, and public offices. It does not lead to realizing the full potential of the groups (Power & Wilson, 2000).

Review of Literature In erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, which had different primitive tribal groups or indigenous communities, the Chenchus and Reddis were forced out of traditional agricultural practices like hunting, gathering, slashing and burning, and gathering minor forest timber products. Likewise, in the nineteenth century, the influx of the Adivasi population from present-day Jharkhand, West Bengal, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh to Assam came to work as tea-garden laborers. The conditions were pathetic in around 1834 with large-scale variation in wages among men, women, and children; there were strict mobility restrictions, and they were flogged and tortured if found guilty (Toppo, 1999). The British administration replaced the term Adivasi with tribe while “conjuring up aboriginal, primitive peoples (sic) relatively untouched by the mainstream Hindu-caste society” (Parkin, 2000, p. 50). The tea tribe is the oldest of Assam’s immigrant groups who were recruited to work in the tea plantations from the nineteenth century till the 1960s. They constituted communities with different dialects, however, representing the immigrant Adivasi community known as Santals, Mundas, Oraons, Kharias, Kisang, Gonds, Khonds, and Nagesias (Assam Tribune January 22, 1994). Scholars observed that there were three linguistic elements in Assam’s tea garden labor community: a. Kolarian speaking group comprising mainly the Kharia, Munda, and Santhals; b. Dravidian speaking group denoting Gond, Oraon, Kondh, and Malpahariya, and c. Groups speaking Bengali, Oriya, and Hindi. They are also referred to as the Adivasi community, speaking a common dialect “Sadani” for intercommunity communication. They are economically backward with low levels of literacy among them (Deswal, 2016). The Bodos are the largest plain tribe community of Assam, and they speak the Devanagari language (Baruah, 2001). Only in 1974, the Bodos demanded a special state carved out of Assam as they did not have a true representation of the community (Thakur, 1991). With ethnic identity and distinctiveness, the politicization of identity is an emerging subject resulting in political battlefield and intervention. After independence, a holistic representation of the indigenous community was not highlighted; primary focus to improve their livelihood and economic activities were only prioritized in the first three five-year plans. From the 1970s, onward it led to a problem of insurgency as the plans were not uniformly implemented. Given the background, it is important that we look at the evolution of principles behind Adivasi development policies over consecutive plan periods. Various approaches have been taken, with a different focus on increasing India’s Adivasi

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population and protecting their rights. The first and the second five-year plans in India envisioned all-round development and reducing inequalities. The third plan brought about changes in bringing equality of opportunities. The fourth plan sought to look into the matter of social justice and equality and keeping political unrest including insurgency at bay. The fifth five-year plan re-shaped the development through Tribal Sub Plan (TSP) for socio-economic development. The sixth five-year plan improved the Adivasis’ livelihood through economic activities for the families. The seventh plan focussed on infrastructural facilities.The eighth plan addressed the important issue of bridging the gap between the development levels of STs and other sections of society. In the process, the plan is to improve the conditions. The highest number of tribal communities are found in the Northeastern states of Mizoram (94.75%), Nagaland (87.70%), Meghalaya (85.53%), Arunachal Pradesh (63.66%), and Assam (12.82%). According to Promotion and Advancement of Justice, Harmony and Rights of Adivasis ([PAJHRA], 2022), the Adivasi workers were uprooted from different parts of central India and they depended on plantation for their livelihood. They contributed 3.12 crores (30 million) population in Assam itself, the only place in the northeast for tea cultivation. Although the Adivasis belong to a tribe and are recognized as Scheduled Tribe in other states, in Assam, they do not have that status as they are immigrant population. They struggle with land alienation and distress sale of land; another social problem is trafficking. The education, literacy and job opportunities are less. PAJHRA works for community development to challenge the rights and needs and take their due place to contribute to the state of Assam. According to the Press Information Bureau (March 9, 2021), a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) was signed to increase the scope and power of the Bodoland Territorial Council so that the Bodo people living outside Bodoland Territorial Area Districts (BTAD) will have protection of land rights to promote cultural, sociolinguistic and ethnic development. It was also to develop Bodo medium schools and welfare councils. It also provided a welfare package of 1500 crores to undertake specific projects for the development of Bodo areas. The Bodos and Adivasis in Assam also seek into their scope of development through challenges like any other struggle of indigenous communities in India or abroad.

Research Methods The study is carried out in Assam as it caters to one of the highest social work professionals, and there are more than ten schools of social work. The study is carried out through mixed methodology with a pragmatic approach to explore knowledge based on experience and finding out the solution how indigenous social work empowers marginalized communities. It includes 29 social work professionals who are engaged in various professional pursuit of research, right-based works in government and nongovernment-based agencies. Both the Bodo and the Adivasis communities are engaged in the development of their resources and research on the role

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of the social worker from their own communities relevant to their development. The responses are collected through an online survey using Google Forms as the social workers are employed in different areas of Assam. The questions are open-ended in nature. It is based on understanding the indigenous community, their demographic profile, issues and challenges, history of violence and discrimination, and peace-­ building measures. The data were collected over a period of 5  months from November 2021 to April 2022, as social workers from the two communities possessing social work degrees needed identification for the research who had at least more than 2 years of field-based working experience. The demographic profile is analyzed in MS Excel, and the open-ended questions are analyzed thematically based on their responses. The age of 15 respondents is above 30 years and that of 14 is below 30 years. There are seven respondents who have more than 10 years of practice in social work field and nine are above 5 years of practice. Thirteen respondents are below 2 years of practice. Twenty-one respondents (72.4%) belong to Bodo community and 8 (27.6%) to the Adivasi community.

Results Understanding of Indigenous Community According to the respondents, the definition of indigenous goes back to a community that belongs to a particular place within a specified geographic area with specific and rich culture, food habits, dress pattern, language, livelihoods, social structure, rituals, faith, and attire. They have their foundation since a long time in a particular geographic area, native to a particular place. Indigenous community refers to a community of earliest origin in a common geographical locality, sharing common cultural attributes, having a unique trait or identity which may differ from the mainstream population. They are dependent on nature and with passage of time face identity crises. They have the hereditary rights of their ancestral land and work on the principle of self-governance. Unity is given first priority. Some other people might think that the indigenous community is very backward, but it depends on the places or the area they belong from. The communities having unique cultural identity, relying mostly on agriculture and allied activities, living united in a common geographical area may be called as an indigenous community. “Oneness,” “We-feeling” is the motto. Preferring natural resources over technology, they are found to be hot-blooded people by nature. Indigenous peoples are distinct social and cultural groups that share collective ancestral ties to the lands and natural resources where they live, occupy, or from which they have been displaced. Indigenous peoples often lack formal recognition over their lands, territories, and natural resources, are often the last to receive public investments in basic services and infrastructure and face multiple barriers to participate fully in the formal economy, enjoy access

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to justice, and participate in political processes and decision-making. Indigenous communities are those groups of people who have their own cultural practice, dress style, food habit, religious belief, and live near forest areas. They mostly isolate themselves from others and like not to be disturbed emotionally. Indigenous communities are the people living in rural land who are close to nature. They worship nature. The Bodos are also an indigenous community who worship nature; Sijou plant is their embodiment (symbol). The Adivasis belong to both the animistic faith and Christianity. Indigenous communities also are more likely to prepare organic foods for their meal. They used to live on hunting, which has now reduced a bit due to modernization and education. Indigenous communities also practice unique culture, beliefs, and traditions which are very different from the other nonindigenous societies. An indigenous community is a particular group of people who share their own traditional culture, having a definite recognition of their language and worship places. They generally practice local knowledge developed over centuries of experimentation by their ancestors and are orally passed from generation to generation. They are the oldest settlers in any area.

Various Issues in the Community The Bodos’ and the Adivasis’ means of traditional livelihood system are not able to provide a good living standard. Due to limited exposure and opportunities, they are not able to compete in the open market such as job, education, and business. They complain that they are becoming a minority in their own territory andare in an endangered state. At first, due to the lack of education of the parent generation, some children stopped going to school which created a chain of truancy among the children. Thus, this becomes the trend as a generation of being un-educated and society keeps going in the same pace for them But that makes them indulge in farming for their livelihood. Indigenous communities do produce organic products commercially, but many are only for home utility. To start a business, they need to increase the quantity of their products. They also need proper packaging and communication. The community lacks awareness of any social problem. Sometimes, the awareness is done by the village superiors but the professional way of monitoring/ reviewing lacks in those remote areas; therefore, problems are less reduced. Thus, the indigenous community needs professional study on issues such as truancy, self-­ employment/self-empowerment, sustainable development, education, family issues, and adult/woman education. Unemployment, patriarchal mindset, gender imbalance, economic development, housing, pollution, public safety, education, sustainability, transportation, and technology are relevant issues to be attended to and solved among indigenous communities. According to the 29 respondents of social workers, the major issues which needed to be addressed were land grabbing, disputes in tea gardens, political polarization, geographical isolation, alcoholism, child marriage, lack of potable water,

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superstitious beliefs, poor transportation and communication, illiteracy, lack of vocational training, language dispute, and unemployment.

Everyday Challenges in the Community Since both the communities of Bodo and Adivasi lack infrastructure and employment facilities, it is observed that everyone is in search of work every day to earn some money for their livelihood. People are moving outside on a daily basis for jobs. Livelihood for the youth is lacking vegetable vendors mostly women come early morning and seat in chowk (middle point for shopping in market areas) whether it is sunny or rainy day to earn some money for their livelihood. Degradation in farming activities, unemployment of youth, grouping, and drinking are some of the common problems. Competition in the modern world in all spheres, social discrimination, low wages, etc., are daily problems. Alcohol addiction is the most common issue in the community which is increasing day by day. Due to unskilled labor and low income, human trafficking (mostly women and girl children) is common. Interreligion hostility, patriotism for one’s land, and political movement for separate land are the major challenges. Since Assam is a multiethnic state, a language barrier is also seen among the community people. Reducing work culture, hunting for easy money, youth following the politicians in search of economic opportunities, drug addiction, rising eloping cases among married people, etc., are new problems. It is observed that the majority of the people are facing difficulties in earning daily wages to feed their families. They have to face challenges working as laborers in some other’s houses or nearby industries and companies.

Current Activities Carried Out by Indigenous Social Workers Social workers are employed in NGOs, hospitals, government projects, and programs on livelihood, child protection, nutrition, and so on. The issues are poverty, empowerment, development in sports, tobacco cessation, and working for the welfare of women and girl child. Child marriage and domestic violence (mainly happens because of alcoholism) cases are commonly seen. Scholars and social workers are working on the same or different issues. Among the Bodo youth community, initiatives have been undertaken by organizing a committee such as utilizing the unused village land by cultivating commercial trees like betel nuts and engaging in fishery. Later, the produce is sold and the money is invested with little interest rate. The social work professionals also work as teachers. They are also looking into the issues of working with terminally ill cancer patients, dealing with psychosocial aspects, and counseling them. Other social workers are engaged for the issues of sociopolitical conflict, geopolitics, crime and justice and so on.

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On asking the respondents about the increase in the number of students in the community working as professional social work trainees, 12 respondents (41.4%) opined that there is an average number of students in the Social Work Profession. Nine respondents (31%) viewed as poor, 4% (13.8) viewed it to be a good number of increase, and 2% (6.9) viewed it as very poor and very good on the extremes of a five-point Likert scale measure. Although the professionals ranged from working in different parts of the Northeast, their views are limited on the increase.

Peace Building Measures Among the Indigenous Communities In the study, out of 29 respondents, four respondents are not aware of conflicts directly; however, the majority have suggested developing peace-building measures through unity among the communities, dialogue, education, awareness, leadership training, collaborative development, assimilation, behavior modification, and interaction with community safety plans. To provide quality education to every community, organized sociocultural programs, sports among the mixed communities, and facilitating engaged interaction among the ordinary people of mixed communities can help in interaction. There should be more project and activities related to peacebuilding for all communities and formation of interfaith committees at the district/ block/village levels. Interfaith dialogue on peacebuilding, awareness activities on the importance of peace at the different community levels, cross-sectoral dialogues which include as many diverse voices as possible through which political elites can be drawn into more inclusive debates, where they can hear and respond to diverse opinions are suggested. Engaging the community in development activities, compensating for the destruction caused by violence, peace talks, and sensitizing the community on conflict can lead to development. The problems should be discussed without discriminatory practice. When there is understanding and respect between people and their community, there will be peace. Until the community is divided in the name of politics and religion and mutual respect is given, conflicts arise. The other community people should be made aware of the knowledge on different community people and their culture. More sensitizing programs should be conducted about social issues and health issues and strict action should be taken against those who are not reporting about child marriage or those who are supporting issue. A strong grassroot-level organization such as Village Defense Party should be formed to keep an eye on the community level. The people should pursue higher education. Peace and understanding are within it through abiding by the rule of law and constitution. Out of the 29 respondents, around 58.6% of the respondents have felt violence and discrimination in the community, 17.2% did not opine of any sort of violation, and 24.1% were not sure of the past history.

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Discussion The Samata judgment of 1997 defends the rights of the Adivasi community, their homelands, for equality, nondiscrimination, abolition of untouchability and rights against exploitation, and the interest of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. When social workers meet with various ethnic communities, respect for various cultural differences and their recognition can lead to culturally sensitive practices (Green, 1990) and related guidelines for recognizing differences in cross-cultural work (Cross, 1986; Hull, 1982; Narayan, 1989). Hence, culturally appropriate services must be generated through the practice of respecting the differences and unique practices of the ethnic community. In the Northeast part of India, violence among different ethnic communities causes internal displacement mainly in Assam, Tripura, and Manipur. Fights between Karbi, Kuki, Hmar, Khasi, and Dimasa groups have displaced more than a thousand populations. In Tripura, more than 1 lakh people are displaced due to fights between the local armed groups and the Bru community. In Manipur, there is frequent fight between local groups and the Indian army. In Assam, both the Adivasis and Bodos have undergone a series of conflicts. The fights between the Bodo and the Santhal tribes have displaced more than 250,000 people. The largest conflict-induced displacement occurred in 2014. Adivasis are 20% in Assam, and they are 17% in BTAD areas (Deka, 2018). Bodoland had witnessed riots in 1996, 2008, and 2012 due to interethnic clashes. Peace has returned to the region after the signing of the BTR Peace Accord in January 2020. Some of the 8.4 lakh people displaced by the violence have remained in relief camps while others relocated to areas beyond the present-day BTR (NE Now News August 29, 2021). The BTAD Accord justifies that every community with perceived historical roots in a particular place has a right to delineate that “imagined place” and to protect it from perceived “outsiders” (Deka, 2018). The political developments and politics predicated on “ethnic identity” in Bodoland show that ethnic appeal and ethnic equations lead to varied social consequences depending on the larger “organizational, demographic, and institutional” variables present in the social system (Chandra, 2005). It rightly justifies protecting the needs of the people. The Adivasis who are scattered in different parts of Assam need to build their strong identity and their land rights intact so that they do not suffer. A genuine cause to care for the community and standing in the gap to document violence, conflict, to initiate proper schemes can generate mass movement. Professional social workers, due to their indigenization and expert training in different parts of Assam and Northeast, can develop the people in their best interest. They are part and parcel of NGOs working in Assam, such as PAJHRA, the action northeast trust (ant), Northeast Network (NEN), NERSWN, and NEDAN foundation who work for indigenous communities on livelihood, trafficking, and empowerment people to their best ability. NGOs’ can be catalyst in reducing the issues of conflict, promote training in harnessing natural resources to get medicinal plants and minor forest produces. There are financial institutions that work at central and

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state levels like the National Schedule Castes Finance and Development Corporation (NSFDC), National Cooperatives Development Corporation (NCDC), Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India Ltd. (TRIFED), and National Scheduled Tribes Finance and Development Corporation (NSTFDC). It is the role of professional social workers to assist the indigenous communities in getting the best resources to reduce the problems related to livelihood, migration, and land distress, which can help improve their quality of life.

Conclusion The Bodos and the Adivasis as indigenous communities suffer from extreme poverty and hunger, lack of housing, and lack of access to infrastructural development. Livelihood and nutrition are major challenges for social workers. Therefore, financial institutions should be facilitated in rural communities for infrastructural and employment measures. The local youth can be mobilized through able leadership of the social workers. The political changes need to be progressive in nature to provide ample scope for the communities and provide peace-building alliances through NGOs. Hence the different attitudal problems should be removed through the role of various social workers as educators with similar culture, language background. A strong sense of commitment and care is necessary to bring the sociocultural and economic issues to a global platform and reduce inequalities. Inclusive indigenous rights shall be possible through the active role of social workers in getting all the rights enshrined in the constitution fulfilled for the communities for holistic development. Article 21 as well as Schedule V and VI affirms the autonomy and dignity of the Adivasi community. Hence, it culminates in fulfilling basic human rights and sustainable development goals. Social work initiates dealing with human problems as a remedial measure and looks into challenging and changing the structural problems of oppression and marginalization. In the Northeast, social workers act as both activists and academics. Bodhi (2014) laid down a unique conceptual framework to develop a methodological framework for tribal social work education referring to the indigenous as “epistemological communities” who are distinct, egalitarian, and embedded ecologically and culturally. It also appreciates the tribal/indigenous worldview and uphold it as an “active component of their identity and collective consciousness” (McKenzie & Morrissette, 2003). Social workers seek social transformation rather than individual reformation. Such an approach would make social work education relevant and responsive to the socio-political and economic questions of the tribal/indigenous people of Northeast India. It will also give an impetus to the efforts to indigenize social work in the broader context. Indigenous communities should come along with the social workers in making decisions, and the communities themselves should be the forerunners to create and preserve the knowledge. The issues of land ownership and self-determination are current debates that can be addressed at the grass root level. Appreciating the tribal/indigenous worldview and upholding it as

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an “active component of their identity and collective consciousness” are integral parts of social workers’ role in the movement toward protecting and preserving their interests.

References Baruah, S. (2001). India Against Itself: Assam And The Politics Of Nationality. Oxford University Press. Banerjee, S. (2022, July 27). Over 100 million people belong to India’s scheduled tribes. Development and Cooperation. https://www.dandc.eu/en/article/indias-­adivasi-­communities-­ have-­traditional-­n orms-­and-­special-­legalstatus#:~:text=Officially%2C%20Adivasis%20 are%20classified%20as,special%20rights %20when%20they%20migrate Bharali, G. (2004). Labour unrest and social insecurity of plantation workers: A case study. North Eastern Social Research Centre. Bodhi, S.  R. (2014). On the politics of social work curriculum and pedagogy: Reflections of a social work educator. Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Social Work, 2(2 (6)), 71–83. http:// www.daltrijournals.org/ijdtsw/Volume/v2issue2/V2I2no6.php Chandra, K. (2005). Ethnic Parties and Democratic Stability. Perspectives on Politics. 3(2). Cross, T. L. (1986). Drawing on cultural tradition in Indian child welfare practice. Social Casework, 67, 283–289. Deswal, V. P. (2016). Role of State in Protection of the Right of Tribal communities. In N. Tiwari (Ed.), Tribal self Governance- PESA and implementations, 74–85. Rawat Publisher. Deka, K. (2018). Decades of ‘ethnic massacre’ in Bodoland The State and the framing of conflict in India’s Northeast. In M. Vandenhelsken, M. Barkataki-Ruscheweyh, & B. G. Karlsson (Eds.), Geographies of Difference Explorations in Northeast Indian Studies (pp.  177–195). Routledge. Green, J. W. (1990). Cultural awareness in the human services. Prentice-Hall. Hull, G. H. (1982). Child welfare services to native Americans. Social Casework., 63, 340–347. International Day of the World’s Indigenous People: Info Kit, UN Web Services Section, Department of Public Information, United Nations. (August 9, 2007). https://social.desa.un.org/ issues/indigenous-peoples/events/international-day-of-the-worlds-indigenous-peoples-2007-0 Kandulna, G. (1999). Socio-economic conditions of the Adivasis in the tea plantations of Assam. In T. Pulloppillil (Ed.), Identity of Adivasis in Assam (pp. 157–164). Don Bosco Publications. McKenzie, B., & Morrissette, V. (2003). Social work practice with Canadians of aboriginal background: Guidelines for respectful social work. In A.  Al-Krenawi & J.  Graham (Eds.), Multícultural social work in Canada: Workíng with diverse ethno-cultural communíties (pp. 251–252). Oxford University Press. Mishra, K. (2005, April 12). Growing discontent of Adivasis in Assam. Countercurrents. https:// www.countercurrents.org/adivasi-­mishra120405.htm Narayan, U. (1989). Working across differences. In B. R. Compton & B. Galaway (Eds.), Social work processes (4th ed., pp. 317–328). Wadsworth. NE News Now. (2021, August 29). Assam: Thousands of displaced Bodo and Adivasi people to return home after 25 years in BTR. https://nenow.in/north-­east-­news/assam/assam-­thousands-­ of-­displaced-­bodo-­and-­adivasi-­people-­to-­return-­home-­after-­25-­years. https://pib.gov.in/ Pressreleaseshare.aspx?PRID=1703510in-­btr.html Noyoo, W. (2000). Ethnicity and development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Journal of Social Development in Africa, 15(2). PAJHRA. (2022). https://pajhra.org/what-­we-­do/ Parkin, R. (2000). Proving “Indigenity,” Exploiting Modernity: Modalities of Identity Construction in Middle India. Anthropos, 95(1), 49–63. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40465861

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Power, A., & Wilson, W. J. (2000). Social exclusion and the future of cities. Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, School of Economics. Press Information Bureau. (2021, March 9). Ministry of Home Affairs, Bodo Peace Accord. https:// pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1703510 Thakur, D. D. (1991, May). Governor’s report to the President. Reproduced in judgement delivered by chief justice A. Raghuvir of the Guwahati High Court in Nibaron Borah and Others Versus Union of India, March 20, 1991. Reprinted in news of North East: A monthly compilation of clippings. Eastern Press Service. Toppo, H. (1999). Violation of human rights in the tea plantations of Assam and West Bengal. In T.  Pulloppilli (Ed.), Identity of Adivasis in Assam (pp.  129–156). Indian Publishers and Distributors. Wolf, M. (1995). Globalisation and social exclusion: Some paradoxes. In G. Rodgers, C. Gore, & J. B. Figueiredo (Eds.), Social exclusion: Rhetoric, reality, responses (pp. 81–101). ILO.

Chapter 16

The Role of Malawi’s Indigenous Knowledge and Practices in Social Work Practice Daniel Kabunduli Nkhata and Felix Kakowa

Introduction Historically, Malawi like most African countries has had two dominant knowledge systems that influenced its practices in the provision of social welfare services: the Western knowledge system (modern knowledge), since the colonial period, and the indigenous knowledge system (IKS). The two systems have historically functioned together, although with the passing of time, the modern knowledge system has eclipsed the value and use of the indigenous knowledge system. As expected, the two systems have also influenced and shaped how social work has been practised in Malawi. It is generally believed that the improved domestication of modern social work education and practices has consequently marginalised the African indigenous knowledge systems. However, this chapter explores the resilience and influence of African indigenous knowledge (AIK), belief systems and practices on ‘modern’ social work practice in Malawi. Through a systematic review of the literature and primary data from an ongoing project, we utilise three case studies (two in early childhood development (ECD) and one in mental health care) to illustrate how indigenous knowledge has informed certain ‘modern’ social work practices in Malawi. The chapter starts with a brief historical picture of social work in Malawi, and later provides the context of African indigenous knowledge and belief systems, and how they should be understood in social work practice. We then proceed to offer three case studies in order to show how indigenous knowledge, belief systems and practices are not just residues of the ‘old’ systems, but rather an influential platform for the development of innovative social work methods. The case studies also D. K. Nkhata (*) · F. Kakowa Sociology and Population Studies Department, University of Malawi, Zomba, Malawi e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_16

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challenge the conventional view that there is minimal use of indigenous knowledge systems in the Malawi social work practice. It is suggested in the chapter that the ‘infancy’ of professional social work in Malawi provides an opportunity for easy indigenisation of social work methods. The chapter utilised a systematic case study review by using secondary data from programmatic reports, government reports and other secondary sources and minimally utilising primary data from an ongoing project. The review utilised more than 15 programmatic reports and was guided by two main questions which focused on how indigenous knowledge systems and practices inform modern social work practice in Malawi, and what particular approaches modern institutions that provide social work-related services could adopt to effectively utilise existing indigenous knowledge systems. An ‘evidence map’ was drawn based on an exploration of three case studies focusing on the management of mental health care, the informal and cultural training of the early childhood development workforce, and the management of community-based childcare centres in Malawi.

Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Social Work There is no universality in the definitions of what constitutes indigenous knowledge systems. What different perspectives mostly agree on is the fact that IKS vary across space, time and in how they function (Castiano & Mkabela, 2012). This is because patterns of indigenous systems are dependent on local knowledge and long histories of generations occupying particular physical, economic and socio-cultural spaces (Magid, 2011). In general terms, IKS is local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society and has its roots in the traditions of a particular people (Kweyani, 2018). In the African context, it is believed that notable sources of African indigenous knowledge (AIK) are the African oral traditions that are found in ceremonial language, poetry, proverbs, slogans, the leadership lists of monarchs that reigned and narratives of historical, artistic or personal nature (Ossai, 2010: 4). Most African countries that have formal Indigenous Knowledge Systems Policies such as South Africa recognise indigenous knowledge as manifesting itself in areas ranging from cultural and religious ceremonies to agricultural practices and health interventions (Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2019). There is some general acceptance in the literature to the fact that indigenous knowledge (IK) is generally used synonymously with traditional and local knowledge to differentiate the knowledge developed by and within distinctive indigenous communities from the international knowledge system generated through universities, government research centres and private industry, sometimes incorrectly called the Western knowledge system. Magid (2011: 137) explains that AIK manifests on three practical levels or spheres, which are divided as follows: the natural sphere, which includes ecology, agriculture, soil, medicine, pharmaceuticals and biodiversity; the technological and architectural sphere, which includes all crafts, such as building, metallurgy, food processing, textiles and basketry; and the socio-cultural sphere, which includes all socio-cultural aspects such

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as music, art, social welfare, conflict resolution and governance. IKS is thus a body of knowledge used by societies in Africa to meet their needs and to solve various local problems (Ossai, 2010). Indigenous knowledge should also be understood as dynamic, and not a static set of local ideas, beliefs and practices (Mawere & Awuah-­ Nyamekye, 2015). Other authors have proposed that recognition of a set of ideas and beliefs as ‘indigenous’ should not be a tag that blinds us to emerging ideas and traditions, mixtures of past and present practices, and beliefs within local communities (Ibrahima & Mattaini, 2017). For purposes of this chapter, the focus is on the socio-cultural sphere of indigenous knowledge systems, specifically where family or community social welfare practices draw on the values, beliefs, customs and cultural norms of local people. Gray et al. (2008) define indigenous social work as a kind of social work that develops culturally relevant social work methods and practices for, with, and by Indigenous People. We specifically utilise the concept of ‘authentisation’ by Walton and Abo El Nasr (1988) to showcase how indigenous knowledge systems in Malawi have shaped the early childhood development sector through two approaches, one for community-based childcare centres and the other for community childrens’ corner clubs. The concept of ‘authentisation’ speaks to a mindset of moving away ‘from simply adapting and modifying Western social work theory and practice to instead generate knowledge and practice models from the ground up, drawing on the values, beliefs, customs, and cultural norms of local and indigenous helping practices’ (Walton & Abo El Nasr, 1988, in Spitzer & Twikirize, 2014).

 ocial Work in Malawi: Indigenous Patterns and History S of Social Welfare Practices Pre-colonial Malawi Social Welfare Practices While in general terms social work as a field is defined based on practice, education and research, it is believed that in Africa, social work practices cannot be explored outside their prevailing indigenous contexts (Mupedziswa, 2001). The Malawian context of social work is therefore a reflection of both the mainstream definition of social work and the different historical contexts that the country has passed through, namely the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial dispensations. It is believed that Malawi’s social welfare and social work practices have historically been a response to increased vulnerability in both colonial and post-colonial times (Mackenzie, 2013). Formal African social welfare programmes date back to the ancient kingdoms of Egypt, Kushi in Ethiopia and Mali empire where kings and ruling elite were obliged by the rules to provide for vulnerable individuals through established programmes (Kwengwere, 2011). In general, though, there were few formal social welfare programmes in other smaller African kingdoms. In the Amaravi kingdom (present day Malawi), a dynasty known as the Maravi Empire was founded by the Amaravi

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people in the late fifteenth century. The head of the empire during its expansion was the Kalonga (Phiri, 1977). The Kalonga ruled from his headquarters in Mankhamba. Under the leadership of the Kalonga, sub-chiefs were appointed to occupy and subdue new areas. The empire used a centralised social welfare system to support vulnerable individuals under loyal sub-chiefs. The Kalonga used the welfare system as a reciprocal token to chiefs who were loyal to his rulership (Phiri, 1977). The formalised social welfare system supported individuals and families with loyal support that came in the form of food items also christened loyal harvest, health care support from the chiefs’ medicinal experts and other privileges that elevated the status of the vulnerable (Vilakazi, 1999). Simultaneously, the empire also relied on informal systems of welfare such as family networks and charity. The extended family protected and cared for the sick, orphans, the elderly, people with disabilities, the poor and other vulnerable members of society. Indigenous religious beliefs and spirituality also shaped how communities and individuals responded to issues of vulnerability in society (Phiri, 1977). However, it is important to note that family structures were diverse, mutable and functioned differently in different parts of the kingdom.

Colonial Social Welfare System The advent of colonialism saw an aggravation of socio-economic ills in most African societies including Malawi. We illustrate in this section how British settler laws exacerbated socio-economic problems of the natives and ironically not developing a functional social welfare system to respond to the increasing problems. At the same time, communities relied on traditional and indigenous welfare approaches to deal with the problems. The conquest of Nyasaland (now Malawi from Amaravi kingdom) around 1891 which started with Christian missionaries such as David Livingstone came along with various socio-economic ills. The colonial government created a three-tier economy, namely labour reserve, peasant cash cropping and plantation economies (Kwengwere, 2011). The labour reserve economy necessitated a migrant labour system that allowed natives from Malawi to go and work in Northern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa. The peasant cash cropping economy was mainly for peasants who ‘unsuccessfully’ imitated the colonial farmers in plantation farming. It is believed that the introduction of the peasant cash-cropping economy was a direct override of the traditional subsistence farming system (Kwengwere, 2011). The local belief has been that the advent of cash cropping saw levels of inequality and poverty increase amongst the natives. The ever-growing cash-cropping economy deeply exploited the limited native labour reserve until natives protested by shunning plantations. In response, the colonial government further legislated a new regime of discriminatory laws that further pushed natives into poverty. Anti-native and punitive laws such as the hut tax and forced free labour on plantations created new social problems in communities. Among other social problems, males started to migrate to South Africa to seek better wages and working conditions, a growing base of female-headed households emerged, female labour

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was pushed to work on plantations, the elderly lost the needed social security in communities, cases of child neglect increased and the cash economy created unemployed. Malawi’s colonial regime had a scanty social welfare system. The only recognised welfare system was developed in 1950 just before independence and when Nyasaland was part of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, a period of the united settler administration (Imani et al., 2021). The welfare system was an administrative system that only helped Malawian male migrant labour in South Africa and Northern Rhodesia to remit their allowances to families back home (Sindima, 2002). However, community vulnerability and welfare were addressed through traditional and indigenous systems of social welfare such as kinship, village ties, and social capital. The indigenous methods were used to take care of orphans within the extended family, protected the elderly and those without close kinsmen through voluntary and mutual community initiatives. The elderly within kinship ties functioned as the repository of community knowledge on religion; medicine; conflict management; marriage ritual custodianship; and weather and climate advisors. They served as child educators through the telling of nthano or folktales (Republic of Malawi, 1987; Imani et al., 2021). In most parts of the country, the mentally ill and those with leprosy and other infectious diseases were not outcasts as common belief would make us think, communities used faith healing approaches such as sheltered treatment at the compounds of traditional healers or shelters for their recovery. Their kinsmen were allowed to offer periodic visits in the course of recovery.

 ost-independence and Contemporary Social Welfare P and Social Work Following independence in 1964, the new administration of Kamuzu Banda inherited several structural challenges and other emerging issues such as an increasing debt, budgetary deficit, growing government services at a much faster rate than the economy, and an unskilled labour force (Mackenzie, 2013). The aforementioned fiscal problems were later accompanied by structural adjustment programmes, consequently rendering most of the populace into dire poverty (Chinsinga, 2002). The political space quickly mutated into an authoritarian one-party system that established strong coercive grassroots structures. The state used political party structures to implement a community development-oriented welfare system. The state also opened a community development college to spearhead the new vision of social welfare. The newly established social welfare system envisioned welfare based on the modernisation theory by focusing on the following: • Helping communities remove traditional restraints that hindered enterprise and innovation • Enabling communities to understand the material and social needs of households

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• Investing in human and material resources to raise domestic living standards • Forming community groups that could plan and carry out joint projects of communal interest using local resources and preparing communities for increased responsibility within the local government structure Sindima (2002) shows that in communities, social welfare was implemented through the provision of secondary school bursary programmes to bright students, free housing for elderly women who were active in the women’s league of the governing party, construction of community centres and youth clubs, formation of farmer clubs and agricultural cooperatives that accessed free government support and the youth service week which ensured young people work in their communities for free. Since the dawn of multi-party democracy in 1994, the government has liberalised the provision of social welfare by not just establishing a fully-fledged government department of social welfare but also allowing Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) comprising of Community-Based Organisations (CBOs), local and international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and religious organisations to operate in the provision of social services (Kakowa, 2016). Social welfare in Malawi is not just synonymous with social protection, but it is also primarily driven through social protection programmes (GIZ, 2014). Currently, the social welfare and social protection system is overly fragmented. It is made up of a range of social programmes, with different objectives, implementation mechanisms, coverage, degree of national ownership and time frames (ILO, 2018). Social welfare is currently financed by the government and donor community. There are six flagship programmes being implemented across the country that define the current status of social welfare. The early childhood development programme cash transfer programme, public works programme, school feeding programmes, and the farm input subsidy programme (Chinsinga, 2007). The social cash transfer (SCT) is an unconditional cash transfer programme targeted at households that are both ultra-poor and labour-constrained. The SCT has the objective to reduce poverty and hunger among ultra-poor and labour-constrained households, to increase school enrolment of children in the beneficiary households and to improve the nutrition, economic, and general well-being of beneficiaries (GoM, 2016). On the other hand, public works programmes (PWP) are programmes that provide regular payments to individuals in exchange for work, with the objective of decreasing chronic or shock-induced poverty and providing social protection. PWP are often considered appropriate for addressing transient poverty by employing workers whose livelihoods are disrupted by a seasonal, climatic or economic shock. They can be designed to be ‘productive’ by creating assets that reduce further poverty and vulnerability (Chinsinga, 2008). The government and its partners also provide free school meals to primary school learners. The goal of all school feeding activities is to improve child nutrition, increase children’s ability to concentrate in class and promote enrolment and regular attendance. Implementers stress the vital link between the provision of food and attendance at school and between good nutrition and educational performance. School feeding is not

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implemented nationwide but by 2019, around 30 per cent of the 5561 Malawian primary schools were covered by one of the school meal programmes. The government also relies on community-level structures to implement a nationwide early childhood development programme that focuses on nutrition and early years of learning. In Malawi, ECD is delivered through an extensive network of communityinitiated and owned centres for the most vulnerable children under the age of six, known as Community-based childcare centres (CBCCs). There are almost 5665 CBCCs in Malawi (Ministry of Gender, 2008;  GoM, 2018). Through communitylevel arrangements such as village savings and loans associations (VSL), the government and donors are also investing in rural communities to alleviate poverty in rural areas where economies are characterised by long time spans between harvests, uncertainty and weather dependency. A 2015 mapping found 67 organisations implementing VSL programmes in Malawi with a total of 37,461 savings groups and 610,596 members (GoM, 2018). Finally, Malawi has also used the affordable farm input program (AIP) to reduce poverty and ensure the country’s food security by fostering an increase in agricultural productivity levels. More than 1.5 million households benefit from the programme where they get vouchers and exchange them for fertiliser and other farm inputs (ILO, 2018). Though the social welfare and social protection system is fragmented, implementation relies on key players such as Social Welfare Officers (SWOs), social welfare assistants (SWAs), community development officers (CDOs) and community development assistants (CDAs) and recently, the community child protection workers (CCPWs) (Kakowa, 2016). The key players are mostly graduates of social work education and Community development from Magomero Community Development College (established in 1964 by the government), the University of Malawi Social Work Program, The Catholic University of Social Work Program and DMI-Saint-John of God the Baptist University’s (DMI-SJGBU).

 ase Studies of Indigenous Approaches in Malawi’s Social C Work Practice I ndigenous Women Child Caregivers Managing ‘Modern’ Child Care Centres Women are traditionally the caregivers for children in Malawian families. Over the years, they have relied on their early community gender socialisation of girl child responsibilities to later raise their own children. In most local communities, the girl child grows up burdened with several responsibilities such as house minding, domestic chores, raising fellow siblings and caring for other children in the village (Bakilana et  al. 2016). In most Malawian communities, women participate in all women forums such as village savings and loans (VSLs) and mother groups which have become modern girl-guide forums for adolescent girls in rural areas (Jana,

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2018). A recent study in Malawi shows that such forums go beyond financial literacy or girl-guide curriculums. While their manifest function enables the women to generate some income, in the context of community development, it is also an opportunity for the women to bond and discuss important topical issues, while exchanging a wide range of skills and ideas ranging from domestic efficiency and economic exigencies to medical solutions. Through gender socialisation and participation in these forums, women have accumulated indigenous practices of childrearing such as child play, early diagnosis of child fever, meeting psychological needs of infants, discipline and others. It can be concluded that such indigenous child-rearing and teaching skills are kept alive in modified forms to enable most women to get employed and effectively function in ‘modern’ community-based child care centres (CBCCs) now found in most Malawian communities. A study by Munthali et al. shows that female caregivers constitute 82% of teachers in Malawi’s early childhood education sector. Malawi has 5665 CBCCs caring for 407,468 children aged between 3 and 5 years. CBCCs were established to provide pre-primary school learning, and in some cases provide special care to orphans and other vulnerable children who are also provided with nutritious foods and subjected to play that stimulated their cognitive and mental development. The existence and domination of women institutionalised caregiving in these institutions and the mere presence of care centres is an opportunity for the communities to take care of their children communally. The task of communal childcare giving is an indigenous practice that was significantly eroded by the upsurge in the number of orphans as a result of the HIV and AIDS epidemic. The Malawi case of CBCCCs reflects a kind of social work practice that speaks to both indigenisation and authentisation of practice, where existing knowledge systems and practices both inform and are informed by emerging social work practices.

I ndigenous Solutions Making Children’s Corners Work for Communities There is a growing belief that the concept of ‘a normative child’ as conceived in the West is different from indigenous knowledge and practices in African settings (Bakilana et al., 2016; Spitzer and Twikirize, 2014). Western Europe popularised the concept of a normative child as early as the eighteenth century where childhood was perceived as a particular phase of life needing an enabling environment to play, receive formal education and be free from any type of work (Kreitzer, 2012). These constructions of childhood are embodied in documents such as the UNCRC which has become the defining international standard of child policies. Kalinganire and Rutikanga (2015) also state that in most African countries too, the legal construction of what a proper childhood should be is guided by the UNCRC. Modern child care centres such as children’s corners being implemented

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in Malawi are believed to be using the Western prescriptions and definitions of a child as defined by standardised childhood policy frameworks, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). However, a study we conducted in selected children’s corners in Malawi reveals that most communities have given attention to including child-focused interventions which have indigenous knowledge on childhood. Children’s Corners are one of the child-friendly safe spaces where children aged 6–18 years are supported to realise their rights to protection and development as well as acquire psychosocial support to help them build resilience and realise their full potential (UNICEF, 2018). In Malawi, the corners were established to address the multiple child-related protection and developmental challenges such as child marriages, violence, poverty, school dropouts and child labour, among others. Children’s Corners aim to create child rights awareness and empower children to reduce the risks of violence, abuse, exploitation neglect and the impacts of HIV and AIDS (GoM, 2015). It is established that half of Malawi’s population of 17 million are children below the age of 18 years, making up almost 40 to 50 per cent of the population. There are an estimated 2672 CCs in Malawi, catering for an estimated 251,382 children consisting of 47% male and 53% female. Most African communities let their children know community culture through family traditions, working alongside their parents and elders, receiving a hands-on practice education and not just attending formal school  (Chiwanza et  al. 2013). Folklore, stories from elders, and peer play. A case study we did with some children’s corner clubs in the Northern part of Malawi indicated that the corners are building their curriculum on parental perceptions and beliefs about child care. Most parents around children’s corners value children learning through work for cultural and economic implications of households. Parents believe that having children work before playing is essential to their integration into the local community. This means that social workers at children’s corners will have to align their curriculum and meeting times after consulting with parents on appropriate meeting times so that children are allowed to work first before engaging in play at the children’s corners. Community elders have also been engaged in some areas to share their real-life stories, community histories, and folk role with the children. Local structures managing children’s corners are also pushing for curriculums that do not contradict with cultural values such as ‘sex education’ in some instances. Parents also continue to engage their children in work even after being exposed to the child-rights based interventions at the children’s corners. One traditional chief in Rumphi district narrated that he almost ordered the closure of a certain children’s corner in one of his villages because the NGO funding it treated local knowledge and practices during the growing season (agriculture) as an obstacle to childhood development. Such community demand-driven curriculums of children’s corners speak to social work interventions, which are informed but also address local realities.

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 ow Kinship Care and Community Belief Systems Positively H Influence Domiciliary Mental Health Care? In this case study on mental health service provision in Malawi, an illustration is made of how indigenous belief systems and practices have aided the successful implementation of domiciliary mental health care in Mzuzu City. Through the lens of a domiciliary service under The St John of God Community Services (a Catholic-­ affiliated institution), one can see how domiciliary mental health care as an innovative approach in resource-limited contexts such as Malawi, thrives based on its alignment with community beliefs of care. In Malawi, mental health care services are largely institutionalised, with an enormous gap between demand for mental health services and available resources such as infrastructure, qualified staff and government budgetary support (Masulani, 2011). Currently, there are four specialised mental health institutions, Zomba Mental Hospital in the southern region, Bwaila Psychiatric Unit in the central region and two St John of God Community Services, one in the northern region and the other in the central region (GoM, 2021). It is believed that the current demand for mental health services would require at least seven more specialised institutions in the country (MoH, 2016). However, studies have shown that community-based mental health services could be the most effective approach in dealing with the increasing demand but also entrenching preventative and not just curative care. It is also well documented that regular home visits to provide psychiatric care and concerted efforts by health and social workers have been associated with reduced hospitalisation for people with mental health problems (Masulani, 2011). Global good practices also advocate for de-institutionalisation in the provision of mental health care services, which is defined as the process downsizing of large psychiatric hospitals and the establishment of alternative mental health care in the community. Since 2004, Malawi has been implementing home-based care services in primary health care. This has proved to be an effective alternative to hospital admission for HIV/AIDS patients and others dealing with chronic illnesses such as diabetes (MoH, 2011). It is against this background that the government has been encouraging domiciliary care in geriatric, psychiatric and general medicine. The World Health Organization defines domiciliary mental health care as care and support of clients with acute illness and challenging behaviour outside hospital, as far as possible, for purposes of restoring and maintaining health while maintaining clients in their usual place of residence. This approach empowers family members to be primary caregivers to clients while increasing their understanding of the illness and consequently decreasing their tension and stress (Masulani, 2011: 4). St John of God Community Services Malawi is part of the Hospitaller Order of Saint John of God, which strives to emulate the work and philosophy of Saint John of God. In Malawi, the institution provides community-based mental health services, and services for children with disabilities and special needs. The institution also offers such programmes as but not limited to mobile mental health clinics, disability clinics, out-patient mental health services, community education, primary

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health care outreach clinics, residential care for people with acute mental illness and rehabilitation, among other programmes. Out of the aforementioned programsme, the domiciliary mental health programme is one of their ‘flag carriers’ programmes, offering community-based mental health services to over 3000 people in the city of Mzuzu (St John of God, 2020). This programme is implemented through home visitations by community psychiatric nurses (CPNs)who conduct two or three home visits a day to provide nursing care to the clients and give psychotropic medication in their homes (St John of God, 2020). When conducting a home visit, CPNs conduct an assessment of the client’s home environment; provide nursing and medical care; monitor the progress of the client and alleviate any fears for family/client; monitor drug compliance and manage side effects; psycho-education to the client and his/her family on the nature of illness and management; documentation of all proceedings in the client’s file and referral of the client to the hospital if necessary (St John of God, 2020). A review of the literature on factors that have necessitated the successful implementation of domiciliary mental health programmes shows that community belief systems and existing practices of mental health care provide a conducive environment for the harnessing of domiciliary services. Firstly, Sefasi et al. (2007) show that as much as there is little knowledge by communities on prevalent mental health problems such as schizophrenia in Malawi, most communities accept that patients recover quickly when domiciled within their communities and in the comfort of familiar faces. Mabetha et al. (2021) suggest such levels of acceptance in African communities should not be surprising since domiciliary care is not alien to most African communities. The practice of kinship domicile care, which is the placement of the sick within the other extended kin (especially in villages), is a phenomenon that is common in African communities. For instance, discharged clients from the St John of God hospitaller mental health service have relied on the support of immediate family members such as spouses, uncles, children and parents for safe accommodation, transportation for hospital visits, payments for clinical fees, and psychosocial support (Masulani, 2011). Community engagement reports from St John of God outreach staff also reveal that intake of medicinal prescriptions, medical advice, attendance of medical checkup meetings, hospital visits and response to treatment are all mostly influenced by the nature of kin relations patients have in their immediate environment. One can conclude that the existing traditionally proven practice of kinship care has necessitated the adoption and adaptation of domiciliary mental health care in Malawi. It is worth noting that the kinship care practice is necessitated by other factors such as belief in faith healing. Mhone (2002) explains that beliefs in the causes of mental illness also guide beliefs of how mental illness should be treated. Based on whether an individual’s mental illness is believed to be internally or externally driven, families pursue different treatment options, including medical, non-medical, and a combination of the two. Communities also believe that certain causes of mental illness require non-medical interventions that could not be provided by a hospital. Several of these treatments are focused on resolving the extrinsic and intrinsic factors believed to be contributing to a given individual’s mental illness. Such

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interventions include prayer, resolution of family or personal conflicts, and the use of community-based witch doctors. Spirits, satanic powers, curses and bewitchment are perceived as common external causes of mental illness. Such beliefs seem to have influenced most communities to easily accept processes of de-­institutionalisation of mental health patients. This is another example of how belief systems can shape and influence social work practice.

Conclusion Though the professionalisation of social work practice in Malawi is believed to have contributed to the minimal role of indigenous knowledge, belief systems and practices in social work practice, evidence shows that IKS has actually influenced how some social programmes are implemented. The three case studies have illustrated how existing community belief systems and practices of mental health and childcare have all shaped and influenced social programme delivery. To a larger extent, one can attribute the significant role of IKS in the practice of social work due to the infancy of professional social work in Malawi. This presents an opportunity for the Malawi social work professionals to create a social welfare system that is authentic and speaks to the needs, ideals and culture of local communities.

References Bakilana, A., Moucheraud, C., McConnell, C., & Hasan, R. (2016). Early childhood development: Situation analysis for Malawi. Policy brief: Malawi. World Bank. World Bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/24574 Castiano, P. J., & Mkabela, Q. N. (2012). African IKS facing the future. Idilinga – African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, 10(2), v–xi. Chinsinga, B. (2002). The politics of poverty alleviation in Malawi: A critical review. In H. England (Ed.), A democracy of chameleons: Politics and culture in new Malawi. Nordic Africa Institute. Chinsinga, B. (2007). Reclaiming policy space: Lessons from Malawi’s fertilizer subsidy programme: A paper presented at the World Development Workshop, IDS, University of Sussex 21st–24th January 2007. Chinsinga, B. (2008). The Social Protection Policy in Malawi: Processes, politics and challenges. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a08c0840f0b64974000f54/SP_policy_ malawi.pdf Chiwanza, K., Musingafi, M.  C. C., & Mupa, P. (2013). Challenges in preserving indigenous knowledge systems: Learning from past experiences. Information & Knowledge Management, 3(2), 19–25. Ezeanya-Esiobu, C. (2019). Indigenous knowledge and education in Africa. Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6635-2_1 GIZ Malawi. (2014, September). The evaluation of the improving livelihoods through public works programme (ILTPWP). Unpublished. Government of Malawi. (2015). National social welfare policy: Promoting social inclusion and human dignity. MOGCDSW.

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Government of the Republic of Malawi. (2016). Realising low-income security: A study into the feasibility of a universal old age pension in Malawi. Lilongwe. Government of the Republic of Malawi. (2018). Review of the Malawi National Social Support Programme: A stakeholder-driven review of the design and implementation of the Malawi National Social Support Programme (2012–2016). Ministry of Finance, Economic Planning and Development (MoFEPD), Poverty Reduction and Social Protection Division, GoM. Government of the Republic of Malawi. (2021). Review report, Malawi National Social Support Programme II (MNSSP II). GoM. Gray, M., Coates, J., & Yellow Bird, M. (2008). Introduction. In M. Gray, J. Coates, & M. Yellow Bird (Eds.), Indigenous social work around the world. Towards culturally relevant education and practice (pp. 1–10). Ashgate. Ibrahima, A.  B., & Mattaini, M.  A. (2017). Social work in Africa: Decolonizing methodologies and approaches. International Social Work, 62(1), 002087281774270. https://doi. org/10.1177/0020872817742702 Imani, L., Nkhata, D., Wizi, A., Msowoya, B., & Magola, D. (2021). Evolution of social welfare in Malawi. In N. Noyoo (Ed.), Social welfare and social work in Southern Africa. Sun Press. International Labour Organization. (2018). Safety nets versus relief nets: Towards a medium-term safety net strategy for Malawi. Lilongwe. Jana, M. (2018). Understanding contemporary legitimacy in Africa: The juridical, symbolic, and instrumental legitimacy interface. A paper presented at the International Symposium on Governance and Security in Africa, 28–30 April 2014, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Kakowa, F. (2016). Nurturing professional social work in Malawi. Africa Journal of Social Work, 6(2), 46–63. Kalinganire, C., & Rutikanga, C. (2015). The role of social work in poverty reduction and the realisation of millennium development goals in Rwanda. Fountain. Kreitzer, L. (2012). Social work in Africa: Exploring culturally relevant education and practice in Ghana. University of Calgary Press. Kwengwere, P. (2011). Inequality in Malawi. In H. Jauch & D. Muchena (Eds.), Tearing us apart: Inequalities in Southern Africa. Open Society for Southern Africa. Kweyani, A. (2018). Linking livelihood strategies to development: Experiences from Malawi. Community Development Journal, 36(1), 42–52. MacKenzie, J. M. (2013). A history of Malawi, 1859–1966. The Round Table, 102(3), 312–314. https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2013.793568. ISSN 0035-8533. S2CID 153375208. Magid, A.  A. (2011). African indigenous knowledge systems – Challenges and opportunities. Africa Insight, 40(4), 136–148. Masulani, C. (2011). Domiciliary mental health care program in community settings: Is it is feasible in Malawi? Malawi Medical Journal: The Journal of Medical Association of Malawi, 23(3), 89–90. Mawere, M., & Awuah-Nyamekye, S. (Eds.). (2015). Harnessing cultural capital for sustainability: A pan Africanist perspective. Langaa RPCIG. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh9vwzb Mhone, G. Z. (2002). Enclavity and constrained labour absorptive capacity in Southern African economies. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Ministry of Health (MoH) Malawi. (2016). Malawi Service Provision Assessment (MSPA) 2013–14. MoH and ICF International. Ministry of Health. (2011). District Health Information System Version 2 data (unpublished). Mupedziswa, R. (2001). The quest for relevance: Towards a conceptual model of developmental social work education and training in Africa. International Social Work, 44(3), 285–300. Ossai, N. B. (2010). African indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS). Simbiosis, 7(2), 1–1. Phiri, K.  M. (1977). Cultural and political change in the pre-colonial history of Malawi. The Society of Malawi, 30(2), 6–10. Republic of Malawi. (1987). Report on decent work country programme. Government Printing Works. Republic of Malawi, Ministry of Gender, Children and Community Development. (2008). The national gender policy. Government Printing Works.

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Sefasi, A., Crumlish, N., Samalani, P., & Kisella, A. (2007). A little knowledge: Caregivers burden in schizophrenia in Malawi. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 43(2), 160–164. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-007-0276-y Sindima, H. (2002). Malawi’s first republic: An economic and political analysis. University Press of America. Spitzer, H., & Twikirize, J.  M. (2014). A vision for social work in East Africa. In H.  Spitzer, J. M. Twikirize, & G. G. Wairire (Eds.), Professional social work in East Africa. Towards social development, poverty reduction and gender equality (pp. 373–384). St John of God Hospitaller Services. (2020). Annual report. https://sjog.mw/wp-content/ uploads/2020/04/2019-SERVICE-ANNUAL-REPORT.pdf UNICEF. (2018). Malawi: Child protection strategy 2012–2016. UNICEF.  Available online: https://www.unicef.org/malawi/MLW_resources_childprotecstrategy.pdf. Accessed on 4 June 2022. Vilakazi, H. W. (1999). The problem of African universities. In M. W. Makgoba (Ed.), African renaissance. Mafube-Tafelberg. Walton, R. G., & Abo El Nasr, M. M. (1988). Indigenisation and authentisation in terms of social work in Egypt. International Social Work, 31(2), 135–144.

Chapter 17

Resources for a Practice of Anti-­discriminatory and Indigenous Social Work in the South of Spain from a Biographical Experience Roser Manzanera-Ruiz, Maria del Valle Medina-Rodriguez, and Gemma María González-García

Introduction Social work has become increasingly international and “seeks to maintain control by centralizing its authority through its international bodies” (Evetts, in Webb, 2003: 13). This chapter reflects and analyzes, from a critical social work perspective, the “Western” procedures and practices in the professional functions of social work and social intervention in Southern Spain, which have a limited application for people and communities with a colonized ancestry, and which remain in operation without being questioned (Briskman, 2008). This entails re-evaluating concepts such as egalitarianism arising from modernity and reviewing notions such as hegemony, power, and equity. In accordance with the proposal of postcolonial theory and the contributions of indigenous social work practice, the processes of social work are analyzed through a qualitative methodology, mainly semi-structured interviews and self-reflection. Various racialized personal experiences of a young mestizo university student, Manuel, are contrasted with the professional actions defined by social workers from different organizations (NGOs, social services and university). Mestizo refers to ethnic roots comprising a mix of the pre-Hispanic and European R. Manzanera-Ruiz (*) Department of Sociology, Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology and The Institute of Women’s and Gender Studies, University of Granada, Granada, Spain e-mail: [email protected] M. del Valle Medina-Rodriguez Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Work, University of Granada, Granada, Spain e-mail: [email protected] G. M. González-García Department of Political Sciences, University of Granada, Granada, Spain e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_17

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but with a prevalence of the Western. That is, descendants of indigenous people who have an essentially Western culture (Lizcano Fernández, 2005: 189), focusing on sociocultural rather than biological aspects (Moreno & Sandoval, 2013: 270–271). The impact of colonialism and capitalism on the socioeconomic conditions of indigenous people, the asymmetry of power, and police corruption can shape their perception and trust in institutions (Whyte, 2016; Burnette & Sanders, 2014), especially in victims of crime. (Caicedo, 2022). Throughout the results are revealed feelings of disappointment, frustration, abandonment, and disaffection in the face of racist aggression and the absence of professional actions using critical approaches and indigenous social work that offer a response to the victims and survivors of hate crimes. Although some of the actions are in line with anti-racist social work, all of these are carried out through the third sector. Actions from public social services, the main sector where social workers are located professionally, do not coordinate the resources, relationships, and problem-solving of local communities. In addition, the actions aimed at immigrant populations are for the management of legal or residence issues and not for problems of discrimination. In the case of the university, despite having black and indigenous students, there are no specific resources to assist this population. In relation to Manuel’s needs, such as support networks or information on resources, these are not offered, and for him as an immigrant, it is difficult to find them. We hope that this chapter contributes to improving social work in Spain and to driving forward toward more critical approaches that are in line with the current context of globalization, capable of managing cultural diversity from anti-colonial paradigms and with greater equality in the welfare process. With this objective in mind, this chapter is organized into five sections following the Introduction: The first defines the theoretical framework of critical, anti-racist, and indigenous social work; anti-racist social work; and social work in Spain. The second section explains the qualitative methodology that was used. The third part details the results that were obtained through the case of racism and violence experienced by a young mestizo, his knowledge of the social resources available, the informal support networks he could count on, and the social resources and the approach of anti-discriminatory social work in the university and student services, the community social resources, and the social work services with the immigrant population through specialized resources. The results are discussed and a conclusion is proposed.

Theoretical Framework Critical, Anti-racist, and Indigenous Social Work Social work as a profession rooted in the European context maintains certain ways of observing and intervening in social life and follows models that tend to be universalist, that is, which can be applied to all situations and contexts. These are based

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on particular universalizing ethical, ideological, and political value biases (Gray et al., 2016), and this has generated problems in certain contexts and with certain populations that range from paternalistic practices and institutional violence to new forms of colonialism. Anti-oppressive practices in social work seek to respond to power relations by confronting social divisions and processes of categorization that sustain structural inequality (Stepney & Ford, 2012). Anti-discriminatory social work is related to this concept. Some authors have defined discrimination as part of the process of oppression, linking them through the relationships of power. Criticisms of practices that fight against oppression and discrimination through social work are based on two fundamental aspects. The first has to do with the difficulties in transcending the relationships of power “inherent in professional relationships with service users” (Sakamoto & Pitner, 2005: 686); the second is related to dichotomies and binary discourses (Thompson, 2001). Other authors have criticized top-down approaches or the superficial use of seemingly neutral language (Mclaughlin, 2005). Anti-racist practices encourage resistance against forms of oppression and require social workers who understand race as a social construction or ideology in which prejudices abound, together with the essentialization of concepts that have served to legitimize inequality (Stepney & Ford, 2012). Anti-racist social intervention is any social action, systematic, formalized, organized, and planned, whose purpose is to combat or eliminate the various forms of domination based on the construct of race. Anti-racist social intervention can be carried out at different levels of intervention, be it for individual or collective subjects (groups and communities). Frequently, the type of actions that are carried out under this description includes care and advice for people who are victims of discrimination, active defense of the rights of minorities (advocacy), training, raising awareness and education in anti-­ racist matters, participatory and inclusive community action, as well as the diagnosis, planning, and evaluation of the latter, in accordance with theoretical and methodological approaches of empowerment, consensus building, creative conflict resolution, and awareness-mobilization. Similarly, there may be cases of discrimination that are not based on negative attitudes toward a certain group, but rather on the fact that their particularities have not been taken into account (as occurs in some forms of indirect discrimination) or the negative feelings may be accompanied by stereotypes of a positive nature that serve to maintain the system of domination (Buraschi & Aguilar-Idáñez, 2017; Crenshaw, 1991). Anti-racism in general and anti-racist social intervention in particular need their identity, their foundations, their methods, and their goals to be completely remodeled if they are not to remain powerless in the face of the resurgence of old ghosts that seem to be haunting Europe ever more strongly. For more than two decades in Europe, anti-racism has been criticized for being one or two generations behind racism. This is especially true for the anti-racism promoted by institutions, which tend to reduce racism to its most explicit and aggressive expressions. It is not surprising that the anti-racist discourse of the political class and the media is limited to the examples of extreme right-wing parties, to episodes of racism in football, or to the action of Nazi skinhead groups considered marginal. Anti-racism, if it wants to

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renew itself, needs to identify the new forms of racism, often far removed from the most extreme expressions. It is about recognizing “the family area” (Taguieff, 1997: 337) that brings together the new forms of racism, of thinking about racism in the plural, in its explicit forms, and in its more implicit forms, in its social and institutional dimension (Buraschi & Aguilar-Idáñez, 2017). Indigenous social work, as another of the critical and anti-oppressive approaches of the field of Social Work, also highlights the hegemonic nature of social work research and practice, proposing other useful conceptualizations for a decolonized social work practice (Rowe et al., 2015). It was in the 1990s that the concept of “indigenization” acquired relevance in the scientific literature of culturally compatible social work (Walton & Abo El Nasr, 1988). In that period Osei-Hwedie (1993) highlighted that “indigenization must start from within,” using local culture and practices of assistance as the main source of knowledge, for social work practice to be culturally appropriate and relevant” (p. 22). He further stated that indigenization involves finding new ways or revising local ideas and processes of problem-solving and service delivery. This entails understanding and coordinating the resources, relationships, and problem-solving of local communities; and the underlying ideas, philosophies, or values of the people, groups and/or communities involved (Osei-­ Hwedie, 1996: 216). Accordingly, the concept of “indigenization from without” (Yip, 2004, Watermeyer and Chung Yan, 2022) has also been discussed as a passive model in which host countries modify or extend the imported knowledge and practice in order to adapt them to the local culture and develop their own strategies to address the local problems and needs. The concept of “indigenization from within” emphasizes that theories and practical methods should develop a ground-up approach, with indigenous information as a primary source of knowledge. Indigenous social work requires a holistic understanding that, as Hart expresses it, includes “historical, social, economic, and political dynamics, as well as the mental, spiritual, emotional, and physical aspects of individuals” together with “interactions at the individual, family, group and community level,” but it also poses difficulties at the point of putting them into practice (2021: 217–272).

Anti-racist Social Work and Social Work in Spain As Gray and Coates (2016: 14) state regarding the current situation of social work and the globalization process: “it continues to fuel a crisis of relevance on at least two fronts – in relation to non-Western social work and to Indigenous social work; in other words, in relation to contexts that are trying to develop culturally relevant social work practices.” In the Spanish context, social work conforms to the values indicated by the General Council of Official Associations of Graduates in Social Work and Social Assistants in its Code of Ethics for Social Work (2012) founded on the indivisible and universal values of human dignity, freedom and equality as conceived in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, democratic institutions and the rule of law. As Pastor Seller (2013: 3) states

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it is impossible to carry out an analysis of the professional profile without linking it to the social, organizational and political context in which it is developed.

In Spain, there has not been a strong tradition of anti-discriminatory social work in general, nor of indigenous social work in particular, despite its history as a colonial empire since the fifteenth century, and despite having models of diversity management. As identified by Daniel Buraschi and Aguilar-Idáñez (2017: 4), there are still “racist barriers that are often difficult to detect and eliminate, because they are rooted in the individual and collective unconscious, and because overcoming them requires the task of sensitization, awareness-raising and personal and collective mobilization.” Accordingly, both racist debates and practices, as well as the practice of social work, are always framed in a certain historical context. Social work in Spain dates back to the relatively recent past of the twentieth century, with the institutionalization of its teachings in 1932 in the first training school in Barcelona. In the city of Granada, in southern Spain, it began much later, in 1962, with the opening of the Isabel la Católica Technical School of Social Assistants, to become a university diploma in 1988 (Morales, 2010). At present, the main professional field for social workers is in personal Social Services, but also in health, education, justice, employment, urban planning and housing, business, environment, voluntary work, culture, and leisure. Regarding social services, more than 60% carry out their activity in primary care social services. In specialized social services, the predominant sectors of activity are those related to the elderly, functional diversity, and dependent people and carers. Among the main functions they perform are information and guidance; to a lesser extent they carry out actions of prevention, assistance, planning, evaluation, supervision, and coordination; and very rarely actions of promotion, rehabilitation, management, research, teaching, and similar (ANECA, 2004; Pastor, 2013). Gray et  al. (2016: 14) ask an important question; “how can social work be culturally and context contingent while, at the same time, ‘transcending context’?” A profession serious about cultural relevance would surely want to highlight differences to reinforce its view of itself as culturally adaptable, as Ragab (1978, 1982) refers to regarding the case of Egyptian social work, but as has also been highlighted in other international contexts (Osei-Hwedie, 1993, 1996, 2002; Osei-Hwedie & Rankopo, 2008; Wang, 1998).

Methodology For this qualitative empirical research to analyze the existence and practices of anti-­ discriminatory social work resources in a city in southern Spain through the personal experience of a racialized person who suffered racism, his search for help, and his experience in this process, data were collected in 2022 using qualitative empirical research methods. The city of Granada was selected as the study area given the substantial presence of international students. The principal tools and techniques used were a field diary for collecting data on observations of occurrences, theoretical notes, and methodological problems, and semi-structured and open interviews.

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A biographical study of a young mestizo university student, whom we shall call “Manuel” for purposes of maintaining his anonymity is contrasted with the professional actions defined by social workers from different organizations. His narratives about the discrimination and racism he has experienced are shown in relation to existing social work resources in the city for anti-discriminatory and indigenous social work. For this, interviews were also carried out with different public social work organizations and private entities (Table 17.1). Through these semi-structured interviews, details of the object of study are captured, manifesting the value of a micro-perspective. A critical race methodology is used to question the often normalized and naturalized racial and racist processes, underpinned by the construction of white bodies that are defined as white supremacy and its institutions, such as social work institutions (Joseph-Salisbury, 2019). The organizations were intentionally selected to have a wide degree of diversity in the types of interventions of the different organizations and populations they serve, and thus be able to identify practices of anti-discriminatory and/or indigenous practices of social work. The self-reflection on the professional practices of the authors was carried out on their professional experiences in the field of social work and social intervention (social worker with minors in social conflict, home help social worker, social project technician), in organizations from the third sector, in a private company that provides services to the local public administration and a foundation, respectively. We understand self-reflection as Habermas (2010), in the sense of a critical mechanism that enables the process of internal questioning that allows the subject to realize a more in-depth examination of himself and his actions. Through the biographical interview, aspects were revealed relating to the aid process in general and to the actions of professionals in the context of racist aggression. This analysis allowed the various factors to be determined through the discussions of the social workers from the various organizations. We selected a young mestizo university student as a biographical experience of racism and exclusion in different institutional contexts in Granada. Understanding narratives of “othered” communities about effective action against racism provides the rationale for the Table 17.1  Organizations interviewed, functions, and population they serve Organization Third-sector NGO

Municipal Social Services University:  Student Services Office (University)  Inclusion service

Interviewees Functions (Aneca, 2004; Pastor, 2013) Social workers Information, guidance; actions of prevention, assistance, planning, evaluation, supervision, and coordination; promotion Social worker Information, guidance; to a lesser extent they carry out actions of assistance Social worker Information, guidance; actions of Inclusion prevention, assistance and coordination service staff

Population served Immigrants

General population Students

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story of this young mestizo man. Manuel is a 27-year-old mestizo man from Argentina. The selection of this interview came from a previous study where we met him. His experiences of discrimination and his lack of knowledge about social work devices that could help him have been contrasted with different support resources and how they function in the city. The contact strategy consisted in approaching him after his involvement in previous research on college students, explaining the research study, and our interest in conducting an interview. The contact strategy with the social work professionals involved arranging an appointment where the research was explained. The selection of these entities was based on achieving diversity in the public sphere, including the university, as well as third-sector organizations that provide support to the immigrant population. We asked for and secured permission from all participants to use the information obtained. The interviews were conducted individually by the authors at different times with each of the interviewees. The names of people and places have been changed to ensure the confidentiality of the data, as agreed with the interviewees. The authors are three white female researchers at different stages in their academic and professional careers. All of them have professional experiences in social intervention with different populations and origins and from different social organizations. This standpoint allowed a self-reflection on the different professional practices and the power relations they imply when working with minority populations. The first author was involved in analyzing the data and contributed to its interpretation within the theoretical framework. The second author conducted the fieldwork and interviews with social workers and also took part in analyzing the data. The third author carried out the interviews with Manuel and contributed to the analysis of the data. The transcripts of the interviews were examined to identify emerging themes and then re-examined, to interpret them in light of existing theories, specifically those on critical social work, anti-racist, and indigenous social work approaches. The transcripts were then organized, coded, and analyzed.

Results  acism and Violence in the South of Spain: The Life R Experience of a Young Mestizo Man This is a biographical experience of Manuel, a 28-year-old immigrant man, self-­ defined as mestizo, with Argentinian and Spanish nationality, and a university student. We call him “Manuel,” to maintain his anonymity. He moved to Spain in 2015, due to the economic crisis in his country. His first destination was in the north of Spain, first in San Sebastian and then in Bilbao, both cities in the Basque Country region, and where he began his university studies. After 2  years he moved to Granada, in the south of Spain, and began a new university degree, encountering

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bureaucratic and economic problems that led him to go to work in England for 7 months. Finally, he returned to Granada and resumed his undergraduate studies. He currently resides in Granada. During these 7 years, he has encountered racist experiences of all kinds, from insults to physical and psychological violence. The aggression he suffered at the hands of a group of young white men was reported to the police. However, he relates the jokes and humorous comments he received from police personnel, where he did not receive any specialized attention, for example, having a facilitator as stated in the Action Protocol of the Security Forces and Bodies for Hate Crimes and Behaviors that violate the Legal Regulations on Discrimination (2020). Frequent forms of violence and discrimination against racialized people often do not fit into the legal categories of “racism” or “sexism,” but are rather a combination of both (Crenshaw, 1991). This situation means that racialized people are frequently legally “invisible” and left without legal recourse; hence, the disaffection of our interviewee with institutions, such as the police and/or the judiciary, and educational institutions. The assault and complaint were not defined as a hate crime as set out in Article 510 of the Spanish Penal Code, which later made it difficult for the judicial process to continue. A year later, the interviewee obtained evidence for the complaint: names and photographs of the aggressors, recording from the bar where it happened, and testimony from witnesses, but none of it was considered because a year had passed since the filing of the first complaint. Manuel shows a significant disaffection toward the Security Forces and Bodies and defines the action by the police as negligent. On going to the emergency room, the day after the attack, they did not take any X-rays of his nose, despite the fact that in another medical consultation, they informed him that the blows received, specifically to the nose, could have been fatal. At the hospital, he encountered administrative difficulties and refusals to access his medical history, as well as skepticism about the veracity of the facts he reported: I explained [to the nurse] that I didn’t do anything, that they hit me, and she tried to understand why what had happened had happened. I explained to her that I didn’t do anything, that they hit me and she said: “you must have said something or you must have hit them.” And it was none of that. Perhaps that is why, making the racist violence that I suffered invisible, they forgot to take my X-ray, which was very important [as evidence for the trial].

Later, he received denials from the forensic medical professional who treated him: “Look, I don’t have time for these problems” and she left. In other words, the only thing she did was to take my papers, she didn’t even take all of them, she only took one of all the papers that I gave her. She stood up and walked away, and I had to go after her begging her to look at the other papers, but she didn’t want to look at them. What happened? The first paper she looked at stated that I went to the emergency room, but the doctor who saw me in the emergency room did not take an X-ray [...] I had also gone to the psychiatrist because of all this, and she also refused to look at those papers.

For its part, the court did not tell him anything about the judicial process, he states, because they forgot to notify me, a fact that was later acknowledged by a court official. This error meant that deadlines were exceeded leading to the undermining of criminal proceedings. Subsequently, the case was dismissed due to these facts and, according to the Court, because the names of those accused were not available from

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the first moment, despite having evidence of who they had been, evidence that was not considered because it was submitted after the deadline. The interviewee used a court-appointed lawyer, but later, he retained a couple of private lawyers. Finally, he was unable to continue with the civil proceedings due to a lack of financial resources. Moreover, he describes discriminatory experiences in the university environment after the aggression, both from the faculty and from students, where he expected to find more sympathy and understanding: I was discriminated against. I had a teacher who, after telling him about the aggression I suffered, told me well, look, you must have done something, right? The reading I made of that was: “Look, you’re dark skinned, it looks like you like to party maybe... you did something to get hit.”

The aggression left him with significant physical consequences that made it impossible for him to carry out his academic tasks: I did not receive any type of help, I did not see any type of consideration, on the contrary, I felt that my colleagues, male and female, were disrespectful, that they did not care about my case.

He has also experienced daily racism in access to essential resources such as housing, or in daily interactions with other people: Before, when I was looking for another house, I went to see it and the owner, who was an elderly person, looked at me and did not want to rent me. He didn’t even want to take me upstairs to see the house. Probably also because of where I’m from. He became nervous, hesitant and I noticed he was uncomfortable and of course! he didn’t want to rent to me, he didn’t want to show me the house for reasons that I believe to be racist and discriminatory.

Manuel is conscious of the existence of white privileges, promoted through the Spanish media. After the aggression, this consciousness has increased. He feels discriminated against, less important, and thinks that if he were a white boy, of German nationality, tall, he would inspire greater respect and he would not feel this way: It’s obvious that people who are whiter, blonder, have more privileges, right? They are more popular, no matter how much someone tries, being dark-skinned, in the end they always have more privileges, what the media shows you are white, fair-haired people... and that’s it. The truth is that in that sense I didn’t feel… I mean, I didn’t feel discriminated against on a personal level, but on a social level. In other words, I didn’t feel that someone came and called me “shitty black man” or something like that, but rather that, more than anything, it is the system itself that causes it.

The consequence of this person’s whole experience is a feeling of helplessness or institutional abandonment toward him, mainly after the aggression, but also helplessness on a social level. This produces in him a desire to flee from the context in which he experienced the aggression, but also from the country itself. He speaks of a flight to the north of Spain (where he identifies different elements in terms of discrimination) or to the Netherlands, which he considers a more advanced country than Spain. Paradoxically, he expresses the following view on Spain: I believe that we as immigrants and Latin Americans see Spain as very advanced, not only economically but also socially. We have a very, very, very favorable impression of Spain. In my case, I have also felt a little disappointed with other Latin Americans I have spoken with.

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This disappointment is caused by unfulfilled expectations of Spain as a welcoming country with immigrants in general and with Latin Americans in particular, because of the history that unites us. It is a disappointment that, in a generalized way, extends to civil society and public authorities. Moreover, he had hoped not to have such difficulty finding work in a “first world” country, belonging to the European Union. Further elements of the feelings of helplessness are the physical and emotional consequences of the aggression: Nothing has been done and it is something that makes me feel abandoned by the institutions themselves. This feeling is strong, that they could have killed you, and that nobody cares anything about it, institutionally. For me it led to damage to my morale and a loss of confidence in the system.

 nowledge of Available Social Resources and Other K Necessary Resources He knew of the resources available at the University of Granada, such as the Psycho-­ pedagogical Office, the medical facility, and the university canteens, among others, and expressed his intention to go to a psychological care facility. Despite knowing about these resources, he said that students are generally unaware of them. Thus, for example, another of the resources that came up in the interview was the scholarships for college students, of which he was unaware, as he said he only knew about regional and state university scholarships. He identified a lack of resources in three areas: on an economic level, emotional and health support. Furthermore, he understood that these are resources that the welfare state should provide, though this is not always the case. He proposed that there should be a philosophical approach and a non-Western or non-traditional lifestyle. It is here that he referred to the lack of an intercultural perspective in order, on the one hand, to have an anti-discriminatory perspective with respect to cultures other than Western ones and, on the other hand, at the level of personal growth that is related to the latter, but at a more individual or micro level.

Informal Networks Family and friends are his two main and permanent support groups. Currently, his family is a support, mainly his mother. The absence of a family network in Spain made it difficult for him to cope emotionally with the period after the physical assault. In fact, he thinks of that moment in his life as being totally alone. He expressed similar sentiments when speaking of helplessness. He also speaks of his “family in Spain,” a family of Peruvian-Venezuelans in Bilbao, who have supported him and whom he considers as friends, like a second family. Similarly, another

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support that he had in his first months in Spain was a family of Peruvians known to his father, who he stayed with in San Sebastian. He also identified the presence of networks of friends as a limited emotional support, but at the same time, he pointed out the need for deep and professional emotional support. In addition, he mentioned a university group at the UPV (University of the Basque Country), comprising a professor and racialized students, and that he still maintains contact with one of these students: It was a support and it was stimulating to talk to racialized people, and from my own continent, for example, the Paraguayan girl, who I was very friendly with.

He considers that he could have expanded his networks with this group, or that he could have relied on them (in the form of advice and help) for some problems he had. This is the second support group that he had in the Basque Country, together with the Peruvian-Venezuelan family. To a lesser extent from time to time, he has had support from roommates and co-­workers, and an association to share and raise awareness on racist aggression, as well as provide contact with a lawyer and support to raise funds. However, he realized that the first two networks, family and friends, were the ones he could really count on consistently, although the element of physical distance makes it difficult to use them to meet his needs (emotional support, receiving care) in specific and concrete circumstances, as was the case of the aggression. The most immediate networks, being the Peruvian-Venezuelan family and the university group as the most significant, have worked in a complementary way to these.

 ocial Resources and the Anti-discriminatory Social S Work Approach The University and Student Services Social care from the university is principally managed by two Vice-Rectorates: that of Equality, Inclusion, and Sustainability and that of Students and Employability. The first of these is in charge of organizing the resources and activities related to the social dimension and sustainable development of all people who are part of the educational community: teachers, administration and services staff, and students. In general, its actions are aimed at achieving inclusion and equality, fundamentally in terms of gender and of people with disabilities and with other specific needs for educational support (Universidad de Granada). However, no service has been identified that specifically assists those who suffer discrimination based on race, ethnicity, or culture and which uses an anti-oppressive, anti-discriminatory, or indigenous social work approach: No, we fundamentally work with people with functional diversity and also with women who suffer harassment or gender violence. I don’t know if perhaps the student social care office has a specific program (a staff member from the Vice-Rectorate for Equality, Inclusion and Sustainability).

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The Student Social Assistance Office is located in the Vice-Rectorate for Students and Employability. This service is staffed by social workers, and its functions are to inform, guide and advise university students on existing social rights and resources (Univerisdad de Granada UGR). Various programs are carried out by this student care service, specifically: the social assistance program, aimed at students with economic difficulties and who do not have a scholarship; emergency food aid for students in vulnerable situations; the social intervention program for students with disabilities; the program to house young students with older people; and the health district protocol for foreign students with specific health problems, intended for students from countries outside the European Union or from countries with which there is no bilateral health care agreement (Universidad de Granada). This service does not provide any resources, programs, or activities aimed specifically at the racialized and/or indigenous population, and despite being a service that has been in development for 30  years, they have never received any request from people who could be suffering some type of discrimination based on their country of origin or race: I haven’t seen that situation in the time I’ve been here and we assist people of all nationalities more or less with problems with vocabulary, communication... well, I don’t know, from Morocco, now from Ukraine, from Russia, from Morocco from… Not up to now. I don’t know if the Inclusion service…no, I haven’t encountered this situation of being discriminated against or suffering a situation because of skin color or…I haven’t seen it (Student Services Office, SAC social worker).

And if they were to encounter it in the future, they suggest that they would resort to other university services: For me, if he came to me today and I was alone and didn’t know what to do, I would call inclusion, okay? That’s what I would do. I would tell them if this situation occurred, if this person told me that they have suffered this situation, that is where I would make inquiries (SAC social worker).

Social Work Through Community Resources For public social services systems, the provision of social work and social care are generally organized into two levels of care: community social services and specialized social services (Seller, 2013). In Spain, community services are the gateway to the public social care system. Through them are dispensed information, assessment and advice services, home help services, social cooperation to promote the creation of associations and coexistence and social reintegration focused on the search for alternatives to internment and institutionalization (Rodríguez, 2003). The resources or programs that are offered by the community social services to the immigrant population are fundamentally focused on legal advice, dispensed by lawyers in matters of documentation regularization (residence permits, work permits), and the social services that carry out the so-called “informes de arrigo” (“embedding reports”). This is one of the documents necessary for an immigrant to

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obtain a residence permit. The report, issued by the social worker, specifically certifies the residence of the person in a certain municipality and that he or she participates in different programs aimed at their “social integration” (learning the Spanish language, taking training courses and job search, etc.). These community social services provide no assistance based on the anti-­ discriminatory, anti-oppressive, or indigenous social work model. This omission is based on the consideration that the discrimination that people from other places, of other races, may have been fundamentally due to the situations of economic vulnerability that they might face: We believe that immigrants find themselves in a situation of disadvantage or inequality precisely because they are without economic resources, without work, without housing... (Social worker CMSSSS).

Therefore, intervention from social work is aimed at improving their legal situation, economic situation, housing, etc.: Our intervention with the immigrant population, although with slight differences, is the same as what we do with any other person who finds themselves in a situation of vulnerability (CMSSSS social worker).

 ocial Work with the Immigrant Population Through S Specialized Resources The requirements of specific groups are supplied by the specialized social services. These are services that may be delivered by the public administration or by the organizations that form the third sector. They are aimed primarily at the female population, children and young people, the elderly, the disabled, homelessness or drug abuse and addictions, among others, and include both technical and monetary assistance and material resources (Rodríguez, 2003; Seller, 2013). In the south of Spain, assistance for people from other countries, of other ethnicities, cultures, and races, is essentially offered through the resources, mechanisms, and aids that are provided to the immigrant population. Within these resources, the assistance is chiefly provided by non-profit organizations financed by the public administration or financial organizations, and they develop different programs and actions. One of the most representative and that has been analyzed in this research is the Asociación Granada Acoge (NGO Granada Acoge), which is part of the Federación Andalucía Acoge1 (Andalusia Welcome Federation). This organization has been operating for more than 30 years in Granada and was established on the identification of a need for assistance for the foreign population: Granada Acoge was founded in 1987, developed from real life experience in the city, and the need to assist the foreign population... there is a group of people who see it as necessary that, in addition to the resources that may exist for the population in general, this specific characteristic is addressed, that is, of these foreigners (Social worker 1, NGO).

 Andalucía Acoge (Sf). https://stoprumores.com/

1

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Their actions are continually being adapted, depending on the new needs that this population presents: Over time, different needs and situations appear, when sometimes you give way, and other times you are asked to intervene, and that is where real life is happening, the reality of ex-­ students, for example, too, so these are issues that maybe twenty years ago weren’t brought up like this, so we are always quite mindful of this, of this real life and of these situations (Social worker 1, NGO).

This organization carries out various projects and actions that address the different situations of vulnerability that the immigrant population faces: General Assistance for the Migrant Population serves needs at a wide-ranging level: housing, children and young people, legal aid and advice both in the city and in the province are provided. Although, in December 2021, legal advice in the province was ended, specifically linked to the Diputación (county council). Then we have programs for ex-students, the international protection program for applicants for international protection, free Spanish classes for the migrant population without means... (Social worker 2, NGO).

Focusing on anti-discriminatory social work and on the actions that are developed through this approach in this organization, it should first be noted that they participate in programs and activities aimed at the fight against racism and issues of hate mainly through two actions. On the one hand, through their participation in networks and platforms whose purpose is political advocacy: The Granada network for refuge and welcome, which is a platform for political advocacy where a total of 42 groups come together, if I’m not mistaken, social organizations as well as dependent people, unions... And, well, a lot of effort is made for, well, this demand for the dignified welcome of immigrant people (Social worker 2, NGO).

And secondly, through its participation in the Stop Rumors program, an initiative in which various organizations and individuals come together with the aim of “combating negative and uncertain rumors that hinder coexistence in diversity” (Andalucia Acoge NGO): Then there is also STOP RUMORS, which is a program that is also carried out at the federation level that operates, well, giving training, it is run in the social work college here in Granada, it is run in institutes, so it is like creating anti-rumor agents (Social worker 1, NGO).

Through this organization, although they do not explicitly receive requests from people who may be suffering from a situation of discrimination, they have detected in their interventions that there are cases in which discrimination is clear: Yes, well, let’s see it is always there, there is always discrimination, there is always racism. There are young men who talk to you about a more blatant racism or discrimination and there are other boys or other people where you have to dig a little deeper and eventually it ends up coming out... So, well, one of the things that we see the most in terms of discrimination and we talk about it a lot, it is with the administration itself…. In short, because of their particular situation, well, people who have the right to, and yet don’t, because they can’t exercise that right... and then of course another, another key aspect is the issue of housing. In housing there is a lot of discrimination. As soon as they see you’re calling from a pro-­ immigrant association, right? Straight away they tell you that they are not interested (Social worker 2, NGO).

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These are situations that either very clearly or in a more veiled way demonstrate situations of discrimination suffered by some of the people served by this organization and on which they give assistance with support and legal advice: We are very limited, yes, we are very limited. It is also something that, I mean, I don’t know, it is something that will never be recognized, at an institutional level, it will never be recognized that there is discrimination based on race or origin... so it is good to encourage and support the person to make a formal complaint through the established channels, incidents, many times through these platforms themselves and then even in writing to the Defensor del pueblo (High Commissioner) (Social worker 2, NGO).

This limitation stems, in their experience, from the fact that the people themselves have integrated this reality into their daily lives and are perhaps not aware of the discriminatory or racist treatment they have suffered: Also, you see, it’s that people like you have said very clearly before, they feel very integrated, right? And it’s that many people are also very vulnerable due to their documentary situation, they don’t have the possibility of filing a complaint because they don’t have the possibility of facing a legal case, they do not have the documentation, they are in the dark, so to speak, aren’t they? they are in the shadow. And then, it’s that, straightaway, they assume that they have to live with it (Social worker 2, NGO).

Finally, it is important to highlight the situation experienced by many of the people who are assisted by this organization in terms of contacts and integration with people of the same origin, as fundamental aspects in the construction of their identity and in the establishment of support. Given this situation, there have been two main findings. Firstly, like the former aspect, it is not one of the issues that the population served usually asks for: It’s also complicated, that they tell us about this kind of perception here, right? Although it happens when you join, when you continue with a work plan, right? (Social worker 3, NGO). And it may be very complex to interpret it and make it visible, because they come for other issues, right? (Social worker 1, NGO). Yes, it is evident, and we also return to basics, if you do not have your food and your house covered, you do not stop to think if you are better or worse emotionally. It is a matter of needs. And there are also, often, people who, because of their origin, because of their education, for whatever reason, because of a thousand variables, don’t know how to identify what’s happening to them either, they simply are as they are and they push on, as you said, they push on and then I’ll have time to … (Social worker 2, NGO).

And secondly, like the work of this kind, even though it is not on the agenda, it is taken into account within a more global intervention: I do, but it’s not something that I intended to be a big part of my work... they are things that come out and I’m talking about it, I’m talking about it with her ah, well look, well you can do this, well you can do that, right? Or activities... I deal with it in my program that, for example, there are many training techniques and I try with that, right? (Social worker 3, NGO). Within International Protection, yes, at some point there has been contact with the Senegalese association, with the Moroccan association, work for integration, or with AVAM, the Venezuelan association friends of the world, where quite a lot of people have come from. In short, yes there is, but I think that, as Cristina says, it is something that is done but it is not a central point, that it is not a super-priority objective (Social worker 3, NGO).

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Discussion and conclusions The results obtained after the interviews and the analysis, carried out using different mechanisms and existing resources, as well as the personal experience of a young immigrant university student, self-defined as mestizo, reveals significant divergences between the needs experienced and the responses to them on part of the various social work organizations (see Tables 17.2 and 17.3). After analysis we found two fundamental reasons for this: on the one hand, the limited tradition of Spanish social work in critical approaches has generated a lack of self-critical reflection of professional practices; on the other hand, the epistemological lack of knowledge, on the part of social workers, on indigenous social work impedes its practical application, since it requires specific training that currently does not exist in the curricula of social workers. The few existing resources are located in the private sector and the public sectors do not report this type of aggression and specific needs, nor do they carry out, in their work agenda, any actions of a collective nature of intervention, of Table 17.2  Manuel’s needs and resources Needs and feelings of the student attacked

Actions or resources identified that could have helped him

Disappointment, frustration, misunderstanding Abandonment Institutional disaffection Feel part of the community Networks and support groups Knowledge of resources Anti-discriminatory perspective with respect to cultures other than Western cultures and, on the other hand, at the level of personal growth that is related to the former, but at a more individual or micro level.

Table 17.3  Type of organization and critical approaches to social work

Critical self-reflection process of Organization social workers? UGR (University There is no awareness of receiving of Granada) or identifying any discriminatory or racist experience. There is no knowledge of how to act in such cases GA (NGO Yes, there are cases of Granada Acoge) discrimination though not reported in the first person, but detected by the Social Workers. Action is taken in these cases Municipal Center Dedicated exclusively to of Social Services documentation management (CMSSSS)

Practice of anti-­ discriminatory, anti-oppressive social work? Yes

Practices of indigenous social work? No

Yes  Information  Advocacy

No

No

No

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denunciation, or of including an indigenous, anti-discriminatory or anti-oppressive approach in their interventions. In addition, there is a perception that the difficulties presented by immigrant, racialized, and/or indigenous populations can be resolved through public social services by means of documentation management actions to cover their basic needs and legal regularization in our country. Their problems of discrimination or processes of support or interactions between social worker/user/ family/community are not specifically addressed (Hart, 2021). In the university environment, despite having black and/or indigenous students, there are no specific resources or approaches that take into account the values, cultures, and traditions to assist this population. And although no one has been detected who may be experiencing situations of specific discrimination based on ethnicity, nor is there any proposal for the implementation of mechanisms, plans, or actions that can address these situations, which, as has been exposed with the experience of Manuel, do exist. In relation to the needs expressed by Manuel, there are greater support networks, a feeling of belonging, and more information from specialized resources. However, these are also insufficient, and it is difficult for him to find resources. There are neither anti-discriminatory and/or indigenous approaches nor anti-discriminatory and/or indigenous resources through university student care mechanisms or through public social services. Certainly, there is greater intervention of this type from private organizations that, through the different services and actions they develop, facilitate the establishment of support networks among the immigrant population. Similarly, through these services, situations of discrimination have indeed been detected, and interventions of support and legal guidance have been provided, whenever people so wish. It is essential to advance the inclusion of critical approaches in the curricula of social workers, who will design social policies and programs and will directly serve increasingly diverse populations, in order to fulfill the principle of social justice that characterizes social work. Similarly, the design of social intervention projects in the private sector must incorporate an anti-discriminatory perspective for a critical (re) vision of professional practices.

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Seller, E. P. (2013). Situación actual del trabajo social en España: un estudio necesario en España. Servicios Sociales y Política Social, 103, 111–119. Stepney, P., & Ford, D. (Eds.). (2012). Social work models, methods and theories: A framework for practice (2nd ed.). Russell House. Taguieff, P. A. (1997). Le racisme. Flammarion. Thompson, N. (2001). Anti discriminatory practise. Mcmillan. Universidad de Granada (Sf). https://viis.ugr.es/informacion/presentacion Universidad de Granada (Sf). https://ve.ugr.es/servicios/atencion-­social/informacion Walton, R. G., & Abo El Nasr, M. M. (1988). Indigenization and authentization in terms of social work in Egypt. International Social Work, 31(2), 135–144. Wang, S. B. (1998). Zhongguo shehui fuli xin dongli: Zhongguo shehui gongzuo de fazhan [New force in Chinese social welfare: The development of Chinese social work]. In S.  B. Wang, J. Tan, P. L. Leung, & T. K. Mok (Eds.), Zhongguo Shehui Fuli [Chinese social welfare] (in Chinese). Zhong Hua. Watermeyer T. D., & Chung Yan, M. (2022). Indigenization without ‘Indigeneity’: Problematizing the Discourse of Indigenization of Social Work in China. The British Journal of Social Work, 52(3), 1511–1528. Webb, S. (2003). Local orders and global chaos in social work. European Journal of Social Work, 6(2), 191–204. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369145032000144449 Whyte, K. P. (2016). Is it colonial déjà vu? Indigenous peoples and climate injustice. In Humanities for the environment (pp. 102–119). Routledge. Yip, K. (2004). The empowerment model: A critical reflection of empowerment in Chinese culture. Social Work, 49(3), 479–487.

Chapter 18

Indigenizing Social Work with Older People in Africa: Issues, Trends, and Implications for Practice Charles Kiiza Wamara and Janestic Twikirize

Introduction The notion of “indigenous people” in Africa remains unclear and debated, unlike in Canada, New Zealand, and Australia where there is a clear history of colonialism that spawned awareness of indigenous (e.g., Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders) and dominant groups (i.e., Euro-Americans). African scholars continue to reject internationally provided definitions of indigenous people as reflecting imperialist perspectives and excluding African and Asian people who have undergone colonization (Adefarakan, 2011; Chilisa, 2012; Emeagwali & Sefa Dei, 2014). For instance, the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous People’s (UNWGIP) understanding of indigenous people has been heavily criticized for presenting indigenous people as people who live “more in conformity with their particular social, economic and cultural customs and traditions than with the institutions of the country of which they now form part” (UNWGIP, 1972/1983). This definition fails to recognize that some communities have been completely uprooted from their cultures and families, especially those in urban areas with no knowledge of their ancestral rural cultures, yet are still indigenous people (Mapara, 2017). The UNWGIP’s description seems to suggest that when individuals cease to conform to their social, economic, and cultural customs and traditions, they lose their indigeneity. In C. K. Wamara (*) Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Social Work and Social Administration, Kabale University, Kabale, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] J. Twikirize Department of Social Work and Social Administration, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_18

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addition, some writers maintain that our understanding of indigenous people should not be constructed within a Western-centric hegemonic understanding and be imposed on all groups across time and space (Emeagwali & Sefa Dei, 2014). Following the argument that indigenous people themselves prefer to define who they are, there is growing acceptance among African writers of colonization as a common denominator for understanding and defining indigenous people since indigenous people predate colonialism. Therefore, all people in Africa who originated in the continent before the colonization process of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are indigenous peoples (Breidlid & Krøvel, 2020; Gray et al., 2013; Mapara, 2017; Wamara et al., 2022a). This excludes all whites and non-whites (e.g., Arabs in the Maghreb, Dutch, and Indians) who trace their ancestry to continents other than Africa. Like Ryser et  al. (2017), we agree that indigenous people are distinct cultural and political societies colonized, for example, by European kingdoms, Chinese imperial dynasties, and Arabic Emirates from the thirteenth to twentieth centuries. Informed by this analogy, in this chapter, we consider all people aged 60 years and over in Africa as indigenous older people, excluding all whites and non-whites as indicated above. While the chronological age concept does not necessarily fit African practice in defining an older person, we note that most countries in the continent have adopted 60 years as the threshold of old age in their legal policy documents. However, we are cognizant that this fixed threshold may not necessarily imply old age, but rather denote retirement and the age at which those who have been in formal employment begin to receive a pension. In Africa, aging is ascribed more to change in social roles and the roles people perform in society. Old age is also constructed in line with the loss of roles accompanying physical and cognitive decline (Kowal & Dowd, 2001). Therefore, the functional age dimension is commonly used, especially in rural Africa, rather than chronological age. Some social definitions of old age in Africa are also linked to experience, memories, authority, and wisdom. For instance, in most African societies, an “older person” is a member of the community with good judgment and wisdom and whom young people look to when making decisions (Mouton & Southerland, 2017). Precisely, older people are seen as custodians of the people’s culture, owners of the homes, social reformers, storytellers, and mediators (Ajala, 2017). In addition, having children, grandchildren, and great-­ grandchildren is seen as another common denominator for defining old age in Africa. The descriptions and perceptions of old age shift as people age. In the last two decades, the incidence of HIV/AIDS, declining extended family and intergenerational ties, and dwindling income generation have certainly changed the perception of aging and the roles of older people in Africa. It is apparent that in contemporary African society, people younger than 60 years may well be considered “older” for assuming roles associated with older people. Generally, it is important to consider a combination of social, functional, and chronological dimensions when defining old age in Africa.

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Contemporary Issues of Aging in Africa Africa, though the youngest continent globally, is unprecedentedly aging partly due to good nutrition, disease control, and falling fertility and mortality rates among older age groups. In 2020, Africa’s older population (>60 years) was reported to be 74 million and was projected to triple to 235 million by 2050 (U.S. Census Bureau, International Database, 2019). That would obviously surpass the older population of North America and Latin America and approach that of Europe. In 2020, 18 African countries each had more than a million older people, and by 2050, the number of African countries with more than a million older people will double to 36 (He et al., 2020). Currently, Nigeria has the largest number of older people (10.9 million) in Africa and the nineteenth-largest older population in the world. While these figures portray a small share of older people, the absolute number of older people is huge and a concern to Africa’s national governments. Amidst current aging trends, older people in Africa continue to face a myriad of socioeconomic challenges that threaten their well-being and general life satisfaction.

Poverty Key challenges include poverty, which is hampering older people across the continent in meeting their basic needs. Older people are among the social groups hardest hit by poverty, especially in the Sub-Saharan region. A low level or lack of education has been primarily blamed for poverty and its deleterious effects among older populations. Studies show that in some Sub-Saharan countries, about 9 in 10 older people aged 60  years and older have no formal education (He et  al., 2020). For instance, in Burkina Faso (95.6%), Ethiopia (86.5%), and Mali (89.7%), most older people have no formal education. The situation is worse among older women due to the tradition of enrolling more boys than girls in schools. Other reasons for the surging poverty among older people include physical degeneration and frailty, low entrepreneurial abilities, accumulated interpersonal losses, unemployment, and the gradual decline of the traditional safety net of the extended family (Dhemba, 2014; Nandy & Pomati, 2015; World Bank, 2018). Undoubtedly, poverty is creating hardships and depriving older people of quality of life. For instance, poverty is responsible for the multiple-generation households in which most (59.6%) older people live without proper care (He et al., 2020), increasing the risk of abuse and neglect (Wamara, 2021). Poverty further affects older people by depriving them of access to basic services including education, health services, clean water, and utilities, leading to poor quality of life. In addition, older people are the worst hit by food insecurity and poor nutrition, mainly due to poverty and declining physical function (Ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development, 2009). They mainly eat carbohydrates and have only one meal a day, which predisposes them to malnutrition and ill health.

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Furthermore, the majority of older people in Africa are concentrated in rural areas where poverty is rife, entrepreneurial opportunities are limited, ill health is common, and health services are inadequate, all of which affect their well-being. Research indicates that the size of that majority varies from 90% or more in Rwanda and Malawi to 50–60% in Mauritius, Ghana, Angola, Côte D’Ivoire, and Sudan (He et al., 2020; King et al., 2016). It is also a common practice in Sub-Saharan Africa for people, as they age, to migrate back to rural areas. For example, data on older Africans’ migration patterns indicate a 4% annual rate of out-migration among older urban slum dwellers in Nairobi (Falkingham et al., 2012), a rate much higher than that of in-migration to urban centers. The concentration of older people in rural areas culminates in abuse and neglect, abandonment, and isolation as young people migrate to urban areas in search of economic opportunities. Besides deficits in the availability of care and support for older people, this migration pattern adds responsibilities to older people as caregivers for children whose parents have moved to urban areas.

HIV/AIDS and Ill Health Older people in the Sub-Saharan region remain among the people most affected by HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS has led to a missing generation, and older people often live with and take care of their grandchildren in the absence of their parents, who have died of HIV/AIDS.  More than 30% of such households are found in Lesotho, Malawi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zambia, where there is a high prevalence of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division [UNDESA-PD], 2019b). In Uganda, 13.7% (2.1 million) of the children who would ordinarily have been raised by their parents are under the care of older people (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2013/2014). Older people in this situation have been forced to take up informal businesses to generate income to support them in this new role. This exposes them to other challenges such as financial exploitation and abuse since some of them cannot write and read. In addition, older people are acquiring HIV in old age, largely because HIV prevention programs do not include older people among the at-risk populations (Wamara & Carvalho, 2019). It is partly for this reason that safe practices such as condom use have been found to be less prevalent in older people (Rosenberg et  al., 2017). Moreover, in some instances, the negative attitude toward older people remarrying forces them to engage in secret sexual encounters, which exposes them to HIV infection. Relatedly, older people in Africa continue to grapple with ill health. Noncommunicable diseases continue to dominate the list of diseases causing death among the older population. Studies in the region identify cardiovascular diseases as among the top diseases leading to older people’s death (Keates et al., 2017; Yuyun et al., 2020). Other health problems facing the older population include diabetes, stroke, cancer, hypertension, oral diseases, dementia, injuries, asthma, trachoma

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and blindness, malaria, and diarrhea and dysentery. What is more disheartening is that despite a greater burden of illness, older people continue to face difficulties in accessing health services? In Uganda, older people reported lack of medical attention and being discriminated against in health centers and hospitals, with many saying they had been dismissively told they were suffering from diseases of old age (Wamara et al., 2021). Older people also complained about health workers prescribing drugs and asking them to buy from private pharmacies despite their limited financial resources. They also face the challenge of transport to health centers since they cannot afford transportation fees. This explains the low health service utilization among the older population (Aboderin & Beard, 2015). The problem of ill health is aggravated by the fact that most government-supported health centers in Africa are not well resourced financially and their staff have inadequate skills to handle the noncommunicable diseases that affect older people (Frost et al., 2015; Wandera, 2017). Health workers also have limited training in geriatrics. Poverty-­ related ill health among older people lowers their productivity, leading to further poverty and dependence.

Weak Social Protection Systems Older people’s well-being in Africa continues to be threatened by weak social protection systems. First, they are inadequately covered by formal social security interventions since few have worked in formal employment. It is important to note that 86% of the employment in Sub-Saharan Africa exists within the informal sector (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2018). Thus, less than one-fourth of the older people in Sub-Saharan Africa are covered by pensions (He et al., 2020). This means that most older people on the continent lack secure livelihoods, which puts them at risk of old-age poverty, vulnerability, and marginalization. Second, the traditional social support systems that have guaranteed care and oversight for older people in Africa are increasingly declining due to the social effects of globalization, urbanization, and HIV/AIDS.  Besides exacerbating vulnerability, isolation, and loneliness, this has forced older people into petty trade and menial jobs where they are exploited and abused. In African tradition, the kinship system safeguarded older people from social and economic insecurity.

Gender Inequalities Gender inequalities still exist across the Sub-Saharan region as a result of patrilineal societal organization. Older women are the most affected by this setup; for example, the patriarchal system prevents them from owning land, which not only disenfranchises them but also places them in a precarious situation characterized by poverty, marginalization, and vulnerability. This situation is exacerbated by the gendered

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nature of education, employment, and care responsibilities, which hinders women from taking pensionable jobs. In addition, due to unequal household power relations, older widows tend to be marginalized in terms of access to, ownership of, and control over household resources. In Uganda only 7% (Acidri, 2014), in Kenya less than 7% (Munda, 2018), and in Nigeria, only 10% of landowners are women (Council on Foreign Relations, 2019). The gendered nature of education accounts not only for high levels of illiteracy but also for low access to pensionable jobs among older women. It is also reported in several studies that older women are more exposed to harassment, disrespect, financial abuse, discrimination, rape, and neglect (Atata, 2019; Cadmus et al., 2015; Wamara et al., 2021). Across Africa, age affects women and men differently, and there are typically more older widows than widowers (Dube, 2021).

Elder Abuse and Neglect Elder abuse and neglect is a significant challenge that older people in Africa are grappling with, though it is still ignored in the public discourse. A growing body of literature indicates that members of the older population are abused through witchcraft accusations, abandonment, neglect, and property stripping. In Ghana, for example, the government created “witches’ camps” to provide safety and protection to older people accused of witchcraft (Malmedal & Anyan, 2020). Media stories report that in Kenya, particularly in Kilifi County, 102 older people were killed on suspicion of witchcraft from 2013 to 2014 (Gogineni, 2014). In Nigeria as well, older women are accused of witchcraft, for which they are assaulted and ostracized (Atata, 2019). This social ill stems from a range of factors including deculturalization, poverty and economic vulnerability, socio-structural changes caused by youth unemployment, urbanization, rural–urban migration, drug and alcohol abuse, widowhood and inheritance issues, abusive past relationships, ageist beliefs, and gender differences (Aboderin & Hatendi, 2013; Cadmus et  al., 2015). Other challenges include difficulties in accessing clean and safe water. Older people in rural areas who are unable to trek long distances to fetch water end up using unsafe sources of water, which affects their health. The use of pit latrines also disfavors older people, who have difficulties squatting, leading to poor environmental sanitation.

Changing Trends in Sub-Saharan Africa Since 1960 tremendous emphasis has been placed on modernization as a guiding philosophy for the development of African countries. Support for this paradigm was premised on the development processes of the West (Miescher et al., 2014). To date, African nations and their economies have undergone and are still undergoing significant socioeconomic, political, and cultural transformations, some of which have

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greatly affected the older population. While countries in the Global South have reportedly achieved social and economic progress through modernization, they are also being challenged by the increasingly declining traditional social support for older people and other vulnerable groups. Modernization has encompassed a shift from traditional to modern forms of production, governance, and social life, which has also ushered in new trends such as globalization, migration, urbanization, commercialism, formal education, and individualism. These trends have chaotically altered the kinship systems through which older people were formerly cared for and supported. In pre-modern Africa, the extended family, clan kinship networks, and mutual aid societies were the main sources of support and care for sick and aged individuals (Mouton & Southerland, 2017; Okoye, 2012; Wamara et al., 2022b). Africa is urbanizing, with the latest research showing that by 2050, it will be the fastest urbanizing continent (UNDESA-PD, 2019a). The same report noted a gradual increase in the urban population from 14.3% in 1950 to 31.5% in 1990 and then 42.5% in 2018. This urbanization has been precipitated by natural population growth and rural–urban migration. Available data show that many of the people who migrate from rural to urban areas are young people in search of economic opportunities. As of 2017, 36% of households in Nigeria, 48% in Uganda, 49% in Burkina Faso, 65% in Kenya, and 55% in Senegal counted at least one migrated member (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 2017). Paradoxically, while young people migrate to cities and urban centers, older people remain in rural areas. A high percentage of geographical immobility in later life has been reported in Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, and Mali, with over 90% of the older people having stayed in the same locality for over 10  years (He et  al., 2020). The migration of young people has culminated in single-person households for older people, a scenario that never existed before. UNDESA-PD (2017) discovered that 13.3% of adults aged 80 and over lived in single-person households, with older women being more affected by this new trend. While the rural–urban migration of young people makes sense economically, it has interfered with family and community resilience, leading to shortfalls in the care of older people. This is because as people move to urban centers, they form nuclear households whose needs they feel obliged to meet, leaving other family members without support. Due to rural–urban migration, older people have been forced to undertake new roles such as taking care of children whose parents have migrated (Schatz & Seeley, 2015; Wamara et al., 2021). The migration of young people has not only dismantled the traditional African social welfare systems based on traditions of intergenerational exchange and reciprocity but has also increased the risk of the abuse and neglect of older people as they are rendered geographically isolated. Formal education and technological advances, though important in enhancing longevity and good health, have equally changed the “old is gold” tradition in which older people were viewed as the font of knowledge. Their cultural knowledge made them conflict mediators, advisors, counselors, and guides on raising children and on maternal and reproductive health. Young people and families depended on older people for advice and decision-making, for which they were revered. They were consulted in times of calamities and other crises, such as war, famine, and

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disease. These roles, however, have been replaced with formal education that inculcates modern theories and perspectives to explain such occurrences. Now young people consult professional counselors, Google, social media, and schools for solutions to their challenges. Furthermore, the HIV/AIDS pandemic continues to undermine the family structure by claiming the lives of those who would care for and support older people. The long tradition of children caring for their older parents is drastically weakening because of the missing generation created by HIV/AIDS. Instead, older parents are now taking care of their grandchildren, which has a negative bearing on their quality of life. The extended family that had long been a mainstay in caring for older people has been distorted by this disease, which has in most cases claimed energetic and industrious family members, exposing older people to the shocks of life. As most African societies strive to transform themselves economically, the collective values that define human relations in them are in decline. Such values as communalism, reciprocity, and compassion are currently considered disruptive to economic development and thus are being replaced with competition and individualism as the defining features of human relations. This has led to further marginalization, disenfranchisement, and disempowerment of already vulnerable groups such as older people, leading to learned helplessness and an inability to voice their concerns. Therefore, such people live at the mercy of others, who find it easy to exploit them to their advantage. It is important to remember that collective values guided indigenous societies and ensured appropriate rites of passage from birth, through adolescence and marriage, to old age and death. Better still, through collective ethics, people derive satisfaction from contributing to community welfare. Likewise, dignity and individual worth were maintained through collective contributions to problem-solving. It is a pity that today, with the loss of these critical indigenous values, people measure their satisfaction in terms of material acquisition and personal achievements such as education. People have lost a sense of collective power and responsibility and “succumbed, not to the god of love and compassion they knew but to the gods of commercialism, materialism and individualism” (Maathai, 2009). The majority of older people, like members of other vulnerable groups, are left without much societal support. Culture was an important variable in addressing vulnerability. It fostered critical values and collective knowledge that were key in addressing societal challenges, unlike modernization, which emphasizes self-centeredness in problem-solving. Relatedly, as people are urged to move beyond their family and communal inheritance and embrace commercialism and modernization, land has more than ever become an essential commodity. This has resulted in “land grabs.” Millions of hectares of land have reportedly been seized from poorer and marginalized communities in countries such as Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, Zambia, Ghana, Madagascar, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Liberia, and Sudan (Anseeuw, 2013; Batterbury & Ndi, 2018). Older people have been heavily affected by this economic ill since they are the main custodians and owners of most lands across indigenous societies. Family members, elites, and political leaders violently harass older people to give up their land. Studies have shown that older people in

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Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, and Ghana may be falsely accused of witchcraft, for which they are ostracized and sometimes killed, although the main motivation is to gain control of their land (Aboderin & Hatendi, 2013). In Uganda, older people are coerced into signing agreements to legalize the sale of their land by their own children and grandchildren (Wamara et al., 2021). Rich and powerful individuals graze animals on older people’s crops so that they will have no food, as a way of forcing them to vacate their land. The increasing demand for land in many parts of Africa has left many families in conflict, as inheritance fights have come to characterize modern extended families. This has led to family disharmony, which exposes older people to further suffering. While needs for ecotourism, carbon offsetting, energy, and food serve as core drivers of land grabs in Africa, they are also triggered by the loss of culture. Culturally, land was formerly believed to be owned by the ancestors, making it very hard for the living to sell. People in Sub-Saharan Africa formerly performed rituals and ceremonies that sanctified their connection to the land. In the absence of such rituals, land has become merely a commercial good.

Current Social Work Practice with Older People While social work is regarded as a profession in more than 33 African countries, with some exceptions, it remains unregulated. For that matter, many individuals from different professions practice social work in Africa. In Uganda, for instance, social work is practiced by people with qualifications in development studies, education, adult education, laboratory technology, public administration, hair-dressing, international relations, public health, and peace and conflict resolution (Twikirize et al., 2013). This stems from the fact that the role of social work has not been fully appreciated by many national governments and organizations in Africa. Apart from the absence of a professional value system in such non-social-work-led practice, it is also challenging to identify individuals with social work training working with older people across the region. The situation is made worse by organizations and associations for older people that employ few social workers. Notwithstanding this, Wamara (2021) conducted a study to establish the social work response to elder abuse in Uganda. This study interacted with 21 individuals with social work qualifications who were actively working with older people. Through remedial, curative, and therapeutic approaches, these social workers were working with older people largely to address the effects of poverty, vulnerability, and marginalization. These social workers were undertaking six major interventions: (1) social cash transfers, (2) awareness raising and advocacy, (3) livelihood support activities, (4) mediation, (5) psychosocial support, and (6) criminal justice interventions. The cash transfers included providing US 7.5 monthly to each individual 80 or more years old under the Social Assistance Grant for Empowerment (SAGE) program to address urgent matters such as nutrition, access to health services, improved savings, and reduced dependence on the extended family (Wamara, 2021). The same intervention has been implemented in other African countries including Malawi, Kenya,

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South Africa, Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. Social workers acting as community development/social welfare officers coordinate this program. While evaluations of this intervention show great improvement in the quality of life of older people, the intervention faces several challenges, such as financial constraints given the rapidly growing number of older people, difficulties differentiating beneficiaries from other very poor community members, the financial exploitation of older people by relatives, and the distortion of existing family support (Chepngeno-­ Langat et al., 2021; Wamara & Carvalho, 2019). The awareness-raising interventions involved social workers working with other professionals to increase older people’s knowledge of their rights through the use of the mass media. This intervention is intended to empower older people so that they can voice their concerns in the event of human rights violations. The emergence of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has also spurred social workers to collaborate with health practitioners across the continent to educate older people about the disease and available interventions, in order to prevent and respond to the disease among older populations. Besides the use of mass media, social workers also participate in organizing important days such as the International Day for Older Persons and the World Elder Abuse Awareness Day. These days are important for empowering older people and putting their agenda before policymakers. Relatedly, social workers undertake advocacy and research to promote better and more inclusive services for all. In Uganda, social workers have engaged in advocating for inclusive financial services, gender-inclusive budgets, better social protection systems, inclusive health services, and pro-older people policies (Wamara, 2021). The livelihood support activities included interventions intended to tackle poverty, vulnerability, and marginalization. Social workers mobilized older people to start projects that could enhance income, food security, and nutritional status. For example, they mobilized older people to engage in pig and poultry husbandry, kitchen gardening, goat rearing, beekeeping, and mushroom farming (Wamara, 2021). Older people with physical challenges were mobilized to engage in craftwork such as making beads, local musical instruments, and bows and arrows. The livelihood support activities also helped older people to take care of the orphans and other children left behind by their deceased or migrated adult children. Social-work-­ led mediation involved social workers mediating family conflicts involving older people and developing options for lasting solutions. Social workers coordinated meetings and engaged in follow-ups to ascertain the progress on family commitments. This was also found to be a strategy for responding to elder abuse in Uganda. The psychosocial support involved social workers providing therapy to older people who had experienced traumatic events such as rape, abuse, loss, and the effects of war and HIV/AIDS.  Social workers supported older people in better understanding their conditions by helping them to define the real problems, identify available options, and develop action plans. A notable example was the cognitive-­ behavioral conjoint therapy (CBCT) that social workers offered to improve interpersonal relations and restore hope for those who were on the verge of dying by suicide (Wamara, 2021). The last type of gerontological social work intervention with older people being implemented was criminal justice interventions, in which

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social workers worked with legal aid organizations to help older people regain property such as land, houses, and other items of value seized from them. This also involved probation and social welfare officers investigating cases of abuse and neglect and then working with other justice-providing institutions to arrest and prosecute the offenders. This intervention was mostly provided to older widows who were facing acute asset stripping and harassment from family members because of inheritance issues.

Toward Indigenized Gerontological Social Work Practice Studies predicting a rapid increase in the number of older people in Africa by 2050 should serve as a clarion call to national governments and the social work profession in the region to think of alternative ways to care for and protect the well-being of older people. One approach this chapter proposes is for social work practitioners to adopt an indigenized approach. The need for indigenized practice in working with older people is reinforced by a number of factors. First, some of the current social work interventions mentioned in the previous section do not take into account current socioeconomic realities. For example, criminal justice interventions disregard the fact that most older people in Africa are poor and that they depend on the perpetrators of their abuse for material support. So, arresting and prosecuting the perpetrators would make the older people suffer more and further jeopardize the family cohesion through which the elderly is supported. Moreover, older people are usually poor and cannot afford court fees and transport costs. In addition, the criminal justice interventions assume that older people know the laws, which is not usually the case. While the livelihood support interventions have produced great improvements, they are mostly implemented by NGOs and their scope of operations is small, which leaves other older people unserved (Wamara, 2021). The awareness-­ raising programs favored by social workers place more emphasis on human rights without stressing critical indigenous social values, which makes these programs less indigenous. Second, the traditionally small proportion of older people in most African countries has obstructed governments from regarding the issues of aging and older people as crucial, as these people do not constitute the majority, as do youth and children, driving older people to indigenous means of support that rely on local structures and resources. Third, Africa is the least urbanized continent with 42% of the total population living in urban areas. Therefore, with 58% still living in rural areas where communities retain some traditional African culture and practices such as commensality, collective action, and communal entertainment activities, integrating indigenous values, customs, and practices into social work practice would lead to sustainable interventions with high acceptability rates. In addition, 59% of older people in Africa live in extended family households, and 53% of people aged 80  years and over live with at least one of their children (He et  al., 2020; UNDESA-PD, 2017). These living arrangements are reinforced by the core African

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value of reciprocity, in which children feel obliged to repay their parents for the care they received. This suggests that locally relevant family- and community-centered interventions underpinned by cultural values and philosophies would yield practical and sustainable solutions to aging challenges in the continent. Fourth, the challenges affecting older people in Africa cannot be effectively addressed by social work in its current form, which suggests that a paradigm shift is needed. Some of the challenges, such as elder abuse and neglect, isolation, loneliness, and discrimination, had been contained through traditional value systems and practices (Maathai, 2009). Inasmuch as culture is not the sole variable in addressing aging problems, indigenizing current interventions would not only increase their acceptability but also increase their impact through the use of indigenous knowledge and resources. Better still, Africa as a continent is very diverse in terms of cultural heritages, languages, value systems, and religions, as also reflected among its older people (Mouton & Southerland, 2017). Therefore, it is hard to successfully implement a one-size-fits-all approach based on Western philosophies and ideologies. This endorses the need for context-specific interventions that will motivate older people to actively participate and be cocreators of their own lifestyles. Moreover, indigenous older people, like other indigenous groups in Africa, identify themselves according to their reciprocal relationships with their physical environments, along with their affiliations with an extended family, clan, village, confederacy, and nation (Gray et al., 2013; Johnson & Yellow Bird, 2012). This undoubtedly calls for a practice that considers the local values of reciprocity, relationship, and responsibility. Lastly, social work with older people in Africa is primarily guided by the human rights framework. While this framework plays an essential role in safeguarding older people, one important fact we should not forget is that it portrays older people as a separate and vulnerable group that needs care and protection. First, this contradicts the realities of the Global South, where older people were traditionally owners of the home and possessed profound knowledge and power. Second, it is through such categorization that older people now see themselves as vulnerable and disempowered rather than as free citizens with equal humanity and that younger people perceive older people as a disadvantaged group. Moreover, social work with older people underpinned by the human rights framework usually considers aging problems as complex to understand, prevent, and address, thus requiring complex models and theories. This is contrary to Global South realities, in which problems of aging are addressed through collective responsibility and consensus thinking. Critically, the human rights framework that social work relies on usually does not stress the importance of relationship, responsibility, retribution, and reciprocity, which are essential values in addressing vulnerability in Africa. The absence of such critical values from social work’s guiding framework rejects the notion that Africa has its own history of ideas in relation to protecting its older people. It is time for Africa to showcase a gerontological social work approach informed by African value systems, philosophies, social structures, and justice systems. In a recent study, Wamara et al. (2022b) investigated how social workers could indigenize gerontological practice to respond to the challenge of elder abuse in

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Uganda. The study recommended family and community-centered approaches underpinned by indigenous values of reciprocity, responsibility, solidarity, and love for humanity. The first approach recommended was strengthening family and community support, an approach that encompassed family-based mediation, community charters with clear individual roles and responsibilities, and building active and able communities (i.e., watchful neighborhoods) to safeguard older people. The second recommended approach was to establish social networks that would foster interconnectedness and responsibility for others in order to improve older people’s well-­ being. This involved the creation of mutual aid groups to create opportunities for older people to engage in small income-generating projects, establishing community centers where older people could meet regularly and interact, and establishing older people’s organizations and associations to give older people a collective voice to advocate for better policies and inclusiveness. Building on this study, we now proceed to elaborate on how social work can shift toward an indigenized gerontological practice.

Dialogue, Negotiation, and Debate Social workers working with older people need to consider interventions that create platforms for family and community members to debate, dialogue, and negotiate the best practices that can liberate older people from poverty and dependency and can improve their well-being. Negotiation, dialogue, and debate work in tandem with the local values and practices of inclusiveness, open sharing, peer learning, and oral transmission of knowledge around the central fireplace. By organizing community dialogues, social workers will provide platforms for communities and families to interact, collectively plan, and explore their lives, differences, and dreams, all of which can positively affect older people. Debates on critical aging issues would further enable families and communities to learn together, build healthy relationships with one another and the natural world, and cocreate better prospects for the good of all community and family members. More significantly, dialogues would provide platforms for older people to voice their concerns to policymakers. Dialogue, debate, and negotiation can take the form of family group conferences, face-to-face community engagement meetings, and social-work-organized community outreach.

Modification of the Community Development Approach While the community development approach is an indigenized social work approach, it is still enmeshed in colonial and Western-centric structures. Using the case of Uganda, the community development approach, as it is now, remains trapped in the colonial rhetoric of addressing primitive, tribal, and simple attitudes without realizing how such an approach curtails the development of indigenous knowledge.

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Moreover, the community development approach is not yet fully indigenized; for instance, participation, which is a central theme, has been manipulated by community development officers and nongovernmental organizations to ensure that they remain in control and that their views of development remain dominant (Sillitoe, 2010). Any modification of the approach should therefore ensure that community development as an indigenized approach also uses indigenous knowledge as a tool for socioeconomic transformation. This would help to deconstruct the concept of development and human rights relative to the construction of context-specific interventions. In a similar vein, social workers need to validate conventional science using the parameters of indigenous knowledge rather than the usual practice of validating indigenous knowledge using conventional science. This would lead not only to practical and sustainable solutions but also to locally relevant interventions with greater impact and acceptability.

Empowerment and Emancipatory Practice Social workers working with older people need to recognize that most of the aging challenges facing older people in Africa are structural in nature. They require structural interventions underpinned by anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory approaches. Therefore, one way of dealing with such structural challenges as poverty, discrimination, and abuse among older populations is to undertake rigorous empowerment and emancipatory interventions based on a bottom-up approach. A bottom-up approach should strive to involve older people, families, and communities rather than have social workers control the entire process. Social workers need to realize that emancipatory practice is an indigenous approach that is rooted in the African Ubuntu philosophical framework of liberation, which emphasizes justice, communalism, self-determination, and cohesion. In undertaking this approach, social workers should deviate from the Western understanding of empowerment that focuses greatly on behavioral change. They should instead focus on giving voices to older populations so that they can themselves dismantle the personal and structural oppression that hinders them from reaching their full potential. Implementing an empowerment and emancipatory approach should be a natural role for social workers since they work with communities and families, giving them an opportunity to fathom the various power dynamics and discourses within institutions that must be addressed before they oppress those at the margin of life, such as older people. Social workers need to empower older people to reclaim and assert their own agency. An emancipatory and empowerment practice can be achieved through the creation of older people’s movements and campaigns, older-people-led associations and organizations, and civic education interventions to reassert social solidarity among older people in the face of coercive power structures and oppressive attitudes. This practice should be extended to the rural places where most older people live. This will not only help decolonize Western social work practice, which is oriented toward urban problems, but also address challenges to do with land use,

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inheritance, conflict, social isolation, and loneliness. Social workers also need to work with whole communities given that, in Uganda and other parts of Africa, they are the bedrock of local culture.

Building Able and Active Communities Social workers need to shift from the casework approach that has so far dominated practice in the Global South. They need to adopt family- and community-centered approaches in working with older people to suit the indigenous family- and community-­oriented culture of taking care of those in need. Such interventions are good for fostering interconnectedness, conviviality, and mutual responsibility. One way of building an active community would be to build community-based neighborhood watch groups featuring older people’s ambassadors and watchful community elder abuse monitors to collectively safeguard the well-being of older people (Wamara et  al., 2022b). A second way would be for social work practitioners to facilitate the development of community charters detailing the roles and responsibilities of community members in protecting older people and other vulnerable persons. These community charters would facilitate an inclusive environment in which everybody’s worth is acknowledged (see Wamara et al., 2022b). A third intervention would be mutual aid groups that can provide opportunities for older people to meet and interact and also promote self-help and self-reliance. Most significantly, both community-based neighborhood watch groups and community charters correspond to the indigenous values of solidarity, conviviality, compassion, and sibling concern. In addition, in their quest to indigenize their practice, social workers should work closely with traditional and community leaders to understand the local context and then mainstream local realities in the planning processes in order to develop homegrown solutions.

Intergenerational Interventions Strengthening intergenerational solidarity is important in addressing the multiple challenges affecting the older population (Bengtson & DeLiema, 2016). These interventions are intended to improve social harmony and personal ties by stressing the indigenous norms of kinship obligation, reciprocity, responsibility, love for humanity, and relationships. Intergenerational practices require social workers to work with older people and their families to establish resources within their environment to address the challenges at hand. One such practice would entail social workers working with older people and their families to establish collective funds in each family to assist in meeting the needs of older people (see Wamara et al., 2022b). Social work professionals should also undertake interventions that allow different generations to appreciate each other by increasing intergenerational interactions.

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They could consider practices such as creating community information centers, open-access clubs, and intergenerational dialogues and debates (Wamara & Carvalho, 2019). This would enable different generations to meet, interact, and learn from each other, which in the long run would dismantle inauspicious prejudices and chauvinistic thinking. Additionally, these interventions would address the challenges of loneliness and broken families, forming strong bonds that would motivate individuals to care for and support older people. However, social workers need to play a refereeing role in ensuring equal participation and respect. Moreover, indigenizing gerontological social work requires social workers to emphasize the roles older people play in society, in order to deconstruct misconceptions about them. They need to redefine older people as people with a wealth of experiential knowledge, skills, and wisdom and not merely as people with unmet needs.

Conclusion This chapter has presented the challenges affecting older people in Africa. The changing trends that have weakened the traditional informal social care systems have also been highlighted. Using Uganda as a case, this chapter has described key social work interventions with older people. Their ineffectiveness at addressing the challenges of older people presents opportunities for social work to indigenize gerontological practice by designing interventions based on indigenous values of personhood, equality, empathy, humanness, harmony, communalism, communitarianism, interdependence, conviviality, redistribution, group solidarity, human dignity, relationship, responsibility, and collective unity. Social workers must integrate these indigenous values and philosophies as part of their domain knowledge rather than considering them mere alternative knowledge.

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Chapter 19

Social Work with Remote Indigenous Community in Indonesia: Policy, Service, and Practice Adi Fahrudin, Suradi, Atik Rahmawati, and Husmiati Yusuf

Introduction Indonesia is an archipelagic country with thousands of ethnic groups and hundreds of regional languages. Based on data from the Central Statistics Agency, Indonesia consists of 17,504 islands with 1340 ethnic groups (BPS, 2011) and 750 regional languages (Hadi et al., 2019). Thousands of islands, the diversity of ethnic groups, and languages illustrate that Indonesia is a country with a variety of cultural faces. Some ethnic groups still live in geographically remote areas, where these areas are very difficult to reach by any mode of transportation. They have lived for hundreds of years from generation to generation before colonial and population migration from one place to another (Christina, 2012). In addition, these ethnic groups have a unique social and cultural system, which causes them to experience obstacles in developing social interactions with residents outside their ethnic group (Sidiq & Maulida, 2021). Geographical isolation and socio-cultural systems make it difficult for them to access social, economic, educational, and health programs and services (Affan & Marta, 2018; Putranto, 2018; Zamzami, 2018). The Indonesian government has chosen to use the term remote indigenous community (KAT) in development programs that are specific to indigenous peoples. A. Fahrudin (*) Universitas Bhayangkara Jakarta Raya, Jakarta, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Suradi · H. Yusuf Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (BRIN), Jakarta, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] A. Rahmawati Universitas Jember, Jember, East Java, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_19

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Historically, the use of this nomenclature was not instantaneous. Rahmawati and Fahrudin (2021) identified that from 1976, the nomenclature used was the Tribe Ethnic, which then changed to the Tribe Community and then to KAT.  Isolated Tribes and Isolated Communities seem to be external names for a certain group that has derogatory connotations, both in a geographical and psychological sense. The term remote indigenous community in Indonesia is not equated to or translated into English as indigenous peoples. But it is equated with the term Indigenous Peoples, where this term is used by the United Nations and other multilateral bodies. This is clearly stated in the academic text of the Law on Indigenous Peoples, which since 2009 is still being processed in the House of People’s Representative of the Republic of Indonesia. That the government objected if the terms indigenous peoples or remote indigenous communities were equated to or translated into indigenous peoples because all ethnic groups throughout Indonesia were indigenous people (Christina, 2012). According to Sandra’s view of the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission (Komnas-HAM), referring to the views of the sociologist and anthropologist Rodolfo Stavenhagen, ‘indigenous people’ are people who have laws called customary law, then they have their customary territories, they have a tradition that is maintained for its sustainability from generation to generation. The characteristics that exist in ‘indigenous peoples’ are all the same as those of customary law communities in Indonesia (Ratih, 2021). Ethnic groups whose characteristics are matched with indigenous peoples can be found in 90 countries, with a population of 370 million people or 5 percent of the world’s population (Amnesty International, 2014; Ivers, 2022). The population of indigenous peoples in quantity amounts to 5 percent of the world’s population. But if viewed from the perspective of humanity, human rights (rights of indigenous peoples), and the environment, then they should get the attention of the state and any government. The Indonesian NGO that pays great attention to the fate of remote indigenous communities is the Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN). AMAN’s Director of Legal Advocacy state that indigenous peoples or remote indigenous communities are the keys to preventing climate change. Therefore, we must recognize and protect the rights of indigenous peoples. Collaboration between governments, CSOs, and communities, including young people like this, is the only way to be able to fight for their rights. Indigenous peoples are recognized as one of the frontlines in efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 29 percent by 2030. Based on data from AMAN, indigenous forests in Indonesia, which store 20 percent of the world’s tropical forest carbon, have contributed to maintaining carbon by 32.7 gigatons and can cope with climate change (Kompas.com, 2021). On the other hand, remote indigenous communities in Indonesia still face basic problems related to meeting basic social needs and services as well as violations of human rights (Affan, 2018; Bakhori, 2015; Diana, 2016; Elisabeth, 2018; Litha, 2021; Nurdin, 2017; Sani, 2015; Saragih, 2016; Syahrial, 2020). This situation calls for the presence of social work with remote indigenous communities in Indonesia as a necessity. Social work is expected to help remote indigenous communities with the protection of their human rights. This is by the views of experts or social work

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theorists that social work is a human rights profession and uses human rights as a moral basis in social work practice (Calma & Priday, 2011; Ife, 2001; Reichert, 2001; Witkin, 1998).

Condition of Indigenous Community in Indonesia The population of remote indigenous communities in Indonesia is not known with certainty. The absence of definite data is the reason why several terms are still used, such as indigenous peoples, customary law communities, traditional communities, remote indigenous communities, and isolated tribal communities. The use of these various terms is due to the lack of a common understanding among stakeholders of the communities that lived for generations in certain areas before colonization and population migration (Arizona, 2016). The National Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) using the term indigenous peoples, provides the definition: as a community group that has ancestral origins (from generation to generation) in a certain geographical area, and has its value system, ideology, economy, politics, culture, society, and territory. (AMAN, 2017)

Then in the Regulation of the Minister of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia Number 12 of 2015, remote indigenous communities are defined: as a group of people in a certain number who are bound by geographical, economic, and/or socio-cultural unity, and are poor, remote, and/or socio-economic vulnerable. (Menteri Sosial RI, 2015)

As a comparison, using the term indigenous peoples (Cobo, 1986) provides a definition: are people who have historical continuity with the pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed in their territory, perceiving themselves as distinct from other societies. They form a non-dominant society and are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations their ancestral domains, and their ethnic identity, as the basis for their continued existence as a society, through cultural patterns, social institutions, and systems. their laws.

The term indigenous peoples from Cobo finds difficulties when applied universally. Therefore, the use of the term “indigenous people” in various countries varies according to the conditions and values of the country concerned. For example, Malaysia with the term Orang Asli (Abdullah et al., 2015), Australia with the term Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Communities (Bailie & Wayte, 2006), and North America with the term Native Peoples (Stebbins, 2013), in Canada with the term Aboriginal Peoples (Uribe, 2006), in Thailand with the term Hill Tribe Minorities (Lasimbang, 2008). In response, the United Nations stated that the most useful approach was to “identify,” and not to “define” “indigenous peoples” (Horn, 2014).

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Based on the terms and definitions of indigenous peoples, the population of remote indigenous communities or indigenous peoples is estimated at 50–70 million people and is spread over 31 provinces (AMAN, 2017). Meanwhile, based on the version of the Ministry of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia with terms and definitions of remote indigenous communities, the population of remote indigenous communities in Indonesia is estimated at 402,524 households or 1,972,368 people. Of this population, 158,717 households or 634,868 people of remote indigenous communities already entered into the Integrated Social Welfare Data (Dit-­ PKAT, 2021). The data also shows that the social services provided by the state can only cover 32.19% of the identified population of KAT, and there are still 67.81% of KAT who have not been touched by social services from the state. The population of remote indigenous communities in the DTKS is shown in Table 19.1. In the definition of the Ministry of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, remote indigenous communities are in a condition of “poor, remote, and/or socio-­ economic vulnerable.” Facts on the ground prove this definition, where remote indigenous communities are still faced with various issues that disturb and even threaten their survival, such as food shortages (Putranto, 2018), poor health and nutrition status (Affan & Marta, 2018; Saragih, 2016; Zamzami, 2018), violent land tenure (Elisabeth, 2018; Nurdin, 2017), damage to nature, and the commodification of cultural identity (Arumingtyas, 2017; Rahmawati, 2015). These cases still occur, so social conflicts involving remote indigenous communities are still recurring. The condition of these remote indigenous communities is exacerbated by the lack of access to government programs and services. They are not accessible to government programs because they have not been included in the integrated database (Fatah, 2018). This regulation further distances the hope of remote indigenous communities to live decently and on an equal footing with other citizens.

Social Policy for Remote Indigenous Community Social policies or social welfare policies manifest into three categories, namely legislation, social service programs, and tax systems (Midgley et al., 2000). Based on that category, it can be stated that legislation, laws, or regulations concerning social problems and needs are a form of social policy. The social policy aims to identify and find ways to reduce inequalities in access to services and support between social groups determined by socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, migration status, gender, sexual orientation, disability, and age, and between countries (Platt, 2021). This view can be used to see whether Indonesia already has a social welfare policy toward remote indigenous communities. Historically, remote indigenous communities in Indonesia existed before colonialism and population migration. During the colonial period, the Dutch government implemented its laws in Indonesia, which at that time was named: the Dutch East Indies. The Dutch government realized that the indigenous people of Indonesia had their laws. At that time, there was a policy of the Dutch government to protect

19  Social Work with Remote Indigenous Community in Indonesia: Policy, Service… Table 19.1  The population of remote indigenous communities

No. Province 1 Aceh 2 North Sumatera 3 West Sumatera 4 Riau 5 Jambi 6 South Sumatera 7 Riau Island 8 West Kalimantan 9 Central Kalimantan 10 South Kalimantan 11 East Kalimantan 12 North Kalimantan 13 North Sulawesi 14 South Sulawesi 15 South East Sulawesi 16 Gorontalo 17 West Sulawesi 18 Central Sulawesi 19 Maluku 20 North Maluku 21 East Nusa Tenggara 22 West Tenggara Barat 23 Papua 24 West Papua Total

Number (family head) 3.182 2.993

Empowered (family head) 160 280

Currently empowered (family head) 43 0

Not yet empowered (family head) 2.979 2.713

3.284

402

359

2.523

4.338 2.096 1.293

252 464 415

79 19 0

4.007 1.613 878

997 6.138

0 288

0 42

997 5.808

1.440

582

159

699

1.595

375

0

1.220

2.043

276

115

1.652

4.180

73

12

4.095

5.497

802

104

4.591

3.438

300

100

3.038

4.251

330

43

3.878

2.462 1.264 16.839

541 546 868

41 142 0

1.880 576 15.971

5.373 5.124 21.844

661 718 835

295 103 33

4.417 4.303 20.976

1.250

842

135

273

54.129 3.667 158.717

1.266 894 12.170

577 99 2.500

52.286 2.674 144.047

Source: Dit-PKAT (2021)

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their existence, including the Dutch protecting the customary law that applied to them (Christina, 2012). This means that indigenous peoples or remote indigenous communities in Indonesia existed long before Indonesia became an independent country. After independence, indigenous peoples or indigenous peoples received recognition from the state and government of Indonesia. This is as clearly stated in the 1945 Constitution, in Article 18B: “The state recognizes and respects customary law community units and their traditional rights as long as they are still alive and by community development and the principles of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, which regulated in law” and the 1945 Constitution Chapter XA on Human Rights article 28 I paragraph 3 which reads: “cultural identity and rights of traditional communities are respected in line with the development of times and civilization.” In addition, the protection of indigenous peoples is also contained in Law no. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights, in particular Article 6 paragraphs (1) and (2). Article 6 paragraph (1) reads: “In the context of enforcing human rights, differences and needs within customary law communities must be considered and protected by law, society and the government. Meanwhile, paragraph (2) states: “The cultural identity of the customary law community, including the rights to customary land, is protected, in line with the times.” In 1999, the government issued a policy in the form of Regulation of the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs No. 5 of 1999 concerning Guidelines for the Settlement of Indigenous Peoples’ Ulayat Rights Issues. However, this regulation contains several substances that harm indigenous peoples. This regulation has also never been implemented (YLBHI, 2019). During the Reformation period, although there was a law that recognized the existence of indigenous peoples, namely Law no. 32 of 2009 concerning the Protection and Management of the Environment, the Law in the field of related natural resources is Law no. 41 of 1999 concerning Forestry and Law no. 18 of 2004 concerning Plantations. The articles in the law have succeeded in imprisoning, depriving indigenous peoples of their land rights, and even imprisoning them. For example, the criminalization of the indigenous people of Silat Hulu Village, Ketapang, West Kalimantan for imposing customary law in the form of fines to companies that evicted community land (YLBHI, 2019). Rahmawati and Fahrudin (2021) argue that the presence of the state is important in the process of improving welfare and social change for KAT, social intervention in indigenous communities is a crucial and sensitive issue. Like a one-sided knife, it is necessary to carry out planned social changes regarding the welfare of human life, but it will boomerang when it then has an impact on the emergence of an attitude of dependence and the disappearance of unique characteristics, local wisdom, which is a community asset. In the process of improving the welfare of the State KAT, it was present in the form of a planned social development scheme in the form of the Social Development Program for Isolated Communities, then became the Social Welfare Development Program for Isolated Communities, then changed to the Remote Indigenous Community Welfare Development Program, and in 2002 until now it has become an Empowerment program. The change in the nomenclature of the remote indigenous community will affect changes in the implementation

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paradigm. From the previous top-down with a centralized policy package from the government, it changed to bottom-up by prioritizing the level of beneficiary participation. The concept of empowerment as a top-down policy is implemented by taking into account the initiation from below. Then the president of the Republic of Indonesia issued Presidential Regulation No. 111 of 1999 which was changed to number 186 of 2014 concerning social empowerment for remote indigenous communities. The regulation serves as a legal basis for the government, particularly the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs, and the community to provide services to remote indigenous communities. Then, the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs issued Regulation of the Minister of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia Number 12 of 2015 concerning the Implementation of Presidential Regulation Number 186 of 2014 as an operational basis for providing services to remote indigenous communities in Indonesia. Even though there have been social policies in the form of constitutions and regulations, the points in these social policies have invited criticism, and even strong protests from various elements of society, such as the National Indigenous Peoples Alliance for Archipelago (AMAN), the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WAHLI), the Foundation for The Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBH), the Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), the Indonesia-Warsi Conservation Community (KKI-Warsi), legal practitioners, and human rights groups and indigenous peoples. These criticisms and strong protests were conveyed to the state and government of Indonesia because the state and government policies have not taken sides with the existence and survival of indigenous peoples in Indonesia. Johnstone (2010) in his study in Indonesia explained that during the colonial period, forests were classified and exploited for the benefit of imperial power and ignored the collective rights of indigenous peoples. Postcolonial governments adopted these ideologies, extended them through far-reaching legislation, and used them for the benefit of elites who marginalized and disadvantaged indigenous peoples, mostly with international support. Complementing the results of Jonstone’s study, based on the results of her study, Christina (2012) explains that the Indonesian government shows an inconsistent attitude toward indigenous peoples, which in international relations denies the existence of indigenous peoples, arguing that almost all Indonesians are indigenous people. This attitude contradicts the constitution (and its amendments) and existing laws, where the government recognizes the existence of indigenous peoples, although using different terms. For indigenous peoples, how the government uses different terms does not bother them, but for them, the government has recognized their existence. The different interpretations between the government and indigenous peoples have led to a protracted conflict between the government and indigenous peoples. From the description above, it is known that the Indonesian state and government already have a social/social welfare policy as a form of recognition and respect for remote indigenous communities as citizens in general. This can be seen in the constitution and regulations aimed at recognizing, respecting, and improving the quality of life and welfare of remote indigenous communities.

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Social Service for Remote Indigenous Community Social services are services oriented toward the prevention, improvement, or resolution of health, mental health, social, or environmental problems that affect individuals, families, specific groups, or communities (Gibelman, 2005). In simple terms, Hayden (2017) defines social services as anything that provides services to assist the overall social well-being of people. Professionals working in social services help struggling individuals become independent and self-sufficient. In Indonesia, social services for remote indigenous communities are carried out in programs with social empowerment schemes (President, 2014). In the Presidential Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia, it is stated that services for remote indigenous communities are oriented toward solving settlement problems, population administration, religious life, health, education, food security, providing access to job opportunities, providing land access, advocacy, and legal assistance, and the environment. There is an additional explanation that other services will be provided as needed. The government and the community through nongovernmental organizations are providing social services to remote indigenous communities. The government sector that is mandated to provide social services to remote indigenous communities is the Ministry of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia based on Presidential Decree No. 186 of 2014. Subsequently, the Ministry of Social Affairs established an organizational structure called the Directorate of Remote Indigenous Community Social Empowerment. But historically, social services for remote indigenous communities by the Ministry of Social Affairs (Ministry of Social Affairs in the New Order era) have been carried out since 1969 under the terms Tersal Tribes. As described earlier, the scope of social services for remote indigenous communities based on Presiden (2014), are all forms of social services that are closely related to the survival and self-development of remote indigenous communities, both as individuals, community members, and as Indonesian citizens. The government through the Ministry of Social Affairs is not able to carry out the program alone because the scope of service to remote indigenous communities is very wide. Therefore, the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs collaborates with other relevant ministries/ institutions, the public or social organizations, and the private sector (business world). This collaboration scheme is designed at the national, provincial, and district levels. In practice, collaboration and partnerships with these various sectors have not run optimally until now because there are still many unresolved challenges in these sectors. The biggest challenge is the large sectoral ego in these various sectors. The utilization of stakeholder nets in the KAT empowerment process provides opportunities for sustainable community development. The Ministry of Social Affairs explained that the Empowerment of Remote Stakeholder-Based Indigenous Communities (PKAT Best) is a program to strengthen KAT empowerment so that they can fulfill and improve the quality of life of KAT residents sustainably (Kemensos, 2020). The PKAT Best Model of Stakeholder-Based KAT Empowerment focuses on strengthening the 4Ps, namely 1 . People (knowledge, health, local wisdom); 2. Production (livelihood, agriculture, plantation);

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3 . Planet (environment, settlement); 4. Partnership (Social Welfare Institutions, Social Service, Business World). KAT empowerment starting in 2021 is directed toward building synergy and strengthening the collaborative spirit of all related parties. The empowerment model used follows the PKAT Best framework or a stakeholder-based empowerment model. The empowerment of KAT is not only the responsibility of the Ministry of Social Affairs but also the responsibility of stakeholders, ranging from ministries, related institutions, local governments, academics, and citizens including support and active participation from potential sources of social welfare and the business world. According to Cahyono and Nurpatria (2020), the PKATBest model of synergy or PARTNERSHIP between stakeholders is a driving force to empower people (PEOPLE), their livelihoods (PRODUCTION), and their environment (PLANET). PEOPLE, KAT empowerment relies on improving the quality of human or people center development which is carried out through a process of increasing knowledge and skills or life skills so that they can control their own lives by managing their resources. People center development variables in PKAT include Recognition of civil rights, education, health, local wisdom, and continuous increase in knowledge and life skill. PRODUCTION, KAT Empowerment leads to efforts to increase productivity, concerning the survival of KAT. Livelihoods in the context of KAT are closely related to nature. Empowerment program interventions are directed at increasing productivity which is managed sustainably by local potential. PLANET, KAT’s livelihood, which is largely dependent on nature, gives birth to the fact that the environment is an important factor in empowerment interventions. KAT is spread out with its characteristics. KAT distribution areas are in the interior, coastal, and outermost islands. The environment includes residential areas, suggestions for supporting infrastructure, and natural resources aspects. Activities carried out include shaping the behavior of maintaining cleanliness and preserving the environment to maintain the sustainability of the natural resources themselves. PARTNERSHIP, KAT Empowerment cannot stand alone without synergy and collaboration with other parties. Potential partnerships can be mapped through the identification of remote indigenous community empowerment ecosystems. These ecosystems include the central government, regional governments, local governments (sub-­districts/villages/hamlets), and the business world. A supportive ecosystem will strengthen and maintain the sustainability of the empowerment program for remote indigenous communities. Furthermore, the most important program lies in the livelihood aspect, in other words how residents of remote indigenous communities are equipped for the future. Various efforts to enhance life skills such as agriculture, plantations, fisheries, animal husbandry, crafts, etc. can help them have independence while preparing a supportive ecosystem for them. Synergy with stakeholders in the form of providing service accessibility and contributing to financing the PKAT program through the PUB (Money or Goods Collection) scheme, as well as CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) funds. The recapitulation of the PKAT schemes that have been compiled can be seen in Table 19.2.

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Table 19.2  Recapitulation of the PKAT scheme PKAT partnership Indomaret Minimarket

Year 2017 2019

Dompet Dhuafa Baznas Pundi Sumatera NGO SSS Pundi Sumatera PT. Bahana Karya Semesta (BKS) Petro Cina Politeknik Negeri Pontianak

Synergy form PUB some IDR2.329.440.750 PUB several IDR7.675.204.344

Social service Clean Water Facilities, Social Center, Drainage Renovation of houses, clean water facilities, social centers, lighting and reforestation, and communal toilets Social Centers, Clean Water Facilities, Communal Toilet, Lighting, Greening and Development of Alternative Livelihoods, Libraries, School Supplies, and Additional Nutrition for Children. Assistance program and coffee product development Goat breeding program

2020

PUB some IDR5.068.124.297

2019– present 2020

Social assistance

2020

2 fish ponds

Social assistance and Freshwater Fish Cultivation program

2017– 2018

CSR Road Infrastructure

Provision Road Provision

2018– 2019 2018– 2019

CSR Provision of clean water infrastructure, Higher Education through Community Service

Clean water facilities and alternative livelihood development programs Community Service Program and business stimulant assistance for sustainable livelihoods.

50 goats

Source: Cahyono and Nurpatria (2020)

As a leading sector in the provision of social services to remote indigenous communities, the forms of activities carried out by the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs are discussed in the following.

Construction of Livable Houses The Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs builds habitable houses for remote indigenous communities, one unit per family head. Remote customary communities that originally lived in scattered, uninhabitable houses, and were difficult to reach, were then united in one location that was close to one family another. The argument is to build houses in one location and close together to make it easier to organize remote indigenous communities in the implementation of empowerment programs. Moving remote indigenous communities into one concentrated location is the responsibility of the district government and also includes the legality and security of land from disputes. So related to this residential land, the term “clear and clean” is used, where the location of the settlement has met the requirements for use and is free from natural disasters.

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Food Aid During the adaptation period to government programs, remote indigenous communities experienced obstacles to carrying out economic activities. Accordingly, each family is given food assistance for one to two years.

Help with Basic Household Appliances In the beginning, remote indigenous communities used very simple basic household equipment. These tools are usually made of bamboo, leaves, wood and stone, and other forest products which are prepared very simply. Based on that condition, they were assisted with cooking utensils, kitchen utensils, sleeping utensils, and other equipment.

Work Equipment Assistance In the beginning, remote indigenous communities met their basic needs by hunting and gathering forest products. For this purpose, they use very simple tools, namely tools made of bamboo, wood, and stone. Based on these conditions, they are given assistance with semi-modern work equipment (e.g., lawnmowers, plant pest sprayers, wood-cutting tools) for agricultural or plantation activities. Working capital assistance. The Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs designed a social empowerment program for remote indigenous communities, to make them the main source of economists from agriculture or plantations, and no longer carry out hunting and gathering activities for forest products. The forms of working capital assistance provided are in the form of secondary crop seeds and production plants (rubber trees, and fruit trees).

Social Guidance Social guidance is given when they want to accept the program (preparing the social conditions of the community) and during the program or as part of the material for the social empowerment program. Pre-program social guidance is directed at the knowledge of remote indigenous communities about the program and their roles when the program is implemented. Meanwhile, social guidance when the social empowerment program is implemented is directed, among others, to knowledge about social harmony within the family and community, belief and religious

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systems, environmental and natural conservation, clean and healthy living, and the importance of education for children’s future.

Job Skills Training Work skills need to be possessed by remote indigenous communities so that they have new knowledge and skills so that they can develop new economic activities or increase production in current economic activities. Types of skill trainings provided to remote indigenous communities, such as crop planted (palawija) farming, and making woven bamboo or rattan. This job skills training is carried out in collaboration with social institutions in Bogor, Sukabumi, and Tasikmalaya.

 ractice with Remote Indigenous Community: New P Practice Horizon To ensure that social services for remote indigenous communities achieve the expected goals, the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs recruits social assistants (pendamping sosial) with the criteria for a bachelor’s degree in social work or social welfare. Before being placed in empowerment locations, the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs provides training to social assistants. As stated by Arabia—a Social Assistant (Personal communication, 21 April 2022)—the training materials obtained before being placed in the empowerment location, namely survival, communication, social welfare policies, and programs, as well as social work techniques with local communities. For Arabia, the training materials were new knowledge because he had not yet acquired them when he was studying in the department of international relations. In addition to acquiring knowledge and social intervention techniques, assistant staff receives training related to readiness and mental health, whose training is in collaboration with the Indonesian Military Education and Training Center in Bandung. Social assistants while carrying out mentoring tasks are directed to live with remote indigenous communities in empowerment locations. By living together in the empowerment location, the social assistant will experience the process of working while learning. Social assistants will learn about customs, culture, customs, and ways of life, as well as understand the problems faced by remote indigenous communities. However, for certain reasons, social assistants are allowed to stay outside the empowerment location, for example, when they have difficulty adapting to the customs and beliefs of remote indigenous communities. Although social assistants are not called “social workers” in remote indigenous communities, they carry out their duties and roles as social workers. Social assistants carry out social services starting from the initial approach, assessment,

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intervention planning, intervention, evaluation, and termination stages. The stages of work carried out by social assistants are actually no different from the stages of social work interventions carried out by professional social workers. As stated by Arabia—a social assistant—in carrying out social assistance tasks, the activities and roles carried out are being a facilitator for residents of remote indigenous communities, building partnerships with the government and the private sector, being a mediator, being an agent of change, helping to access programs, both from the government and the private sector for remote indigenous communities. Social assistants with the status of contract workers were recruited by the Ministry of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia through a fairly strict selection system. The mentor is mentoring for eight months in the second year of empowerment. According to Arabia—a social assistant— the eight months of mentoring is very short, while through the empowerment program, it is hoped that there will be improvements in the ways of life of remote indigenous communities. Regardless of their employment status, social assistants have a very important role where they participate in the process of social empowerment and therefore determine the success of the program. Therefore, it is appropriate to say that the position of social assistant is the spearhead of the implementation of the empowerment program for remote indigenous communities. Taking into account the important role of these social assistants, the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs provides incentives and a decent life guarantee while carrying out their duties at the empowerment site. Meanwhile, government sectoral agencies at the center and in the regions, supported by the private sector, collaborate on population administration service activities (making Identity Cards, Birth Certificates), preparation of residential land, education, health, religion/religion, road, and bridge construction, telecommunications networks, electricity, modes of transportation, clean water, and environmental sanitation. Then, the social institution sector or nongovernmental organizations provide advocacy services related to land tenure conflicts between remote indigenous communities and businesses, and/or legal cases involving remote indigenous communities. Nongovernmental organizations that are active in providing legal advocacy services to remote indigenous communities, such as the Indigenous Community Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN), the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI), and the Warsi Foundation. Empowerment provides a climate that allows community potential to develop (enabling), that no community is complete without power. Empowerment strengthens the potential and power of the community (empowering), which provides various inputs and opens access to various opportunities that will make the community empowered. Empowerment includes strengthening not only individual community members but also their institutions. Instilling the values ​​and ethos of hard work, frugality, openness, and responsibility, as well as a culture of democracy. Empowerment means protecting, namely an effort to prevent unbalanced competition and exploitation of the strong against the weak. Empowerment does not make people more dependent on various programs (charity) because basically everything

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that is enjoyed must be produced on their efforts by building the ability to advance themselves toward a better life in a sustainable manner (Cahyono & Nurpatria, 2020). The implementation of social services, specifically the social empowerment program for remote indigenous communities organized by the government, is still faced with various challenges starting from the planning, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation stages. The principles of social work in social services have not been used optimally at the program stage. This causes remote indigenous communities (as program recipients) to be unable to accept and be fully involved in the program for them. Evidence related to this can be seen in research conducted by Suradi et al. (2019), Rahmawati (2014), Saragih (2016), Sujarwani et al. (2018). Historically, social work higher education institutions in Indonesia were established in early 1954. The higher education institutions were established by the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs with the status of official educational institutions. Students who study at these institutions are civil servants of the Indonesian Ministry of Social Affairs at the center as well as in provinces and districts/cities throughout Indonesia. Along with developments in the world of education, and demands for tasks in the field of social welfare, in 1964 the educational institution changed its name to the College of Social Welfare and accepted general students (not only employees of the Ministry of Social Affairs). Then, in 2019, it changed its name again to the Bandung Polytechnic of Social Welfare. Currently, in almost every province, there are social work colleges, established both by the government and by the community through educational foundations. Judging from the number of universities spread throughout Indonesia, this is an indication of the development of social work disciplines in Indonesia. At the global level, the discipline of social work has been aligned with other scientific disciplines, which exist on this earth. Social work colleges in Indonesia have produced millions of human resources in the field of social welfare. They work as administrative and technical staff in government agencies and the private sector, as lecturers, policy analysts, researchers, consultants, and supervisors in hospitals and other social service institutions. But among them, there are still very few who dedicate themselves to working with remote indigenous communities. This is due to three factors: first, they have not obtained special skills as social workers in remote indigenous communities. Even if a university has a study institution in remote indigenous communities, it does not equip students with expertise in that field. Second, the agency or institution that organizes social service programs for remote indigenous communities, when recruiting human resources does not require education in social work with remote indigenous communities. Third, there are no available jobs that specifically require skills as social workers with remote indigenous communities. In the process of social intervention, social workers are the vanguard who will be in direct contact with the beneficiaries. It is important to ensure that social assistants understand professionalism in social work practice. Suradi et al. (2019) noted several roles that social workers can play in working with remote indigenous communities:

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Social workers who work in advocacy are involved in the protection and defense of indigenous peoples. Facilitators and social workers help indigenous peoples to access social services and basic social needs such aseducation, health, clean water, housing, income, and social security. Educators and social workers are involved in the process of changing indigenous peoples through capacity building. Social workers learn together to understand the problems, potentials, and needs of remote indigenous communities. So that they can make plans, make rational decisions, and carry out productive activities. Indigenous peoples can control programs that directly impact them, and participate actively in social, cultural, environmental, and political fields. Social workers as agents of change need to realize that even though remote indigenous communities live in limited and vulnerable conditions, they have assets and potential that can be developed in community development and they are agents of change in their communities. In this case, the role of social workers as revealed by McKnight and Kretzmann in Dureau (2013) calls them “gappers,” namely people who work in institutions but whose heart is in the community. They are usually the ones who will bridge institutions and associations. This is a challenge for the government and higher education institutions that open social work-study programs in Indonesia. As is known, the indigenous peoples who are equated with remote indigenous communities are in the main objectives of the global agenda (e.g., SDGs). Serious issues are being faced by indigenous peoples as described above, such as deprivation of human rights and social justice, where these two issues are the orientation of professional social work interventions.

Conclusion Social work with remote indigenous communities in Indonesia is carried out by the government sector, the private sector, and the community sector through social organizations. Social work is directed at efforts to meet basic needs and access to various social services. The implementation of social services for remote indigenous communities is supported by social assistants who have competence in carrying out social work interventions with the community. To answer the issues that develop in remote indigenous communities and to keep up with scientific developments, universities are expected to produce graduates with bachelor’s, master’s, and a doctorate in social work. For this reason, the Indonesian government should facilitate universities to build partnerships with universities in countries that are more advanced in developing social work with remote indigenous communities. At the same time, the government is expected to pay serious attention-related social welfare policies and programs for handling remote indigenous communities with the

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support of professional social workers and to develop research to understand the identity and characteristics of remote indigenous communities that have socio-­ cultural characteristics.

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Chapter 20

Intercultural Health in Chilean Indigenous and Afro-Descendant Older People: Challenges for Culturally Relevant Social Work Lorena P. Gallardo-Peralta, Esteban Sánchez-Moreno, and Julio Tereucán Angulo

Background In contrast to the approach of other Latin American countries, the current Chilean constitution is monocultural and does not recognise ethno-cultural diversity. However, policies implemented since the 1990s have shown progress toward the incorporation of an intercultural approach. This has been particularly notable in the field of health, with culturally relevant programmes introduced as a response to recommendations from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), supported by the declarations included in Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Intercultural policy initiatives in Chile are characteristically isolated programmes with a strong welfare element. They comprise benefits including State grants and subsidies for the indigenous population: a positive discrimination system that does not include the Afro-descendant population. In this chapter, we will examine the legal and political intercultural health framework and discuss the findings of a study conducted by social workers, including its implications and L. P. Gallardo-Peralta Department of Social Work, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Santiago, Chile Department of Social Work and Social Services, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, Spain e-mail: [email protected] E. Sánchez-Moreno (*) Department of Sociology, Methods and Theory, Research Institute on Development and Cooperation (IUDC-UCM), Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, Spain e-mail: [email protected] J. T. Angulo Department of Social Work, University of La Frontera, Temuco, Chile e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_20

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challenges for the promotion of intercultural integration and the development of indigenous communities.

Indigenous Afro-Descendant People: Inequality Gaps Indigenous recognition in Chile is a process of self-identification, which may or may not involve formal registration in the National Indigenous Development Corporation (CONADI). However, access to public social benefits requires certification proving indigenous status. This has resulted in some claims that indigenous self-identification has increased in Chile because of the opportunities it offers to access benefits including special funds to purchase land and water, education grants and housing subsidies. There are even opportunities to obtain financial compensation from private businesses such as mining companies, who are required to offer indigenous communities financial redress for the harm they do to the environment (Romero-Toledo & Sambolín, 2019). The inclusion of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendant tribal people in the national census provides recent data in terms of the approach to diversity. National censuses introduced the counting of indigenous peoples in 1885, but only the Mapuche population was included. Over one hundred years later, from the 1992 census onwards, the Aymara and Rapa Nui populations were added. The great change took place in 1996, with the addition of the Quechua, Atacameño, Coya, Kawesqar and Yagán peoples (Gundermann et al., 2005). The Chilean State has also undertaken to include Afro-descendant tribal people and the Chango population in the census from 2024. Afro-descendant tribal peoples have fought a long battle for recognition; they were only legally recognized three years ago. This population initially settled in the far north of Chile (the city of Arica and its rural environs) during Spanish colonial rule, as a result of the European transatlantic slave trade that moved African people to the then-Viceroyalty of Peru. Following the War of the Pacific (1879-1884), this population became part of Chilean territory, facing discrimination over an extended period of time as “los negros del Perú”. Despite processes of intermarriage and engagement with Chilean culture, Afro-descendant tribal peoples have experienced severe racism, exclusion (even exile), rejection and invisibility (Campos, 2018). Meanwhile, the Chango people have also fought their own battle for recognition, which they achieved two years ago. These people occupy a large expanse of land that stretches from the south of Peru to Valparaíso, spanning around 2,000 kilometres. This has caused confusion in terms of specific ethnic recognition, as the Chango people have co-existed alongside other indigenous groups such as Aymara, Quechua, Atacameño and coastal Diaguita peoples (Araya et al., 1987). There are extensive and longstanding anthropological records documenting the Chango people: in 1910, the British anthropologist Ricardo Latcham described them as a fishing people, living on the Pacific coast to secure access to resources such as seaweed, fish, shellfish and crustaceans, sea lions, seals and whales. Over half a century later in 1965, the archaeologist Hans Niemayer documented their particular form of vessel: sea lion skin rafts. The Chango people’s identity still resolves around fishing, shellfish and beachcombing, particularly for seaweed (Campos et al., 2019).

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Currently, 9.5% of Chile’s population is identified as descendants of indigenous peoples. In this respect, it is interesting to note the recent increase in indigenous selfidentification. For example, in 2006, the percentage was 6.6%; it had increased to 9.5% by 2017. Law 19,253 provides a legal basis for the recognition of ten indigenous peoples: Aymara, Atacameño, Colla, Quechua, Rapa Nui, Mapuche, Yámana, Kawashkar, Diaguita and Chango. Recognition has been granted to Afro-descendant tribal peoples since 2019 (Law 21,151). The Mapuche people account for the largest proportion of the indigenous Chilean population, with various subfamilies: Pehuenches, Lafquenches and Huilliches. These subfamilies are self-defined and self-identify as having separate territorial identities from the Mapuche, including symbolic and linguistic differences. Mapuche means ‘people of the earth’, and the Mapuche people were indeed originally hunter-gatherers. Their territorial identity emerges from the territories in which their population has historically been located: nagche are the northern people, wenteche are the people of central valleys, lafkenche are the coastal people, pewenche are the people from the foothill and huilliche are the southern people, which would include urban Mapuche identity. They live in rural areas that are connected to large cities, having experienced significant migration to urban settings (see Gallardo-Peralta et al., 2022). (Fig. 20.1). Indigenous peoples in Chile have been socially marginalised and are located in the lower strata of society, with low indices in terms of schooling, qualifications and remuneration and health indicators that place them below the average for the non-­ indigenous Chilean population (Manríquez-Hizaut et  al., 2018). Health inequality gaps are particularly striking: the indigenous population has a different morbidity and mortality profile from the non-indigenous population, characterised by higher illness and mortality rates (Gavilán et al., 2018). But the situation is even more dramatic in

Fig. 20.1  Composition of peoples comprising Chilean indigenous population.1

 Two peoples are not included in these data, because the most recent CASEN Survey was conducted in 2017. Afro-descendant peoples were recognised on 16 April 2019 via Law 21,151, while the Chango people were incorporated into Law 19,253 on 17 October 2020. 1

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the case of Afro-descendant tribal peoples, with a shortage of official data and the few existing studies of this social group reporting indicators of psychosocial risk as regards physical and mental health (Pozo & Gallardo-Peralta, 2021). The health inequality faced by the indigenous and Afro-descendant populations is linked to persistent social, economic, political and environmental inequalities affecting these peoples and their communities. In the case of Chile, indigenous people have been proven to be victims of ethnic/racial discrimination (Mellor et  al., 2009), live in isolated rural areas and in impoverished conditions (Andrade, 2019), face more problems in terms of access to social and healthcare services (Sánchez-­ Moreno et al., 2021a, b) and suffer from various manifestations of State violence and systematic violation of their human rights (Manríquez-Hizaut et  al., 2018; Moloney, 2010). This requires the State of Chile to introduce social policies to guarantee their fundamental rights and particularly to secure the cultural and political recognition of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendant tribal people.

Intercultural Health Policy: A Model for Diversity Discourse? Intercultural health policies started to be designed in Chile in the 1990s, specifically with the creation of the Mapuche Health Programme (PROMAP) in 1992. The aim of this programme was to deliver culturally relevant healthcare, encouraging a complementary approach between the Mapuche medical system and the official Chilean one. Intercultural facilitators were introduced to mediate and facilitate communication between indigenous people and healthcare professionals (Bolados 2012). The National Health and Indigenous Peoples Programme (Programa Nacional de Salud y Pueblos Indígenas) was implemented in 1996 with the aim of delivering culturally relevant healthcare that would manage to overcome the equality gaps affecting indigenous populations. Chile’s Ministry of Health (1996) confirmed the importance of developing knowledge regarding the health needs of indigenous peoples and specifically of understanding their medical needs and finding ways to meet them within a framework of respect for each people’s ancestral health knowledge and practices. In 2001, Chile began to implement the first phase of the Programme for the Comprehensive Development of Indigenous Communities (Programa de Desarrollo Integral de Comunidades Indígenas), part-funded by a loan from the Inter-American Development Bank. This project, named Orígenes (Indigenous) in reference to indigenous populations, was conceived as an intervention tool that would be respectful of cultural differences in pursuing the goal of facilitating the development of a policy for cooperation between indigenous peoples and the State (Boccara, 2007). The Orígenes project included a health component providing for the design and implementation of an ‘intercultural health model’ through the ‘reinforcement of indigenous medicine’ and ‘awareness-raising among public health officials’ regarding indigenous issues, with the aim of ‘improving treatment and cultural relevance when attending to the indigenous population’ (Boccara, 2007). In 2006, a General Administrative Regulation on Interculturality (Norma General Administrativa sobre Interculturalidad) was established for health services, founded

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on the basis that indigenous peoples view health as not merely a matter of being in good physical condition but also a question of harmony with surroundings, both visible and invisible. From this perspective, health and well-being constitute a dynamic balance that includes interactions with living processes and the natural law that governs the planet, all living beings and spiritual understanding (Ministry of Health, 2006). Finally, the Special Health Programme for Indigenous Peoples (Programa Especial de Salud para Pueblos Indígenas, or PESPI) was created in 2008. This programme followed on from those previously outlined and was intended to consolidate an intercultural health system. It remains the current intercultural health programme. This programme aims to resolve health inequalities affecting members of indigenous peoples as a result of cultural barriers (including barriers relating to language, identity and differing perceptions of health problems). The programme has been implemented through three components: (1) intercultural facilitator, helping to improve adherence to treatments by identifying their application to the illness and securing recovery or rehabilitation; (2) culturally relevant healthcare services, making it possible to reduce access gaps among the population that does not attend traditional centres; and (3) awareness-raising among healthcare teams regarding people’s cultural circumstances, meaning staff can develop skills and awareness concerning the cultural realities of indigenous peoples. An intercultural approach means a change of attitude and a culture shift in the health system whereby health is approached from a broader perspective, with other working networks established to provide services that fit the needs of indigenous peoples and do so with respect for cultural diversity (Ministry of Health, 2006). As such and as stated by Gavilán et  al. (2018), Chile’s Ministry of Health has designed and implemented various strategies that are reflected in laws including the following: Indigenous Law 19,253; Law 20,584 on Patient Rights and Duties; Healthcare Authority Law no. 19,937; the Basic Regulations of the Health Ministry; the Basic Regulations of Health Services; General Administrative Law no. 16 on Interculturality in Health Services; and article 25 of the ILO’s Convention 169. These strategies have been intended to improve health conditions, close health inequality gaps and recognise cultural differences in terms of health among the self-­identifying indigenous population. Although significant progress has been observed in Chile’s cultural relevance model, the focal point of criticism has generally been that it is more of a multicultural model insofar as it does not truly facilitate a dialogue between the allopathic and indigenous medicine models (Bolados, 2012; Piñones et  al., 2017). According to Gavilán et  al. (2018), the model reflects a dichotomous perspective that classifies biomedical culture as scientific and indigenous culture as traditional medicine, conceiving of them as externally isolated and internally homogenous cultural systems and hence denying the existence of cultural heterogeneity within biomedicine and within traditional medicine. Beyond these criticisms regarding the underlying ideology of the health policy aimed at indigenous peoples, there is a striking lack of public data regarding the impact of policy on wellbeing in indigenous communities. For this reason, in this chapter, we provide data from a national study led by social workers in this field. Original data were collected using a quantitative approach in order to understand how the use of indigenous knowledge and medical practices together with allopathic medical practices is associated with improved well-being among indigenous and Afro-descendant Chilean older adults.

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I ntercultural Health and Its Impact on Well-Being in Indigenous Communities: Factors for the Development of Indigenous Communities It is not possible to analyse the relationship between ethnic and sociocultural diversity and health in the case of indigenous peoples without including a reflection on the concept of development. The incorporation of indigenization discourse in social work into the field of health requires consideration of the impact of applying a certain concept of development to the living conditions and well-being of indigenous peoples in Latin America, in general, and Chile, in particular. In the case of Chile, the application of a culturally Western concept of development has clearly affected the recent history of indigenous peoples. This concept of development, analysed by Rist (1997) as a range of beliefs and practices linked to growth based on industrial and post-industrial production, has had direct consequences on the living conditions and social determinants of health of a number of indigenous communities. The industrial consumption of wood (deforestation), the mineral and other raw material extraction industry, heavily-polluting energy production, the industrial organisation of labour aimed at mass production, the concentration of the population in super-­populated urban settings and a long list of practices related to a Western concept of development have had profound consequences across all dimensions of life among indigenous peoples. These consequences include forced movement of populations and communities, polluted environments, the results of climate change, the degradation of economic practices that form part of indigenous cosmovisions, depopulation of indigenous territories, relegation to political irrelevance, increased social exclusion and indigenous populations finding themselves among the least favoured levels of social stratification, to name but a few. Specifically in terms of health, the consequences of all these processes can be understood within the analytical framework of certain social indicators of health (Whitehead & Dahlgren, 2006), meaning that a negative impact on levels of well-being and increased risk of suffering deterioration in health and a range of illnesses are to be expected. All these factors are helping to consolidate a social gradient in health among indigenous peoples (Gracey & King, 2009; Marmot, 2003). In this general context, a specific analysis of indigenous older adults is required. Unfortunately, there is scant available empirical evidence. There are few studies offering a rigorous comparison of the health of indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, whether in Latin America in general or in Chile in particular (Fernández, 2020; Mellor et al., 2009). This scarcity is even greater in the case of analyses of well-being during the ageing process. However, in general terms, it can be hypothesised that health among indigenous older adults would be affected by the same processes that affect the health of the indigenous population in general (King et al., 2009), some of which have been previously mentioned. Recent studies have reported relatively high levels of well-being among indigenous older adults living in rural settings in Chile, particularly when compared with non-indigenous older adults who are also living in rural settings. There is empirical evidence in this regard for successful ageing (Gallardo-Peralta & Sánchez-Moreno, 2019), quality of life (Sánchez-Moreno et  al., 2021b), mental health (Sánchez-­ Moreno et al., 2021a) and social participation (Gallardo-Peralta et al., 2022). Along

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these lines, data from two recent studies both intended to contribute to a global analysis of the ageing process in the case of Chilean indigenous peoples are provided below. The studies are named ‘Ageing in place: the influence of the residential environment and ethnic belonging on successful ageing among older Aymara and Mapuche Chilean adults’ (Study 1) and ‘Ethnic diversity and ageing: producing a multicultural map of successful ageing in Chile’ (Study 2). Study 1 involved a quantitative and cross-sectional approach with a sample consisting of 800 older people living in the north (region of Arica and Parinacota) and south (region of La Araucanía) of Chile, of whom 569 individuals (71.2%) were indigenous. The inclusion criteria covered age (participants had to be aged 60 years or above), residence (rural setting) and state of health (not suffering from serious cognitive impairment). Study 2 involved a quantitative and cross-sectional approach with a sample consisting of 1692 older people living in nine regions of Chile, ranging from the north to the south of the country: Arica and Parinacota, Tarapacá, Antofagasta, Atacama, Coquimbo, Valparaíso, Los Lagos, Aisén and Magallanes. A total of 1348 individuals (79.7% of the sample) were indigenous and Afro-descendants. The same inclusion criteria were used as for Study 1. In both studies, a face-to-face interview method was used to collect the data (between August and October 2017 in Study 1, and between December 2021 and June 2022  in Study 2). The questionnaire was read out loud to interviewees. Qualified social work and psychology professionals administered the questionnaire. Interviewers learned to administer the questionnaire in a short training workshop; specifically, they received instructions on how to address potential difficulties with understanding questions, for which purpose examples and even the linguistic meaning of some terms were provided. A pilot study was conducted prior to the fieldwork, with a questionnaire applied in Spanish including certain terms in indigenous languages. Work was previously carried out with experts (anthropologists, sociologists and social workers) for each people and also with indigenous leaders, particularly to develop the cultural practices section. Certain adjustments were made to the questionnaire to make it easily comprehensible for indigenous older adults, particularly including the reduction of some questionnaire sections. In both studies, it was necessary to address certain difficulties arising from socio-­ healthcare and demographic factors. It is also important to note that access to certain landscapes where indigenous people are living is limited or hindered due to geographical reasons (such as the altitude of highland municipalities) and social factors (including mistrust and ongoing conflict). These factors could have introduced bias into the sample, which is worth noting and taking into consideration when examining the findings. Specifically, the socio-healthcare factors in Study 2 were related to its being conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, which entailed observing all of the security measures required by the Ministry of Health of the Chilean government, including completion of the vaccination programme for interviewers, social distancing, use of masks and use of alcohol gel for tasks including the signing of the consent form. The fieldwork on Rapa Nui was altered because the island was closed (with no commercial flights) since the indigenous community had declared tapu, the concept of

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self-preservation and safeguarding of the community against adversity. This required respect for the decisions made by the traditional authorities, and the territory hence remained closed to third parties (ECLAC, 2020). As a result, interviews were conducted with older adults who had travelled to a healthcare facility in the city of Valparaíso to be attended to for non-COVID-19 health issues in a more advanced hospital. Finally, demographic factors changed the balance of the sample in terms of peoples from the extreme south of Chile (regions close to the Antarctic), living in the so-called fjords and channels of Chile. Both the Yaghan and Kawésqar peoples have experienced significant drops in population to the extent that they are on the verge of extinction, and this meant that only ten older adults were interviewed. A total of 2492 older adults took part in the two studies, of whom 23% (575) were non-indigenous. All of the Chilean indigenous peoples were represented (201 Aymara, 203 Quechua, 214 Atacameño, 215 Colla, 100 Chango, 255 Diaguita, 130 Rapa Nui, 368 Mapuche, 116 Huilliche, 10 Kawésqar) and there were 105 Afro-­ descendant participants (Table 20.1). The questionnaire asked participants what action they took from the following options when they felt unwell: seeing indigenous doctors, using natural herbs for treatment, preparing infusions, treating with traditional massages, attending family health centres, going to hospital and seeing private doctors. We also asked participants whether any family member, preferably a daughter or granddaughter, had been influenced when pregnant to have a birth in line with indigenous tradition (1 = never; 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, 4 = often and 5 = always). Participants were also asked about their self-rated health (1 = very poor, 2 = poor, 3 = fair, 4 = very good, 5 = excellent) and their level of life satisfaction (personal well-being index, PWI), across eight domains: standard of living, health, achieving in life, relationships, safety, community-connectedness, future security and spirituality/religion, with a question also included on the ninth item of overall life satisfaction (range from 0 to 10 points where 0 is totally unsatisfied and 10 is totally satisfied). The results show that health and quality of life among indigenous older adults living in rural settings generally tend to be better than among non-indigenous older adults. As may be observed in Table 20.2, the percentage of older adults who selfrated their health as good was higher among all indigenous peoples compared to the non-indigenous population, with the sole exception of Huilliche participants. It should be noted that self-rated health is one of the commonest means of evaluating health status in a summarised manner, its usefulness having been demonstrated in a large number of studies (see Schnittker, 2004), mainly because of their well-­known validity as a predictor of mortality (Idler & Benyamini, 1997; Idler et  al., 1999). Table  20.2 also shows the average scores obtained in the different dimensions of quality of life, measured using the personal well-being index (PWI). For the different dimensions included in the questionnaire (except for satisfaction with achieving in life and with future security), it can be concluded that in rural settings in Chile, levels of satisfaction among indigenous older adults tend to be higher than satisfaction among non-indigenous older adults. There are particularly high levels of satisfaction with health and with community connectedness among indigenous older adults. The depopulation of rural areas and indigenous (rural) territories of indigenous peoples affects their whole population, but the process becomes more intense among

45 (22%)

13 (7%)

Divorced or similar

39 (10%)

3 (1%)

High school 21 (10%) or vocational education

Higher education

Values are represented as n (%)

4 (3%)

76 (21%)

49 (24%)

Primary school

127 (63%) 250 (68%)

16 (4%)

96 (26%)

54 (15%)

23 (11%)

Widow

72 (20%)

Single

29 (15%)

80 + years

134 (36%)

120 (60%) 202 (55%)

75 (37%)

70–79 years

162 (44%)

Married/ cohabiting

97 (48%)

60–69 years

95 (47%)

188 (51%)

106 (53%) 180 (49%)

Men

Mapuche (n = 368)

Women

Education Primary school incomplete

Marital status

Age

Gender

Aymara (n = 201)

Study 1

Table 20.1  Participant's characteristics

23 (11%)

25 (12%)

80 (37%)

53 (26%)

19 (10%)

67 (33%)

9 (4%)

7 (3%)

48 (21%)

2 (1%)

76 (38%)

120 (52%) 72 (35%)

56 (24%)

23 (10%)

49 (21%)

47 (20%)

7 (3%)

100 (47%)

83 (39%)

24 (11%)

22 (10%)

53 (25%)

33 (15%)

112 (49%) 108 (53%) 106 (50%)

47 (21%)

62 (29%)

105 (52%) 109 (51%)

102 (44%) 75 (37%)

82 (35%)

124 (54%) 80 (39%)

17 (17%) 56 (22%)

35 (35%) 95 (37%) 8 (6%)

17 (15%) 0

31 (24%) 56 (48%) 4 (40%)

48 (48%) 104 (41%) 91 (70%) 43 (37%) 6 (60%)

12 (6%)

74 (34%)

83 (39%)

46 (21%)

14 (7%)

39 (18%)

39 (18%)

80 (69%) 4 (40%)

15 (13%) 0

17 (13%) 21 (18%) 2 (20%)

8 (6%)

0

27 (15%) 21 (18%) 5 (50%)

25 (19%) 19 (16%) 0

6 (6%)

18 (7%)

17 (13%) 0

0

53 (53%) 169 (66%) 88 (68%) 15 (13%) 4 (40%)

31 (31%) 45 (18%)

10 (10%) 23 (9%)

14 (14%) 11 (4%)

13 (13%) 78 (31%)

23 (23%) 56 (22%)

123 (57%) 50 (50%) 110 (43%) 78 (60%) 61 (61%) 5 (50%)

32 (14%)

98 (46%)

85 (40%)

17 (16%)

71 (68%)

12 (11%)

5 (5%)

7 (7%)

15 (14%)

11 (10%)

72 (69%)

10 (9%)

28 (27%)

67 (64%)

46 (44%)

59 (56%)

30 (8%)

162 (47%)

95 (28%)

57 (17%)

26 (7%)

83 (24%)

47 (14%)

188 (55%)

35 (10%)

121 (35%)

188 (55%)

122 (35%)

222 (65%)

Rapa Afro-­ Non-­ Nui Huilliche Kawésqar descendents indigenous (n = 130) (n = 116) (n = 10) (n = 105) (n = 344)

53 (53%) 145 (57%) 71 (55%) 67 (58%) 8 (80%)

Chango Diaguita (n = 100) (n = 255)

119 (55%) 47 (47%) 110 (43%) 59 (45%) 49 (42%) 2 (20%)

96 (45%)

Atacameño Colla (n = 214) (n = 215)

107 (46%) 123 (61%) 152 (71%)

Study 2 Nonindigenous Quechua (n = 231) (n = 203)

Satisfaction with safety 7.67 (1.91) 7.31 (2.17) 6.21 (1.66) 7.46 (1.26) 8.09 (1.84) 8.88 (1.57) 8.77 (1.78) 9.74 (0.71) 9.91 (0.42) 7.81 (1.46) 7.60 (2.71) 6.40 (2.05) 8.18 (1.81)

Satisfaction with relationships 8.28 (1.73) 7.57 (2.07) 6.38 (1.67) 7.51 (1.289 8.15 (1.75) 8.94 (1.52) 8.85 (1.57) 9.75 (0.70) 9.85 (0.60) 8.05 (1.45) 8.90 (1.28) 7.66 (1.46) 8.33 (1.69)

8.22 (1.85)

6.88 (1.76)

8.38 (1.18) 9.50(1.08)

9.92 (0.37)

8.93 (1.56) 9.68 (1.01)

8.95 (1.56)

8.27 (1.77)

7.59 (1.18)

6.30 (1.77)

7.39 (2.12)

Satisfaction with communityconnectedness 8.38 (1.80)

7.85 (2.07)

5.43 (1.88)

7.73 (1.39) 6.70 (2.31)

9.79 (1.02)

8.81 (1.64) 9.71 (0.84)

8.84 (1.67)

7.85 (1.85)

7.47 (1.22)

6.21 (1.61)

7.06 (2.20)

Satisfaction with future security 7.18 (2.30)

Note: Self-rated health is shown as n (%). Variables measuring satisfaction with different domains of quality of live are shown as mean (standard deviation)

Table 20.2  Health indicators in the indigenous and non-indigenous population in study 1 and 2 Self-rated health Satisfaction Satisfaction n (%) with with standard of Satisfaction achieving Good Poor living with health in life Study 1 Aymara 186 15 (7%) 8.27 (1.72) 7.08 (2.51) 8.09 (1.94) (93%) Mapuche 327 41 (11%) 7.26 (2.06) 6.38 (2.27) 7.53 (1.95) (89%) Non-indigenous 196 35 (15%) 6.55 (1.63) 5.74 (2.00) 6.37 (1.66) (85%) Study 2 Quechua 186 17 (8%) 7.69 (1.189) 7.51 (1.21) 7.62 (1.17) (92%) Atacameño 190 24 (11%) 7.92 (1.79) 7.47 (1.85) 8.00 (1.82) (89%) Colla 191 24 (11%) 8.86 (1.45) 8.27 (1.74) 8.97 (1.53) (89%) Chango 92 (92%) 8(8%) 8.75 (1.64) 8.52 (1.76) 8.88 (1.55) Diaguita 236 19 (7%) 9.82 (0.61) 8.82 (1.609 9.71 (0.77) (93%) Rapa Nui 125 5 (4%) 9.87 (0.68) 9.53 (1.05) 9.87 (0.50) (96%) Huilliche 73 (63%) 43 (37%) 8.03 (1.41) 7.63 (1.76) 7.85 (1.41) Kawésqar 10 0 8.40 (1.64) 6.80 (1.87) 8.20 (1.93) (100%) Afrodescendientes 100 5 (5%) 8.79 (1.26) 7.70 (1.50) 8.04 (1.36) (95%) Non- indigenous 285 59 (17%) 8.35 (1.63) 7.72 (1.81) 8.38 (1.69) (83%)

7.92 (2.30)

5.88 (1.79)

7.35 (1.88) 9.80 (0.42)

9.94 (0.32)

8.74 (2.01) 9.71 (0.97)

8.70 (2.27)

8.02 (2.18)

6.51 (2.13)

6.42 (1.97)

7.97 (2.14)

Satisfaction with spirituality/ religion 8.25 (2.23)

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younger segments of the population. Migratory movements from rural to urban settings are largely led by younger people. The reasons for this are well known (Carrasco & González, 2014), and it is not the purpose of this chapter to discuss them. The key here is to note that the factors explaining deterioration in health among indigenous people in urban settings may be less common in rural settings. Most importantly, these rural settings are particularly connected with the traditional content of indigenous culture for older adults who are ageing in place. For a large majority of the indigenous people who participated in our studies and whose data are reported here, their place of residence corresponds to the ancestral territories of their people. These are rural settings that have suffered and are suffering the negative consequences of a Western concept of development, but which in any case permit a sense of cultural continuity that is practically impossible in urban settings: the high plains, the pampas of the Atacama desert, traditional fishing villages on the Pacific coast, Easter Island, territories in central valleys of southern Chile, rainforests close to the Andes mountain range and austral channels in fjord regions are all noteworthy examples of geographic diversity. These are viable settings to maintain cultural practices linked to the economic, work (labour), family and community relationships, traditional institutions, links to land and history and so on. In this physical, territorial and cultural context, the concept of development is more closely linked to traditional practices. It involves incorporating elements of the cosmovisions of indigenous peoples into the concept and representation of well-being, which can have a positive effect on the health of older adults (Olko et al., 2022). These are the people – indigenous older adults – who would most benefit from the persistence of indigenous cultural elements in rural settings. In line with the theory of ageing in place, indigenous older adults wish to live in their ancestral territories so they can maintain, reproduce and transfer their legacy through the strong significance of the land and attachment to place (Marques et al., 2021). Being connected to the land would be related to higher levels of well-being in old age (Quigley et al., 2022), particularly due to the possibility of maintaining daily or close contact with sacred places (Baron & Fletcher, 2020; Marques et al., 2021). This ageing in place facilitates continuity between territory and culture for indigenous older adults and it is reflected in the maintenance of traditional cultural practices. In the case at hand, this process is particularly significant in terms of health and carerelated practices. The two studies we have described examine this issue as the central focus of their analysis. In this regard, our results show low maintenance of two traditional medical practices: care using indigenous medicine and influence in retaining indigenous birth practices (Table 20.3). Only 15% of interviewees reported sometimes using an indigenous doctor when they felt unwell, with another 12% often or always doing so. There was a notably higher use of indigenous medicine among the Aymara (31%) and Quechua (30%). A low frequency of respondents reported using their influence to encourage the retention of traditional indigenous births, with 8% replying sometimes and 15% saying often/always. These attempts to maintain indigenous traditions were most commonly made among the Aymara (41%) and Mapuche (28%). Both the Aymara and the Mapuche feel a strong bond to intercultural health and the results reflected this. A key factor is the idea that intercultural health refers to practice and to the relational process between health workers and patients when they are from

Table 20.3  Intercultural health practices among indigenous and Afro-descendant Afrodescendant Aymara Quechua Atacameño No 98 83 123 200 Seeing (93%) (41%) (61%) (94%) indigenous doctors Sometimes 1 56 19 11 (1%) (28%) (9%) (5%) Yes 6 62 61 3 (6%) (31%) (30%) (1%) No 71 28 64 128 Using (68%) (14%) (31%) (60%) natural herbs for treatment Sometimes 16 65 65 12 (15%) (32%) (32%) (5%) Yes 18 108 74 74 (17%) (54%) (37%) (35%) Preparing No 71 27 81 128 infusions (68%) (14%) (40%) (60%) Sometimes 15 65 59 16 (14%) (32%) (29%) (7%) Yes 19 109 63 70 (18%) (54%) (31%) (33%) No 94 57 93 134 Treating (90%) (28%) (46%) (63%) with traditional Sometimes 0 82 50 26 massages (41%) (25%) (12%) Yes 11 62 60 54 (10%) (31%) (29%) (25%) Colla 190 (88%) 17 (8%) 8 (4%) 32 (15%) 69 (32%) 114 (53%) 23 (11%) 44 (20%) 148 (69%) 48 (22%) 100 (47%) 67 (31%)

Chango 68 (68%) 13 (13%) 19 (19%) 20 (20%) 22 (22%) 58 (58%) 13 (13%) 21 (21%) 66 (66%) 22 (22%) 31 (31%) 47 (47%)

Diaguita 237 (93%) 5 (2%) 13 (5%) 39 (15%) 79 (31%) 137 (54%) 35 (14%) 77 (30%) 143 (56%) 229 (90%) 17 (7%) 9 (3%)

Rapa Nui 119 (92%) 4 (3%) 7 (5%) 117 (90%) 6 (5%) 7 (5%) 115 (89%) 7 (5%) 8 (6%) 118 (91%) 5 (4%) 7 (5%)

Mapuche 178 (48%) 152 (41%) 38 (11%) 158 (43%) 158 (43%) 52 (14%) 129 (35%) 136 (37%) 103 (28%) 171 (46%) 150 (41%) 47 (13%)

Huilliche 94 (81%) 7 (6%) 15 (13%) 90 (78%) 11 (9%) 15 (13%) 58 (50%) 34 (29%) 24 (21%) 28 (24%) 55 (48%) 33 (28%) 2 (20%) 1 (10%) 7 (70%) 2 (20%) 1 (10%) 7 (70%) 3 (30%) 2 (20%) 5 (50%)

0

Kawésqar 10 (100%) 0

Total 1400 (73%) 285 (15%) 232 (12%) 749 (39%) 504 (26%) 664 (35%) 682 (36%) 475 (25%) 760 (39%) 997 (52%) 518 (27%) 402 (21%) (continued)

Yes

Sometimes

No

Yes

Sometimes

No

Yes

Sometimes

No

Afrodescendant 6 (6%) 16 (15%) 83 (79%) 8 (8%) 2 (2%) 95 (90%) 96 (91%) 1 (1%) 8 (8%) 99 (94%) 1 (1%) 5 (5%)

Values are represented as n (%)

Influencing indigenous births

Seeing private doctors

Going to hospital

Yes

No Attending family health centres Sometimes

Table 20.3 continued

Aymara 21 (10%) 101 (50%) 79 (40%) 76 (38%) 93 (46%) 32 (16%) 155 (77%) 39 (19%) 7 (4%) 68 (34%) 50 (25%) 83 (41%)

129 (64%) 29 (14%) 45 (22%)

Quechua 101 (50%) 49 (24%) 53 (26%) 101 (50%) 43 (21%) 59 (29%) 199 (98%) 4 (2%) 0

Atacameño 127 (59%) 44 (21%) 43 (20%) 142 (66%) 47 (22%) 25 (12%) 178 (83%) 17 (8%) 19 (9%) 206 (96%) 6 (3%) 2 (1%)

Colla 43 (20%) 110 (51%) 62 (29%) 124 (58%) 54 (25%) 37 (17%) 177 (82%) 22 (10%) 16 (8%) 207 (96%) 4 (2%) 4 (2%)

Chango 17 (17%) 31 (31%) 52 (52%) 49 (49%) 30 (30%) 21 (21%) 69 (69%) 16 (16%) 15 (15%) 81 (81%) 12 (12%) 7 (7%) 253 (99%) 2 (1%) 0

244 (96%) 11 (4%) 0

Diaguita 32 (12%) 160 (63%) 63 (25%) 155 (61%) 59 (23%) 41(16%)

Rapa Nui Mapuche Huilliche 0 18 19 (5%) (16%) 35 122 45 (27%) (33%) (39%) 95 228 52 (73%) (62%) (45%) 0 66 5 (18%) (4%) 35 150 35 (27%) (41%) (30%) 95 152 76 (73%) (41%) (66%) 125 238 7 (96%) (65%) (6%) 2 104 31 (2%) (28%) (27%) 3 26 78 (2%) (7%) (67%) 122 210 108 (94%) (57%) (94%) 2 54 4 (1%) (15%) (3%) 6 104 4 (5%) (28%) (3%) 6 (60%) 1 (10%) 2 (20%) 7 (70%) 3 (30%) 4 (40%) 3 (30%) 5 (50%) 4 (40%) 1 (10%)

Kawésqar 4 (40%) 0

Total 388 (20%) 713 (37%) 816 (43%) 727 (38%) 550 (29%) 640 (33%) 1491 (78%) 251 (13%) 175 (19%) 1488 (77%) 168 (8%) 261 (15%)

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different cultures. Reciprocal understanding is needed in these cases to ensure that the outcomes of the interaction between cultures are satisfactory for both parties (Beltrán et al., 2022) and added to this in the context of intercultural health programmes are the concepts of living well (Suma Qamaña and Kvme Mogen in Aymara and Mapudungun, respectively) that are essential for both indigenous peoples. Data relating to the Quechua also stood out owing to their high levels of adherence to indigenous practice, which is understandable in their current historical-­ social context. The Quechua live in northern Chile and belong to indigenous Andean communities. Their levels of ethno-cultural self-identification have increased in recent years (Ministry of Social Development and Family, 2017). The Quechua wish to distinguish themselves from the Aymara (Romero-Toledo & Sambolín, 2019) and Atacameño (Gundermann, 2018), meaning that there has been a strong process of reinforcement and differentiation of their indigenous identity, whether through community participation in the symbolic reconstruction of their spaces (churches) or revival of ecological agricultural practices, in addition to the reinforcement of rituals and beliefs. In this regard, the Quechua have undergone a process of ‘ancestralisation’ involving the articulation of symbolic power (forms of authority, legitimacy and prestige), social structure (organisation of families and communities) and the reciprocal relationships between community members and animals, ancestors, bodies of water, mountains and the land itself, from which there has been a resignification of local history and geography (Martínez, 2015). Other indigenous medical practices were maintained by a high percentage of interviewees (≥21%). Group analysis showed that 58% of Chango participants used herbal medicines for treatment, 69% of Colla respondents prepared natural infusions and 47% of Chango participants were treated with traditional massages. In complementary fashion, allopathic medical practices were reported as widely used, involving attending health centres (43%) and hospitals (33%). These figures were strikingly higher among Afro-descendants, with 79% regularly attending health centres and 90% having been to the hospital. Finally, there was a low frequency of interviewees seeing a private doctor, which involves belonging to a private healthcare scheme or paying a high price for medical consultation and treatment (≤19%), although there was a high frequency of private health use among Huilliche interviewees (67%). Progress in terms of the State of Chile’s policies, programmes and strategies has increased visibility regarding the recognition of diversity and the need for an intercultural approach (Manríquez-Hizaut et al., 2018), as shown by the studies conducted with indigenous and Afro-descendant older adults. These studies have shown high levels of adherence to practices that combine indigenous and allopathic medicine. However, the findings are specific to each people and this confirms the holistic and diverse nature of health among indigenous peoples (Aravena et al., 2019). The available empirical evidence and the data reported in this chapter hence suggest that health and quality of life among indigenous older adults are directly related to maintaining a residential and cultural context in which indigenous cosmovisions and traditions play a leading role. This reality questions the Western concept of development at the same as it offers the opportunity to enrich it through the consideration of some of these elements.

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Interculturality in Health: Challenges for Social Work A key aspect of interculturality in health is its position as the basis for intercultural understanding. In this regard, Boccara (2007) characterised interculturality in health as the colonisation of a critical concept insofar as its initial use was associated with indigenous movements through their demands for changes to recognition structures and policies based on their cosmovision, but it has now become a fashionable concept in the dominant political and cultural discourse. The ethnic relevance of public programmes aimed at indigenous peoples is thus determined based on their degree of interculturality. A review of the literature in this field (Boccara, 2012; Carreño-Calderón, 2021) reveals common uses of the concept linked to: relationships between different cultures; recognition of cultural diversity; asymmetries in treatment of the other (in this case, the indigenous other); the fusion of the State in indigenist policies that must now be intercultural, albeit retaining the concept of functional interculturality; the incorporation of health and health agents into the medical system since it has been largely restricted to serving as a space for curing illness and not for fluid dialogue between cultures. The model has been focused more on practices to cure illnesses, and the perspective of critical interculturality is therefore not yet being reflected in Chilean health policies, given that there have been no substantial structural changes that would make it possible in practice to reduce health inequality gaps or asymmetries of knowledge and practices and increase the recognition of indigenous health systems. Understanding intercultural health is not merely a matter for health professionals but also for those working in fields such as social work. The symmetrical valuation of academic and traditional knowledge is a key component in progressing towards dialogue-based relationships that involve mutual understanding and respect and active empathy. Social work has an important role to play in reinforcing these aspects, given its community work and participative tradition and methodologies, as well as its focus on professional empathy and training professionals as facilitators of processes involving change, mediation and empowerment of oppressed communities. Pérez et al. (2016) offered an interesting observation that one of the most significant obstacles to the implementation of the Health and Indigenous Peoples Policy is the conflict between the Mapuche health system and the biomedical one. A lack of recognition that the starting point is one of ignorance is probably one factor in this clash: it is taken as a given that indigenous communities have social capital that is strongly linked to dynamics and mechanisms of reciprocity and exchange and that this, moreover, is based on an inherent cultural capital due to being indigenous and practising a certain culture. But indigenous wisdom, practices and knowledge are not accorded the same status of being recognisable and valuable; rather, they are subject to and questioned by the Western knowledge of health. This leads to a challenge that does not start from scratch: there are regulations, mechanisms, programmes and principles that have been established in terms of intercultural health that provide a foundation from which progress can be made toward a critical understanding of interculturality that reduces current inequalities and asymmetries. Intercultural health is not restricted to care from traditional actors. Rather, it is inserted into an indigenous concept of the person together with all natural elements: ixofilmogen, in the Mapuche cosmovision. This means that intercultural health

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involves understanding and recognising all spaces for interrelating, interacting, symbiosis, balances and imbalances, how organisations are structured, understanding the supernatural and what is not scientifically explained, but also recognising the limits that this entails and the differentiation of spaces and fields for intervention. As previously stated, study 2 was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic and subject to strict mobility restrictions. It is hence necessary to take into account the impact of this public health situation on general health and wellbeing in indigenous communities (ECLAC, 2020). This situation has proven even more complex in the case of older adults, who have had to change their daily routines or lifestyles to restrict their social and community relationships, creating an increased risk of social isolation (Oppenheimer-Lewin et al., 2022). There was no available empirical evidence at the time of writing this chapter that would permit a reasonable estimate of the pandemic’s impact on health and quality of life for indigenous older adults compared to non-indigenous older adults. The literature on the role of COVID-19 in terms of social inequalities suggests that this impact would be in line with the social gradient in health (Flor et al. 2022), but the particular living conditions of indigenous older adults (some of which are described in detail in this chapter) invite caution when considering potential hypotheses in this respect. The reshaping of the concept of development that is advocated in these pages with the aim of including elements from indigenous cosmovisions represents a significant challenge for social work: to be anti-oppressive and able to recover and relocate indigenous cultural practices related to health (for example, using the approach of ageing in place). The objective is to help to change the concept of development so that it benefits from the contributions of the indigenous cosmovision, particularly highlighting the role of older adults. Acknowledgements  This work was supported by the Government of Chile FONDECYT Regular ‘Ethnic diversity and ageing: producing a multicultural map of successful ageing in Chile (Ref.1210021)’.

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Manríquez-Hizaut, M., Lagos-Fernández, C., Rebolledo-Sanhuesa, J., & Figueroa-Huencho, V. (2018). Intercultural health in Chile: Historical development and current challenges. Revista de Salud Pública. https://doi.org/10.15446/rsap.v20n6.65625 Marques, B., Freeman, C., Carter, L., & Pedersen Zari, M. (2021). Conceptualising therapeutic environments through culture, indigenous knowledge and landscape for health and well-being. Sustainability. https://doi.org/10.3390/su13169125 Martínez, N. (2015). Prácticas cotidianas de ancestralización de un territorio indígena: el caso de la comunidad pewenche de Quinquén. Revista de Geografía Norte Grande. https://doi. org/10.4067/S0718-­34022015000300006 Mellor, D., Merino, M. E., Saiz, J. L., & Quilaqueo, D. (2009). Emotional reactions, coping and long-term consequences of perceived discrimination among the Mapuche people of Chile. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.996 Ministry of Health. (2006). Norma General Administrativa N° 16. Interculturalidad en los Servicios de Salud. Resolución Exenta N°261. https://www.minsal.cl/sites/default/files/files/Norma%20 16%20Interculturalidad.pdf. Accessed 27 Aug 2022. Ministry of Social Development and Family. (2017). Encuesta Nacional de Caracterización Socioeconómica, CASEN [National Socioeconomic Characterization Survey]. http://observatorio.ministeriodesarrollosocial.gob.cl/storage/docs/casen/2017/Casen_2017_Pueblos_ Indigenas.pdf. Accessed 26 Aug 2022. Moloney, A. (2010). Protests highlight plight of Chile’s Mapuche Indians. The Lancet. https://doi. org/10.1016/s0140-­6736(10)60181-­x Olko, J., Lubiewska, K., Maryniak, J., Haimovich, G., de la Cruz, E., Cuahutle Bautista, B., et al. (2022). The positive relationship between indigenous language use and community-based well-being in four Nahua ethnic groups in Mexico. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000479 Oppenheimer-Lewin, D., Ortega-Palavecinos, M., & Núñez-Cortés, R. (2022). Resilience in older people during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Chile: Perspective from the social determinants of health. Revista Española de Geriatría y Gerontología. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.regg.2022.08.002 Pérez, C., Nazar, G., & Cova, F. (2016). Facilitadores y obstaculizadores de la implementación de la política de salud intercultural en Chile. Revista Panamericana de Salud Pública, 39(2), 122–127. Piñones, C., Mansilla, M., & Arancibia, R. (2017). The imaginary of horizontality as an instrument of subordination: The indigenous’ peoples health policy in Chile’s neoliberal multiculturalism. Saúde E Sociedade. https://doi.org/10.1590/s0104-­12902017169802 Pozo, S., & Gallardo, L. (2021). Health in older people of african-descendant in Chile. Journal of Health and Medical Sciences, 7(4), 249–255. Quigley, R., Russell, S. G., Larkins, S., Taylor, S., Sagigi, B., Strivens, E., & Redman-MacLaren, M. (2022). Aging well for indigenous peoples: A scoping review. Frontiers in Public Health. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2022.780898 Rist, G. (1997). The history of development. From Western origins to global faith. Zed Books. Romero-Toledo, H., & Sambolín, A. (2019). 611. indigeneidad y territorio: los aymaras y quechuas en el norte de Chile. Scripta Nova. https://doi.org/10.1344/sn2019.23.20408 Sánchez-Moreno, E., Gallardo-Peralta, L. P., & Leyton, C. (2021a). The social gradient in mental health and well-being for indigenous older adults living in rural areas: A cross-sectional comparison with rural non-indigenous population in Chile. Journal of a+Aging and Health. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0898264320979201 Sánchez-Moreno, E., Gallardo-Peralta, L., Rodríguez-Rodríguez, V., & Soto Higuera, A. (2021b). Successful aging and quality of life: A cross-ethnic comparison in Chile. In F. Rojo-Pérez & G. Fernández-Mayoralas (Eds.), Handbook of active ageing and quality of life. International handbooks of quality-of-life. Springer. Schnittker, J. (2004). Education and the changing shape of the income gradient in health. Journal of Health and Social Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1177/002214650404500304

Part IV

Indigenous Social Work: Insights from Diverse Cultural Contexts

Chapter 21

Embracing Cultural and Indigenous Approaches to Child Discipline: A Response to Corporal Punishment Outlawing in Zimbabwe Mulwayini Mundau and Tanatswa Silvanus Chineka

Background The outlawing of corporal punishment in Zimbabwe and other countries within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has left a gap for appropriate alternative forms of child discipline. This has grave implications for child protection outcomes as children become exposed to other non-physical but aversive forms of child discipline. This chapter, therefore, advances that embracing cultural and indigenous knowledge systems presents a viable approach to ensuring positive behaviour control. Such an approach addresses gaps in the mainstream persuasions concerning parenting and parent–child relationships that heavily borrow from Western cultural ideologies. Rather, embracing cultural diversity presents opportunities for gleaning the best positive practices within each cultural context to enforce good parenting practices. The objectives of this chapter are to identify the dominant child disciplining strategies employed by parents in Zimbabwe and the region, to assess the viability of indigenous child disciplining methods as an alternative for behaviour modification, and to consider opportunities for mainstreaming indigenous practices in child disciplining strategies within contemporary child protection frameworks. There are common similarities among the world’s cultures on how parenting is expressed; however, these expressions are context-defined and specific. Indigenous belief systems play a vital role in the expression of parenting practice within a given context. Zimbabwe and most African countries have been caught up in a child M. Mundau (*) National University of Lesotho, Maseru, Lesotho e-mail: [email protected] T. S. Chineka Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_21

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discipline dilemma ever since the outlawing of corporal punishment. This chapter, therefore, argues that culture and indigenous knowledge systems are of paramount importance in informing parenting approaches and practices. In this regard, parent– child relationships are biologically based, they are influenced by developmental and contextual conditions, and they affect individual development beyond childhood and adolescence (Frosch et al., 2019). Additionally, systematic cross-cultural and culture-psychological research on parenting and child development has provided empirical evidence on universalities and culture specificities pointing to the role of cultural factors in parent–child relationships (Albert & Trommsdorff, 2014). The parents' response to children's primary needs has been noted to be different across cultures. It is therefore imperative to identify and promote positive parenting practices that are indigenous and context-specific. This does not negate the importance and the existence of universal parental practices across cultures. The dire need for contextually relevant parenting approaches has seen a quandary in parenting practices in Zimbabwe and other countries within the Southern African region. This has often resulted in the adoption of outlawed behaviour modification practices like corporal punishment and the embracing of foreign and out-of-­ context parenting practices as the immediate recourse. Additionally, it has also led to the escalation of delinquent behaviours among children due to families becoming dysfunctional, peer pressure among children, poverty and other socio-economic factors, and abuse of mass media platforms (Raselekoane et al., 2019). The centrality of culture and indigenous knowledge systems in informing parenting approaches within a given context is of importance. This will be pivotal in addressing the many challenges currently faced by countries within Africa, south of the Sahara, in desisting from harmful parenting practices.

Review of Literature This review of literature is key in clarifying fundamental aspects informing the parenting discourse between a Western modernistic bias and an Afrocentric indigenous perspective. This section, therefore, outlines the conceptualisation of parenting, a general overview of child discipline, and Human rights and child development dimensions of child discipline.

Conceptualisation of Parenting Parenting has been conceptualised as one of the foundational processes that affect human development. It is a broad concept encompassing how biological parents and an expansive network of relatives and community members nurture, mould, and discipline children to become cherished persons or adults. In this respect, parenting can be defined as a process of ensuring that children learn self-regulation, empathy,

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morals, values, and appropriate behaviours and graduate into productive members of their families, communities, and society. (Leon & Cepero, 2010). Thus, issues involving intergenerational values and contemporary issues broadly influence parenting. The family, as advanced by de Zoysa (2011), is recognised as both the earliest and most sustained source of social contact for children. The socialisation process undertaken by parents within the family to provide behaviour framing and modification is culturally constructed. By extension, the habits, beliefs, and impossibilities associated with that culture become one's own. The parenting practice thus makes use of indigenous knowledge systems, the unique, traditional, local knowledge existing within and developed around the specific conditions of women and men indigenous to a particular geographic area. This is orally passed down from generation to generation and is developed outside the formal education system. Parenting strategies have been categorised under four widely recognised styles, namely authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and uninvolved. Parenting in Africa Network (2014) has outlined how these styles serve as educational methods pursued by parents that impact a child's perception and acceptance in the family. Such a process involves the concepts of demandingness and responsiveness (Labous, 2015). The former implies parents' demanding maturity, supervision, and discipline, while the latter relates to their responsiveness through a show of affective warmth, acceptance, and involvement. Parents' beliefs regarding children's misbehaviour and their knowledge on how to change it largely determine the dominant parenting style employed. The role of culture in influencing the nature of parenting is very much critical. In support of this view, Lang (2020) states that socio-cultural characteristics such as economic hardships, religion, politics, neighbourhoods, schools, and social support can influence the approach to parenting. The need to view the parenting discourse from a cultural and indigenous perspective is of paramount importance in this regard. This is an important commitment towards the identification and promotion of effective and non-harmful parenting practices.

Child Disciplining: A Brief Overview The term ‘discipline’ has been associated with punishment intended to decrease misbehaviour. It is however derived from the term ‘disciplinare’ which refers to a system of teaching or instruction (de Zoysa, 2011). In parenting, the term discipline thus relates to a system of teaching instruction meant to reinforce the behaviour considered appropriate and acceptable. Broadly, discipline in parenting is envisaged across a continuum from strategies inclined towards negative parenting and those relating to positive parenting methodologies. Such methodologies can adopt a psychological and/or physical form. These include psychological aggression and physical discipline (including corporal punishment).

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Psychological aggression is conceptualised as active or passive and verbal or non-verbal communication intended to cause the child to experience psychological pain (Stangor, 2014). Such terms as emotional abuse, emotional maltreatment, psychological maltreatment, psychological abuse, and verbal/symbolic aggression depict forms of psychological aggression (de Zoysa, 2011). Further, psychological aggression has been shown to be a precursor to the use of corporal punishment, which in turn could lead to physical abuse. This chapter adopts the definition of corporal punishment as discussed by de Zoysa (2011) which regards corporal punishment as the use of physical force with the intention of causing a child to experience pain but not injury for the purposes of correction or control of the child's behaviour. This chapter argues that child disciplining styles differ from one context to another due to various factors. As supported by Amos (2013), these factors may be cultural, personality, parental background, educational level, socio-economic status, family size, and religion. It is from this paradigm that the authors argue that indigeneity plays a key role in defining the nature of behaviour modification or discipline style.

Common Parenting Styles It is pertinent for this chapter to explore the various forms of parenting that are practised in Zimbabwe and other African settings. Admittedly, there is not much literature on parenting styles in the SADC region; however, this chapter brings out the main types of parenting showing their likely influence on children. According to Parenting for Brain (2021), parenting styles are mainly categorised based on the demandingness and responsiveness dimensions of parenting. The author further defines demandingness as referring to the extent to which parents control their children's behaviour or demand their maturity while responsiveness refers to the degree parents are accepting and being sensitive to their children's emotional and developmental needs. Additionally, Baumrind (1967) notes that these parenting styles reflect some patterns of parental values, practices, and behaviours. Furthermore, Cohrdes and Göbel (2022) propose that the cornerstones of these parenting styles are warmth and control. The most common parenting styles, therefore, are authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and neglectful. Authoritarian Parenting Style The authoritarian parenting style has got high levels of parental control and low levels of responsiveness, the two characteristics of authoritarian parents (Parenting for Brain, 2021). Additionally, this style expects children to follow the strict family rules established by the parents. In case of any failure to adhere to set rules, children

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will be exposed to punishment. The demand for blind obedience from children by authoritarian parents is one key feature that differentiates it from the authoritative parenting style. This is likely to be one of the main contributing factors to abusive parenting practices and is thrown into a quandary with the abolishment of corporal punishment since it was one of the ways of instilling punishment on children. According to Roman et al. (2016), studies conducted in South Africa showed that parents mainly used authoritative parenting styles across many ethnic groups. Similarly, findings from studies carried out in Zimbabwe by Matsvange and Mugweni (2018) and Muzingili and Chikoko (2019) show that the authoritarian parenting style is highly prevalent in Zimbabwe. The studies were mainly focused on the Karanga tribes in the Chivi district as well the BaTonga tribes in the Binga district. Authoritative Parenting Authoritative parents are characterised by high expectations for their children's achievements and maturity while at the same time being also warm and responsive. The parents would often set rules and boundaries for the family while promoting open discussions aimed at providing guidance using reasoning. The parents are known for always giving reasons for their actions to their children, and according to Parenting for Brain (2021), this gives children a sense of awareness, as well as teachings about morals, values, and goals. In terms of the disciplinary approach, the parents tend to be confrontational and use power and reasoning with the intention to regulate children's behaviour (Baumrind, 1967). In short, there is a high level of demandingness and high responsiveness. According to Roman et al. (2016), a comparative study on parenting styles in South Africa revealed that the maternal authoritative parenting style is the most prevalent across and within various ethnic groups. In Zimbabwe, a study of indigenous parenting approaches among the BaTonga people by Muzingili and Chikoko (2019) reveals that the authoritative parenting style was very likely to be used, followed by permissive, authoritarian, and lastly neglectful. Permissive Parenting The permissive parenting style is one of the identified styles emerging from the parenting discourse; however, its occurrence in the region is not commonly recorded. This approach is characterised by low demandingness and high responsiveness. The parents typically set few rules for children and reluctantly enforce them. According to Parenting for Brain (2021), children raised under permissive parenting tend to have the worst outcomes in terms of following rules, having self-control, possession of ego-centric tendencies and encountering more in relationships and social interactions.

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Neglectful Parenting The fourth and last category of parenting style is neglectful parenting. Parents under this style do not set high standards or firm boundaries for their children. The style is mainly characterised by low demandingness and low responsiveness. In line with a plethora of child welfare–related legislative instruments, like the Children's Act (05; 06), the African Charter on the Rights of the Child (ACRC), and the United Nations Charter on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) among others, these children are deemed to be in need of care and protection. However, the embracing of indigenous cultural and traditional practices can also play a key role in addressing such unfavourable scenarios.

Factors Contributing to Parenting Style There are a number of factors that contribute to parenting styles and among these are gender, ethnicity, income levels, and culture. Ethnicity or race has also been seen to be a determinant factor in parenting styles. According to the Pew Research Centre (2015), in the United States, the use of spanking as an approach to modifying children's behaviour varies according to races. According to the Centre's 2015 study, black parents (32%) showed to be more likely than white (14%) and Hispanic (19%) parents to spank their children. A comparative study on parenting strategies and ethnicity in South Africa by Roman et al. (2016) revealed that there were inconsistencies in parenting styles among various ethnic groups considered for the study. More profoundly, fathers' parenting styles were perceived as significantly different in three ethnic groups, but mothers' parenting styles were not perceived as significantly different. This, therefore, amplifies the role of ethnic, cultural, and local belief systems in shaping the nature of parenting. The role of income levels in one's parenting styles or in defining the quality of parenting has often been met with a lot of controversies and often considered mythical and too sensitive to debunk. Whyte (2022) notes that the differences in parenting styles between those with high and low incomes can be viewed through access and options. In this regard, the author further states that there is more intellectual stimulation and emotional support for parents from high-income families than those from low income; this is mainly due to the high level of access to the children's needs and a variety of options for them. It is inarguable that the same measure of the quality of parenting through income can be attributed to the African indigenous context. However, considering the egalitarian nature of most African societies, characterised by the communal care of children, the role of the extended family, and ownership of the means of production among others, the differences in parenting styles due to income are likely to be lessened.

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 uman Rights and Child Development Dimensions H to Child Discipline Child disciplining approaches have a bearing on outcomes relating to the care, protection, and safety of children. Many strategies are employed across cultures to instil discipline in children (Gaybullaevich, 2020). With the human rights movement gaining traction, many of these practices have attracted considerable attention and, at times, volatile reactions from child protection practitioners and human rights activists. As such, the discretion of acceptable child disciplining methods has increasingly become contested, with many interests not converging, particularly between parents, caregivers, and child protection interest groups. Aversive child disciplining methods such as psychological and physical aggression have come under immense criticism due to their detrimental effects on child development and negative human rights implications. Within this discourse of contestation, corporal punishment has emerged as one of the most volatile topics. Empirical findings suggest that corporal punishment leads to physical abuse in two ways: firstly, as the severity and frequency of corporal punishment increases, and secondly through the intergenerational transmission of aggressive problem-solving tactics (de Zoysa, 2011). Further, corporal punishment of children breaches their rights to respect for human dignity and physical integrity and to equal protection under the law. Advocacy movements asserting children's status as rights holders and prevention of all forms of violence have culminated in the widespread banning of corporal punishment and other aversive forms of instilling child discipline (Newell, 2011). This celebrated development has had accompanying negative ramifications. This has resulted in the increased use of psychologically aggressive assaults by and against minors in Sweden, and a lack of discipline and safety in schools in South Africa (Maphosa & Shumba, 2010). The absence of alternatives has therefore presented grave risks to child care, development, and protection. Alternatives to corporal punishment thus become critical. It is apparent that corporal punishment cannot be a sustained nor desired approach to child discipline. There, therefore, arises an urgent need to set safer boundaries that promote a non-violent form of discipline. Underlying such an approach is the understanding that hurting children fails to change behaviour permanently as it does not change the child's underlying attitudes and values, nor promote a culture of human rights, tolerance, and respect (Leon & Cepero, 2010). The impetus for alternative strategies to corporal punishment thus relates to the long-term problems associated with corporal punishment that abound. Moreover, corporal punishment stands in the way of addressing circumstances such as lack of proper communication, trauma, poverty-related problems, and conflict at home.

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Methodology This chapter employed a documentary review approach in a bid to comprehensively explore the indigenous approaches to child discipline as a response to corporal punishment outlawing in Zimbabwe. Extensive literature related to indigenous parenting approaches has been reviewed. This nature of methodology was utilised for reviewing the nature of the problem in relation to what other authors have already documented in order to draw meaning and conclusions on the issues under investigation. It is imperative to state that the documentary review methods prioritised the most recent literature on the subject matter. Among the key documents used are the documentary reviews on African traditional practices and parenting, and the literature on parenting from the Western perspective.

Findings and Suggestions This section presents the findings on parenting practices from the reviewed literature as well as the suggested proposals on how the practices can be adopted. Indigenous parenting practices in Zimbabwe and the Southern African region are presented in the context of highlighting the potential of embracing indigenous parenting mechanisms as an alternative to addressing bad parenting practices. This section is presented according to themes that relate to the indigenous parenting practices in Zimbabwe and the Southern African region, the role of region and spirituality, and the merging indigeneity and child rights perspectives.

I ndigenous Parenting Practices in Zimbabwe and the Southern African Region There are a number of indigenous parenting practices that have been orally transmitted from generation to generation through culture. Among these practices are the positive initiation practices, folklore, traditional man's meetings (dare), religion and spirituality, positive child care, and others. Positive Initiation Practices Cultural practices involving initiation ceremonies as rites of passage for young men and women are observed to provide an opportunity for instilling discipline in children. A lot of these practices can be seen among the vaRemba, Shangaan, Sotho and Xhosa among other tribes in the sub-Saharan African countries. The ceremonies provide a platform for child training in culturally specific practices and rules aimed

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at bringing positive behaviours among young boys and girls. Practices such as adolescent initiations, puberty rights, male circumcision, chinamwali (in Zambia) amongst groups such as the Shangani and vaRemba in Zimbabwe, and amongst the Pedi, Tsonga Sotho, and Xhosa in South Africa, as forms of child parenting and disciplining meant to instil the necessary values and conduct in young boys. According to Save the Children (n.d.) fact sheet on children's protection and cultural rights, these ceremonies are not by their nature harmful, they do have positive elements: they promote inclusion in the community, and they also provide an important educational space. It is, however, important to take note that the way in which they are practised creates a risk of harm and the information that is taught at some schools promotes harmful gender roles. The nexus between initiation rites and discipline is seen to extend to the preparation of children for adult life characterised by harmony, reciprocity, social responsibility, and accountability. Matobo et al. (2009) observe that traditionally, the initiation of boys and girls was considered in many African societies in Southern Africa as a rite, which signified maturity and responsibility to own family, community, and nation. As such, discipline remains one of the central themes of initiation rites. Additionally, the authors further argue that boys and girls who undergo initiation in Lesotho acquired or were expected to acquire from their training leadership skills, commitment, and loyalty to their country, self-respect, and self-discipline. Such attributes contribute to the development of disciplined individuals in adult life, which relate to being law-abiding. Puberty rite among young girls is one of the indigenous traditional practices that would immensely contribute towards fostering good behaviour in children. The rites are mainly aimed at introducing young girls to womanhood and gaining skills. The puberty right of passage entails the recruitment of qualified girls to be trained under a ‘queen mother’ (trainer) who will guide them through the process. The right of passage entails placing qualified girls in an initiation house, where they undergo a period of seclusion and initiation rite, before being reintegrated into the family as adults. These practices may differ among various countries in the region; however, the intentions are the same. Most of the common lessons drawn from these rites are on marriage, housewifery, how to dress, pregnancy, childbirth, parenting, and other private lessons of life from older women (Amos, 2013). It is worth noting that serious negative social, psychological, and physical health implications have been associated with these practices. Issues such as deaths from physical injury, lack of hygiene, young girls becoming pregnant, contracting sexually transmitted diseases, and dropping out of school have provided the impetus for the opposition to these cultural practices as disciplining tools (Amos, 2013). There however exist opportunities for updating and refining these cultural practices along with human rights and child protection principles. Lessons can be observed where considerable success has been recorded in Zambia through Plan International's efforts to adapt the chinamwali/ khomba practice. This initiation rite that has taken place for ages in Zambia has seen radical transformation. Through education programmes, information sharing, and communication, negative practices associated with sexual content have been replaced, with a focus on teaching general chores and etiquette skills.

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Folklore The term folklore has been discussed by Gaybullaevich (2020) as having been coined in 1846 by the English scientist William Thoms, originating from the concept of ‘folk wisdom’. In essence, the term folklore denotes all works of art created by humans, including architecture, painting, pottery, jewelery, music, dance, and oral literature. Within this chapter, folklore is used to refer to the art of speech through storytelling. A major function of folklore in traditional culture was to provide the provision of informal education inculcating principles, values, dedication, ideas, and concepts that enable children to attain to the level of the achievements of past generations. Folklore has emerged as a vital cultural practice that contributes to the shaping of children's behaviour. Kyayo (2013) highlights that bedtime rituals between parents and children among the Gikuyu were done by the way of story-telling. This has also been the same across many cultures in the Southern African region. In Zimbabwe, the Shona people would always reminisce the importance of ngano (story telling) as a strong vehicle for instilling the values of unhuism. These bed time rituals were useful in creating narratives of acceptable behaviour, parent-child bond and affirming of family values. As such, folklore has a direct bearing on child discipline. In a similar vein, Gaybullaevich (2020) advances that the influence of folklore on the upbringing of children leads to the formation and development of courage, overcoming fear, helping others, caring for nature, caring for family and friends, passion for education and learning, as well as discipline. As such, expertly crafted proverbs, poerty and riddles provide mechanisms ith which the behaviour of children is moulded and reinforced. Traditional Men's Meetings Traditionally, men would always gather around a separate fire place from women in the evening. This was called dare (man's court) in the Shona language. The dare setting was specifically designed for socialisation, the elderly men would advise young boys on issues related to their conduct. Meanwhile, women and girls will be socialising in the kitchen. These practices would contribute immensely in the upbringing of young boys to become mature men. In contemporary times, these meetings rarely exist and are seldom adhered to. One could easily attribute the rampant delinquent behaviour among the youths and high levels of gender-based violence (GBV) occurrences to a lack of platforms where men can meet as men and deliberate on issues that affect them. The indigenous knowledge that the elderly men held was rich in the ways that would help the children to be responsible adults (Murovhi et al., 2018).

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Positive Traditional Child Care Practices The involvement of children in networks of care and household production is a recognised aspect of indigenous parenting that instills discipline in children. For instance, girls in many traditional African settings learn how to carry out traditional female roles through play and imitation. Girls commonly imitate activities such as cooking, sweeping, cleaning dishes, weaving, plaiting hair, and washing clothes. These activities are initially imitated as make-believe activities before they are conducted as real responsibilities in the home. As such, traditional approaches to parenting encompass a belief in the autonomy and agency of children as a way to foster competence in specific life tasks and the reliance on family and community connections in supporting competence and mastery. Such approaches are argued to promote child discipline through the development of integrity, accountability, and a sense of responsibility. Indigenous approaches to child rearing entail less harsh forms of discipline and, if used, generally focus on a deep lesson or teaching meant to benefit the development of the child. Studying on Aboriginal parenting, Benzies (2013) contends that traditional parenting practices involved the absence of corporal punishment. Instead, it entailed intergenerational childcare and leading by example rather than explicitly controlling behaviours of children characterised the Aboriginal child disciplining styles. Such strategies are an illustration of indigenous child disciplining that is not aversive and pro-child development. The involvement of the extended family in child rearing embodied significant implications for instilling child discipline within traditional cultures. Illustrations have been provided in which children may live parts of their lives with various people within the family system as the needs of the child suggest, depicting relational webs involved in child discipline (Benzies, 2013). Thus, such cases involving grandparents, uncles, aunts, and the whole community in addressing child behavioural issues point to a manifestation of non-confrontational approaches to child discipline. It is submitted here that such collective caregiving to children enhances their sense of belonging as responsible members in communities and productive and disciplined adults in their later years.

Role of Religion and Spirituality Religion and spirituality are considered an imperative factor in the parenting of children through indigenous parenting approaches. Despite the negative sentiments from other religious beliefs, Africans have traditionally attached the care and protection of children to their ancestors. This has been, in many occasions, reflected through giving

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children ancestral names and promotion of traditional practices that promotes connection with the Supreme deity as contextually believed and adhered to. This connection has also been noted among Native American mothers. The conceptualisation of children as gifts from the Creator are foundational to the contribution of spirituality in enforcing child discipline. A study on parenting and child care in Zambia revealed that spirituality and religion are critical aspects of children's development and central to family life in Zambia (Brudevold-Newman et al., 2018). The belief in the higher powers provides a way to instil child discipline even in the absence of adults.

 erging Indigeneity and Child Rights Perspectives: Bridging M the Divide Any paradigm shift attempting to change parenting behaviours should be undertaken in ways that are sensitive to the cognitive appraisals and emotional meaning of such behaviours in a given culture. It is important to recognise that parents use corporal punishment generally under the impression of engaging in responsible parenting practices that will help children become productive citizens. A change process should therefore facilitate an understanding of the negative consequences of corporal punishment and pursuit of new ways of reinforcing positive behaviour. It is argued that such programming should address critical areas that relate to the framing of child discipline. They should address the intergenerational phenomenon that often leads adults to accept negative disciplinary methods such as corporal punishment and psychological aggression as effective and useful (de Zoysa, 2011). The manner in which discipline is conceptualised is imperative for informing alternative approaches to corporal punishment. Discipline should be envisaged as involving positive behaviour management aimed at promoting appropriate behaviour and developing self-discipline, persistence, and self-control in children.

Conclusions and Policy Implications This chapter explored the need for embracing cultural and indigenous parenting approaches in response to harmful practices like corporal punishment in Zimbabwe and the heavy influence of Western approaches to addressing the local parenting discourse. It, therefore, argued that culture and indigenous knowledge systems are of paramount importance in informing parenting approaches. It adopts a literature review methodology through a review of critical documents. This chapter presented an overview of parenting in terms of its conceptualisation, an overview of child discipline, and the common styles of parenting and their contributing factors thereof. Additionally, this chapter also addressed the human rights and child development dimensions of child discipline with the aim to contextualise the discussion within a child rights framework.

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The findings showed that indigenous knowledge systems and practices possess viable alternatives for promoting positive child disciplining approaches that are amenable within African cultural contexts. Several strategies have been identified as critical to facilitating the transition to embrace culturally defined and human rights–centered approaches to child discipline. These include re-educating parents on alternative parenting practices and ways to address parental stress, anger, and conflict. This will inform the use of selective and appropriate behaviour modification tactics by parents. This chapter has also revealed that not all indigenous practices can be adopted as alternative approaches to parenting; some of them are harmful and a direct violation of the legislative framework that provides the care and protection of children in Zimbabwe and the region. The need for a cautious and deliberate approach in identifying the possible indigenous alternatives to parenting is imperative. In that regard, this chapter provided clarity on some of the harmful practices as well as how they can be embraced in a non-harmful way. In conclusion, this chapter makes some policy and programmatic recommendations that can guide interventions and alternatives to aversive parenting. The need to strengthen indigenous and family-centred childcare approaches that are informed by positive cultural belief systems can never be over-emphasised. This can be achieved through the incorporation of these approaches in the child welfare policy framework. For instance, there is credence in formalising customary adoptions and foster care practices in order to ensure their monitoring and regulation. As a result, harmful cultural practices will be excluded from the acceptable practices and be considered as criminal in nature. Harmonisation of positive indigenous parenting practices with the positively recognised parenting styles like authoritative style can be achieved through the infusion of indigenous positive parenting practices to the parenting curriculum for programing purposes at an institutional level. For instance, the child-led Child Protection Committees (CPCs) as provided by the National Case Management System should incorporate some aspects of indigenous parenting within its content. Similarly, the Isolabantwana (Eye on the Child) and Isibindi Child and Youth Care programmes in South Africa could equally adopt the same. Training and practice for social work and other related disciplines must adopt models for practice that have a bearing on the context and local cultural systems. The social work indigenisation debate has been raging for some time. Most social work curriculum within the Southern African region are still remedial and rehabilitative in nature. It is therefore imperative to incorporate the aspects of indigenous parenting approaches to the social work child welfare policy and related modules of the curriculum. This will produce a well-balanced and context-sensitive practitioner in addressing local problems. The use of restorative parenting techniques is encouraged as it provides an opportunity for parties involved in a conflict to collectively repair the harm caused or hurt relationships instead of punishing and shaming. Restorative parenting should not only be provided by law but should be practised. As mentioned earlier, indigenous parenting approaches provided a platform for dialogue or counselling with elders, this in itself addressing a lot of behavioural issues without harming the child's psychosocial and emotional well-being.

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References Albert, I., & Trommsdorff, G. (2014). The role of culture in social development over the lifespan: An interpersonal relations approach. Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 6(2). https:// doi.org/10.9707/2307-­0919.1057 Amos, M.  P. (2013). Parenting and culture- evidence from some African communities. In M. L. Seidl-deMoura (Ed.), Parenting in South Amerivcan and African Contexts. In-Tech Open. Baumrind, D. (1967). Child care practices interceding three patterns of preschool behaviour. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 75, 43–88. Benzies, K.  M. (2013). Parenting in Canadian aboriginal cultures. In H.  Selin (Ed.), Parenting across cultures: Childrearing, motherhood and fatherhood in non-Western cultures. Springer. Brudevold-Newman, A., Dias, P., Folotiya, J. J., Mooya, H., Ranjoit, V., & Ring, H. (2018). Study on traditional parenting and child care practices in Zambia. American Institutes for Research. Cohrdes, C., & Göbel, K. (2022). A lot of warmth and a bit of control? How Parenting mediates the relationship between parental personality and their children’s mental health problems. Journal of Child and Family Studies. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-­021-­02210-­z de Zoysa, P. (2011). A study on parental disciplinary practices and awareness programme to reduce corporal punishment and other forms of negative parental practices. Frosch, C.  A., Schoppe-Sullivan, J.  S., & O’Banion, D. (2019). Parenting and child development: A relational health perspective. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine. https://doi. org/10.1177/1559827619849028 Gaybullaevich, F. R. (2020). The role of folklore in the raising of children. European Journal of Research and Reflection in Educational Sciences, 181–186. Kyayo, P. (2013). Initiation rites and rituals in African Cosmology. International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 33–46. Labous, J. (2015). Zambian sex initiators lead revolution for young women. Plan International News. Retrieved January 17, 2021, from Plan International: http://news.trust.org/ item/20150428112702-­w3suc/Zambiansexinitiatorsleadrevolutionforyoungwomen Lang, D. (2020). Parenting and family diversity issues. Iowa State University Digital Press. Leon, A., & Cepero, M. (2010). Corporal punishment: Helping parents change their discipline paradigm. National Assocition of Social Workers, 1–16. Maphosa, C., & Shumba, A. (2010). Educators’ disciplinary capabilities after the banning of corporal punishment in south African schools. South African Journal of Education, 30, 387–399. Matobo, T. A., Makatsa, M., & Obioha, E. E. (2009). Continuity in the traditional initiation practice of boys and girls in contemporary Southern Africa Society. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 104–113. Matsvange, M., & Mugweni, M. (2018). Exploring the impact of child rearing practices on young children’s holistic development in Chivi District, Zimbabwe. Case Studies Journal, 7(1), 71–83. Murovhi, A., Matshidze, P., Netshandama, V., & Klu, E. (2018). Traditional child rearing practices in Vhavenda families South Africa. Journal of Gender, Information and Development in Africa (JGIDA), 7(1), 21–37. Muzingili, T., & Chikoko, W. (2019). Indigenous children discipline styles in Zimbabwe: Nature and implications on children protection practices. African Journal of Social Work, 9(2). Newell, P. (2011). Zimbabwe briefing for the human rights council universal periodic review – 12th session, 2011. Report. Global Initiative to End all Corporal Punishment of Children. Parenting for Brain. (2021). Parenting: Types of parenting styles. https://www.parentingforbrain. com/wp-­content/uploads/Types-­Of-­Parenting-­Styles.pdf Parenting in Africa Network, N.  N. (2014). Reflections on Africa’s Indigenous Knowledge on Parenting  - Indigenous parenting practices of different communities in Africa. Parenting in Africa Network. Pew Research Centre. (2015). Parenting in America. Report. Available at https://www.pewresearch.org/social-­trends/2015/12/17/parenting-­in-­america/

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Raselekoane, N.  R., Mulaudzi, T.  P., & Thobejane, T.  D. (2019). The unfurling juvenile delinquency in south African rural areas: The case of Abel village in Greater Tzaneen Municipality, Limpopo Province. Ubuntu: Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation Special Issue, September, 2019, 155–172. Roman, V. N., Makwakwa, T and Lacante, M. (2016). Perceptions of parenting styles in South Africa: The effects of gender and ethnicity. Cogent Psychology 3: 1153231. Save the Children. (n.d.). Children’s protection and cultural rights. Fact Sheet. Available at https:// resource-­centre-­uploads.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/5384.pdf Stangor, C. (2014). Principles of social psychology (1st International Edition). BC Campus. Whyte, A. (2022). How income differences affect parenting options. Blog. Available at https:// evolvetreatment.com/blog/income-­parenting-­options/

Chapter 22

Alternative Childcare Arrangement in Indigenous Communities: Apprenticeship System and Informal Child Fostering in South East Nigeria Chinwe U. Nnama-Okechukwu, Ngozi E. Chukwu, and Uzoma O. Okoye

Introduction Globally, informal child fostering practice in different parts of the world is generally accepted as an alternative childcare practice in a family environment (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF, 2020]). The practice is however undertaken differently in various countries and within countries around the world depending on the cultural and social values of people. In many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, informal child fostering practice is a prevalent cultural practice that serves as a means of strengthening the solidarity that exists between households within a social and kinship network. This is based on the belief system that child fostering is often undertaken to maintain strong social networks, strengthen kinship ties and inculcate cultural values in children through the process of socialisation (Agu & Nwachukwu, 2020; Asuma et al., 2018; Hedges et al., 2019; Iwara et al., 2019). This belief system and many more as shared by different cultural groups in Africa enables very close relatives to share the costs of rearing children since all children together comprise the strength of a lineage. A common belief system that is shared by many cultural groups in Africa is that a child belongs not only to the biological families but also to other extended family members and the entire community (Abubakar et al., 2020; Abdulkari & Yahaya, 2013; Agu & Nwachukwu, 2020; Gaydosh, 2015; Okoye, 2013). Through the application of this belief system, children are raised by extended family members and even people who are not related to them in an alternative childcare arrangement which is often undertaken in a family environment. Such an alternative childcare C. U. Nnama-Okechukwu · N. E. Chukwu (*) · U. O. Okoye Department of Social Work, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_22

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arrangement in a family environment has been referred to in some landmark studies (Goody, 1982; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985: Oni, 1995) and recent studies (Dziro, 2020; Hedges et al., 2019; Nnama-Okechukwu et al., 2020; Nnama-Okechukwu & Okoye, 2019) as “child shifting”, “informal child fostering practice”, “child relocation”, “child training”, “kinship care”, “child care arrangements” and even “child circulation”. With whatsoever names it goes with, caring for children in an alternative family environment in sub-Saharan Africa has an interesting narrative that is basically anchored on the “Ubuntu” ideology meaning “I am because you are”.

Objectives This study was designed to explore alternative childcare practice by the Igbo people of south-east Nigeria. The specific objectives were to: (i) explore the Igbo apprenticeship system in the sustainability of informal child fostering practice and (ii) Uncover intervention strategies for social work practice in indigenous communities in the area of informal child fostering.

Literature Review Traditionally, informal child fostering practice in Africa developed as a socialisation and educational process whereby children were integrated into the extended family system. This is basically for the purpose of strengthening family ties and promoting child well-being. Child fostering with kin families such as grandparents, aunts and uncles is thus a prevalent and preferred child-rearing practice in sub-­ Saharan Africa (Asuma et al., 2018; Bachan, 2014; Cudjoe et al., 2020; Dziro & Mhlanga, 2018, Isiugo-Abanihe, 1983; Gaydosh, 2015, Lachaud et  al., 2016; Nnama-Okechukwu et  al., 2018). This is because of the strong kinship network, socialisation, social bond, social support network, social security and social stability it provides in various communities in Africa. For instance, child fostering in Ghana occurs among close family members, with children fostered by either an aunt, uncle or grandparent as a means of maintaining strong kinship and social support network (Asuma et al., 2018). It also takes place among more distant kin or non-kin as a means of socialisation and social security, in which case the child can be treated like a house servant in exchange for his or her continued schooling or trade apprenticeship (Coe, 2012; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985). Child fostering practices in different parts of sub-Saharan Africa can also be undertaken for various reasons, with some anchored on different belief systems which are shared by many cultural groups. For instance, among the Baatombu of Northern Benin Republic, giving of children by biological parents to the social parents (foster parent) is seen as an important exchange between members of a kin group and as a vital expression of strong social bond and social stability (Erdumute

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et al., 2010). In rural Ugandan communities, informal child fostering arrangement is used by older people and the child’s extended family as a strategy to ensure the welfare of the foster child (Kasedde et al., 2014). Drawing on research from Bondo-­ District in Kenya, Skovdal (2010) found that informal child fostering practice contributes to the fostering household’s income and provides valuable care or support to ageing, ailing or young members of the households. In Senegal and Malawi, informal child fostering practice is believed to be beneficial to families that are fostering in as well as to those fostering out (Bachan, 2014; Beck et al., 2015). Informal fostering arrangement as practised in sub-Saharan Africa is not the same as the formal foster care system in the Global South. In sub-Saharan Africa, the foster child does not reside with the biological parent but resides with the foster parents; the foster child however remains a part of his or her household of birth and retains all customary rights and obligations to the biological household. This makes child fostering practice in sub-Saharan Africa informal and different from adoption. Being informal also implies that government and child welfare professionals like social workers are not involved in child placement decision, thereby distinguishing it from the formal foster care system in Western societies where both public and private child welfare agencies are involved in the placement and monitoring of foster children and families. Informal child fostering practice in sub-Saharan Africa is thus a networking venture where marriage, family and social relationship dictates placement decision rather than professional social work services. This placement arrangement is evident in many indigenous communities in Africa. In Nigeria, for instance, informal child fostering practice is a prevalent alternative childcare option when parents are unable to care for their children (Abraham & Dobson, 2015; Idehen & Cam, 2021; Nnama-Okechukwu et  al., 2018; Nnama-­ Okechukwu & Okoye, 2019). It is anchored either on religious, cultural and personal belief system. For instance, informal child fostering in the northern part of Nigeria, especially among the Hausa-Muslim is based on the Islamic Kafala law. Children can be fostered by kin, non-kin as well as Islamic teachers called “Malami” Abdulkari & Yahaya (2013). Among the Yoruba of south-west, fostering is culturally acceptable and can be provided by close and distant kinsmen including community members who believe that the strength of a lineage needs to be preserved through informal childcare (Olaore & Drolet, 2016; Oni, 1995). The Igbo of southeast would voluntarily send their children to live with an extended family member, even for long periods of time, without relinquishing their parental rights and responsibilities (Nnama-Okechukwu et al., 2020). This is based on the common belief that the totality of what a child will be in life is gradually nurtured in a family setting through the process of circulating children among kinsmen for the purpose of foster care (Isidienu, 2015; Kanu, 2019; Nnama-Okechukwu & Erhumwunse, 2021). Alternative childcare arrangement in Igbo communities has received attention recently due to its efficacy in addressing child poverty and promoting entrepreneurial development (Agu & Nwachukwu, 2020; Ichoku, 2019; Iwara et  al., 2019; Nnonyelu & Onyeizugbe, 2020). In Igbo society, during the pre-colonial days, marriage and family played a very significant role in child training and informal child fostering practice (Ogbukagu,

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2008; Ezenekwe, 2012; Nwoye, 2011). It is a common belief that a child is socialised in the family through direct experience or by observing the behaviour of others in the family (Isidienu, 2015). The belief system is strongly attached to informal child fostering and child-rearing practice as both are culturally connected to customary child training practice. Furthermore, a common conviction is that the training of a child is everybody’s responsibility; therefore, every adult member of society is expected to correct a child whether they are biologically related or not. Through this training process, children learn from their elders and thus learn to live in harmony in the society as they inculcate acceptable behaviour pattern of their family and community (Ogbalu, 2006; Okoye. 2012, 2013; Chukwu, 2013). The Igbo indigenous people also share a common belief that children learn better when they live with family relations as the training that a child needs to thrive in an ever-changing society is not just within the domain of the biological parent of a child. Children therefore are trained to develop resilient skills outside the domain and comfort of their biological family through the process of informal child fostering practice within the extended family system. This belief system is supported by the socio-cultural theory that upholds the important role of the family in child rearing either through direct experience or by observing the behaviour of others. Informal child fostering practice as practised by the Igbo indigenous people is evident in the popular Igbo apprenticeship system known as “Igba boi” which has produced many entrepreneurs in south-east Nigeria (Adim, & Amadi, 2020; Ekesiobi & Dimnwobi, 2020; Ichoku, 2019; Nnonyelu & Onyeizugbe, 2020). Traditional Igbo apprenticeship scheme [“Igba boi”] is a dynamic cultural childcare practice where many Igbo indigenous families gave out their children informally to close kindred who had some skills and specialised knowledge in different trades and professions (Agozino & Anyanike, 2007; Alike & Orjiako-Umunze, 2019; Agu & Nwachukwu, 2020; Igwe et al., 2018a). Through such informal childcare practice, foster children, especially young adult males between the ages of 12 and 17 were introduced early to learning entrepreneurial skills from experienced and successful entrepreneurs. As an apprentice, the child lives under the same roof as his master while learning. Entrepreneurial skills such as carpentry work, trading in merchandise and transportation business were male dominated while home skills such as cooking, babysitting and domestic chores were female dominated. Living and learning from foster parents provided opportunity for children who are fostered informally to master various skills in preparation for independent living. With time, as evident in contemporary Igbo society, the Igbo informal child-­ fostering practice via apprenticeship became ubiquitous. It is presently more or less institutionalised as a sustainable alternative childcare practice with economic, educational and social benefits. It is evident in studies that many generations of Igbo businessmen and women through the informal child-fostering practice may have undertaken this alternative childcare practice in the course of their life’s transitions to break away from the circle of poverty and achieve economic stability (Agozino & Anyanike, 2007; Igwe et al., 2018b; Iwara et al., 2019). Leveraging on this informal child-fostering practice as means of survival and child training in the Igbo contemporary society, a foster child can be entrusted into the care of grandparents, teachers or an adult member of the society for the purpose of care and training.

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The Igbo apprenticeship system is popular among the Igbo indigenous people of south-east Nigeria and often applauded for its efficacy in addressing child vulnerability via opportunities for Western education, entrepreneurial skills development and sustainable alternative childcare in a family environment. Despite these visible realities, there is a dearth of evidence-based research on socio-cultural factors promoting this alternative childcare practice and its sustainability given the changing family structures orchestrated by globalisation, migration and urbanisation. Reports revealed that families in the South East geopolitical region depend on this system with kin and non-kin families to provide alternative childcare arrangements for children. Weakening extended family ties and lack of support services however have necessitated the act of child labour in the system; many researchers have referred to this as an exploitation of the informal child fostering practice and a quest for survival of the family at the detriment of the child (Connelly & Ikpaahind, 2017; Save the Children, 2017; Theron & van Breda, 2021). Over the years, the recruitment of under-aged children from rural to urban areas for domestic work in disguise of child fostering via the Igbo apprenticeship system is gradually eroding the cultural values in informal child-fostering practice. Such recruitment often amounts to a violation of children’s rights and child trafficking with serious consequences for child development hence the need for this study to explore how social workers can be part of the system in providing a safe environment for children in this alternative care arrangement.

Materials and Methods Study Design and Area A constructivist grounded theory of the qualitative design approach was used for the study to explore in-depth experiences of study participants and understand the topic from their perspectives (Patton, 2014). This method was utilised by the researchers to gain an understanding of the phenomenon surrounding cultural belief systems on informal child-fostering practice with indigenous Igbo communities in south-east Nigeria. The approach helped to avoid imposing the researchers’ predetermined thoughts and ideas about the practice (Mills et al., 2006, Padgett, 2008). The study was carried out in Anambra state, south-east Nigeria. Anambra state is made up of 21 Local Government Areas [LGAs] grouped under three senatorial districts. Local Government Areas are made of clusters of communities grouped together under a common name based on some unique characteristics that are shared by the communities while senatorial districts are clusters of LGAs grouped under three major geographical zones (North, South or Central). The three senatorial districts in Anambra state are Anambra Central, Anambra North and Anambra South. Each senatorial district has a maximum of seven LGAs.

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Sample Size and Implementation of the Study A purposive sampling technique was used to select two LGAs areas from each senatorial district with one LGA having a rural characteristic and the other an urban characteristic. The reason for this was to enable the researchers to explore views of urban and rural residents. A total of six LGAs were selected through this process, which were: Awka South, Nnewi North and Onitsha North representing the urban LGAs. On the other hand, Anambra East, Awka North and Orumba North represented the rural LGAs. We purposively selected one community from each of the six sampled LGAs based on some unique characteristics of the communities. Chief among them is being well-known agrarian and entrepreneurial/business communities, which require long-term apprenticeship and informal fostering. These communities were: Amawbia from Awka South, Nnewi-Ichi from Nnewi North, Awada from Onitsha North, Igbarim from Anambra East, Mgbakwu from Awka North and Ufuma from Orumba North. In getting directly to research participants, six community leaders that inform decision-making processes in indigenous communities typical of the kinship system in Igbo communities in south-east Nigeria formed part of the study participants. These community leaders were selected from each sampled community. Social welfare officers were also selected from each local government headquarter for an in-­ depth interview.

Data Collection Tool and Ethical Approval To ensure reliability of the study instrument, a pilot study was conducted in another LGA that was not part of the sampled area for the study. The pilot study was undertaken to identify potential problem areas, unanticipated interpretation and cultural objections to any of the research questions. Having undertaken the pilot study, fieldwork started on 8 July 2019 and ended on 10th November 2019. A semi-structured interview guide was used to collect data from social welfare officers and community leaders. Field notes and conversational observation on the subject matter provided a robust narrative. Using the constructivist grounded theory method, both data collection and analysis were conducted concurrently, and the researchers kept field notes to reflect on the research procedure and new ideas emerging from the interview. Each of the discussions lasted for 55 minutes to avoid fatigue. Ethical approval for the study was granted by the Ethical Review Board of the University of Nigeria Nsukka (NHREC/05/01/2008B-FWA00002458-1RB00002323). All interviews were carried out with the voluntary consent of participants and confidentiality was assured to all study participants.

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Data Analysis and Study Rigor In-depth interviews were conducted in Igbo language, and responses were first transcribed in English language and coded into a set of designed thematic frames based on field experience. Before coding into a set of designed thematic frames, the researchers passed the transcript through three processes of coding. First, was the initial coding which was developed after a preliminary perusal of the transcripts. Preliminary perusal of the transcript took place after the interview transcripts were read over and over by two of the researchers who immersed themselves in the data to get a deep understanding of participants’ views and identify initial patterns emerging. At that first stage of coding, the transcribed discussions were compared with the recorded discussions on audio tape by two of the researchers that took note during the discussions. This was to ensure that the original meaning of what the participants said was retained as well as ensure correctness of data. At the second stage, focused coding was undertaken, which enabled the researchers to select and retain significant codes after reading through the initial codes and gaining deeper insights into narratives of study participants. At the third coding, similar and reoccurring narratives from participants were developed as categories and reported in the study as findings as (i) The Igbo apprenticeship system “Igbaboi”, (ii) Intervention and innovative strategies for social work practice in informal child-­ fostering practice, (iii) Challenges with the visibility of alternative childcare practice in social work practice.

Result The results of the study are discussed in two sections: first, the socio-demographic characteristics of study participants and then the findings of the study along themes.

Socio-demographic Characteristics of Study Participants A total of 11 social welfare officers (Table  22.1). Designation for social welfare officers ranges from the head of the department, senior welfare officer, welfare officer and Assistant welfare officer. Oral chronicles show that some have over 15 years’ experience as welfare officers while others who are still developing in the social care sector are having a little above 3 years’ experience.

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Table 22.1  Socio-demographic of community leaders Socio-­ demographic variable Age Educational qualification Typical Designation of community leaders Occupation

Communities and participants' characteristics Amawbia 52 Postgraduate degree Urban Community President general

Igbariam 84 Standard six Rural Community elder

Mgbakwu 56 Bachelor’s degree Rural Community President general

Nnewichi 51 Postgraduate degree Urban Traditional ruler

Onitsha 59 Postgraduate degree Urban Community President general

Health practitioner

Farming

Self-­ employed

Civil service Retired urban planner

Ufuma 81 Bachelor’s degree Rural Community elder

Retired teacher

Source: Field Report, 2019

Major Themes from the Findings (i) The Igbo apprenticeship system [“Igbaboi”] Findings from the study revealed that most study participants believed that the major factor promoting informal child fostering in contemporary Igbo society is the quest for vocational and child training. This quest according to majority of the study participants is firmly built on the Igbo apprenticeship system known as “Igbaboi”. This system has helped foster children to move on to a higher social status through hard work and entrepreneurial training in trade, farming and industry. As found from this present study, informal child-fostering practice was sustained over time through leveraging communal solidarity, building strong kinship social support networks and strengthening mutual solidarity existing among extended family members. In urban and rural locations, both female and male participants agreed on a common axiom saying: “onye aghala nwanne ya” meaning “be your brothers’ keeper”. This axiom according to many of the study participants helps in strengthening families’ ties, thus making informal child fostering a collective effort and child sharing responsibility. Child fostering according to most participants is often undertaken because the practice had served as a means whereby many poor families were able to crawl out of poverty. This is through entrusting their children into the care of enterprising businessmen and women in their community for Igbaboi. It was also perceived by most participants as a sustainable childcare practice that keeps children within the safety net of the family and community. A female welfare officer in an urban location suggested an innovative programme intervention proposal using the Igbaboi system. The suggestion was supported by some welfare officers and many community leaders. This social welfare officer explained thus:

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I have been working as a social worker here for over 8 years and I think it is important to leverage on this “Igbaboi” to redefine the way we provide services to vulnerable children in this state…I am suggesting that we begin to use families within the community as a support system to care for vulnerable children in informal fostering arrangement…because this Igbaboi system has supported more children than any government social intervention programme…it had even lifted many families from poverty than any social protection programme from government or Non-Governmental Organisations [NGOs]… [KII/ Social welfare officer/Female/Urban]

(ii) Intervention and innovative strategies for social work practice informal child-­ fostering practice The roles of social workers were brought to the fore in the study when study participants decry the increasing cases of child abuse in informal child-­fostering practice and the need to provide support services to poor households taking on the additional responsibility of caring for foster children. Fundamental issues that study participants raised was the need for social workers to think of intervention strategies and innovation and be involved in child protection, even in informal child-fostering arrangement. Intervention strategies that could introduce some kind of innovation in informal child-fostering practice according to the participants will include the promotion of cash transfers, gatekeeping process in informal fostering practice and engagement of stakeholders on safety concerns, among others. A female welfare officer in this regard said that: I still support this our informal way of fostering children. it has helped a lot of families both those that are sending out children and those that are providing these children with the opportunity to live and grow in an environment where they are empowered to either go to school or learn a trade…..it is however important that the rights of children are emphasized from time to time in our churches and open places like the market and town hall meetings… children who are in need should be identified and then we should look for family members that can foster them and such family members should be paid for providing care for this children…social worker should see this an innovative opportunity to provide their professional services for a sustainable future in child fostering practice. We should be thinking of safety for all children in informal child fostering arrangement and social workers should be involved in this process (IDI/Social welfare officer/Female/Rural)

Majority of the study participants were of the view that: “it is good to talk about children’s rights…”. In an urban community, a community leader opined that “…Informally you decide who you want to give your child to but the right of the children should be respected in that informal arrangement… and if it is not respected the formal hand of the law should be applied”. A social welfare officer in a rural community frowned at the moral decadence in the society and called for the urgent attention of social workers in protecting the rights of children who are in informal fostering arrangements with families in south-east Nigeria. He was quick to suggest: “I think social workers are highly needed in this country now… imagine cases of child abduction in the name of informal child fostering”. Most study participants believed apart from protecting children, professionals like social workers should be employed to champion the implementation of laws that have to do with the alternative care of children. As noted by a social welfare officer in an urban location:

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Please help us tell government that laws on childcare should be implemented. They can employ people to implement this law and this study should tell that story.

From this finding, it was obvious that most community leaders supported the need for social workers to become involved with the welfare of children in informal child fostering. As expounded by a community leader in an urban location: The overall aim is to see that informal foster care practice in south-east is encouraged to be free from abusive experiences, and guided by some formal processes that would respect the cultural peculiarities of those engaging in it.

A social welfare officer who explained the need for programme development and role of social workers in informal child-fostering practice said: …our people may not want the formal process of fostering children but I think there is need to respect some aspect of this informal child care practice and promote the success stories in it. This will help some of this NGO who are sponsoring child care work to buy into it. Social workers should monitor the process and provide support to families… social welfare should be involved to address cases of abuse and ensure that children are well care just like it used to be in those days. We however want the government to fund the activities of social welfare agencies in the state (KII/Social welfare officer/Female/Urban)

It was also noted that parents should be provided with necessary training where there are deficits as the present informal child-fostering practice does not take into account the training of foster parents by any professional body or social workers. The need to apply some measures and implement already existing laws or bills on child welfare was stressed by some welfare officers and some community leaders who are familiar with legislative matters in the state. Of such measures, instruments of advocacy and sensitisation using the media, town-hall meetings, neighborhood visits, legislative advocacy and lobbying was identified mainly by social welfare officers. For instance, a rural welfare officer said: We should not wait until things get out of hand before we will start showing that we are professionals in this matter of protecting children in any care setting whether formal or informal.

(iii) Challenges with the visibility of alternative childcare practice and social work practice As noted during the study, social work practice is still not appreciated because many indigenous practices are not projected into the public domain. Indigenous practices such as alternative childcare practice are often not researched on and thus not much is known about this practice. A community leader who was conversant with the activities of social workers around alternative childcare arrangement insisted that social workers should work with community leaders and bridge the gap between social welfare agencies and the communities. According to him, social workers should do more research work with people in the community so as to understand socio-cultural factors promoting informal child-fostering arrangement. This can be shared with people from other countries and thus promote more discussion in academic fora on the need to enhance the practice based on some best practices from other countries. Most social welfare officers and few community leaders noted that

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research is often not undertaken to understand the context of most indigenous practices resulting in a one-sided narrative where researchers just condemn indigenous practices based on its face value. A male social welfare officer in an urban location identified the gap in the propagation of indigenous practices around alternative childcare when he averred: …we don’t carry out research to know what we are doing and how it is supporting our development and sustainability…we just condemn most of our traditional practices because we don’t see any worth in them…we however fail to understand that these practices sustained our forefathers and have helped to define who we are. Just like our informal child fostering practice, it is the best in the world because it has pulled many children out of poverty. The question however is how many people know about this alternative childcare practice? How many people know how the practice is undertaken? Are there challenges in the practice in the practice? What have changed and how do we sustain the practice? So we need social workers to engage more with members of the community to document our indigenous practices just like what you are doing now so that we can see how it has benefited families and the current challenges with the practice (KII/Social welfare officers/ Male/Urban)

In all the LGAs visited, social welfare officers pointed out that there is a need for field officers who will be more engaged with field activities to interface with the community members. This according to many will help in gathering data of vulnerable children and families within a community and local government area and thus promote knowledge on indigenous alternative childcare practice. Some welfare officers also were of the view that social workers need to do more research on how the plight of orphans and vulnerable children can be addressed through informal child-­ fostering practice as a way to prevent child poverty. A welfare officer opined: We can even start with these communities you are visiting. We can tell stories about informal child fostering practice and this will promote our childcare and bring some changes where need be. Somebody can help develop a questionnaire that will capture the situation of these vulnerable children and their families; it will help to gather data about these children in our various communities and tell stories about our alternative childcare practice and how families taking additional responsibility of caring for foster children can be helped. (KII/Social welfare/Female/ Onitsha)

Discussion Informal child fostering via the Igbo apprenticeship system was found to be a sustainable and prevalent alternative childcare practice for families as it provides means for sharing and transferring the burden of childcare through leveraging on communal solidarity and building on strong kinship support networks. The Igbo apprenticeship system as found from the study still serves as a means of addressing child vulnerability via opportunities for Western education, entrepreneurial skills development and reduction of family poverty. This is anchored on the Igbo axiom of “onye aghala nwanne ya” meaning “be your brother’s keeper”. This supports the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals’ mantra of “leave no one behind”.

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As found from this study, the Igbo apprenticeship scheme on informal child-­ fostering practice has stood the test of time and thus considered a sustainable alternative childcare practice by families in south-east Nigeria. This finding has been substantiated in other studies and reports (Obunike, 2016; Ogbukagu, 2008; Ugbaja, 2019). The sustainability of this alternative childcare practice thus motivates families to keep engaging in the practice as a means of providing vulnerable children with the opportunity of acquiring Western education, developing entrepreneurial skills, learning cultural patterns of behaviour, reducing family poverty and creating wealth for families. As found in studies, the Igbo apprenticeship scheme is a dynamic cultural childcare practice where many Igbo families gave out their children informally to close kindred who had specialised knowledge in different trades and professions (Agozino & Anyanike, 2007; Alike & Orjiako-Umunze, 2019; Agu & Nwachukwu, 2020; Igwe et al., 2018b). As found from this present study, informal child-fostering practice was sustained over time through leveraging on communal solidarity, building of strong kinship social support networks and strengthening mutual solidarity existing among extended family members. This is centered on the common belief that the totality of what a child will be in life is gradually nurtured in a family setting through the support of kin family members (Isidienu, 2015; Kanu, 2020; Nnonyelu & Onyeizugbe, 2020). Some studies in Nigeria (Olaore & Drolet, 2016; Nnama-Okechukwu & Erhumwunse, 2021; Nnama-Okechukwu et al., 2020; Nwokocha & Micheal, 2015) reported that informal child-fostering practice is often done to promote kinship care networks and reduce cases of child vulnerability within a household. This alternative childcare arrangement can be promoted by social workers in Nigeria and other parts of sub-Saharan Africa as a sustainable childcare practice that keeps children within the safety net of the family and community. Discussion on suitable alternative childcare arrangement and evidence-based research such as this can provide sustainable programme development intervention in child and family welfare services in low- and middle-income countries. Various contributions made by the study participants on the Igbo apprenticeship system suggest areas that social workers need to develop intervention strategies. Intervention strategies such as promotion of child rights, protection of foster children and promotion of cash transfer for vulnerable families that are fostering children can help reduce child vulnerability in households where resources are limited. Gatekeeping process by social workers in informal fostering practice and engagement of stakeholders on safety concerns can introduce some kind of innovation in informal child-­ fostering practice to stem the rising cases of child trafficking and abuse in informal child-fostering practice. Social work as a professional service can help in the development of an innovative framework in informal child foster care. According to Coard and Lehman (2016), thinking innovative solution in child care and other family-based care for children within their natural and social context is very important in social work practice. An understanding of the uniqueness and dynamism of families based on the views of different study participants is important for social work practice with foster children, families fostering in and those fostering out. Furthermore, social

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work practice in contemporary Nigeria society needs more evidence-based studies on indigenous knowledge such as the alternative child care arrangement (Erhumwunse et  al., 2022; Nnama-Okechukwu & McLaughlin, 2022). This will help to promote discussion among academia in national and international fora, thereby increasing indigenous knowledge in the curricula of social work practice in Africa. Various contributions made by study participants suggest an area that social workers need to develop intervention strategies. Intervention strategies such as the promotion of cash transfers, gatekeeping process in informal fostering practice and engagement of stakeholders on safety concerns can introduce some kind of innovation in informal child-fostering practice.

Conclusion and Policy Implications The place of social work in finding an appropriate alternative care system for children in need of care and protection in Nigeria cannot be overemphasised. This is given the global discourse on alternative childcare practice with emphasis placed largely on informal child fostering as a likely suitable alternative care. Concerns however still abound around child protection, documentation, supervision, support services for foster parents and the role of social welfare/social workers in informal child fostering. Major findings from this study revealed the importance of the Igbo apprenticeship system. This significant role brought new opportunities and areas for possible intervention for development partners, public and private agencies engaged in child and family welfare services. Such opportunities as found in this study have implications for social policy and social work practice. Funding opportunities for social welfare agencies, statistics of children in informal fostering arrangements and documentation of informal fostering arrangements were brought to the public domain as issues for policy discussion. The forgone clearly demonstrates the need for social workers to be involved in policy formulation and implementation given the importance of the Igbo apprenticeship system as a viable alternative childcare practice in indigenous communities in south-east Nigeria.

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Chapter 23

Indigenous Social Work Practice: The Influence of Yoruba Concepts on Effective Intervention in Social Work Settings Christiana Omone Bose Makinde, Toluwanimi Oreoluwa Arogundade, Itunu Ilesanmi, Ayodele Adeoye, and Abigail Azorondu

Introduction In the last 40  years, scientists have managed to solve the social problems of the southern world (Gray & Coates, 2010), and this has contributed to increasing internal development surrounding issues like indigenization and indigenous practice in recent decades (Kreitzer, 2012). This movement started with the recognition that Western social work skills, values and competencies do not function accordingly when put against social problems like poverty, corruption and violation of human rights present in developing countries (Gray & Simpsons, 1998). Indigenous social work is often seen as an approach to social work that promotes cultural relevance and culturally specific knowledge and experiences (Gray & Coates, 2010; Rankopo & Osei-Hwedi, 2011). Despite the fact that social work is a universal profession, there are differences given the disparities in circumstances, culture and beliefs around the world. So, the local country fully takes its culture into C. O. B. Makinde · A. Azorondu Department of Social Work, Babcock University, Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] T. O. Arogundade (*) GRO Community, Chicago, IL, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] I. Ilesanmi Public Affairs Program, College of Community Innovation and Education, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA e-mail: [email protected] A. Adeoye Department of Education, Babcock University, Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_23

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account (Wamara et al., 2022). Culture is a powerful tool for solving local problems and understanding the African world. This thinking has led to the view that welfare roles need to be adapted to the cultural needs of the particular society in which they are used (Okoye, 2014). This means that different countries have different cultures, visions and orientations around the world, so social work experiences need to be unique to that country. Pre-colonial Nigeria had indigenous practices showcased in the unique practices surrounding kinship, family and marriage systems (Udeani, 2019). For Ogundipe and Edewor (2012), Nigeria has a long tradition of helping people within the community. People met and lived in relatively harmonious clans or dynasties in groups that defined and classified individuals according to the general will of belonging, solidarity and kindness. These traditional social systems and already established social development mechanisms have been disrupted by the colonization of Africa (Burke & Ngonyani, 2004; Kreitzer, 2004). In Nigeria, as in many countries of the world (in general, especially in Africa), social work has been shaped and constructed by the influence of the colonial masters. In most cases, especially in urban areas, the emphasis has been on health, education, law and order, but in many cases, the classes that play an important role in the colonial system have overlooked many other needs (Udeani, 2019). The amalgamation caused by colonization (Osinubi & Osinubi, 2006) resulted in subsequent urbanization that caused a decline of traditional family systems and traditional control of individuals and families (Irele, 2011). Many studies (Jinadu, 1985; Akintayo et al., 2017) argue that poverty and other social problems persist in Nigeria due to the lack of a culturally entrenched sector of social development. Nigerian researchers on social work have therefore recommended indigenous social work (Anucha, 2008; Olaleye, 2013). It is therefore necessary to explore the nature of Nigeria’s social work with its ethnic and cultural diversity, particularly the influence of cultural concepts on effective intervention in social work settings. Additionally, in the wake of the gathering of social work professionals and educators in Africa, especially in Nigeria, to advance the visibility of the profession in the country, there is a need to emphasize the significance of culture, beliefs and practices to build culturally informed social work interventions and service delivery strategies best suited to meet the needs of the society and individual clients. Indigenous social work alludes to a type of social work that uses effective, socially fitting research, training and practice (Gray & Coates, 2010). As Hochfeld (2009) identified, indigenous social work is a developing subject in literature and procedure, seeking to divert from inappropriate Eurocentric/Western practice models in educational social work practice. Indigenous social work demands social significance and socially explicit proficiency and practices (Gray et al., 2009). Creating culturally informed social work interventions expands on essential cultural concepts that influence societies and individual behavior. Cultural Practices: Cultural practices are shared perceptions of how people regularly behave in society (Frese, 2015).

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Taboos: Taboo is an “inconceivable” activity. Indeed, even the possibility of disregarding a taboo triggers a punishment (Fershtman et al., 2011). Values: Culturally characterized standards of allure, goodness, magnificence and numerous different things that serve as expansive rules for social living (Griswold, 2004). Beliefs: Certain words that individuals hold to be valid (Swidler, 1986). Yoruba cultural concepts/components will be analyzed for this study to measure their significance and relevance to social work practice.

Yoruba People and Their Culture Culture refers to the lifestyles of the citizenry or the people. It incorporates how they behave, uphold morals and values, dress, speak through specific language, their marriage customs, day-to-day life, examples of work, strict services and relaxation pursuits (Giddens & Birdsall, 2005). In essence, cultural concepts are components of culture that dictate how a society expresses itself and conducts its members’ affairs. With about thirty million individuals in their population size, the Yoruba people constitute one of the largest single ethnic groups in sub-Saharan Africa (Lawal et al., 2004). Most of the Yoruba populace is from Nigeria, where the Yoruba make up 15.5% of the country’s population, making them one of the most prominent ethnic groups in Africa. Most Yoruba individuals communicate in the Yoruba language and the Niger-Congo language, with the most significant number of local speakers (Bendor-Samuel, 2021). The Yoruba culture has, as other cultures maintain, norms, values and morals that encompass the behaviors and decisions of most of its populace, both consciously and unconsciously. As a social work standard, it is vital to understand the culture and its role in a society or individual’s life for effective practice and intervention. Therefore, with an intricate focus on the Yoruba culture, this study investigates Yoruba Concepts: cultural traditions, taboos, values and beliefs, and their implications for social work strategy and approach.

Concept of Yoruba Taboos and Superstitions A taboo is one of the social assets that characterize every society. Restrictions exist for each section of individuals in the public eye (Akande, 2017). Although most taboos are not in writing or published in formal documents, through cultural continuity, these ideologies are passed on from generation to generation as moral compasses present in tradition in storytelling, superstitions, taboos and lifestyle instructions. The public retains or introduces its youths and children to its standards, strict convictions and virtues just as the aggregate assessments of the entire society

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do through its traditional education. Taboos fill in as many accepted practices and help clarify the division between what is suitable and what is not. While various clubs hold an assortment of taboos, the universal usefulness of every one of them is something very similar. A few may be viewed as senseless and unrealistic by other people; however, that is the thing that makes each culture remarkable (Odejobi, 2013). In Yoruba culture, some taboos are fundamental to the people. Some of them are Taboos to avoid accidents; Omode ko da ko fi igi fa ila sile; bi eera ba ko si oju ila naa; iya Uomo naa you Ku (a youngster should not use a stick to draw a line on the ground; if subterranean insects enter the line, the kid’s mom will bite the dust). When a youngster plays with a stick, it might unintentionally go into their eye and cause harm. Taboos about Religion: A-ko gbodo ke bi egungun laiwo also egungun; Oro ni you gbe eni naa lo (we should not put on a disguise so as not to be seized by Oro). Egungun is one of the conventional religions in Yoruba land. The taboo was placed in place so that individuals would regard Egungun’s religion since whoever Oro seized won’t ever be seen again (Odejobi, 2013). Taboo on cleanliness: Aboyun ko gbodo jeun ninu isaasun obe; ki idi omo re mama ba a dudu (a pregnant lady should not eat in a soup cooking pot with the goal that her youngster’s bum won’t be dark). It indicates lethargy and a grimy propensity for any individual, particularly a pregnant lady, to eat in a soup cooking pot when serving plates in the house. Moreover, it is awful since when the soup in the pot is released, her spit will come into the pot intended to cook soup for the whole family. In this chapter, the effect of taboos on social work practice and intervention is the taboo on suicide will be assessed. Social workers contact those in danger of or presented with suicide consistently, either in direct case management or by implication through support, well-being advancement and policy work. Social workers practicing a holistic viewpoint can play a huge part in executing many systems utilized for suicide prevention, intercession and postvention (Maple et al., 2016). It is also noted that deaths by suicide are perceived as sinful, taboo and caused by evil forces, so the family is often stigmatized and denied social opportunities (Ohayi, 2019). Yorubas see suicide as iku ya j’esin (demise is desirable over disgrace, disrespect and outrage). And so, while we see suicide as a taboo that brings shame to the deceased’s family, it is equally important to understand that, on the other hand, Yorubas view it as an honorable way to exit certain shameful or hopeless situations (Olasunkanmi, 2015). Accordingly, it is essential to gauge the impact of suicide on Indigenous social work practice in Yoruba communities.

Concept of Yoruba Cultural Practices Traditional cultural practices reflect qualities and convictions held by individuals from a local area for periods frequently crossing ages. Every gathering on the planet has explicit conventional social practices and beliefs, some of which are advantageous to all individuals while others are hurtful to a particular community. In

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Yorubaland, quite possibly the primary cultural practice is ‘orúko àmútọ̀runwá’ – the naming of a recently conceived child. Names are given to children by their folks, grandparents (fatherly and maternal) and other direct relatives. Another practice of great importance is the Yoruba wedding ceremony. There are, however, some harmful Yoruba practices that affect social change and interventions, such as female genital mutilation (FGM), the various taboos or practices that prevent women from controlling their fertility, son preference and its implications for the status of the girl child in Yoruba communities (United Nations, 1989). Because of its vast populace, Nigeria has the most substantial number of female genital mutilation (FGM) cases worldwide, representing around one-fourth of the assessed 115–130 million circumcised girls/women globally (Okeke et al., 2012). Female genital mutilation (FGM) is characterized by the World Health Organization (WHO) as all techniques which include incomplete or complete evacuation of the outer female genitalia and additionally injury to the female genital organs, regardless of whether for social or some other non-helpful reasons (WHO, 1998). Southwest Nigeria, where the Yoruba tribe is situated, has about 65% FGM prevalence among young girls. As a way of joining organizations and associations around the world, social workers must identify the influence of FGM as a harmful cultural practice on their practice and interventions in Yoruba settings.

Concept of Yoruba Values The society we live in has methods of compelling the population to do what is acceptable, suitable and adequate. We go on in our daily lives, attempting to adjust to good conduct practices. People who don’t adapt to their society’s values are, one way or another, called to conform to societal expectations and norms (Idang, 2015). Values, according to Oyserman (2015), are disguised intellectual constructions that guide choices by inspiring a feeling of essential standards of good and evil (e.g., moral values), a feeling of needs (e.g., individual achievements, collective good) and a readiness to make meaning and see patterns (e.g., trust versus doubt). Babatunde (1992) asserts that Yoruba Values incorporate consideration/goodness/moral force for affecting great, grit, regard for rank, honesty, unwavering quality, discretion and the specialty of disguising for everyone’s benefit of the entirety. The Yoruba word for “thoughtfulness/goodness” in a real sense implies a decent “inside” (stomach and heart, or the whole of the actual substance inside the individual). A brutal individual has a bitter internal identity, and somebody so kind as to overlook his needs and desires has an excellent internal identity. It is often said that charity begins at home. According to Adewale (1986), there are no separate moral education teachers. All adults inculcate moral values in children to ensure a healthy and disciplined society. One of such moral value is “Respect.”

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Respect is perhaps one of the most famous values Yoruba people are known for. It symbolizes peace and reverence (‘Iwa l’ewa’). In discussions, the way pronouns are utilized in Yoruba reflects this regard. Dissimilar to the English language, where ‘you’ is used for everybody paying little heed to their age, in the Yoruba language, “e,” articulated as the ‘e’ in ‘egg,’ is utilized while tending to somebody more seasoned. In contrast, “o,” as expressed in ‘OK,’ is used to refer to one’s age mate. Additionally, when addressing somebody older, sister/auntie/sibling/uncle goes before the individual’s name (Falodun, 2017). Therefore, it is crucial to see if this important aspect of Yoruba Culture affects the practice and interventions of social workers in Yoruba communities.

Family Togetherness in Yoruba Culture Family, it is said, is the first agent of socialization, thereby constituting the primary social order that teaches us cooperation. This has made families the primary vehicles of group identity and the central repositories of personal stakes. The family system is a standardized method by which human society arranges and completes important exercises, including mating and reproduction. In addition to other things, familial organizations accommodate fundamental rights to sexual access, the reproduction and preparation of kids and the association of domestic house chores as per sex division of work (Olayiwola & Owagbemi, 2012). The Yoruba Family System (Ipejuwe Ebi) is also an essential aspect of Yoruba Culture. It is the basic unit of society (Atanda, 1996). The Yoruba have a family structure that is exceptionally interesting. It is interesting as it is local area-based and a type of grass-roots ‘government.’ Upon this grass-­ roots government, different levels of government inside the general public are fabricated. There are two degrees of family association among the Yoruba public: the prompt, or family unit level and the connection, or more distant family level. These two levels feature both blood and marital ties. Notwithstanding, generally, the most significant and profoundly featured familial connections are along bloodlines. Yoruba families are usually patrilineal and patrilocal. There is an exceptional bond between the Yoruba people. To create effective social interventions in Yoruba communities, it is crucial to evaluate the influence of this aspect of culture on social work practice. Against this background, the following hypotheses were raised: 1. There is no significant relationship of FGM (Idabe Omo Obirin) as a harmful cultural practice on social work intervention in Yoruba Settings. 2. There is no significant relationship of suicide (Igbemi ara eni) as a taboo on social work intervention in Yoruba settings. 3. There is no significant relationship of respect (Iwa) as a Yoruba cultural value on social work intervention in Yoruba settings. 4. There is no significant relationship of family togetherness (Ebi) as a Yoruba concept on social work intervention in Yoruba settings.

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Theoretical Framework The anti-colonial theoretical framework offers knowledge into how provincial and supreme enslavement has impacted and keeps on influencing information creation, personality and the portrayal of indigeneity in the social work profession. (Baskin, 2009; Hart, 2009; Ilmi, 2012). Ilmi (2012) affirms that anticolonial theory “gives space to colonized groups of people to voice what’s more, theorize their abuse” (p. 120). As Abdi (2012) reminds us, “Colonized education was never developed to answer the interests of the colonized” (p. 137), and the ultimate solution is to construct an indigenous practice plan that thinks about the local culture in intervention and practice. In such a manner, numerous postcolonial researchers (Rodríguez, 2018; Getachew, 2019) contend that decolonization would end up being a tremendously productive idea to address the designs of worldwide imbalances that are implanted in different types of epistemic savagery in the general public.

Methodology To satisfy the objectives of this research, quantitative research was held. This is descriptive survey research. The target population was social workers in clinical and social welfare settings in Oyo and Ekiti States. In this study, the sample comprises social workers in the Federal Teaching Hospital, Ido Ekiti, Ekiti State; the University College Hospital, Ibadan, Oyo State; the Social Welfare Unit, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State; and the Social Welfare Unit, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ibadan. These locations were chosen because they are states in South West Nigeria, the base for the Yoruba tribe of the country. The Yoruba are among the most celebrated tribes in Africa. Their hereditary country cuts across present-day southwest Nigeria, the Benin Republic and Togo in West Africa. They number somewhere in the range of 35 and 40 million (The World Factbook, 2022). There is a lot of variety in friendly and political associations among the Yoruba; however, they share numerous essential highlights. Legacy and progression depend on patrilineal plummet; individuals from the patrilineage live respectively under the power of a headman, share specific names and restrictions, love their own divinity and have freedoms in genealogy lands. This study focused on social workers in these parts of the country. The sample of this study’s population stood at 102 social workers (Table 23.1) in Oyo and Ekiti states; this was the total number of social workers at the four institutions during the study. First, a simple random sampling technique was used to select two Yoruba-­ speaking states in Nigeria. Next, the availability of a greater number of social workers was used to determine a clinical and social welfare institution in each shape selected. Finally, questionnaires were administered to social workers in the institutions in the states selected. The questionnaire contained five sections. Section 1 contained the socio-demographic characteristics; Section 2 contained questions

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Table 23.1  Number of respondents by sex and location Location Federal Teaching Hospital, Ido Ekiti, Ekiti State University College Hospital, Ibadan, Oyo State Social Welfare Unit, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State Social Welfare Unit, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ibadan Total

Men 4 20 5

Women 8 30 15

8

12

37

65

regarding including culturally informed and responsive strategies in practice in intervening with cases involving female genital mutilation; Section 3 had questions relating to integrating taboos and clients’ beliefs about suicide in intervention and practice; Section 4 contained questions relating to values and customs regarding respect; and Section 5 measured the roles and influence of family togetherness in Yoruba settings on social work practice. The study was conducted between May and August 2021. Consent was obtained prior to sharing the questionnaires, the respondent’s right to confidentiality was respected and legal requirements on data protection were adhered to.

Results HO1 (Hypothesis): There is no significant relationship between “Idabe Omo Obinrin” (FGM) and effective intervention in social work practice. Results (Table 23.2) show the mean, standard deviation and correlation matrix of idabe omo obinrin (FGM). This harmful cultural practice is related to social work settings (r = 0.685; p > 0.05). The hypothesis of no significant relationship is discarded, and the alternative is accepted that there is a relationship between Yoruba cultural practice and effective intervention in social work settings. HO2 (Hypothesis): There is no significant relationship between “Igbemi ara eni” (Suicide) and effective intervention in social work practice. Results (Table  23.3) show the mean, standard deviation and correlation matrix of igbemi ara eni (Suicide). This taboo is related with intervention in social work practice (r = 0.849; p > 0.05). The hypothesis of no significant relationship is discarded, and the alternative is accepted that there is a relationship between Yoruba taboo and effective intervention in social work settings. HO3 (Hypothesis): There is no significant relationship between “Iwa” (respect) and effective intervention in social work practice. Table 23.4 shows the mean, standard deviation and correlation matrix of “Iwa” (respect). This value and custom are correlated with intervention in social work practice (r  =  0.894; P  >  0.05). The hypothesis of no significant relationship is discarded, and the alternative is accepted

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Table 23.2  Correlation matrix of the four independent variables on the dependent variable mhcp

Pearson correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N

Means 10.8145

Standard deviation 4.18453

ISWP 0.685** 0.000 124

**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) Table 23.3  Correlation matrix of “Igbemi ara eni” (suicide) and effective intervention in social work practice Mtb

Pearson correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N

Means 10.3851

Standard deviation 3.9154

ISWP 0.849** 0.000 124

**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) Table 23.4  Correlation matrix of “Igbemi ara eni” (suicide) and effective intervention in social work practice MVC

Pearson correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N

Means 11.6694

Standard deviation 3.8543

ISWP 0.894** 0.000 124

**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) Table 23.5  Correlation matrix of “Ebi” (family togetherness) and effective intervention in social work practice MFT

Pearson correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N

Means 13.8453

Standard deviation 4.1478

ISWP 0.665** 0.000 124

**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

that there is a relationship between Yoruba value, custom and effective intervention in social work settings. HO4 (Hypothesis): There is no significant relationship between “Ebi” (family togetherness) and effective intervention in social work practice. Table 23.5 results show the mean, standard deviation and correlation matrix of “Ebi” (family togetherness). The concept of Ebi is correlated with intervention in social work practice (r = 0.665; P > 0.05). The hypothesis of no significant relationship is discarded, and the alternative is accepted that there is a relationship between the Yoruba concept “Ebi” and effective intervention in social work settings.

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Discussion The study revealed a significant impact of specific Yoruba concepts, cultural practices and beliefs on intervention in social work settings. Assuming it is seen that social ideas and customs meaningfully affect social work interventions, we must adopt a culturally informed way to deal with social problems in society. Social work’s subsequent worth is to have impartial civil rights for all people. For social workers to stay responsive and comprehensive in their training, exploration and schooling, the consideration of indigeneity is basic (Sakamoto, 2007). In this chapter, Hypothesis 1 was discarded, and the study revealed a significant impact of female genital mutilation (Idabel Omo Obirin) as a harmful cultural practice on intervention in social work settings. This finding was supported by the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women art. 5 (a) (1979), which states that harmful traditional practices directly affect the economic, political and psychological well-being of a community, thereby influencing social intervention and change. HO2 was also discarded. The study revealed a significant impact of the perception of suicide (igbẹmi ara ẹni) as a taboo on intervention in social work settings. This finding directly affirms Rudestam’s (1992) statement that individuals bereaved by suicide or other awful passing experience a broad scope of responses from companions and family members. Others, including relatives, might be hesitant to discuss such a death, affecting social workers’ interventions and practices. HO3 was discarded, and the study revealed a significant impact of respect (Iwa) as a value in Yoruba Culture on intervention in social work settings. As one of the codes of ethics of social workers, respect plays a significant role in our intervention. The NASW Code off Ethics affirms that respect for the inherent dignity and worth of a person is one of the key ethical principles for social workers. Therefore, respect would positively influence social interventions in Yoruba settings. Lastly, HO4 was discarded as the study revealed a significant impact of family togetherness (Ebi) in Yoruba Culture on intervention in social work settings. Olayiwola and Owagbemi (2012) opine that when the individual has an issue, the family, as well as additionally the entire local area, is frequently associated with tracking down the robust solution(s) in Yoruba culture due to the thought concretized in the Yoruba rule of public obligation in the socialization of the young, “it takes an entire town to bring up a kid.”

Conclusion The following conclusions were drawn from the findings of the study. The review uncovered a huge effect of explicit Yoruba ideas, social practices and convictions on intervention in social work settings, and therefore, this study contends for the incorporation of Indigenous proficiencies and anticolonial and insightful structures in social work exploration, training and practice. The study showed that Yoruba

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concepts have a significant influence on social work interventions in Yoruba settings. Female genital mutilation interferes with social change and development, while the negative perception of suicide affects the responsiveness of clients who have been affected. It was also noted that respect in Yoruba culture acts as a suitable catalyst for building formidable relationships in case management. Family togetherness helps clients readily access social and family support. This is a call for a policy engagement of Yoruba culture (as well as other cultures) and the social work profession, which would allow a remaking of the principles and chronicles of Indigenous social work beyond their predominant portrayals in diasporas all over the world. Another policy of great importance would be one that mandates social workers undergo periodic continuing education in indigenous and cultural competency.

Recommendation Social workers need to comprehend the client’s way of life and perspectives on critical issues. Generally, the social worker must have sufficient knowledge about clients’ cultural backgrounds and world views to realize how to approach issues presented by the client. Social workers ought to get culture and its capacity in human behavior and society, perceiving the qualities in all communities. This is the best way to have effective, culturally informed practices and strategies for development. Therefore, further studies needed to be carried out to measure the influence of other cultural practices in Yorubaland and other parts of Nigeria on social work practice. The following recommendations were postulated in this study: • • • •

Pushing for Indigenized policies in the Nigerian social work sector Social policy reforms that are based on clients’ cultural needs Mandated social work cultural competence training for social workers on the field Mandated social work training for “unqualified” social workers in order to build competence in meeting social needs in an indigenized world

A research limitation experienced in gathering data for this article is the closure of offices and sectors due to strikes experienced in civil service offices. Further research on this should focus on more social work areas and sectors but also other cultures in Nigeria in order to accurately measure the extent of the impact of cultural ideas, social practices and convictions on intervention in social work settings.

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Chapter 24

Inculcating Spirituality in Social Work Practice with Indigenous People in Zimbabwe Dickson Machimbidza and Vincent Mabvurira

Introduction Spirituality is a critical component of human existence, and it informs the daily lives of individuals in society. Africans take deep inspiration from their spiritual beliefs, which shape their worldview, behaviour and thoughts (Mtapuri & Mazengwa, 2013). Indeed, Africans are generally spiritual beings who integrally explain life events within the context of their religions and spirituality. Working with such people requires one to have a robust knowledge of their world, which is largely characterized by spirituality and religious beliefs. For the social work profession, it is critical to inculcate spiritually sensitive social work practice so as to effectively understand indigenous communities and derive contextually related intervention strategies and solutions. This chapter provides an understanding of religion and spirituality with particular reference to the indigenous people of Zimbabwe. It also provides information on the importance of spiritually sensitive social work practice in the country. Finally, the chapter provides critical information on the readiness of social work practitioners in providing spiritually sensitive social work practice with indigenous communities in Zimbabwe.

D. Machimbidza Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Harare Province, Zimbabwe V. Mabvurira (*) Community Psychosocial Research (COMPRES), North-West University, Mafikeng, North-West Province, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_24

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Religion, Spirituality and Social Work Spirituality Spirituality is one of the words which has come with different definitions in academia. Canda and Furman (2010) defined it as a process whereby human beings search for a sense of purpose, meaning and morally fulfilling relations. Spirituality centres on a relationship between an individual and a higher power, which may be anything in the African context. Most writers have put much emphasis on God being the higher power, which is directly and indirectly subscribed to by individuals globally. However, a higher power is determined by belief, trust and benefits that come with the relationship. So, spirituality comes in many forms in terms of the higher power. In the Zimbabwean context, spirituality is mainly based on the existence of the Supreme Being, God to Christians or Mwari/Musikavanhu to followers of the African Traditional Religion (ATR). Canda (1999) promulgated that spirituality is where human beings search for a sense of meaning, purpose and morally fulfilling relations primarily with oneself, the community and most importantly, the ultimate being. His definition involves key aspects such as the involvement of central beliefs, values and practices that promote the relationship between one and the supreme being. Most scholars argue that spirituality can work independently, but it can hardly be separated from religion (Martin, 2003; Mabvurira & Nyanguru, 2013; Mabvurira, 2016). Spirituality may be private or shared with others. According to Walsh (2003), spirituality involves searching for a reliable and trustworthy connection with the greater purposes and meaning of daily life. Spirituality seeks to answer various spiritual and existential questions pertaining to meaning and how best an individual can connect to the Supreme Being (Mafuriranwa, 2021). Looking at spirituality, it is argued that it includes transcendence as well as the spiritual side of life and the fact that the world acts as a medium which presents meaning and purpose to human existence. Spirituality is centred on the belief that people, as small as they are in the universe, are capable of connecting with a higher power that is beyond their human capacity, both in mind and matter. Spirituality provides the ground for making meaning out of everything that happens in life. There is a belief that everything happens as per the will and permission of the higher power. Mabvurira (2016) forwarded that spirituality provides purpose, meaning and direction on how to live in the human world. In the view of Asher (2001) and Bibby (2002), spirituality is the search for meaning and existential purpose, which typically involves both the experience of existence beyond human matter or death and the discovery of transcendence in the physical or psychological without talking of any religious belonging or affiliation. This cements the view that spirituality and religion are different in that spirituality can be realized even outside of any religious affiliation. Spirituality can be interpreted as being in a relationship with a higher power based on the dedication of the spirit or soul. According to Mabvurira (2016), spirituality in Roman Catholicism is perceived in the way one interacts and communes with God as well as in the realms of faith.

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Religion Often confused with spirituality, religion has distinct characteristics which involves membership and shared beliefs. Kirst-Ashman (2007) views religion as an organization involving membership in a spiritually shared belief, customs, structure and traditions. Religion seeks to answer questions related to right and wrong as well as values and practices to follow. For Mafuriranwa (2021), in some cultures, religion can be defined as the relationship which exists between human beings and one or more higher powers. Canda (1999) defines religion as the amalgamation of spiritual beliefs and practices in social institutions, mainly with the support of communities and the maintenance of traditions over a period of time. Religion is a system of customs, beliefs, values, doctrine and rituals. It is often the way spirituality is expressed. Religion provides an environment for spiritual realization and development through group support and encouragement. Primarily premised on rules and proper ways of conduct, religion governs human behaviour and thinking. For some scholars, religion is a personal conviction and dedication to the existence of an ultimate or supernatural being which governs individuals, communities and the universe at large. Religion can be largely appreciated as a standardized set of beliefs, laws, practices and doctrines of authority linked to the expression of the governance of the universe (Asher, 2001). Mabvurira (2016) views spirituality as a broader version of religion, considering that spirituality can be expressed inside and outside of religious institutions. Canda and Furman (2010) agitate that religion is an institutionalized pattern of significant orienting values, beliefs and practices related to spirituality. They viewed religion as an organization with shared beliefs and practices developed and transmitted over time. It involves following a certain doctrine and set of laws that govern members’ behaviour and social conduct, and it also delineates the bad and the good. Spirituality usually manifests through religious institution, but not vice versa. Overall, religion believes in and subscribes to the existence of a sacred being.

Social Work Social work is a versatile profession primarily aimed at promoting social justice and positive social functioning. Its goal is to help people live healthy and socially adjustable lifestyles. In order to fully assist individuals, it is important that their spirituality is appreciated and incorporated during the helping process. Understanding spirituality is beneficial to social work practitioners as well as their clients as they work together to achieve a common goal. As an essential part of human beings, spirituality is acknowledgement worthy from social workers, particularly those looking at indigenous communities in Zimbabwe. Mabvurira (2016) avers that social work is philosophically and historically linked to spirituality and religion. Taking into consideration the view that people

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need to take care of each other, the link between social work, spirituality and religion is inseparable. To complement religion and spirituality, social work comes in with mechanisms of advocacy and various means to meet the needs of the less privileged members of the community. It is thus critical for social workers to know the links that exist between individuals and their spiritual well-being or the religions they conform to. This is ideal because a social worker is able to assist a client, including their spiritual and religious beliefs, which, without any doubt, form a critical part of a person. The moment social workers start appreciating the critical role played by spirituality and religion in people’s lives, they easily come up with ways which help them effectively and holistically deal with the various challenges their clients present on their tables without hesitation. In the view of Martin (2003), the origins of social work are deeply rooted in Judeo-Christian religion, which manifested through the Charity Society Organization of Britain in the nineteenth century. From there, a lot of religious parties have come in to form non-profit organizations aimed at assisting the needy and promoting human rights as well as social justice. To illustrate this, Mugumbate and Chigondo (2013) note that the link between social work and churches in Zimbabwe is mainly on the mission to assist the less privileged, poor and those in devastating situations so that they overcome their challenges. Social work values are largely consistent with those of Judeo-­ Christian values (Dwyer, 2010). This therefore strengthens the view that Christianity played a vital role in the formation and dominance of the social work profession. Mabvurira (2016) believes that spirituality largely inspires a sense of shared responsibility, for example, to take care of one another. In order to fully acknowledge this, Canda (1998) propounded that a spiritually competent social worker should be aware of the various dynamics and transformations that happen in human life. Spirituality should be there to promote social justice, cohesion and shared benefit as opposed to selfishness and greediness.

 eligiosity and Spirituality Among Indigenous People R in Zimbabwe Indigenous communities in Zimbabwe, such as the Shona and Ndebele, believe in God, or the Supreme Being, who is seen as the creator and sustainer of life (Mabvurira & Nyanguru, 2013). The Shona word for God is Mwari, whilst the Ndebele call him uMlimu. According to Mabvurira and Nyanguru (2013), the Shona and Ndebele people traditionally communicated with God through their ancestors (vadzimu in Shona or amadlozi in Ndebele). Ancestors constitute the world of the invisible, which is believed to be part of the community of the living, and they are always around their descendants, looking after them in times of happiness and sorrows. Although there are a lot of religions in Zimbabwe, the largest is the Judeo-­ Christian religion. The African Traditional Religion (ATR) was most dominant before and during the colonial era. Years into British colonialism saw the advent of

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indigenous apostolic churches, which include Johane Masowe eChishanu, Johane Marange and Vadzidzi. Afterwards, Zimbabwe also witnessed the mushrooming of Pentecostal churches, which are largely characterized by prophesy, the gospel of prosperity and speaking in tongues. Such churches include Forward in Faith (FIF), Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM), Family of God (FOG) and United Family International Church (UFIC). Zimbabweans are mutually spiritual and religious enthusiasts. As spirituality is largely influenced by the belief in the existence and dominance of an Ultimate being, individuals and groups in Zimbabwe are driven by spiritual beliefs, for example, worshipping God through Christianity or Musikavanhu/Mwari through the ancestors (vadzimu or amadlozi). In this regard, the spiritual worldview of indigenous Shona and Ndebele people in Zimbabwe who believe in ATR communicates with Musikavanhu through their ancestors. Using this philosophy, the indigenous people in Zimbabwe believe that people don’t die but rather pass to another world where they exist without any blemish. This goes in line with what was propounded by Mbiti (1990), who said Africans don’t die. The Ndebele and Shona people believe that when a person dies, he or she joins other departed members of the family in the invisible community. For example, when an elderly person dies, they believe they join the world of the living dead and continue to take care of the family left behind using spiritual means. When one dies, he or she immediately becomes part of the invisible world of the living dead and is considered an ancestor (mudzimu or idlozi). These spiritual and religious beliefs are common among indigenous Shona, Ndebele, Venda and Tonga ethnic groups. Followers of the African Traditional Religion interpret challenges and life events according to their religious beliefs. The general principles of the religion are imbedded in the Ubuntu philosophy, and they also involve aspects such as social justice, peace, unity and zero tolerance for taboos. Looking at indigenous groups in Zimbabwe, sickness is described as a curse or punishment from the ancestors. For example, if a father indulges in a sexual relationship with his daughter, that is considered taboo. When this happens, the ancestors are mercilessly provoked to the extent that they curse the father, leading to misfortunes, mental illness or even death. Failure to follow the rules and regulations of spiritual and religious beliefs as a result of immoral deeds is bound to be cursed by his ancestors. Consequently, the ancestors are seen as leaders and judges of the living, as they are there to reinforce positive and negative behaviour. Good behaviour comes with positive reinforcement, which includes good health, long life and blessings, while bad behaviour is punishable in the form of mental illness, unemployment, curse and sickness. As a religion without a founder, written scripts or precise origin, the African Traditional Religion has existed for generations, influencing people’s existence, behaviour and thoughts. It has been passed from generation to generation through storytelling, spiritual practice and inspiration. Even in the face of modernization, civilization and globalization, the African traditional religion has stood the test of time through its relevance, problem-solving and interpretation of the African world.

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On the Christian side, almost every day of the week is a holy day in Zimbabwe. The Christian community is mainly comprised of indigenous and Pentecostal churches. For individuals who follow indigenous churches such as Johanne Masowe eChishanu and Johane Marange, their spirituality is mainly based on the belief in an ultimate being from above, Mwari or God. They believe in spiritual inspiration and ecstasy. Some of the apostolic sects do not even read the Bible because they believe that true teaching comes from the Holy Spirit, who overrides their human capacity, thinking and behaviour. The religiosity of such people is often associated with the wearing of predominantly white garments. Often inspired by the spirits of biblical figures such as Miriam, Jacob, Moses, Andrew and Michael as well as Gabriel the Angel, apostolic followers believe in the power of God. The spiritual beliefs of indigenous communities in Zimbabwe also inform their understanding of the world, behaviour and social conduct. Just like the ATR, Christians believe that blessings are considered a good sign of one’s relationship with God. This may be a result of good behaviour and adhering to the biblical Ten Commandments. Praying and submitting to God are considered the best ways to please God. Loving and caring for others are equally important for one to be called a child of God (Mtapuri & Mazengwa, 2013; Mugumbate & Chigondo, 2013). Challenges such as disability are perceived as a test of faith. In this regard, Christians believe that God gives disability to a family to see whether they are faithful to him enough or not. The spirituality and religiosity of indigenous Christian followers oblige them to appreciate and live aspects such as forgiveness, patience and faithfulness. In this regard, peace and social cohesion are mainly promoted because of the principles of love and forgiveness. Indigenous people in Zimbabwe believe in the existence of witchcraft and the dark world. They believe witchcraft destroys other people’s lives through death, infertility, barrenness and poverty. In fighting against the dark world, indigenous people in Zimbabwe commit themselves to God in a bid to overcome evil spirits. In Pentecostal churches, individuals put holy stickers on their cars and doors, which they believe are anointed to overcome misfortunes such as accidents or theft of their cars as well as property. In apostolic churches such as Johane Masowe and Vadzidzi, people often use nhombo (small stones) and water to fight against evil spirits. They usually approach spiritual personnel who pray over the stones and water so that they can use them for bathing and sprinkling in and around the house for protection. This characterizes the spirituality and religiosity of indigenous people in Zimbabwe, their lives are deeply rooted in their beliefs and they feel that any form or time of poor connection with God gives evil spirits a chance to attack them; hence, they are always seeking help from their spiritual fathers. Gelfand (1975) argues that above the belief system of the Zimbabwean people, Mwari (God) oversees the universe. In their view, indigenous people in Zimbabwe believe that God is the creator of all things, including the heavens and earth. He is responsible for the bad and the good things that are experienced by people in their daily lives. Utilizing ATR, Zimbabwean indigenous people like the Shona and Ndebele approach their ultimate being through the living dead, or Vadzimu/

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amadlozi (ancestors), whom they believe are their mediators to the higher power. Humans are believed to be sinners and imperfect, so the only effective way they can communicate with God is through their ancestors, who dwell in the invisible world where there is no blemish (Mbiti, 1990). At the apex of the ancestral hierarchy are the Mhondoro, who are believed to be way closer to God than anyone else. When people convey their grievances and prayers, they pass them to their intermediaries, the ancestors, then to the Mhondoro, who then passes them to the Supreme Being, or Mwari. Gelfand (1975) propounded that the Mhondoro spirit is primarily concerned with the protection and welfare of the community, including succession issues such as inheritance and chieftaincy, as well as the alleviation of poverty and natural disasters. He further expressed that vadzimu are concerned with the protection and welfare of lineages, including warming them to the immediate and long-­ term challenges. Equally, in the Christian world, people abide by and respect the Sabbath day. The day is associated with resting from daily chores and fellowshipping with others at church as well as showing love to the less privileged and the vulnerable. The religiosity and spirituality of the Shona and Ndebele indigenous people of Zimbabwe can largely be seen in the way Christians observe and respect the Easter and Christmas holidays. Although Mtapuri and Mazengwa’s (2013) study was primarily premised on the relationship between spirituality and poverty, it provided concrete knowledge on the spiritual and religious beliefs of the Shona and Ndebele communities. The spirituality and religiosity of Zimbabweans can go to the extent of causing poverty when one breaches the commitment and adherence to sacred days and practices, which result in spiritual forces withdrawing their support and protection, exposing one to vulnerability. Mtapuri and Mazengwa (2013) corroborated that Zimbabweans, just like the African people, believe that when a person dies, their spirit does not die along with the body but embarks on a journey to the spiritual world, typically known as Nyikadzimu by the Shona people. Death is seen as a rite of passage where the dead spiritually finds permanent peace and a supernatural existence, which attracts respect from the living. However, the case is not the same when one is murdered or killed unlawfully, which results in an avenging spirit or Ngozi/ ingozi. The Shona and Ndebele people of Zimbabwe believe that the avenging spirit kills anyone who is blood related to the person who committed the murder to seek revenge and suffer until the spirit is appeased or compensated in the form of cattle, women and money. The Shona and Ndebele people believe that ngozi/ingozi often result in misfortunes such as mental illness, death, disability and extreme poverty for the murderer and related family members. Life is considered a sacred gift from God; hence, killing a person comes with devastating and dire consequences. Therefore, when dealing with problems associated with avenging spirits, professionals such as social workers need to be spiritually aware of the best ways to resolve such cases through the inclusion of spiritual, traditional, customary and religious beliefs, not just using conventional methods of intervention.

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I mportance of Spiritually Sensitive Social Work Practice with Indigenous Communities in Zimbabwe Social workers are professionals whose aim is to enhance human lives and their social functioning through problem-solving, social change and social justice towards the attainment of humanness and their well-being. Utilizing scientific theories and therapeutic models ranging from behavioural to psychological fields, mainly realized through casework, group work and community work, social workers are supposed to have concrete knowledge about their clients so that they can effectively assist them. Mugumbate and Chigondo (2013) noted that, as part of their key roles, social workers advocate for social change and social justice, including human rights. They also promote and acknowledge self-determination, individualism and acceptance of individuals as they are, regardless of their spirituality and religious affiliations. Although much emphasis in social work practice has been given to the healthcare, child protection, justice systems and humanitarian arenas, their practice in those areas can be fully realized by appreciating spirituality and religion as key factors in people’s lives. Considering the efficacy of spirituality and religion in indigenous Shona and Ndebele communities in Zimbabwe, it is critical that social workers provide spiritually sensitive social work services to their clients. Bibby (2002) professed that human spirituality and religion are rich avenues through which human beings largely understand and interpret life events and circumstances they face throughout their existence through their belief in the supreme being or the existence of a greater power than them. Of interest is that many people turn to their spirituality during times of difficulty and misfortune so as to find meaning and endurance to pass through such phases. Mabvurira and Nyanguru (2013) argued that in order for social workers to effectively and fully assist clients in dealing with various challenges, they need to be spiritually aware of their clients’ beliefs and worldview. In this regard, spirituality and religion are key components that formulate a person, as they provide a sense of meaning and belonging to a certain religious group, such as Christianity. Mafuriranwa (2021) agitated that social work practitioners who fail to adequately consider the spiritual needs of their service users consequently fail to comprehensively deal with the psychological, cultural, physical, mental and spiritual needs of Zimbabwean people. As spirituality is primarily based on an individual’s inner being, each person interprets it differently (Lezotte, 2010). To fully understand the importance of spirituality in social work, the primary focus should be on issues to do with individual and spiritual fulfilment. Spirituality assists individuals in finding meaning in their daily lives. It helps them answer existential questions such as why am I living, and is life worth living? Oftentimes, social workers encounter critically ill people who commonly have these questions on their minds. It is thus critical for social workers to be spiritually sensitive to the extent that they are able to assist such clients understand the impact they have made in other people’s lives, including their loved ones and their communities. Lezotte (2010) notes that through conducting a life review,

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people can easily integrate their experiences and goals in a bid to find meaning. Utilizing life review, when working with indigenous communities in Zimbabwe, social workers can assist their clients in rediscovering the positive impact they have made in their lives, which includes spiritual strengths, meaning and positive relationships with significant others. Social workers who work with critically ill patients and the elderly need to be spiritually sensitive when delivering their services. Often, people who encounter near-death experiences desire to die meaningfully (Lezotte, 2010). Although death is a personal experience, terminally ill people seek to feel connected to others and their spiritual ultimate being. It is thus critical that social workers assist clients in such situations to put their affairs in order and amend their broken relationships with others, including the supreme being they subscribe to, so that they are ready to progress to the next world knowing that they are on good terms with people and their God. It is important to provide spiritually sensitive social work when working with indigenous communities such as the Shona and Ndebele. This allows social workers to pave the way for their clients to peacefully and meaningfully progress to the next world. Without the incorporation of spirituality, it is difficult to assist clients encountering near-death experiences, as their intervention will only address the physical matter instead of providing spiritual meaning and support. As noted earlier, the Shona and Ndebele communities believe in life after death; hence, there is a need for one to have hope beyond death. It is the desire of almost everyone, if not all people, to graduate to the next world, where it is believed to be full of happiness and peace. The spiritual need of transcendence puts focus on an individual’s awareness, understanding and acknowledgement of issues that go beyond worldly concerns (Lezotte, 2010). One way or the other, just like any other community in the world, the Shona and Ndebele indigenous communities in Zimbabwe seek assurance that life will continue even after death. The Christian community takes inspiration from the Bible, which expresses that there shall be life after death as Jesus will come and take his faithful followers, including those who have long gone. ATR is largely inspired by their belief in the existence of an invisible world of the living dead. For many, the end of life raises a lot of spiritual questions. It is the role of social workers to be spiritually sensitive so that they can assist people near death and answer various questions they might have. It is important for social workers to understand various spiritual and religious beliefs so that they can provide personalized and meaningful assistance to people who subscribe to different beliefs by facilitating closure or transition as well as acceptance of death, particularly for Zimbabwean people. This can ultimately be done by laying a good foundation of understanding that there is life as well as hope beyond the grave, which complements the beliefs of indigenous Zimbabwean people. Of late, social workers were afraid of involving spirituality when working with their clients’, considering differences in spirituality and religions, which often resulted in them imposing their beliefs on their service users. Nevertheless, spirituality is of utmost importance to social work as it allows practitioners to fully understand clients and their problems as well as determine appropriate intervention strategies. Due to a lack of spiritually sensitive social work practice, service users

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often feel misunderstood and disconnected from social work practitioners. Basically, this feeling compromises the relationship between social workers and their clients, which in turn affects the success or effectiveness of the treatment process. The appreciation and understanding of spirituality among the Shona and Ndebele people are critical when helping them resolve their problems. When a client feels understood in terms of their spirituality, it makes them feel comfortable to pour out their grievances without hesitation. Resultantly, there is the creation of a good therapeutic and professional relationship between the social worker and the client. In this regard, it is important for spiritually sensitive social work practice to be embraced in Zimbabwe in order to increase the success rate of problem-solving, treatment and intervention processes. As people are not just made of the physical, spirituality is a major component of the self, which includes the physical, psychological and emotional beings. The ignorance of spirituality leaves a huge gap when it comes to understanding an individual. As professionals who are concerned with enhancing people’s lives and ensuring their well-being, spiritual competence is important, especially when working in a spiritual country like Zimbabwe. Spirituality acts as a huge pillar of strength for people during hardships. It enables individuals to endure challenging times and provides a sense of hope. Focusing on spirituality enables social workers to improve the resilience of their clients as they face challenging times. Contextually, when working with clients from communities in Zimbabwe where challenges such as poverty are dominant, social workers can improve their resilience by providing meaning and reassuring them that everything will be okay, utilizing spiritual strength. Instead of being anxious about the future, spiritually sensitive social work assists in providing positive hope to individuals and encourages them to enjoy the present. Through spiritually sensitive social work, social workers can help Shona and Ndebele people struggling with problems such as depression, anxiety and stress leave their burdens in God’s hands thus managing stress. Spirituality in social work offers a lifelong learning platform for practitioners. Through conducting spiritual assessment, social workers are continuously informed about the various beliefs and cultural differences of their clients. Most clients use their belief system for reliance purposes against various challenges they encounter. A social work practitioner who understands and appreciates various spiritual beliefs is continuously equipped with knowledge of how to effectively work with their clients, putting their beliefs at the centre of the helping process. Therefore, spirituality is important in the sense that it allows the social worker to facilitate change in people’s lives in a way that is most relevant to them in terms of their beliefs and worldview. Spirituality and religion have since been used to cope with stress and challenging life events. It is argued that the involvement of spirituality in problem-solving often results in personal growth and promotes a deeper connection with the Supreme Being and the community (Yeo & Miller, 2010). Spirituality provides a positive ground for coping with stress and misfortunes presented by life through endurance.

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In this regard, spirituality is important in social work as it can be used as a coping strategy for the dynamics of life. Social workers in Zimbabwe can assist their clients to have a strong connection with their supreme being and utilize the connection as a source of strength to cope with challenges such as poverty and the death of a loved one. Spirituality and faith in the existence of a supreme being keep individuals going even in the midst of chaotic situations. The purpose of spiritually sensitive social work is to assist clients in coping with their challenges using support from the spiritual side of their being. This enables them to acquire support and assurance from the higher power. The belief of having a power greater than one’s capacity is a real asset that can be positively used in the coping and recovery processes. Zimbabweans believe that spirituality entails an inner and sacred life which enables one to escape from daily challenges, including emotional and physical problems. Involving spirituality in social work is important as it allows a practitioner to gain in-depth knowledge about their clients’ spiritual beliefs. Spiritually sensitive social work allows practitioners to understand how clients’ spirituality affects their well-being, which makes it easy for them to design services and intervention strategies with the highest potential for assisting them. In assisting a service user, particularly from indigenous communities in Zimbabwe, Mabvurira and Nyanguru (2013) professed that spiritual beliefs can act as a powerful resource in a client’s life which can be positively used in coping, problem-solving and recovery from problems such addiction. Walsh (2003) added that during difficult and challenging times, spiritual beliefs and values have a great impact on fostering or promoting recovery from loss and suffering.

 eadiness of Social Work Practitioners in Spiritually Sensitive R Social Work Practice with Indigenous Communities in Zimbabwe Social workers in Zimbabwe lack training in spirituality. Most social work-offering universities in Zimbabwe do not offer in-depth courses on spirituality at both the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Mafuriranwa (2021) believe that in order for social workers in Zimbabwe to deliver spiritually sensitive social work, they need to receive the necessary training that provides them with knowledge on how to assist clients without provoking their spirituality or violating their rights. For social workers in Zimbabwe to be ready to include spirituality when working with indigenous Shona and Ndebele people, there is a need for tertiary institutions that offer social work programs to include spirituality and religion in their curricula. Mabvurira and Nyanguru (2013) advocated that there is a need to incorporate theories that assist students to understand and appreciate indigenous spiritual and religious beliefs, and this includes the inclusion of Afrocentrism, the strength perspective and the resilience theory. Lack of attention to spirituality in social work education and practice

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in Zimbabwe explains the level of readiness of social workers in the country to implement spiritually inclined services to indigenous communities. Client spirituality should be given due regard by social work lecturers, practitioners and policymakers (Mabvurira, 2016). Mafuriranwa (2021) and Mabvurira (2016) observed that the governing constitution of social workers in Zimbabwe, the Social Workers Act (Chapter 27:21), does not provide an absolute standing for social work practitioners to incorporate their clients’ spirituality in practice. This shortcoming affects the delivery of social work services, considering that social work practitioners don’t feel entitled to delve into spiritual issues when dealing with clients. In this regard, social workers in Zimbabwe are not properly equipped with the duty of considering spirituality when working with indigenous communities such as the Shona and Ndebele, who, on the other hand, credit their existence to spirituality. One of the major challenges affecting the readiness of social work practitioners in providing spiritually sensitive social work practice in Zimbabwe is that they are not fully aware of how to use or incorporate spirituality in assessing and responding to clients’ problems in a way that does not unintentionally violate their rights or the professional code of conduct (Yeo & Miller, 2010). As much as recognizing the importance of spirituality is key, most social workers are not mindful of their spirituality’s influence over their clients. Self-awareness is important for social work practitioners to not impose their beliefs on their clients. Mabvurira and Makhubele (2014) noted that being mindful of other people’s beliefs is critical, especially when working in Zimbabwe, where many people are viewed as Christians, although other people subscribe to other spiritual and religious beliefs. In most cases, the spiritual and religious values of social workers clash with those of their clients. In order for social workers to effectively work with indigenous communities in Zimbabwe, they need to be aware of their own spirituality as well as the spiritual beliefs of other people with whom they work. Some social workers believe that what works for them works for everyone. For example, praying for each and every client when they come for counselling is a sign of poor spiritual competence because not everyone believes in prayers. Hence, a lack of spiritual knowledge, self-­ awareness and professional limits hinders the readiness of social work in incorporating spiritually sensitive social work practice in Zimbabwe.

Conclusions This chapter conceptualized spirituality and how it is important in social work practice. Examples were drawn from the spiritual and religious beliefs of the Shona and Ndebele indigenous people in Zimbabwe. The chapter viewed spirituality as the relationship between one and the higher power, while religion is characterized by set standards of practice, doctrine and structures. A foundation on the relationship between spirituality and social work was laid, expressing the efficacy of spirituality when it comes to assisting people to overcome various challenges they face. It was noted that spirituality is important in social work as it acts as a pillar of strength and

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hope, particularly when dealing with challenges such as poverty, depression and anxiety. It was also noted that most social workers in Zimbabwe are not fully equipped with adequate knowledge on how to effectively incorporate spirituality into their practice to achieve spiritually sensitive social work. Social work-offering institutions in Zimbabwe are therefore challenged to develop and include courses on spirituality at both the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Training on spirituality is the best way to go so as to circumvent challenges which impede the attainment of spiritually sensitive social work practice when working with indigenous communities in Zimbabwe.

References Asher, M. (2001). Spirituality and religion in social work practice. Social Work Today. https:// www.gatherthepeople.org/downloads/spirit-­in-­SW Bibby, R. W. (2002). Restless gods: The renaissance of religion in Canada. Stoddart Pub. Canda, E. R. (Ed.). (1998). Spirituality and social work: New directions. Haworth Pastoral Press. Canda, E. R. (1999). Spiritually sensitive social work: Key concepts and ideals. Journal of Social Work Theory and Practice, 1(1), 1–15. Canda, E. R., & Furman, L. D. (2010). Spiritual diversity in social work practice: The heart of helping (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. Dwyer, M. M. (2010). Religion, spirituality, and social work: A quantitative and qualitative study on the behaviours of social workers in conducting individual therapy. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 80(2–3), 139–158. https://doi.org/10.1080/00377317.2010.486359 Gelfand, M. (1975). The genuine Shona: Survival values of an African culture. Mambo Press. Kirst-Ashman, K.  K. (2007). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives. Brooks/Cole. Lezotte, E. (2010). Spirituality and social work. Focus Ce Course. Mabvurira, V. (2016). Influence of African traditional religion and spirituality in understanding chronic illnesses and its implications for social work practice: A case of Chiweshe communal lands in Zimbabwe [Unpublished doctoral thesis]. University of Limpopo. Polokwane, RSA. Mabvurira, V., & Makhubele, J. (2014). Eurocentric spiritual hegemony, an impediment to the incorporation of African spirituality in social work practice in Zimbabwe. Theologia Viatorum: Journal of Theology and Religion in Africa, 38(1), 78–95. Mabvurira, V., & Nyanguru, A. (2013). Spiritually sensitive social work: A missing link in Zimbabwe. African Journal of Social Work, 3(1), 65–81. Mafuriranwa, R. (2021). Interfacing religion, spirituality and social work. In V.  Mabvurira, A. Fahrudi, & E. Mtetwa (Eds.), Professional social work in Zimbabwe: Past, present and the future (pp. 225–238). National Association of Social Workers of Zimbabwe. Martin, J. (2003). Historical development of social work practice in critical social work: An introduction to theory and practice. Allen & Unwin. Mbiti, S. J. (1990). African religions and philosophy (2nd ed.). Heineman Educational Books. Mtapuri, O., & Mazengwa, P.  J. (2013). Of spirituality and poverty: A Zimbabwean cultural perspective. Indo-Pacific Journal of Phenomenology, 13(1), 1–10. https://doi.org/10.2989/ IPJP.2013.13.1.6.1172 Mugumbate, J., & Chigondo, E. (2013). Social work practice by Christian churches in Zimbabwe: How churches in Harare and Bindura are tackling social changes. International Journal of Advanced Research in Management and Social Sciences, 2(5), 99–110. Walsh, F. (2003). Normal family process (3rd ed.). Guilford. Yeo, J. A., & Miller, M. M. (2010). Can MFTs address spirituality with clients in publicly funded agencies? Contemporary Family Therapy: An International Journal, 32(2), 102–116. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s10591-­009-­9107-­5

Chapter 25

Interconnectedness and Cocreating Indigenous Social Work: Collaborative Approach and Future Directions for Sustainable Development Koustab Majumdar, Rajendra Baikady, and Ashok Antony D’Souza

This concluding chapter provides an overview of the issues discussed in this volume and further examines how indigenization of social work education and practice contributes to the central theme of cocreating and internationalizing social work. Grounded on the discussions and debates in the contributed chapters in this volume, it draws suggestions and strategies for indigenization of social work education and practice through global collaboration. Indigenous social work focuses on creating a connection between the cultural values and practices of social work in local context Parts of this chapter published previously in: Sajid, S.M., Baikady, R., Sheng-Li, C., Sakaguchi, H. (eds). (2020). The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Work Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­030-­39966-­5. Used with permission. K. Majumdar (*) Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (RKMVERI), Ranchi, Jharkhand, India International Center for Cultural Studies (ICCS), National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University (NYCU), Hsinchu City, Taiwan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] R. Baikady Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, Kasargod, Kerala, India Department of Social Work & Community Development, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa The Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] A. A. D’Souza Department of Studies in Social Work, School of Social Sciences, Rani Channamma University, Belagavi, Karnataka, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9_25

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and promoting cultural relevance. Moreover, it serves to build a strong relationship between local people and their culture and ensure that social work is distinctive and relevant in meeting the needs of context-specific social challenges and sustainable development goals in a broad sense. It also discusses the global partnership approach to indigenizing social work as a future direction to strengthen sustainable development goals and promote human well-being as a collective benefit. “Indigenization” as a debate and discourse within the social work literature has received much attention in contemporary decades. The fundamental aim of the indigenization discourse in social work is to develop a locally fit or culturally relevant social work knowledge base (Gray, 2008), which will be able to address context-­ specific social issues by deconstructing Western knowledge. The enduring controversy revolves around how existing social work theories and models are viewed as pioneers embodying the concept of “colonial agents” and the concurrent effort to incorporate Indigenous perspectives into social work education. Within the realm of social work, contemporary discourse and deliberations have predominantly centered on the subjects of social work education, practice, and research, as evidenced by the works of Gray (2008), Gray & Coates (2010), and Lin (2022). However, a paradigm shift from Western-centric social work theory, methodology, education, and practice to the inclusion of indigenized systems is indeed a complex process, but efforts have been triggered to a significant extent across the globe. By repositioning social work knowledge away from Western-centric dominance, which includes academic and sociocultural imperialism, this book engages with the global perspective of the discourse on Indigenization within the field of social work. With excellent collaboration with the authors across the world, a total of 23 contributing chapters from 17 different countries have been tailored into four parts: Multidimensional perspectives; Indigenizing the social work curriculum; Poiesis and praxis; Insights from diverse cultural contexts. It is our modest combined attempt to provide a novel insight into the indigestion debate. This edited volume highlights diverse ranges of interesting topics such as the historical evolution of Indigenous social work, decoloniality, inclusion of Indigenous social work education within the social work curriculum, teaching of Indigenous social work, cultural perspectives of Indigenous social work practice, contextualizing sustainable development with Indigenous social work, Indigenous social work education for the developing countries (Global South), and social work practice with Indigenous people. Moreover, some interesting case studies related to local-level social work knowledge and practice have been an important component of this volume. In sum, it covers Indigenous social work from both the theoretical and practice perspectives. Fundamentally, indigenization is a process that alters the theoretical orientation, practice, and research domains within the field of social work. It has many dimensions, for example, “decolonization,” which intends to disrupt colonial supremacy and encourage the development of Indigenous literature, pedagogical systems, and curriculum. In a number of chapters in this book, the authors provide evidence to support the decolonial process of social work (for example, in Chaps. 2 and 13). Decolonization has been argued to be an approach as well as a process that can

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merely serve as a “precondition” for indigenizing social work theory and practice in the form of an Indigenous approach (Chap. 1). As a global profession, social work addresses social challenges, injustice, and ensuring human well-being, in which, the role of Indigenous knowledge has been immense in recognizing social systems and the interconnectedness between people and other social institutions. It is a true fact that due to the incapability of addressing social problems and lack of cultural relevance by Western models of social work, the indigenization movement has received momentum. Even the socioeconomic challenges are different in the Global South, which possibly demands Indigenous social work for the Global South (for example, Chap. 11). As indigenization does not only question the Western-centric approach of social work education and practice but also demands to include cultural relevance, tradition, behaviors, and social issues (Gray & Hetherington, 2013). As evident from a number of chapters (for example, Chaps. 14 and 15 in this volume), integrating Indigenous knowledge into the practice of social work will deliberately increase the recognition of social work from a cultural perspective and social welfare provision (for example, Chap. 19), but it can be a very sturdy base to provide the services to the Indigenous people. However, the optimum utilization of Indigenous knowledge in modern practice has not been turned into reality due to lack of mechanisms (for example, Chap. 16 in this volume). Therefore, we may start the process by indigenizing social work education, which stimulates learning about the principles of social justice and cultural competence (see Chap. 6). A full-fledged inclusion of indigenization process into the social work domain entails a continuous debate and discussion about how we conceptualize indigenization and how it can be assimilated into the social work field. The lack of significant discussion about the framework of indigenization of social work education and practice has set several boundaries within it (Sajid et al., 2020). Bridging this gap and taking part in the contemporary discussion of indigenization in social work, many authors of this volume have proposed evidence-based frameworks and approaches of indigenization of social work education and practice. It can therefore be argued that indigenization of social work education and practice should be treated as an urgent call while creating room for community-specific “Indigenous knowledge” as a philosophy and resource within the curriculum of social work and pedagogical system (Spitzer, 2019; Twikirize & Spitzer, 2019).

I nterconnectedness and Cocreating Indigenous Social Work: Cultural Competence and Collaborative Approaches Indigenous social work seeks to point out the cultural relevance and community-­ specific Indigenous knowledge and practices. However, Indigenous knowledge may or may not be uniform (Hart, 2002; Lynn, 2001; Gray & Hetherington, 2016) and consistent over time and place (Gray & Hetherington, 2016). The interconnectedness between “indigeneity” or “culture” or “local-context” and the framework of Indigenous social work is highly perpetuated. One such distinct way to promote

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Indigenous social work is to cocreate “cultural competence” as a skill and knowledge among the social work educators and professional social workers to be taught. Cultural competence can be referred to as a set of knowledge and information about the culture of various local communities that develops empathy toward the people and deals with social challenges ethically and meaningfully (Este, 2007). In fact, Indigenous social work accepts the attribute of cultural competency and ability to provide professional services to people who belong to a distinctive culture. Imparting cultural competence-based social work education and its professional practice will enable social workers to understand the importance of culture, cross-cultural issues, cultural differences, cultural knowledge, and cultural needs (NASW, 2007). Cultural competence is recognized as an important element of social work practice (Healy, 2008); therefore, it is highly expected that social work professionals should have cultural competence (Small et al., 2016) as a skill, particularly in multicultural contexts (Dittfeld, 2020). Many national and international associations of social work uphold cultural awareness and sensitivity as guidelines in their codes of ethics. For example, the National Association of Social Workers (NASW)’s advocates in its Code of Ethics (2008) the necessity of cultural competence and social diversity. It has three core elements: (i) recognition of culture; (ii) knowledgebase of the client’s culture; and (iii) nature of social diversity and oppression. Moreover, the Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW) in its Code of Ethicsstated that “[c]ultural competence can be achieved through a commitment to achieving culturally appropriate service delivery and a culturally appropriate workplace environment. This commitment would require a focus on systemic, organizational, professional, and individual levels.” (Dittfeld, 2020, p. 10; cited in AASW, 2010, p. 42). From a constructive viewpoint, cultural competence is not a constant element; rather, it is highly evolving as society is changing rapidly. Despite several challenges in imparting cultural competence in international settings and international social work education, we should adopt a “reflective and constructive view of cultural competence” (Nadan, 2017). The interplay between “culture” and “professional social work” service helps to comprehend the framework of Indigenous social work education and practice. In order to provide effective service delivery, social work graduates are needed to be well-acquainted with skills, knowledge, and attitudes toward developing a culturally competent social work practice (Deal & Hyde, 2004; Yee & Greene, 2004). Since its inception in the 1970s, Indigenous social work has been evolving and is still in the process of assimilation into mainstream social work as a specialized discipline. There have been numerous efforts to promote Indigenous social work education and practice in order to enhance its understanding and application among social work students, practitioners, researchers, and educators. However, assimilation and recognition of Indigenous social work still have been a long-standing challenge due to ever-increasing sociopolitical complexities (globalization, state role in promoting social work as a profession, lack of Indigenous pedagogical framework, Indigenous literature, etc.), and they need to be addressed through a collaborative approach. We believe that the promotion of Indigenous social work as mainstream social work can be further advanced with a collaborative approach. Lack of

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knowledge about the collaborative framework at the international level (Brydon et al., 2012) has been another issue in expanding Indigenous social work education and practice. In this context, our suggested collaborative approach is not a unidimensional model; rather, it encompasses multiple levels of collaborative approaches: (i) Indigenous and non-indigenous educator’s partnerships, (ii) Global North-South Alliance; (iii) social work researchers-practicers collaborations; and (iv) interdisciplinary collaborations. Firstly, Indigenous and non-indigenous partnerships, especially in the field of education (including the pedagogical system and field placement) and research, will help develop a critical perspective on Indigenous social work. It is important to understand the context and need for Indigenous social work from the historical perspective of colonialism and its impact, which can be taught on a collaborative platform. Furthermore, developing Indigenous teaching-learning resources are one of the crucial aspects of social work education. The amalgamation of Indigenous social work education (with cultural awareness and competence-related skills and knowledge) with Western-based models will be better offered by the partnership between Indigenous and non-indigenous educators. We believe that a collaborative effort and fruitful partnership between Indigenous and non-indigenous social work educators will contribute to greater recognition and acceptance. Second, the alliance between the Global North and South will be an added advantage in strengthening the agendas of Indigenous social work. Global North has been considered the source of domination in terms of scientific knowledge and skills, while the Global South, as a resource poor region, is the receiver of such knowledge and skills. However, this knowledge and skills are moving toward the Global South from the North (Sajid et al., 2020). Therefore, we argue that a strong collaboration at academic and non-academic levels between the Global North and South will extend the horizon of Indigenous social work and scope of learning. We suggest an alliance between the North and the South in terms of education, practice, and research. Sharing a common goal to formulate the philosophy and framework of Indigenous social work. Due to lack of exchanged information between research and practice, gap is often identified in professional disciplines (Sage et al., 2021; p. 42), especially in the field of social work research and practice. The gap can be minimized through the social work researchers-practitioners collaboration. Social work professional practice requires a scientific base to adopt an intervention, and alike the scientific community of social work needs evidence of effectiveness of intervention (Teater, 2017, p.  547). The collaboration between social work researchers and practitioners in terms of mutual support will be a suitable action for better understanding and expansion of Indigenous social work. The interprofessional cooperation is the last element of our suggested multiple-­multilevel collaborative model. Interprofessional aims at sharing a common goal with professional skills, knowledge, and values (Crawford, 2011). Interdisciplinary collaboration can be effective in dealing complex social problems, where the stallholders would receive a variety of resources and expertise. The potentiality of loss of uniqueness of a specific discipline or profession (Institute of Medicine, 2013) and several challenges (Littlechild & Smith, 2013; Lawlis et  al., 2014) can easily be solved through proper planning,

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coordination, and action. Interdisciplinary collaboration especially in promoting Indigenous social work should be highly recommended, as crucial aspects like culture, belief system, Indigenous knowledge, development issues are closely associated. Interprofessional collaboration between social work and other educational disciplines such as anthropology, development studies, and public policy should cooperate with each other in order to build a better, just, and equal society.

I ndigenous Social Work Education and Practice: Contextualizing the Sustainable Development Goals In 2015, the United Nations formulated 17 Sustainable Development Goals that aim to create a just and equal society by 2030. Several goals in the SDGs align with the core values and practice principles of professional social work. The overall aim of the SDG reflects the social work values related to reducing racial, social, political, environmental, and economic inequalities and realizing human rights. Adhering to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, the following two international social work bodies—the International Association of Social Workers (IASSW) and the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) —aim to focus on working toward more peaceful and just societies and strengthening the voice of the social work profession in the years 2020–2030. Further, the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) has established an Indigenous Commission with the aim of strengthening Indigenous knowledge and skills in service delivery. Developing a more responsive, locally relevant, and culturally appropriate solution to local social problems is much needed in a post-pandemic world than ever before. Challenges of building back a better sustainable and equal society in the post-pandemic era cannot be overlooked (Baikady, 2023). Social work, as a human service profession, has the responsibility to ensure an equal society for all populations, irrespective of their ability to influence policies and programs that are directed toward social welfare and development. As the social development perspective and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are central to social work practice, educational institutions across the globe need to integrate SDGs into their pedagogy, curriculum, and practice. The SDGs are universally applicable to all nations, even though considerable attention has been paid to the countries located in the Global South based on their socioeconomic and cultural vulnerability. Available literature also argues that keeping suitability principles at the heart of higher education will result in creating a more sustainable world (Boni et al., 2016; Zamora-Polo & Sánchez-Martín, 2019). The SDGs also provide a roadmap for social work education and practice by combining the efforts of various stakeholders to address the social issues and problems experienced by contemporary global society. Further literature also focuses on designing and implementing social work curricula and teaching programs in developing countries (Sanhueza et  al., 2022; Bromfield & Duarte, 2022). SDGS covers a variety of topics that are important for

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the development of any society. The principal aim of the goals is to achieve good health, sustainable environment, quality education, reduced poverty, and effective social justice institutions (United Nations, 2021). Considering these global goals, higher education institutions in the Global South need to develop social work programs that aim to prepare social work professionals who can respond to these social challenges. Developing an Indigenous, culturally relevant social work curriculum not only adds value to the local knowledge but also contributes to the sustainable development goals as the local challenges such as socioeconomic and political will find a local solution.

 ay Foreword: The Future Directions of Indigenous W Social Work With 24 well-researched chapters curated from 17 countries, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of the indigenization discourse on social work education practice and research at the global level. There is no doubt that this book adds on to the existing plethora of literature on indigenization, decolonization, localization, and developing culturally competent social work. While several authors have expressed their views and opinions on what indigenization is, what should be the guiding principles of the indigenization process? And, who and what should Indigenous social work address? It is interesting to recognize some of the emerging themes from this volume such as decolonial approach, indigenizing the social work curriculum, cultural competence among the social work students, importance of Indigenous knowledge in social work practice, and issues and experiences from the local perspective of Indigenous social work practice. Further, all of the chapters in this volume affirm the colonial supremacy and absence of Indigenous knowledge perspectives in social work education and practice. However, many of the authors in this volume suggest the decolonial approach in social work education and practice, which would provide an opportunity to “return to traditional ways of being” and “predominant coverage of Indigenous knowledge.” As many authors argued, Indigenous knowledge is a prominent resource in social work practice and can be an indispensable asset to fight against global and local social problems such as marginalization, inequality, discrimination, and injustice. In sum, the volume Indigenization Discourse in Social Work: International Perspectives is an attempt to bring together scholars, practitioners, and educators across the globe with a view on ‘social work from an Indigenous lens.’ We conclude this volume with the thought that ‘Indigenous social work as a form of social work is being noticed but hardly recognized.’ We believe that social work educators, students, researchers, and practitioners would actively participate in disseminating and debating this much needed and updated volume in order to take forward the indigenization debate and promote Indigenous social work more at the local level.

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References Australian Association of Social Workers [AASW]. (2010). The AASW Code of Ethics. Retrieved from https://www.aasw.asn.au/practitioner-­resources/code-­of-­ethics Baikady, R. (2023). Inaugural editorial post COVID-19 global society: Issues, challenges and edging forward. Discover Global Society, 1(1), 1. Boni, A., Lopez-Fogues, A., & Walker, M. (2016). Higher education and the post-2015 agenda: A contribution from the human development approach. Journal of Global Ethics, 12(1), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1080/17449626.2016.1148757 Bromfield, N.  F., & Duarte, F. (2022). Centering public impact scholarship among social work scholars to promote and contribute to the United Nations sustainable development goals. Social Work Education, 41(7), 1427–1440. Brydon, K., Kamasua, J., Flynn, C., Mason, R., Au, R., Ayius, D., & Hampson, R. (2012). Developing an international social work education collaboration: A partnership approach between Monash University, Australia and University of Papua New Guinea. International Social Work, 57(6), 590–604. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872812444939 Crawford, K. (2011). Interprofessional collaboration in social work practice. Sage Publication. Deal, K., & Hyde, C. (2004). Understanding MSW student anxiety and resistance to multicultural learning. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 24, 73–86. https://doi.org/10.1300/ j067v24n01_05 Dittfeld, T. (2020). Seeing white: Turning the postcolonial lens on social work in Australia. Social Work & Policy Studies: Social Justice, Practice and Theory. 3(1). Este, D. (2007). Cultural competency and social work practice in Canada: A retrospective examination source. Canadian Social Work Review, 24(1), 93–104. Gray, M. (2008). Some considerations on the debate on social work in China: Who speaks for whom? International Journal of Social Welfare, 17(4), 400–406. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1468-­2397.2008.00603.x Gray, M., & Coates, J. (2010). Indigenization and knowledge development: Extending the debate. International Social Work, 53(5), 613–627. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872810372160 Gray, M., & Hetherington, T. (2013). Indigenization, indigenous social work and decolonization: Mapping the theoretical terrain. In M. Gray, J. Coates, M. Yellow Bird, & T. Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work (pp. 25–43). Ashgate. Gray, M., & Hetherington, T. (2016). Indigenization, indigenous social work and decolonization: Mapping the theoretical terrain. In M.  Gray, J.  Coates, M.  Yellow Bird, & T.  Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work (pp. 25–41). Ashgate. Hart, M. A. (2002). Seeking Mino-Pimatisiwin: An Aboriginal Approach to Helping. Femwood Publishing. Healy, L. M. (2008). International Social Work: Professional Action in an Interdependent World (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. Institute of Medicine (US) Workshop. Cuff PA: Institute of Medicine (US), Board on Global Health, National Research Council (US); (2013). Global Forum on Innovation in Health Professional Education. (2012: Washington, DC). Lawlis, T.  R., Anson, J., & Greenfield, D. (2014). Barriers and enablers that influence sustainable interprofessional education: A literature review. Journal of Interprofessional Care, 28(4), 305–310. Lin, S. (2022). Social work indigenization in Mainland China: Towards a state-led decolonizing framework. Journal of Social Work, 22(1), 188–210. Littlechild, B., & Smith, R. A. (2013). Handbook for interprofessional practice in the human services: Learning to work together. Routledge. Lynn, R. (2001). Learning from a ‘Murri Way’. British Journal of Social Work, 31, 903–916. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/31.6.903 Nadan, Y. (2017). Rethinking ‘cultural competence’ in international social work. International Social Work, 60(1), 74–83. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872814539986

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Index

A Adivasis, 253–259, 261, 262 Africa, 2, 3, 5, 7, 10, 111, 187, 189–191, 220–222, 224, 225, 230, 266–269, 299–310, 312–314, 358, 359, 361–363, 365, 369, 373–375, 384, 385, 390, 391, 395 Aging, 230, 300–304, 309–312 Alternative childcare, 9, 373–385 American Indian and Alaska Native, 18, 19, 26, 51, 101 Anti-racism social work education, 127 Aotearoa New Zealand, 167–183 Approaches, 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 20, 23, 26, 32, 36, 37, 42, 50, 55–58, 60–62, 69, 70, 77, 80, 81, 92, 93, 97, 99, 102–104, 111, 112, 118, 120, 125–128, 133, 136, 139, 143, 153, 154, 156, 161, 170, 181, 182, 188, 189, 191–195, 207, 213, 219–226, 228, 231–233, 238, 250, 255, 256, 262, 266–269, 274, 280–282, 285, 288, 289, 292, 294, 295, 301, 307, 309–313, 321, 330, 337, 338, 340, 341, 343, 350, 352, 357–359, 361–364, 367–369, 377, 389, 391, 399, 408, 418, 419, 423 Assessment, 22, 75–77, 97, 152, 160, 168, 228, 229, 275, 290, 330, 391, 412

B Bedouins, 9, 237–238, 240–243, 247, 249–251 Bodo, 254, 256, 257, 259, 261 C Canada, 5, 10, 24, 31, 57, 59, 91, 126, 299, 321 Challenges, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 20, 26, 27, 31–45, 49, 56, 62, 68, 69, 72, 74, 75, 81, 88, 97, 100, 109, 110, 112–114, 119, 120, 127, 129, 137, 138, 154, 156, 157, 161, 169, 175, 177, 179, 182, 183, 188–195, 203, 206, 222–225, 231–233, 238, 239, 256, 257, 259, 262, 266, 269, 273, 301–304, 306, 308, 310, 312–314, 326, 332, 333, 338, 351–352, 358, 379, 382, 383, 406–410, 412–415, 418–423 Child discipline, 357–358, 363, 364, 366–369 Chile, 9, 10, 190, 199–213, 337–344, 347, 350, 352 Collaborative approach, 419–422 Colonial trauma, 57, 133 Co-production of knowledge, 49–63 Corporal punishment, 357–361, 363, 364, 367, 368 Cultural competence, 5, 18, 69, 89, 92, 96, 98–101, 139, 149, 159, 239, 399, 419–423 Cultural intervention, 97

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Majumdar et al. (eds.), Indigenization Discourse in Social Work, Springer Series in International Social Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37712-9

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428 Culture, 2, 3, 5, 8–10, 18, 19, 21–23, 27, 37, 42–44, 51, 57, 59, 60, 62, 68–70, 77, 88–91, 93, 94, 96–100, 102, 110, 112, 113, 115, 118–120, 123, 125–127, 129, 131, 135, 136, 138, 146, 147, 149, 151, 153, 155–157, 159–161, 168–170, 172–176, 178–180, 182, 183, 193, 194, 201, 205, 211, 220, 222, 223, 225–227, 229, 237, 239, 249, 251, 254, 257–259, 262, 266, 273, 276, 280, 282, 283, 288, 289, 291, 294, 295, 299, 300, 306, 307, 309, 310, 313, 321, 330, 331, 338, 341, 347, 350, 351, 357–359, 362–364, 366–368, 389–392, 394, 395, 398, 399, 405, 418–420, 422 D Decoloniality, 219–233, 418 Decolonialization, 92 Decolonization, 1, 4–8, 10, 11, 17, 18, 22–25, 27, 28, 92, 93, 99, 103, 126, 202, 207, 395, 418, 423 Dialogue, 120, 136, 149, 154, 161, 182, 203–206, 210–212, 260, 311, 314, 341, 351, 369 Discourse, 3, 4, 6, 7, 11, 54, 75, 118, 120, 144–146, 149, 154, 157–159, 161, 169, 173, 175, 189, 192–194, 202, 239, 241, 281, 304, 312, 340–342, 351, 358, 359, 361, 363, 368, 385, 418, 423 Discrimination, 89, 124, 126, 128–132, 135, 138, 145, 149, 177, 179, 180, 182, 191, 200–202, 204, 209, 211, 213, 257, 259–261, 280, 281, 284–287, 289–295, 304, 310, 312, 337, 338, 340, 398, 423 E Education, 1, 20, 35, 69, 88, 110, 123, 148, 167, 188, 202, 220, 237, 256, 265, 281, 301, 326, 338, 359, 377, 390, 413, 417 Empowering, 76, 230, 261, 308, 331 Equity, 2, 23, 34, 39, 42, 50, 57–59, 61, 62, 119, 125, 127, 203, 279 Ethic of restoration, 168, 170, 177, 182, 183 Ethnic minority, 9, 145, 146 F Future directions, 10, 11, 418, 423 G Georgian Association of Social Workers (GASW), 68, 73–79, 81, 82

Index Global definition, 119, 145–150, 183 Global South, 3, 9, 49, 110–111, 114, 115, 118, 120, 169, 171, 177, 182, 183, 187–196, 305, 310, 313, 375, 421 I Igbo apprenticeship system, 374, 376, 377, 379, 380, 383–385 Indigenization, 1–8, 10, 11, 22, 189–196, 250, 261, 282, 342, 389, 417–419, 423 Indigenized approach, 309, 312 Indigenizing social work education, 11, 188, 194, 195 Indigenous, 1, 17, 32, 50, 67, 93, 110, 123, 143, 168, 188, 199, 221, 238, 253, 265, 279, 299, 319, 337, 357, 374, 389, 403, 417 Indigenous approaches, 221, 222, 224–226, 231–233, 295, 312, 364, 367, 419 Indigenous knowledge, 2, 3, 7, 9, 10, 18, 20, 22, 25, 49, 50, 52, 55, 56, 103, 109–120, 125, 127, 138, 144–145, 147–149, 155, 158, 161, 169, 183, 196, 202, 226–233, 238–243, 250, 251, 265–267, 272, 273, 276, 310–312, 341, 366, 385, 419, 422 Indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), 227, 253, 265–267, 276, 357–359, 368, 369 Indigenous older people, 300, 310 Indigenous pedagogy, 32 Indigenous people, 3, 9, 53, 68, 69, 87, 89, 96, 124–126, 128, 130–135, 137, 138, 168, 179, 182, 188, 195, 239, 240, 250, 253, 258, 267, 280, 299, 300, 320–322, 324, 325, 340, 343, 347, 376, 377, 403–415, 418 Indigenous social work, 1–10, 18–19, 27, 28, 68–70, 95, 123–139, 144, 146–149, 153, 154, 156–159, 161, 188, 193, 194, 207, 209, 221–223, 250, 256, 267, 279, 280, 282–285, 289, 291, 389–399, 417–423 Indigenous social work education, 1–11, 123–126, 128–129, 132, 138, 139, 170, 187–196, 418, 422–423 Informal child fostering, 373–385 Intercultural health, 9, 60, 62, 337, 340–351 Issues, 1–4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 18, 22, 25, 26, 31, 34, 36–39, 41–43, 50, 53, 59, 60, 62, 72, 76, 80, 82, 93, 97, 99, 101, 104, 110, 112, 117–120, 124, 129, 131–134, 136, 143–149, 151, 153, 154, 156–161, 179, 188–195, 199, 202, 204–210, 213, 222, 223, 254, 256–262, 268, 269, 272, 280,

Index

429 292, 293, 301–304, 309, 311, 322, 324, 333, 340, 344, 347, 359, 364–367, 369, 381, 385, 389, 398, 399, 409–411, 414, 417–423

L Land-based, 51 Law on social work, 74, 75, 77, 81 Learning, 9, 20, 25, 27, 35, 56, 89, 92, 101, 127, 128, 132, 133, 135, 139, 152–159, 161, 176, 180–182, 190, 204, 205, 207, 208, 213, 231–233, 239, 271–273, 291, 311, 330, 366, 376, 384, 412, 419, 421 Local and global debates, 1–11 Local and indigenous knowledges, 115, 145, 147, 153, 183 Localization, 1, 5–6, 125, 193, 196, 423 M Macro social work, 67–82 Malawi, 9, 10, 219–233, 265–276, 302, 305, 307, 375 Māori, 9, 126, 167–183 Māori Renaissance, 169–170, 172, 174, 176 Motivations, 112, 113, 115–120, 125, 132, 156, 176, 211, 307 N Nigeria, 9, 10, 109–121, 196, 301, 304, 305, 373–385, 390, 391, 393, 395, 399 Northeast India, 253–263 P Parenting, 76, 91, 357–362, 364, 365, 367–369 Policy, 6, 9, 11, 18, 19, 34, 39, 42, 50, 54, 57, 61, 68, 69, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 87, 90, 92, 94, 96–102, 117, 124–127, 129, 132, 146, 147, 149–151, 153, 155, 173, 174, 195, 199–203, 205, 206, 209, 221, 227–230, 238, 240, 255, 266, 272, 273, 295, 300, 308, 311, 322–325, 330, 332, 333, 337, 340–341, 350, 351, 368–369, 385, 392, 399, 422 Post-Soviet Georgia, 67, 72–74 Professional role, 109–121 Q Qualitative analysis, 283

R Racism, 32, 34–38, 44, 62, 93, 94, 96, 126, 127, 129, 130, 137, 175–178, 199–213, 238, 280–288, 292, 338 Recognition, 3, 7, 8, 23, 35, 98, 99, 109, 112, 117, 129, 179, 190, 199, 200, 203, 207, 208, 213, 221, 226, 232, 238, 253, 257, 258, 261, 267, 324, 325, 327, 338–340, 350, 351, 389, 419, 420 Religion, 97, 130, 153, 156, 229, 238, 239, 245, 260, 269, 310, 331, 344, 359, 360, 364, 367, 368, 392, 403–407, 410–414 Remote indigenous community, 320–334 Resources, 3, 11, 35, 52, 55, 59, 61, 70, 79, 98, 101, 111, 130, 169, 178, 179, 190, 192, 208, 220, 230, 238, 239, 250, 251, 254, 256, 257, 261, 262, 270, 274, 280, 282–285, 287–291, 294, 295, 303, 304, 309, 310, 313, 324, 327, 332, 338, 384, 413, 419, 421, 423 S Scotland, 9, 10, 109–121, 196 Services, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 24, 34, 37, 44, 57, 60, 62, 68, 69, 72–79, 96, 98, 110–113, 117, 118, 123, 124, 126, 132, 135, 136, 153, 178, 188, 222, 224, 228–230, 239, 245, 246, 250, 254, 257, 261, 265, 266, 269, 270, 274, 275, 279–284, 289–291, 294, 295, 301–303, 307, 308, 319, 320, 322, 325–333, 340, 341, 375, 377, 380, 381, 384, 385, 390, 391, 399, 410, 411, 413, 414, 419, 420, 422 Social activism, 74, 77, 78, 81, 82 Social justice, 2, 3, 20–23, 26, 27, 33, 34, 39, 42, 44, 49, 59, 67, 75, 82, 87, 89, 93, 95, 99, 100, 104, 109, 110, 114, 116–119, 126, 127, 136, 168, 178, 180, 183, 188, 208, 211, 251, 256, 295, 333, 405–407, 410, 419, 423 Social work, 1, 17, 33, 49, 67, 87, 109, 123, 143, 167, 188, 202, 220, 238, 256, 265, 279, 307, 320, 342, 369, 375, 389, 403, 417 Social work curriculum, 8–10, 27, 87–104, 115, 124–126, 132, 190, 191, 193–195, 207, 220, 221, 227, 369, 418, 423 Social work education, 4, 8–11, 19, 20, 24, 25, 38, 69, 73, 75, 79–81, 87–95, 104, 110, 115, 123–139, 143–161, 169, 176, 177, 180, 188–195, 199–213, 219–233, 239, 250, 262, 271, 418–421, 423

430 Social work education and practice, 1–11, 92, 112, 167–183, 188–195, 225, 265, 413, 417, 419–423 Social work education innovations, 169 Social work intervention, 59, 273, 308, 309, 314, 333, 390, 394, 398, 399 Social work pedagogy, 126–127, 132–139 Social work practice, 3, 4, 6, 8–11, 19, 22, 27, 50, 60–61, 68–70, 73, 74, 78–80, 89, 92, 93, 95–104, 111, 114, 118, 119, 123–125, 147, 149, 151, 153–155, 157, 167–183, 188, 194, 208, 221–225, 228, 229, 231, 238, 265–267, 272, 276, 279, 282, 307–314, 321, 332, 374, 379, 381, 382, 384–385, 389–399, 403–415, 418, 420, 422, 423 Spain, 9, 10, 279, 280, 282–283, 285–291 Spirituality, 10, 130, 238, 268, 344, 364, 367, 368, 403–415 Sustainability, 8, 49–63, 169, 258, 289, 320, 327, 374, 377, 383, 384 Sustainable development, 2, 58, 59, 169, 229–230, 258, 262, 289, 383, 418, 422–423 T Taboos, 391–394, 396, 398, 407 Teaching social work, 170

Index U Umunthu/ubuntu, 5, 111, 223, 224, 228, 312, 374, 407 V Vulnerable children, 271, 381, 383, 384 W Well-being, 2, 3, 19, 39, 49, 51, 59, 61, 74, 80, 87, 104, 110, 114, 117, 119, 149, 159, 172, 179, 180, 183, 221, 270, 301–303, 309, 311, 313, 326, 341, 342, 344, 347, 369, 374, 392, 398, 406, 410, 412, 413, 418, 419 Whiteness, 21, 23, 25, 39, 127, 201 Y Yoruba concept, 389–399 Z Zimbabwe, 10, 268, 308, 357, 358, 360, 361, 364–369, 403–415