In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s-1930s 9780814739556

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IN THE WEB OF CLASS

The American Social Experience Serie s GENERAL EDITOR : JAMES KIRB Y MARTI N EDITORS: PAUL A S . FASS , STEVE N H . MINTZ , CARL PRINCE, JAME S W . REE D & PETER N . STEARN S

/. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns JOSEPH T . GLATTHAA R

2. Childbearing in American Society: i6$o-i8$o CATHERINE M . SCHOLTE N

j . The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1870-1920 JOHN M . O'DONNEL L

4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL L HODGE S

3. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 CHRISTINE A . LUNARDIN I

6. Mr, Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 THEODORE J. CRACKE L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture Among the Gullahs MARGARET WASHINGTO N CREE L

8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY SCHWART Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN HOUSEHOLDE R VA N HOR N

to. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J. HES S

//. Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing HENRY L . MINTO N

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Appliec Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI S CHAPMA N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 JOHN C . SPURLOC K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N . STEARN S

/ j \ The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI N

16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle JOHN MORGA N DEDERE R

17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 ANNE FARRA R HYD E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU S

19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy KENNETH ALLE N D E VILL E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D . OLSE N

21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 MERRIL D . SMIT H

22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s-1930s ERIC C . SCHNEIDE R

Portrait of a Street Boy, i8p2. Charles Currier Collection , Library of Congress.

IN TH E WEB OF CLASS delinquents and ^Rejbrmers in ^Boston, 18/os-ipjos

ERIC C. SCHNEIDE R

NEW YORK UNIVERSIT Y PRES S NEW YORK AND LONDO N 1992

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 2 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library of Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Schneider, Eri c C. In the we b o f class : delinquents an d reformer s i n Boston , 1810S-1930S / Eri c C. Schneider . p. cm . — (Th e America n socia l experienc e ; 22) Includes index . ISBN 0-8147-7933- 6 1. Socia l wor k wit h juvenil e delinquents — Massachusett s — Bosto n — History. 2 . Juvenil e corrections — Massachusett s — Bosto n — History . 3. Chil d welfar e — Massachusett s — Bosto n — History . 4 . Poo r children Massachusetts — Bosto n — Socia l conditions . I . Title . II . Series : American socia l experienc e ; 22. HV9306.B7S36 109 1 364.3'6*0974461—dc20 91-2761 7 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s are chosen fo r strength an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s of Americ a c1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 32 1

Qontents

List o f Illustration s i x Preface x i Introduction: The We b of Clas s i Part i. The Creation of Private and Public Charity ij i. Mora l Entrepreneur s an d th e Inventio n o f th e Reformabl e Child 1 7 2. Publi c Welfar e an d th e Public Reformator y 3 2 Part 2. Domestic Reform 5 / 3. Privat e Alternative s t o the Asylu m 5 3 4. Domesti c Refor m an d th e Delinquen t Gir l 7 2 5. Domesti c Refor m an d th e Stat e Refor m Schoo l fo r Boy s 9 1 Part j . The Organization of Welfare iop 6. Catholi c Welfare : Betwee n Separatis m an d Accommodatio n 11 1 7. Th e Charit y Networ k 12 8 vn

viii

CONTENTS

Part 4. Expertise and Scientific Reform 14$ 8. Th e Juvenile Court : Triumph o f Progressivis m 14 8 9. Chil d Guidanc e an d th e Cour t 17 0 Conclusion: The Failur e of Cultura l Refor m 18 9 Notes 19 3 Index 25 1

'List of illustrations

Portrait of a Street Bo y i v Pine Far m 66 Carpentry Clas s 9 9 Home Librar y Grou p 13 4 Stealing Coa l fro m th e Railroa d Yar d 14 7 Boy Woo d Picker s 16 5

Preface

I remembe r a s a youngster standin g i n lin e a t th e Rhinelande r boys ' club, clutchin g m y quarte r an d awaitin g m y tur n a t th e ho t lunch . The Rhinelande r boys ' clu b wa s a n outpos t o f th e Ne w Yor k Chil dren's Ai d Societ y tha t stil l serve d a working-clas s clientel e i n th e largely Germa n an d Iris h Yorkvill e o f th e earl y 1960s . Th e foo d wa s filling, i f not interesting , bu t I soon discovere d tha t for $0.1 5 I could buy a slice of pizza and have a dime for candy, which , i f not as filling, was more satisfying. Th e boys ' club also had a number of recreational programs, bu t I preferred playin g stickball wit h my friends. Certainl y in m y cas e th e institutio n faile d t o provid e a n alternative t o th e free doms of street life. For a time, I als o lived a t a home operate d b y th e St . Vincen t d e Paul Society . M y aunt , wit h who m I gre w up , worke d a s a house keeper, and my ability to live with her depended in part on the families for who m sh e worked . Lik e th e familie s discusse d i n thi s book , sh e used th e home as part of her family strategy , t o tide us over a difficult time until she could find more suitable employment. We also had our encounters with family court, although not because of m y delinquencies , whic h wer e fairl y mino r an d wen t undetected . My aun t had received custody ove r me an d reported upo n occasion t o the court. A s an immigrant with limited education, sh e was somewha t in awe of the court and we always endeavored to put on a good face in our visit s wit h th e judge . Fearfu l o f bein g labele d a spendthrif t an d xi

Xll

PREFACE

losing custod y o f he r child, sh e aske d fo r a s little mone y a s she coul d and endure d investigation s o f he r personal matter s wit h a s muc h dig nity a s she could muster without appearing disrespectful . Despite he r involvemen t wit h socia l welfar e institutions , m y aun t disdained peopl e o n publi c welfare . Th e dol e wa s th e resor t o f thos e unwilling t o work , an d "th e projects, " the hom e fo r thos e unabl e t o manage by themselves. Alway s present was the assumption that people on welfar e wer e someho w inferior . I grew u p internalizing th e differ ence betwee n wha t nineteenth-centur y reformer s calle d th e worth y and the vicious poor. The suspicio n of welfare and the welfare state that is so much a part of our contemporary consciousnes s i s a historical artifact and the result of generation s o f historica l experience . I d o no t preten d t o excavat e that experience , althoug h I believ e i t i s th e produc t o f bot h hars h encounters wit h welfar e institution s an d th e emphasi s o n individual , moral responsibilit y fo r povert y espouse d b y reformers . I see k t o understand ho w welfar e institutions , reformatories , an d th e court s helped shap e the lives of the working class, an d how th e working class shaped the history of these institutions. My ow n histor y ha s undoubtedly shape d thi s book . T o th e degre e that my source s have allowed, I have viewed refor m from the perspective of its clients, fo r whom I have a good deal of sympathy. Followin g the convention s o f mos t historians , I hav e draw n m y periodizatio n from th e actions of reformers , bu t I have no t assume d tha t the y wer e the onl y actor s o n th e set . Rathe r I hav e interprete d reformer s a s engaging i n a dialogue wit h thei r client s an d respondin g a s muc h t o clients' action s a s t o current s i n refor m though t o r t o religiou s o r scientific beliefs . This boo k ha s it s own histor y an d one of th e pleasures o f finishin g it is the opportunity t o acknowledge the many people who have helped me. A t Bosto n University , I worked wit h Sa m Bas s Warner , Rober t V. Bruce , an d Ailee n Kraditor , an d mos t o f wha t I kno w abou t m y craft i s du e t o them . M y fello w graduat e students—Susa n Benson , Linda Hansen, Barbara Hobson, Pete r Holloran, Larr y Metzger, Marc Miller, Susa n Reverby, Susa n Walton , an d Pau l Wright—share d in sights and made learning a pleasure. Bria n Gratton, Susa n Porter, and

PREFACE

Xlll

Lynn Weiner read the manuscript twice, whic h i s a testimony t o both friendship and endurance. The Cheste r Avenu e Semina r rea d man y o f th e chapters , an d m y book woul d neve r hav e bee n complete d withou t it : Le n Braitman , George Dowdall , Bria n Greenberg, Sven d Holsoe , Emm a Lapsansky , Cindy Little , Randal l Miller , Mario n Roydhouse , and , wit h specia l thanks, Davi d Allmendinger . Ala n Krau t an d Nanc y Tome s i n thei r brief sojourns in Philadelphia also became friends and valued critics. The staff s o f the Boston Children's Service s Association, especiall y Jan Straw , th e Boston Juvenile Court, especiall y th e Honorabl e Fran cis G . Poitrast , th e Divisio n o f Yout h Service s of the Commonwealt h of Massachusetts , th e Elli s Memoria l Center , th e Bosto n Publi c Li brary, th e Congregationa l Library , Schlesinge r Library , th e Harvar d Law Library, an d the interlibrary loan staffs a t Boston University , th e University of Delaware, and the University of Pennsylvania all deserve thanks. As a n administrator , I enjo y neithe r summer s no r sabbatical s i n which t o write . However , Dian e Daile y Fre y secure d thre e hour s o f library tim e fo r m e durin g mos t week s o f th e year , which , togethe r with lat e night s an d naptim e o n weekends , allowe d m e t o finis h th e book. M y children , Ale x an d Ben , hav e alway s playe d a game calle d "going to work in my study," and I hope to make it up to them. My largest debt is to my wife , Janet Golden. Sinc e the time we met on a picke t lin e a t Bosto n University , ou r persona l an d intellectua l lives hav e becom e intertwined . Sh e i s a mode l friend , scholar , an d partner who has taken time from her own wor k to comment on countless drafts of the manuscript. Sh e makes everything possible. As fo r an y error s o f fac t o r interpretation , me a culpa , me a culpa , mea maxima culpa.

introduction: ^he Web of Glass

We hav e never dealt successfull y wit h ou r troubled children . W e lock them up , pu t the m o n probation , plac e the m i n foste r care , o r kee p them at home and utilize home visitors and social services—the limite d possibilities hav e al l bee n trie d befor e an d failed . Effort s t o refor m delinquents hav e faced thre e stumbling blocks . Th e first was the defi nition o f th e proble m itself . Reformer s repeatedl y describe d socia l problems a s cultura l i n origi n an d overlooke d o r downplaye d th e impact of social structure. Accordin g to this view, delinquenc y stemme d from character deficiencies, an d reformers focuse d o n providing delinquents wit h ne w cultura l value s whil e ignorin g issue s o f economi c inequality, power , an d class. 1 Second , th e effectivenes s o f eve n cul tural refor m wa s hampere d b y th e politica l econom y o f welfare . Th e fear o f dependenc y ha s shape d Anglo-America n welfar e polic y since the early nineteent h century , an d the provisio n o f assistanc e ha s bee n dictated b y th e doctrine of "less eligibility"—a perso n receivin g assistance shoul d liv e n o bette r tha n th e worst-of f participan t i n th e mar ketplace. Th e corollar y fo r delinquent s wa s tha t the y coul d no t b e treated mor e favorabl y tha n nondelinquen t children . Finally , reform ers underestimate d th e abilit y o f delinquent s an d thei r familie s t o manipulate socia l welfare/juvenil e justic e agencie s fo r thei r ow n pur poses. Delinquent s refuse d t o be the passive "beneficiaries" of reform , and the y an d thei r parent s use d socia l service s i n unexpecte d ways .

1

2

INTRODUCTION

The cumulativ e resul t was a social welfare/juvenil e justic e syste m that did not aid or reform very many . Historians hav e studie d delinquenc y an d institution s fo r th e delinquent i n a number of ways : as part of intellectua l histor y (focusin g o n important reformer s t o analyze changing conceptions o f delinquency), as par t o f th e stud y o f devianc e (analyzin g th e characteristic s share d by institution s fo r devian t populations) , a s par t o f th e educationa l system, i n institutional biographies , o r in studies of a particular aspect of juvenil e justice , suc h a s the juvenil e court . Bu t historian s hav e no t studied th e relationshi p betwee n delinquenc y preventio n an d socia l welfare, the y hav e not investigate d ho w institution s an d program s fo r juveniles interacte d an d cam e t o for m wha t late r generation s hav e termed a system, an d only rarel y hav e scholar s considere d th e impac t of delinquents an d agency client s upo n the actual functio n an d organization of institutions. 2 This book attempts these tasks by analyzing how public and private programs fo r juvenile s develope d ou t o f effort s t o refor m socia l wel fare. I t trace s th e emergenc e betwee n 181 5 an d 193 5 o f a juvenil e justice "system " ou t o f a maz e o f publi c an d private , voluntar y an d coercive, male - an d female-oriented , an d Protestan t an d Catholi c or ganizations, an d i t examines th e interactio n amon g reformers , institu tional officials, delinquents , an d their families. The bes t wa y o f analyzin g th e developmen t o f a wid e rang e o f institutions an d agencies , especiall y give n th e tim e perio d covered , i s through a case study . Bosto n i s a logical choice , give n th e availabilit y of records and the opportunity t o locate this work in an extensive body of scholarship . Bosto n ha d uniqu e characteristics , bu t it s publi c insti tutions were among the first of their kind and its private social welfar e agencies pride d themselve s o n bein g flagships i n thei r field. 3 Whil e Boston wa s no t th e worl d wri t small , t o th e degre e tha t reformer s elsewhere aspire d t o national standards , the y did s o according t o standards made in Boston. The theme s o f thi s boo k ca n b e illustrate d b y th e cas e histor y o f Margaret Ker n an d he r family . Betwee n 191 0 an d 1927 , whe n the y were studie d b y th e Harvar d La w School' s Crim e Survey , th e Ker n family cam e int o contac t wit h twenty-tw o differen t socia l welfar e agencies, includin g the Judge Baker Foundation (a mental health clinic)

INTRODUCTION

3

and th e juvenil e session s o f th e Roxbur y Municipa l Cour t ( a distric t court in Boston). The Kern case history reveals the level of cooperation among socia l welfar e an d juvenil e justic e agencie s an d betwee n th e public an d privat e sectors . Th e cas e histor y als o show s th e exten t t o which socia l worker s wer e abl e t o interven e i n families , an d ho w a n appeal fo r ai d enmeshe d a family i n th e socia l welfar e network . I t i s apparent fro m Mrs . Kern' s fea r o f publi c institutions , no t onl y thos e for delinquent s bu t eve n publi c hospitals , tha t working-clas s peopl e were awar e tha t publi c institution s guarde d th e boundarie s o f thei r communities b y establishin g wh o wa s deviant. 4 A t th e sam e time , private institution s offere d th e chance o f socia l mobilit y t o those wh o adopted th e more s o f th e dominan t culture. 5 On e ca n als o se e th e limits o n welfar e agencies ' powe r an d th e succes s o f famil y member s in usin g agencie s fo r thei r ow n ends . I n sum , th e cas e histor y high lights th e way s i n whic h socia l welfar e helpe d patter n th e experienc e of class while also illustrating the ability o f clients to maneuver withi n that system. 6 The Kerns ' involvemen t wit h socia l welfar e bega n wit h a n appea l for relie f i n 1910 . Mr . an d Mrs . Ker n ha d move d t o th e Bosto n are a from Ne w Hampshir e i n 189 9 with thei r two sons , an d they ha d had three additional childre n b y 1910 . Mr . Kern , wh o as a child ha d bee n committed t o th e Ne w Hampshir e Stat e Industria l Schoo l fo r theft , worked a s a house painte r an d i n a shoe factory . Hi s drinking , a bad back, an d hi s inabilit y t o find stead y wor k le d th e famil y t o reques t assistance. Mrs . Ker n mad e a very favorabl e impressio n o n th e socia l worker from the Famil y Welfar e Society , wh o found he r "charmingly independent" fo r he r reluctanc e t o appl y fo r aid . Whil e war y o f ac cepting charity , Mrs . Ker n wa s willin g t o us e socia l welfar e agencie s for he r ow n purposes , namel y t o strengthe n he r han d withi n th e family. I n 1913 , sh e aske d th e Massachusett s Societ y fo r th e Preven tion of Cruelty t o Children to force her husband to support his family , reportedly sayin g that she wished "he would either stay awa y or work while he is there." Mrs. Ker n thought that her husband was somewha t in awe o f th e "Cruelty, " as the SPC C wa s popularl y known , an d sh e believed that a stern warning would frighten him into working. Appar ently i t did , fo r Mr . Ker n obtaine d a jo b i n a sho e factory , bu t hi s employment wa s short-lived . Tw o year s later , i n 1915 , bot h th e

4

INTRODUCTION

Brookline Friendl y Societ y an d th e Re d Cros s provide d assistanc e t o the family , t o whic h tw o mor e childre n ha d bee n born , whil e Mr . Kern was unemployed an d the two oldest sons were in the army. Mrs. Kern's problems with nonsupport continued, an d in 191 7 she obtained a forma l separatio n agreemen t unde r whic h Mr . Ker n wa s t o provid e five dollars a week fo r he r an d thei r five younger children . Mr . Ker n disappeared shortl y thereafter. 7 Margaret Kern' s odysse y throug h th e worl d o f socia l welfar e an d juvenile justic e wa s jus t beginning . Apparentl y neithe r o f he r oldes t sons provide d an y suppor t fo r thei r mothe r an d siblings , an d Mrs . Kern supplemente d a small mother' s pensio n check b y keepin g a male boarder. However , hi s presence aroused suspicion, an d Mrs. Ker n was warned t o choos e betwee n he r chec k an d he r boarder . Stil l "charm ingly independent, " sh e decide d t o kee p th e boarder . Despit e th e professionalization o f socia l work , wel l unde r way b y 192 0 and credite d with underminin g th e moralis m o f voluntee r friendl y visiting , Mrs . Kern was judged accordin g to traditional mora l standards. Th e board er's sex , no t boardin g pe r se , arouse d commen t an d le d t o a n investi gation. Mrs . Kern' s ai d wa s stil l governe d b y th e criteria tha t divide d the worthy fro m the unworthy poor. 8 Mrs. Kern' s childre n le d t o he r subsequen t encounter s wit h socia l welfare agencies . Wome n suc h a s Mrs . Ker n ha d fe w economi c op tions, an d she chose to work as a domestic. Sh e ros e early t o travel b y several trolley s fro m he r hom e t o he r suburba n cleanin g jobs . Mos t days sh e returne d afte r 6 P.M . and , lik e man y workin g mothers , sh e had t o leav e he r childre n alon e afte r school , an d the y soo n go t int o trouble.9 Sixteen-year-ol d Harrie t an d on e o f he r girlfriend s like d t o wait aroun d th e trolley-ca r barn s an d flirt wit h th e conductors . Th e police brough t he r int o cour t i n 192 1 fo r bein g sauc y an d havin g a disreputable companion—no t on e o f th e adul t conductors , bu t he r girlfriend. While adult s sometime s wer e charge d wit h contributin g t o th e delinquency o f minors, child-savers generally sa w the girls themselves as a communit y menac e an d targete d the m fo r arres t an d intervention . Generally, thi s meant meetings with a probation officer an d attendance at a girls' club o r industria l schoo l i n orde r t o provid e som e for m o f supervised recreation, although girls thought to be sexually active were

INTRODUCTION

5

frequently incarcerated. 10 Harriet' s case wa s settled withou t a hearing and th e cour t ordere d he r t o joi n a girls' club, bu t interventio n cam e too late , fo r Harrie t wa s pregnant . Sh e eventuall y gav e th e infan t u p for adoption an d found a job as a ward mai d i n Boston City Hospital , but this ended her delinquency onl y temporarily . Gerald Kern , fifteen year s old , wa s th e nex t chil d t o b e arrested . First, h e was brought to court for gaming on the Lord's Day (probabl y shooting dice or playing card s on th e street ) and place d o n probation . Later the police accused hi m of stealing a dog, bu t the court dismissed the complain t fo r lac k o f evidence . However , Geral d wa s neithe r working no r attendin g schoo l a t th e tim e o f hi s arrest , an d th e cour t took hi s old gamblin g cas e from th e file and placed hi m on probation . (The juvenil e cour t sometime s filed cases withou t a finding if a delinquent me t the terms of probation. Then , i f the juvenile was suspecte d of furthe r delinquency , th e ol d cas e coul d b e reactivate d an d a delinquent sentence d withou t havin g t o file and prov e ne w charges. ) Tw o years later, in 1924 , the police brought Gerald to court for singing and loitering i n th e park , an d Gerald, a s a repea t offender , agree d t o b e sent awa y t o th e Georg e Junio r Republic , a privat e institutio n fo r delinquents that emphasized inmat e self-governance. x l Gerald Kern , lik e many o f the working-class childre n entrappe d i n the syste m o f welfar e agencie s an d th e courts, ha d neve r bee n con victed of any rea l crime. H e ha d committed statu s offenses—acts tha t would no t be considered crimina l i f committed b y a n adult—and wa s incarcerated largel y fo r bein g poo r an d withou t supervision . I t i s als o significant tha t h e wen t t o a privat e institution ; b y th e twentiet h century, incarceratio n i n th e publi c reformatorie s wa s reserve d fo r repeat or serious offences. Th e juvenile court that sentenced Ker n was the climax of the child-saving movement, fo r it maximized cooperatio n among privat e and public institution s an d shuffled delinquent s amon g them. It s flexibility, laude d b y Progressiv e er a observers, permitte d a judge t o kee p delinquents loosel y supervise d almos t indefinitely , and , in Kern' s case, create d a recor d tha t permitte d hi s incarceratio n fo r mischief. The two younger Ker n children, Abb y an d Lena, also attracted the attention o f th e welfar e agencies . Abby , fourteen , bega n truantin g i n 1924, bu t th e Roxbur y Neighborhoo d House , a social settlemen t tha t

6

INTRODUCTION

the girls attended occasionally , sough t t o keep a warrant for her arrest from being served. However , th e settlement worke r changed her mind after discoverin g tha t Abb y ha d bee n associatin g wit h a bootlegge r who receive d polic e protectio n an d use d youn g childre n t o sel l hi s booze. Th e truanc y complain t offere d a n opportunit y t o hav e Abb y placed o n probation , an d th e Neighborhoo d Hous e offere d t o oversee Abby's activities. Most settlemen t house s acte d i n a similar fashion , seein g th e cour t as part of the social welfare network and sharing their concern over the leisure-time activitie s o f working-clas s youth . Workin g girls ' clubs , supervised dances , an d athletic s wer e staple s o f th e settlemen t hous e social agend a for youth. Socia l an d settlement workers also lobbied fo r restrictions on public amusement parks, nickelodeons, dance halls, and other commercia l entertainment s tha t catered t o working-clas s youth . But by cooperatin g wit h th e court, th e settlement helpe d blu r the line between private and public and voluntary an d coercive institutions. A s a result , neighborhoo d resident s sometime s sa w th e settlemen t a s a n alien, eve n hostile , institutio n impose d o n thei r communit y b y out siders. Instea d o f attractin g working-clas s childre n int o a bourgeoi s cultural world , th e settlemen t mad e the m war y o f reformers ' inten tions. Quic k t o sens e condescensio n o r suspec t duplicity , working class adolescent s attende d thes e institution s bu t di d no t necessaril y respond t o their message. 12 Twelve-year-old Len a als o go t int o troubl e b y becomin g a truant. The Famil y Welfar e Societ y arrange d fo r a n intervie w a t th e Judg e Baker Foundation , wher e th e psychiatri c tea m foun d he r t o b e men tally normal , bu t discovere d tha t sh e masturbate d an d suffere d fro m "sex ideation. " The y recommende d tha t sh e b e place d ou t an d th e Children's Ai d Association , anothe r privat e socia l welfar e agency , tried t o persuad e Mrs . Ker n t o hav e Len a place d i n a foste r family . While the social worker who investigated Mrs . Ker n found he r to have a nice , materna l ai r abou t her , sh e reporte d tha t th e hom e wa s cluttered an d no t particularl y clean . Whil e i t may no t be surprising tha t a tired domesti c wit h five childre n woul d tur n he r attentio n t o thing s other than housekeeping once she arrived home, fo r social workers the state o f th e hous e remaine d a n inde x t o mora l wort h an d materna l ability. Th e la x housekeeping , togethe r wit h th e record s o f he r othe r

INTRODUCTION

7

children, suggeste d tha t Mrs . Ker n woul d continu e t o hav e difficult y managing Lena . Nonetheless , Mrs . Ker n refuse d t o surrende r he r daughter, an d the Children's Aid closed th e case. 13 The tw o olde r Ker n children , Harrie t an d Gerald, experience d further problem s aroun d thi s sam e time . Harrie t apparentl y dran k heavily an d picked up men, and in 1924 , pregnant again and unsure of the child' s paternity , sh e qui t he r job . Meanwhile , i n a n all to o com mon pattern , Geral d learne d mor e abou t delinquenc y whil e incarcer ated. Althoug h h e wrot e hom e tha t h e enjoye d th e Georg e Junio r Republic, Geral d brok e into a store with another boy and stole mone y and shoes . Fortunately , bot h crise s passe d quickly . Th e Famil y Wel fare Societ y refuse d Gerald' s reques t fo r bail , bu t one of Mrs . Kern' s employers agreed to furnish th e money. Geral d was allowed to remain at the institution an d eventually earne d a position of trust as sheriff o f the community, an d planned on attending college upon his graduation. Harriet wa s determine d t o kee p he r secon d chil d an d throug h th e Catholic Charities foun d a place as a domestic i n a family tha t allowed her t o d o so . Tw o year s late r sh e marrie d and , althoug h sh e an d he r husband separate d fo r a while , the y reunite d an d wer e reporte d a s doing well. Both Harrie t an d Geral d ca n b e considered successes . Harrie t wa s redeemed b y marriag e an d domesticity , whil e Geral d sough t individ ual advancemen t throug h education . I t i s likel y tha t Harrie t woul d have married regardles s of the interventio n b y socia l welfar e agencies , and the outcome of her case says very little about the ability of agencies to persuade working-class youngsters t o adopt bourgeois values. How ever, Gerald' s transformatio n fro m a youthfu l loitere r t o a potentia l college studen t probabl y woul d no t hav e occurred withou t assistance . Gerald wa s preparing to leave the working-class worl d and whether or not h e attended colleg e i s less importan t tha n his desire to do so. Th e decision represented the adoption of a new worldview that emphasized future orientation , thrift , an d individua l gain , an d sacrifice d grou p solidarity fo r socia l mobility. 14 Geral d ha d internalized th e values of a bourgeois culture, perhap s more so than other graduates of the George Junior Republic , wh o had mor e modest goals of acquiring respectabil ity an d who wer e notably unsympatheti c t o organized labo r and loyal to thei r employers. 15 Privat e institutions , wit h thei r abilit y t o wor k

8

INTRODUCTION

intensively wit h a small numbe r o f selec t clients , provide d on e o f th e few vehicle s fo r effective cultura l reform . Abby an d Len a remaine d th e chie f cause s o f alar m t o socia l work ers. A janito r at the settlement hous e reported tha t both girls engage d in sex delinquencies . Len a wa s accused o f bein g immora l wit h severa l boys, whil e Abb y ha d a steady boyfrien d b y who m sh e ha d becom e pregnant. Abb y marrie d two month before giving birth, bu t Lena was too young fo r thi s traditiona l roa d t o respectability. Th e Bake r Foundation examined Len a again and tried to explain th e seriousness of her behavior, bu t sh e countere d tha t girl s wer e unabl e t o hav e babie s before the y wer e sixteen . Th e consultin g physicia n discovere d vagini tis an d a discharge, bu t note d tha t sh e "ha s not bee n injured " by he r contacts. Tha t is , he r hyme n wa s intac t and , sinc e penetratio n deter mined th e degre e o f delinquency , socia l worker s decide d tha t an y commitment t o a n institutio n woul d hav e t o b e voluntary . A t a case conference al l agreed tha t the girl wa s a candidate fo r the Stat e Indus trial Schoo l fo r Girl s a t Lancaster , bu t Mrs . Ker n rejecte d th e notio n out of hand. 16 Like th e othe r publi c reformatories , Lancaste r labele d th e devian t and establishe d th e limit s o f acceptabl e behavior . B y th e 1920s , in mates guilt y o f sexua l offense s dominate d th e inmat e profil e o f th e Lancaster school , an d Mrs . Ker n undoubtedl y kne w o f it s reputatio n when sh e shunne d th e suggestio n t o hav e Len a committe d there. 17 Without evidence of "complete" intercourse, th e conferees believe d the Roxbury distric t court , unlik e th e Bosto n Juvenile Court , woul d no t commit Len a to Lancaster. ,8 As i n th e nineteent h century , a girl' s sexua l experienc e wa s th e single most important fac t in determining how institutions treated her. Lena's schoo l principa l ordere d he r expelle d becaus e h e believe d sh e would tain t th e othe r children . Len a the n attende d anothe r school , where she was placed i n the class fo r the mentally retarded . Althoug h tests ha d show n he r to b e of norma l intelligence , sexua l devianc e wa s taken a s prima faci e evidenc e of menta l defect. I9 Len a quickly prove d too restles s t o remai n i n th e class , an d wa s transferre d bac k t o he r original school . Th e welfar e agencie s an d th e school s wer e i n a quandary: Lena's mother refused to have her placed out or institutionalized, and Lena, while disruptive, did nothing to warrant a court appearance.

INTRODUCTION

9

The onl y avenu e open to the social welfar e agencie s was to develop a case o f neglec t agains t Mrs. Kern . Mrs. Ker n ha d indicate d severa l times tha t sh e woul d sen d Len a t o th e Dale y Industria l Schoo l fo r Girls, a Catholic boardin g school , i f sh e coul d affor d th e fiv e dollar s weekly tuition . Th e school di d not wish to accept a girl accused of sex delinquency, however , an d recommende d tha t Mrs . Ker n sen d Len a to the House of the Good Shepherd , a Catholic institution that, amon g other things, reforme d prostitutes. 20 This Mrs . Ker n refused t o do fo r the same reason she refused t o consider Lancaster . Th e SPC C and the Children's Ai d decide d t o tric k Mrs . Ker n int o providin g evidenc e o f neglect. The y agree d tha t th e socia l worke r fro m th e Children' s Ai d Association woul d mak e a n appointmen t fo r Mrs . Ker n a t th e Dale y Industrial School . I f sh e di d no t sho w up , th e SPC C woul d file a neglect complain t wit h th e court . Th e pla n fel l through , however , when Mrs . Kern , shrewde r tha n th e socia l worker s thought , refuse d to allo w th e Children' s Ai d t o mak e a n appointmen t fo r her . Lena' s record ends with this stalemate. The length s t o which th e social welfar e agencie s wer e willing t o go and th e ultimat e futilit y o f thei r effort s ar e equall y impressive . Poo r people approache d socia l welfar e agencie s reluctantl y becaus e th e re sults o f thei r encounter s wer e s o uncertain . Financia l assistance , i f i t were forthcomin g a t all , involve d interferenc e i n privat e life , inspec tions o f th e home , question s abou t employmen t an d persona l habits , and possibl e report s t o stat e agencie s o r th e courts . A n appea l t o th e social welfar e networ k wa s a n inde x o f a person' s desperation . Yet , despite their obvious power , the . social welfar e agencie s could d o littl e in the Kern case. Hemme d i n by the law and rules of evidence and the customs of a democratic society , socia l welfar e agencie s wer e reduce d to foolis h plots . Agencie s di d no t alway s agre e o n goals , an d judge s did not necessarily interpre t evidence in the ways social workers thought they should , no r di d judge s follo w th e recommendation s mad e b y social welfar e agencie s fo r th e dispositio n o f cases. 21 Socia l welfar e agencies cooperate d extensivel y wit h juvenil e justic e institutions , bu t it is easy to exaggerate their power and impact upon families. 22 While Mrs . Ker n an d th e SPC C struggle d ove r Lena' s future , th e youngest daughter, Millicent , becam e ill with a heart ailment. Admit ted t o th e Cit y Hospital , sh e staye d onl y fo r a few day s befor e Mrs .

IO

INTRODUCTION

Kern too k he r hom e agains t medica l advice . A socia l worke r ha d recommended tha t Millicen t b e transferre d t o th e almshous e hospita l and Mrs. Ker n refused. " i tol d he r that if she came to get [Millicent] to tak e he r there , sh e woul d d o i t ove r m y dea d body. ' " Mrs. Ker n tried t o hav e Millicen t admitte d t o a private hospita l instead , an d he r employers agree d t o pa y th e bill . However , th e hospita l refuse d t o accept th e girl , o n th e basi s o f unspecifie d socia l reasons . Mrs. Ker n believed she had been blackballed becaus e of her refusal t o listen to the City Hospita l socia l worke r an d her insistenc e o n takin g her daughte r home. A s a result , th e girl , despit e he r illness , wa s eithe r a t home , playing o n th e street , o r take n t o wor k wit h he r mother . I t i s no t known what happened to her. 23 One might well argue that Mrs. Ker n acted irresponsibly, neglecte d her children, an d jeopardized thei r well-being fo r her pride. Certainl y that wa s th e socia l worker' s perspective . Rathe r tha n placin g Len a i n Lancaster, a s wa s advise d b y th e Judge Bake r Foundatio n a s wel l a s several differen t socia l servic e agencies , Mrs . Ker n kep t he r a t hom e where sh e wa s almos t certai n t o ge t int o furthe r trouble . Sh e als o refused t o hav e Millicen t hospitalize d anywher e excep t a t a privat e hospital, even if allowing her to remain at home threatened her health. These factors , togethe r with th e history o f her other children, sugges t a portrait o f someon e overwhelme d b y he r difficult lif e an d unabl e t o command the respect and obedience of her children. Yet ther e i s another sid e t o Mrs. Kern . Severa l socia l workers , no t all o f who m wer e friendl y t o her , describe d he r a s bein g maternal , shrewd, an d intelligent . He r employers though t highl y enoug h o f her to offe r t o bai l he r so n ou t o f jai l an d t o suppor t he r daughter' s hospitalization. Th e Harvar d Crime Survey investigato r admired Mrs. Kern fo r he r independenc e an d refusa l t o tolerat e th e pett y slur s an d demeaning investigation s int o he r privat e lif e b y socia l workers . He r older daughters gained respectability an d Gerald appears to have internalized th e value s an d cultur e taugh t a t th e Georg e Junior Republic . Mrs. Kern' s horro r o f publi c institution s reflecte d he r awarenes s o f their abilit y t o labe l thei r inmates . Mrs . Kern' s strategie s fo r th e survival o f her family, see n only obliquel y throug h the eyes of others, suggest the craftiness an d strength of the "powerless" in their confrontations wit h authority. 24 Sh e sough t t o gai n whateve r advantag e sh e

INTRODUCTION

[I

could fro m th e socia l welfar e agencie s whil e attemptin g t o maintai n her dignity and defend he r family agains t their intrusions. In th e 1920s , th e fundamenta l choice s facin g th e workin g clas s remained limited . Althoug h rea l wage s ha d increase d sinc e th e nine teenth-century, working-clas s familie s remaine d vulnerabl e t o unem ployment, illness , accident, death , or the desertion of a spouse.25 The y could work for low wages, send their children out to earn, beg, or steal what the y coul d t o contribute t o the "famil y economy, " borrow fro m relatives o r neighbors , subsis t o n th e minima l suppor t provide d b y social welfar e agencies , o r requir e som e combinatio n o f thes e source s at differen t time s i n thei r lives . Th e ver y poor , suc h a s Mrs . Kern , spent their entire lives ensnared by social welfare agencies. 26 One i s struc k b y th e cos t o f Mrs . Kern' s relationship s wit h socia l welfare agencies , whic h adde d tremendousl y t o th e burde n o f bein g poor an d di d littl e t o reliev e it s misery . Mrs . Ker n wrot e numerou s letters, mad e man y cour t appearances , endure d frequen t visit s b y social workers , frette d ove r agenc y plan s fo r he r children , ha d he r affairs discusse d wit h neighbor s an d wit h privat e an d publi c agenc y representatives, an d i n th e en d ha d t o solv e man y o f he r problem s herself. Socia l welfar e agencie s determine d Mrs. Kern' s experience o f class as much as her work as a domestic did. Social welfar e an d juvenil e justic e institution s als o define d th e ex perience o f clas s fo r working-clas s children . Boys , suc h a s Geral d Kern, entere d int o th e juvenil e justic e syste m b y committin g mino r offenses, frequentl y "crimes " of a working-class stree t culture or petty larceny, whil e sexual activity, suc h as that of Lena Kern, remained the main form of female deviance, lon g after th e supposed liberalizatio n of sexual mores . Working-clas s children wer e judged delinquen t becaus e they wer e caugh t violatin g bourgeoi s conception s o f prope r adoles cence—through thei r us e of th e street s fo r leisur e an d economi c pur poses, thei r independenc e fro m adul t authority , o r thei r illega l activ ity.27 Th e outcom e o f a delinquent' s experienc e wit h socia l welfar e institutions depende d upo n luc k an d gende r a s wel l a s class . Geral d may hav e been exceptional—college remaine d a n exclusive institutio n in th e 1920s 28—but th e Georg e Junior Republi c fostere d hi s aspira tions fo r upwar d mobility . Mos t working-clas s youth s wer e encour aged simpl y t o see k respectability , whic h fo r wome n wa s define d a s

12

INTRODUCTION

marriage, fo r me n a s participatio n i n th e marketplac e a t whateve r position, for whatever wage. If the Kern s ha d live d a century earlier , the y woul d hav e ha d a far different encounte r wit h charity , bu t no mor e palatabl e choices . Th e same could be said of each subsequent era. One way to understand the organization o f thi s boo k i s to se e ho w th e Kern s migh t hav e fare d i n each of the periods covered. Charity, althoug h simple r and more personal i n the 1820s , also was more overtl y moralistic . A s i s discusse d i n chapter s 1 and 2 , on e o f Joseph Tuckerman' s minister s t o th e poo r migh t hav e lef t a religiou s tract fo r Mrs . Ker n t o read , and , especiall y sinc e sh e wa s Catholic, urged he r t o atten d Protestan t service s an d mad e relie f contingen t upon doin g so . A well-do-t o famil y migh t hav e provide d Mrs . Ker n with som e sewin g o r laundr y wor k an d visite d periodicall y t o offe r spiritual and moral guidance. Publi c authorities migh t have threatened Mr. Ker n wit h th e Hous e o f Industr y i f h e begge d mone y an d idle d away hi s time in taverns, but no agency or court would hav e interfered with hi s patriarcha l rul e of th e family . Geral d Ker n woul d hav e bee n subject to incarceration i n Boston's House of Reformation, wit h an eye toward teachin g hi m obedienc e an d discipline , bu t fe w institutiona l settings existe d fo r girls . I f childre n escape d institutionalization , no clubs existe d t o supervis e them , polic e court s wer e reluctan t t o tr y them for minor offenses, an d the poor relocated with startling rapidity, making th e opportunit y fo r a n extended encounte r wit h a social wel fare institution unlikely. 29 At midcentury , th e experience s o f th e Ker n childre n woul d hav e changed mor e tha n tha t o f Mrs . Ker n herself . On e alternativ e t o incarceration was placemen t i n a private farm school o r in a Protestant farm family . Massachusett s reformer s develope d thes e programs , whic h I refer t o a s domestic reform , i n respons e t o th e failur e o f congregat e institutions, particularl y Boston' s Hous e o f Reformation . Thi s i s discussed i n chapter 3 . I n addition, Massachusett s modele d th e Lancaster School o n th e "famil y plan, " and rebuil t th e Stat e Refor m Schoo l fo r Boys along the same lines. The difficulties o f applying domestic reform to public institutions are considered i n chapters 4 and 5. The arriva l o f larg e numbers of Iris h Catholic immigrant s (an d th e eagerness o f Protestan t agencie s t o tak e immigran t childre n an d pu t

INTRODUCTION

'3

them i n Protestan t homes ) spurre d Catholic s t o organiz e a paralle l social welfar e system . Althoug h starte d i n bitte r rivalry , Catholi c institutions had by the 1880 s become relatively well integrated into the emerging socia l welfar e system . A s see n i n th e Ker n case, Protestan t and Catholi c agencie s referre d client s t o on e anothe r an d th e stat e cooperated wit h both . Thi s i s th e subjec t o f chapte r 6 . Als o b y th e 1880s, reformer s trie d keepin g familie s togethe r i f possible, an d friendl y visitors would hav e dropped off religious tracts and assisted Mrs. Ker n in finding work as a domestic or in a garment factory. Hom e libraries, industrial schools , an d settlemen t house s trie d t o contro l children' s leisure tim e an d provid e alternativ e environment s t o thei r homes . These institution s provide d edifyin g readin g materials , militar y drill , and woodworkin g lessons , designe d t o teac h thrift , precision , an d order to an industrial working class. These developments ar e reviewed in chapter 7. In the 1920s , the Kerns found tha t public and private, Catholic and Protestant, coerciv e and voluntary institution s cooperated extensively . Police an d cour t officials , settlemen t worker s an d schoo l authorities , psychiatrists an d socia l workers , eve n janitors , discusse d th e Kerns ' activities. A t th e same time, delinquenc y ha d becom e th e provinc e o f experts using psychological languag e and concepts. The juvenile court, in the name of therapy and with the help of the diagnoses of the mental health clinic, sentence d delinquents suc h as Gerald Ker n to probation, foster care, or the reformatory. Chapter s 8 and 9 examine these trends. Historians hav e generall y studie d clas s b y analyzin g worker s an d employers. However , person s excluded fro m the workforce because of sex, age , illness , o r disabilit y ha d thei r experienc e o f clas s patterne d by institution s othe r than the shoproom o r the factory. Clas s was also defined i n the relationshi p betwee n dono r an d beggar , Sunda y schoo l teacher an d student , hom e visito r an d th e visited , settlemen t worke r and adolescent, judg e and delinquent, reformator y superintenden t and inmate. Furthermore , worker s experienced seasona l layoffs, th e effect s of the depressions that ravaged the economy, mechanizatio n that eliminated skille d jobs , an d trek s i n searc h o f work , whic h coul d leav e them o r famil y member s dependen t o n som e for m o f charit y a t leas t for a time. Accidents , death , o r illnes s disrupte d th e family , leavin g children vulnerabl e t o th e temptation s o f stree t cultur e an d th e inter -

H

INTRODUCTION

vention o f charit y workers. 30 Socia l welfar e institution s forme d th e strands o f a we b o f clas s tha t helpe d for m th e cultura l an d clas s identities o f working-clas s youth . B y encouragin g adaptatio n t o th e values of the dominant culture, by reinforcing fear of dependency, an d by institutionalizin g an d labeling deviants, welfar e and juvenile justic e institutions helped shap e the working-class world .

PART I

The Greation of ^Private and ^Public Gharity

I N th e earl y nineteent h century , reformer s i n bot h th e Unite d State s and Englan d sough t t o redefine th e relationshi p o f the poo r to society . Welfare refor m i n bot h countrie s reflecte d th e idea s o f Ada m Smit h and Thoma s Malthus , a s reformers sough t t o cut subsidie s to the poo r and brin g charit y i n lin e wit h th e demand s o f th e fre e market . Mal thus, wit h hi s claim o f having discovered th e laws of population growth , was particularl y influential . Relief , h e argued , sustaine d th e poo r arti ficially an d kep t the m fro m learnin g self-discipline—especiall y de layed marriag e an d reproduction—o r fro m suffering th e miser y an d famine tha t wer e the consequences o f overpopulation. I n England , th e revision o f th e Poo r Law s i n 183 4 limited outdoo r relie f (ai d give n t o the poo r i n thei r homes) , establishe d th e poorhous e wit h a regimen o f strict disciplin e a s th e centerpiec e o f welfar e policy , an d announce d the doctrin e o f "les s eligibility." I n th e Unite d States , mos t notabl y i n New Yor k an d Massachusetts , publi c commission s o n welfar e pro moted reform s alon g the same lines. 1 Relief certainl y seeme d i n nee d o f reorganization . Boston , lik e th e rest o f Massachusetts , base d it s syste m o f poo r relie f o n th e Elizabe than poo r law , i n whic h ai d wa s linke d t o "settlement " (eac h commu nity wa s responsible only fo r it s own poor) . However , thi s syste m di d not wor k particularl y well , eve n i n th e eighteent h century , a s th e '5

16 TH

E CREATIO N O F PRIVAT E AN D PUBLI C CHARIT Y

surplus populatio n i n a stagnant agricultura l econom y move d abou t i n search o f work . Colonia l war s als o unloose d stream s o f refugees , wh o had littl e inclinatio n t o return hom e bu t wh o possesse d n o legal settle ment i n Boston . Th e municipa l almshous e serve d a s th e refug e o f th e poor, bu t i t wa s itsel f a problem . Th e almshous e mixe d th e aged , th e young, th e ill , an d th e insan e togethe r wit h able-bodie d beggar s an d drunks, wh o presumabl y coul d work , an d inmate s constantly escaped . Other indigent s receive d ai d i n their homes , bu t Boston' s Overseer s of the Poo r wer e popularl y electe d an d dispense d charit y a s a for m o f patronage, makin g a careful examinatio n int o th e condition s o f recipi ents unlikely . I n sum , i t was a costly, chaoti c system , poorl y designe d for th e eighteenth-centur y town , an d utterl y unabl e t o handl e th e problems of the nineteenth-centur y city. 2 Reformers rea d Malthu s i n thi s contex t an d se t ou t t o remak e th e world o f charit y i n th e earl y nineteent h century . Privat e reformers — moral entrepreneurs—adopte d on e par t o f th e Malthusia n program : moral reform . The y create d voluntar y societie s t o instil l i n th e poo r the self-discipline tha t woul d mak e poo r relie f unnecessary . Municipa l authorities followe d another , complementar y pat h an d create d ne w public institution s t o deter pauperism .

CHAPTER I

SVLoral ^Entrepreneurs and the invention of the ^Reformable Qhild

The mora l entrepreneur s wer e urba n missionarie s seekin g t o awake n the soul s o f th e unchurche d poor . The y di d no t inten d t o organiz e welfare o r t o undertak e th e cultura l transformatio n o f th e poor . Bu t they confronte d increasin g destitutio n an d th e poo r besiege d the m with request s fo r aid . Eventuall y force d int o relief-giving, th e mission aries organized a social welfare bureaucrac y i n order t o prevent impos tors from takin g advantage of them. However , th e missionaries 1 effort s largely failed . Unabl e t o distinguis h betwee n th e worth y an d th e unworthy poor , o r eve n t o settl e difference s amon g themselves , the y turned instea d t o th e childre n o f th e poor . The y hope d t o preven t pauperism b y teachin g children self-restrain t an d self-reliance . * The missionarie s wer e entrepreneur s i n tw o senses : the y define d a set o f socia l problem s an d the y create d th e enterpris e o f reform . Th e moral entrepreneur s discovere d th e exten t o f poverty , delinquency , and clas s difference s i n th e earl y nineteent h century , the y publicize d the existenc e o f socia l problems , an d the y establishe d organization s t o combat them. 2 The Moral Instruction Society The Societ y fo r Mora l an d Religiou s Instructio n o f th e Poo r (1816 ) was Boston' s first urba n missionar y society , an d i t embodied th e hop e

n

18 TH

E CREATIO N O F PRIVAT E AN D PUBLI C CHARITY

that mora l refor m migh t eradicat e poverty. 3 Othe r group s ha d orga nized to relieve the economic distress brought by the Embargo and the War of 1812 , but the Moral Instruction Society wa s the first to propose converting th e poo r rathe r than offering relie f to a specific grou p such as widow s o r seamen . Establishe d b y busines s an d professiona l men , including Plin y Cutler , a merchant an d manufacture r an d on e o f th e wealthiest men in Boston, Henr y Thurston, a well-to-do lawyer, Charles Cleveland, a broker, an d Samue l Armstrong , a publisher, th e Societ y investigated prostitutio n and urban vice and pressed religious tract s on the poor. 4 The Societ y di d no t enjoy muc h success. The y literall y preache d to the converted—th e unchurche d poo r showed littl e interes t i n thei r work. A s earl y a s 182 1 th e Reveren d Samue l Jenks , th e Society' s secretary, reflecte d i n his diary tha t whil e som e advance s i n minister ing t o adult s ha d bee n made , the y wer e "smal l & the prospec t dim. " Jenks believed he had failed to convert anyone and he wondered i f "the Lord ha s rejecte d m y labours. " The missionaries ' inabilit y t o attrac t an audienc e t o thei r service s le d the m t o begi n th e "painful " dut y o f home visiting . Th e Society' s femal e visitors , wh o repeatedl y knocke d at th e door s o f th e mos t "ignoran t an d heedless " families, concluded , "we find some whom in charity, w e think pious." If this condescension is typical o f missionaries ' attitudes, i t is not surprising that few amon g the poor converted eve n while they besiege d th e Societ y wit h request s for assistance. 5 Eventually, th e Mora l Instructio n Societ y succumbe d t o conflic t with th e poor , wh o exchange d promise s o f conversio n i n order t o get aid. Handwritte n comment s at the end of the 183 0 report quote one of the Society' s missionaries : " 'Am mor e and mor e convinced tha t ther e are ver y fe w virtuou s an d sufferin g poor. ' " Such suspicion s le d th e Society t o complai n tha t hom e visitin g involve d missionarie s "wit h a multitude of cases merely secular " that they wer e not well equipped t o handle. Som e foun d themselve s deceive d b y professiona l beggar s with whom "th e cit y i s infested. " The Societ y argue d tha t it s missionarie s were no t "ex-officio overseers of the poor." Reluctant to visit the homes of the poor, unwillin g to provide relief, especiall y during a depression, and fearfu l o f bein g take n i n b y impostors , th e Societ y suspende d it s

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work i n Januar y 1838 . Convertin g th e poor—an d reshapin g thei r culture—proved mor e difficult tha n anyone had imagined. 6 Joseph Tuckerman and the Ministry to the Poor Not ever y missionar y effor t fare d a s poorl y a s di d tha t o f th e Mora l Instruction Society . Joseph Tuckerman, Charle s Francis Barnard, an d the other member s o f the Ministry t o the Poo r found a warmer reception whe n the y visite d th e home s o f th e poor , n o doub t du e t o thei r obvious sympathy. Tuckerma n wrote , " I am received wit h great kindness and affection i n the families i n which I visit." However, eve n the ministers t o the poor eventually doubte d thei r ability t o transform th e poor morally . B y th e 1830s , Tuckerma n an d hi s minister s exhibite d frustrations wit h th e poo r simila r t o thos e experience d b y th e Mora l Instruction Society. 7 Joseph Tuckerma n present s antebellu m mora l reform' s mos t hu mane face . H e deserve s reinterpretation , fo r h e wa s no t simpl y a forerunner o f moder n socia l servic e work , a n apologis t fo r entrepre neurial capitalism , o r a n advocat e o f hars h measure s t o contro l th e poor. Tuckerma n wrestle d wit h th e mora l problem s presente d b y a free market economy and he developed a range of responses to poverty and delinquency, includin g the first social welfar e bureaucracy . Tuck erman's caree r represents bot h th e possibilitie s an d th e limit s o f antebellum moral reform. 8 Tuckerman wa s th e best-know n urba n missionar y i n antebellu m Boston. Th e so n an d grandso n o f wealth y merchants , h e receive d a B.A. i n 179 8 an d a n M.A. i n 180 1 fro m Harvard . H e spen t th e nex t twenty-five year s i n relativ e obscurity , a s pasto r t o a small congrega tion in Chelsea, Massachusetts . Sufferin g constantl y fro m poor health, Tuckerman began to look for an alternative to the strain of maintaining his congregation. I n 1826 , h e heeded th e call of his friend an d mentor, William Eller y Channing , an d "retired " to th e pos t o f ministe r t o th e poor i n Boston . A t th e ag e o f forty-eight , Tuckerma n entere d th e career that brought him renown. 9 Tuckerman alway s admonishe d hi s audienc e t o treat the poo r wit h respect, arguin g tha t al l me n wer e childre n o f God . H e maintaine d

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that "th e poorest , th e lowest , th e mos t degrade d i s th e brother , an d the fello w immorta l o f th e richest , th e mos t intellectual , th e mos t cultivated, th e mos t virtuous. " I n fact , societ y ha d a s muc h t o fea r from th e "licentiousnes s o f wealth " as from th e growth o f pauperism . While h e devote d fa r mor e attentio n t o th e latter , Tuckerma n neve r lost his belief in the spiritual equality of man. 10 Unlike hi s contemporaries , Tuckerma n rarel y blame d th e poo r fo r their poverty. I n the late 1820 s temperance became increasingly central to th e bourgeoi s definitio n o f character , an d reformer s perceive d in temperance a s th e mos t importan t contributo r t o poverty . Ye t Tuck erman argue d tha t intemperanc e wa s a symptom , no t a cause , o f destitution. T o b e sure , h e ha d littl e sympath y fo r idler s wh o waste d money o n drink , an d h e believe d tha t i t wa s absur d t o spea k o f th e constitutional right s o f thos e wh o refuse d t o suppor t themselves . Nonetheless, h e maintaine d tha t persisten t unemploymen t coul d lea d to drin k o r eve n t o crime . H e blame d "society " or it s "mor e favore d classes" fo r th e poor' s intemperanc e mor e tha n th e poo r themselves . The poo r ha d t o lear n t o sav e thei r wage s fo r har d times , bu t th e "wise" had to teach them self-restraint. 11 Tuckerman wa s equally sympatheti c t o others among the poor who were normall y considere d morall y defective . H e argue d tha t youn g prostitutes wer e lik e children, "waywar d an d passionate , impatien t o f restraint; an d vain , gidd y an d light-minded, " wh o ha d grow n u p i n conditions "too perilous for human virtue." Tuckerman did not absolve prostitutes o f mora l responsibility , bu t lik e th e wome n evangelical s who organize d rescu e missions , h e argue d fo r a mor e sophisticate d understanding o f th e clas s an d gende r relation s tha t le d t o prostitu tion.12 Tuckerma n describe d professiona l beggar s a s "mor e sinne d against than sinning." Given that they wer e treated as outcasts, owne d nothing bu t th e clothe s the y wore , an d existe d withou t friend s o r family, h e asked, "is it surprising that they ar e debased an d shameless; alternately insolen t and servile?" In sum, a t the beginning of his career as a n urba n missionar y Tuckerma n resiste d th e emergin g bourgeoi s consensus tha t tended t o equate poverty wit h vice, an d it is likely tha t his views helped hi m gain an audience among the poor. 13 Tuckerman's caree r als o show s th e limit s o f antebellu m mora l re form. Hi s belie f i n th e spiritua l an d mora l equalit y o f individuals ,

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whatever thei r socia l condition , di d no t translat e int o othe r form s o f egalitarianism. An d despite an acute economic analysis of the causes of poverty, Tuckerma n remaine d convince d o f th e inviolabilit y o f th e laws of the free market. Tuckerman accepted a hierarchical socia l order; nothing in his background prepare d hi m fo r anythin g different . H e use d th e socia l rela tionships i n hi s forme r Chelse a paris h t o illustrat e hi s goal s fo r hi s ministry. Tuckerma n believe d tha t ric h an d poo r ha d me t befor e th e church door, exchange d greetings , an d then proceede d t o the proprietary pew s o r th e fre e seat s "withou t th e slightes t feelin g . . . tha t distinction o f conditio n wa s thu s implie d betwee n them. " Restorin g personal relationship s betwee n ric h an d poo r di d no t mea n erasin g social distinctions . Tuckerma n assure d hi s reader s tha t h e wishe d t o raise th e degrade d spiritually , an d "no t abov e thei r accustome d em ployments . . . no r abov e contentmen t with a ver y humbl e externa l condition." Tuckerman, whateve r his sympathies for the poor, did not object t o inequities o f wealth an d power an d to the ordering of lif e b y the marketplace. I4 Tuckerman remained bound by the constraints of political econom y in his analysis of poverty. H e observed the economic disruption caused by mercantil e capitalism , includin g th e utte r dependenc e o f th e un skilled wag e worke r upo n hi s employer , th e us e o f technolog y t o displace labor, the inability o f journeymen to become masters, and the poor's relianc e o n chil d labo r fo r support . Whil e artisa n republican s used thes e facts to criticize capitalism, Tuckerma n coul d no t conceiv e of an alternative to the marketplace. H e perceive d structura l problem s in th e economy , bu t ther e hi s analysi s faile d him . Whil e h e urge d employers t o keep up their wages as long as possible during economi c downturns, h e als o note d tha t violatio n o f th e law s o f politica l econ omy onl y hur t th e poor . Subsidize d housing , employmen t programs , and soup kitchens attracted "idlers and vagrants" from the country and created mor e problem s tha n the y solved . Afte r discussin g th e eco nomic cause s o f poverty , Tuckerma n fel l bac k o n th e Malthusia n argument tha t th e onl y rea l wa y t o chang e th e conditio n o f th e poo r was "by improving their characters." Tuckerman' s failing s wer e thos e o f nineteenth-century classica l liberalism. 15 Changing th e characte r o f th e poo r mean t havin g hom e visitor s

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instruct the m i n bourgeois values . Th e poor , Tuckerma n commented , indulged thei r appetite s an d sometime s wer e "intemperate , filthy, wasteful an d improvident. " The y suffere d fro m lo w wages , "bu t no t half as much as from a misapplication of the wages they receive." Only home visitor s coul d teac h th e poo r t o liv e withou t relie f b y trainin g them t o practic e "forecas t an d economy " an d t o "exercis e a presen t denial i n vie w o f a futur e good. " Characte r reform , a s muc h a s th e hope for religious conversion, underla y the work of Tuckerman's Ministry t o the Poor. 16 By th e 1830s , Tuckerma n ha d organize d a smal l arm y o f hom e visitors throug h th e Ministr y t o th e Poor . Tuckerman' s first recruit , Charles Franci s Barnard , wa s the most notable , fo r he took the ministry in new directions i n his work with children. Barnar d was born to a wealthy merchan t famil y i n 1808 , an d attende d Harvar d Colleg e an d Harvard Divinit y Schoo l befor e joinin g Tuckerma n i n 1832 . Th e following year , Frederic k Gray , bor n i n 180 4 and raise d b y hi s wealth y grandmother, gav e u p hi s partnershi p i n a publishin g hous e t o joi n Tuckerman's ministry . Rober t Waterston , bor n i n 181 2 t o a merchant father, apprentice d himsel f a t age fifteen to a Boston merchant, befor e leaving commerc e fo r th e Harvar d Divinit y Schoo l a t th e instigatio n of Willia m Eller y Channing . H e joine d th e Ministr y t o th e Poo r i n 1839, a fe w month s befor e hi s marriag e t o th e daughte r o f forme r mayor Josia h Quincy . Th e Ministr y t o th e Poo r consiste d o f well connected, energeti c me n i n thei r mi d t o lat e twenties , wh o lef t th e business worl d to devote themselves to careers in moral enterprise. 17 The Ministr y t o the Poo r wa s a religious bureaucrac y tha t brough t moral refor m t o hundred s o f poo r families . I n reviewin g th e accom plishments o f hi s lieutenant s i n 1838 , Tuckerma n foun d tha t Charle s Francis Barnar d visite d 24 8 families , totalin g 44 5 adult s an d 70 8 children. Ove r seve n hundre d childre n an d adult s attende d Barnard' s weekly services , while 54 2 children had enrolled in his Sunday school , with its forty-eight femal e and twelve male teachers and five assistants. Frederick Gray visite d 23 0 families, enrolle d 36 2 pupils in his Sunda y school, an d ha d thirty-eigh t teacher s instructin g th e tw o hundre d students i n hi s sewin g school . John Sargent , wh o ha d joine d Tucker man's ministr y i n 1837 , visite d thre e hundre d familie s an d counte d 130 children i n hi s Sunda y school . Although i t i s difficult t o estimat e

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the numbe r o f childre n an d familie s affecte d b y th e Sunda y school s and urban missions, i t is clear that after the public schools, they serve d as th e mos t importan t institutiona l mechanism s fo r transmittin g cul tural values. 18 In thei r meeting s wit h th e poor , Tuckerma n an d hi s minister s encountered th e sam e demand s fo r relie f a s ha d th e visitor s o f th e Moral Instructio n Society . Ou t of their conflict wit h the poor emerged new effort s t o organiz e welfare . Afte r si x year s a s a ministe r t o th e poor, Tuckerma n becam e a leadin g exponen t o f Malthusia n welfar e reform, an d publi c an d privat e welfar e i n Bosto n reflecte d hi s influ ence.

Pauperism and the Organization of Charity Tuckerman's experience s convince d hi m tha t Boston' s charitie s ha d been to o generou s an d ha d actuall y encourage d peopl e t o rel y o n welfare. A s earl y a s 182 9 Tuckerma n bega n callin g fo r cooperatio n among charitabl e organization s i n orde r t o wee d ou t undeservin g ap plicants fo r aid . Th e deservin g poor—thos e wh o coul d no t suppor t themselves becaus e o f illness , accident , temporar y misfortune , o r ag e —had a moral righ t t o relie f an d coul d b e aide d mos t effectivel y b y private source s wh o wer e awar e o f thei r problems . Other s di d no t deserve t o starv e but , i n keepin g wit h th e lates t i n Anglo-America n reform thought, shoul d find relief only i n the municipal workhouse . Tuckerman di d wha t h e coul d t o mak e th e workhous e th e center piece o f publi c welfar e i n Massachusetts . A s th e leadin g exper t o n poverty, h e was appointed t o the Massachusetts Commissioners on the Pauper System , whos e repor t h e wrot e i n 1832 . Tuckerma n too k th e extreme Malthusia n position , arguin g tha t al l stat e relie f shoul d b e abolished, wit h loca l overseer s o f th e poo r havin g th e authorit y t o compel anyon e seekin g aid to live in the workhouse until al l assistanc e was repaid. I n discussing paupers , Tuckerman shed his earlier sympathy fo r th e poo r and employed th e moralisti c languag e an d categorie s of hi s contemporaries , wit h hi s environmentalis m fuelin g hi s moral ism. Just as home visitors might uplift th e poor, pauper s threatened t o corrupt them . Therefor e i t wa s necessar y t o combine th e workhous e

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and th e eliminatio n o f publi c relie f wit h th e organizatio n o f privat e charity and home visiting. 19 The Associatio n of Delegate s fro m the Benevolent Societie s o f Boston wa s Tuckerman' s vehicl e fo r organizin g privat e charity . I n 183 3 Tuckerman asked the various ministers working with the poor to meet. Eventually, representative s fro m othe r charitabl e agencie s wer e in cluded a s well , an d the y formalize d thei r organizatio n i n 1834 . The y agreed t o divid e th e cit y int o district s fo r visiting , t o exchang e infor mation abou t the poor, an d to adopt rules to coordinate their giving. 20 They resolve d t o assis t onl y familie s whos e childre n wer e enrolle d i n school, t o provid e ai d afte r a "personal examination " of th e home , t o give in-kind, rathe r than cash, assistance, an d to adopt the principle of less eligibility tha t kep t assistanc e belo w th e lowes t wage s pai d i n the marketplace. The y agree d tha t intemperat e person s woul d no t b e relieved an d tha t their families could receiv e in-kind relie f only i n dire emergencies. B y restrictin g ai d t o the worthy an d linkin g i t to carefu l home examinations , privat e agencie s hope d t o convince th e able-bod ied poo r tha t thei r choice s wer e betwee n th e marketplac e an d th e workhouse.21 The delegate s fro m th e benevolen t societie s propose d t o eliminat e professional beggar y throug h interview s an d cooperation. Agent s gave out tickets to the poor, directing them to the Association's office fo r an interview. Befor e recommendin g tha t a n agenc y assis t a n applicant , the office compare d informatio n fro m the interview with that collected from th e member agencies. Hom e visiting remained at the heart of the system, bot h fo r giving advice to the poor and for collecting or verify ing information abou t them. 22 Tuckerman di d not perceive the difficulty i n combining hom e visiting, whic h wa s stil l intende d t o restor e relationship s betwee n th e wealthy an d the poor, an d the prevention of pauperism. H e continue d to insis t tha t th e Christia n visito r "loo k upo n ever y man , i n ever y condition, a s hi s brother, " an d tha t hi s goa l wa s th e instructio n an d salvation o f "each an d every one"21 bu t hi s aim s wer e a t odds wit h hi s methods. Th e preventio n o f pauperis m demande d tha t a visito r b e suspicious o f an applicant fo r relief, a t least until a n investigation took place. I n a situatio n hardl y conduciv e t o Christia n brotherhood , a visitor ha d t o inquir e int o a poo r person' s characte r an d appl y stan -

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dards o f "worthy " and "unworthy " i n determinin g eligibilit y fo r aid . Conflict wit h th e poo r ha d le d t o th e organizatio n o f charit y an d undermined mora l reform. The effor t t o organiz e charit y soo n foundered . Agencie s wer e un willing to surrender autonomy an d were unable to agree on whether to provide assistanc e i n specifi c cases . Eve n Tuckerma n acknowledge d that there were certain cases that he would no t turn over to an association and would continue to assist privately. Apparentl y other delegates were equall y adaman t abou t keepin g som e cases . Moreover , whe n cases were discussed, delegates disagreed on how to apply standard s of moral worth . On e societ y woul d argu e that a family wa s unworth y o f aid whil e anothe r "though t the y wer e deserving , an d continue d t o relieve them." Dissension le d some agencies to drop out of the Association an d th e driv e t o registe r th e name s o f th e poo r faltered . Th e spirit o f th e Associatio n wa s kep t aliv e b y th e Bosto n Societ y fo r th e Prevention o f Pauperism , whic h eventuall y evolve d int o a n employ ment agency , bu t th e successfu l organizatio n o f charit y remaine d a task for a later generation to accomplish. 24 The failur e o f th e Associatio n suggest s th e problem s inheren t i n trying t o divid e th e poo r int o th e worth y an d th e unworthy . I n a preindustrial worl d wher e employmen t i n virtually al l trades was seasonal, wher e alcoho l wa s par t o f al l socia l transactions , wher e wor k and leisur e wer e no t sharpl y delineated , wher e me n an d wome n mi grated fro m countr y t o tow n an d bac k i n searc h o f work , an d wher e the economy wa s advanced enough to produce periodic depressions, i t was simply not possible to distinguish betwee n a "professional beggar " and a laborer wanting work but needing relief in order to survive. Th e missionaries trie d t o appl y subjectiv e criteri a objectively . I t wa s eas y to agre e tha t sloth , intemperance , promiscuity , an d lac k o f foresigh t were sign s o f a devian t character , bu t les s eas y t o determin e th e measure of deviance in a given individual. Tuckerman' s refusal to hand over some of his cases, and the delegates' inability to agree on who was a pauper, suggest the impossibility o f applying the concept in practice. "Pauperism" ma y hav e bee n usefu l i n organizin g th e worl d intellec tually, bu t it offered littl e help in organizing charity. Still, pauperis m wa s a useful concept . I t explaine d th e increas e i n poverty withou t jostlin g reformers ' belie f tha t the y live d i n a benevo-

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lent, prosperous world kept well ordered by the marketplace. I t invited the respectabl e poo r t o joi n i n condemnin g th e not-so-respectable , while al l th e poor were warne d tha t the poorhous e wa s a possible fat e of those wh o shunne d bourgeoi s values . Finally , pauperis m explaine d reformers' conflict wit h the poor. Th e poo r who pretended t o convert, who sough t t o deceiv e th e missionarie s a t ever y turn , coul d b e dis missed a s paupers rathe r than b e see n a s men an d wome n graspin g at any source of survival. The conflic t engendere d b y almsgivin g prove d t o b e to o heav y a burden fo r som e missionarie s t o bear . Charle s Franci s Barnar d ex pressed sentiment s tha t mus t hav e crosse d th e mind s o f others . H e noted, " I am getting t o b e mor e distrustfu l o f myself,—m y feelings , —the appearance s o f things,—an d fee l tha t I must us e all mean s . . . of ascertaining the true character and the real claims of those who may apply t o me." Barnard had become weary of the conflict wit h the adult poor ove r relief : " I mee t wit h continua l disappointmen t amon g th e objects o f m y ministry . The y deceiv e m e i n ever y poin t t o ge t assis tance from me , and , wors e than all, they lea d me into false hopes as to their mora l an d spiritual advancement." 25 Optimis m wilte d i n day-today conflict wit h the poor, leadin g even the most generous to question moral reform , t o believ e i n pauperism , an d t o find Malthus' s hars h doctrines appealing. I n order to escape the conflict ove r welfare, mora l entrepreneurs invente d the reformable child. The Creation of JuvenileReform The inabilit y t o organize relief-giving , o r t o avoid i t altogether , help s explain the appeal of programs for children. Childre n were poor through no faul t o f thei r ow n an d reformer s recognize d tha t delinquent s wer e made and not born. I f reached early enough, the y could stil l be taught the lessons of self-control an d self-improvement tha t were lost on their parents. Belie f in the plasticity of children's natures reinforced reform ers' sens e o f poo r children' s vulnerabilit y t o slu m environment s an d made child-saving all the more urgent. 26 Tuckerman capitalize d o n the emerging concern wit h childhood b y contrasting th e absenc e o f hom e lif e amon g poo r childre n wit h th e

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ideal of a tidy, comfortabl e home presided over by a nurturing mother. Poor children seldo m washed , wer e dressed i n dirty, tattere d clothes , did no t atten d school , at e irregularly , dran k liquor , an d wer e "no w caressed wit h th e extravaganc e o f intoxicate d affection , an d no w beate n with th e extravaganc e o f intoxicate d anger. " They wen t ou t foragin g for foo d o r fuel , wer e encourage d t o beg , an d wer e illiterat e an d immoral. I f taugh t a t al l b y thei r parents , the y learne d t o becom e "more wary , mor e cunning , mor e artful. " A t a n early ag e thes e chil dren became "deceivers, profane , lewd , an d dishonest." The relation s between parent s an d children were a parody o f thos e i n the bourgeoi s Christian home , wit h children "ever y da y deceive d b y thei r parents," and parents in turn deceived b y their children. 27 Poor children were also not prepared to work. Accordin g to reformers, they were used to the independence of street life and the irregularity o f da y labor . Whe n to o ol d t o beg , the y worke d a s messengers , porters, pi n setters in bowling alleys, or peddlers of penny paper s and trinkets. The y labore d jus t lon g enoug h t o acquir e spendin g mone y for "viciou s indulgence " and wer e neve r apprentice d t o lear n a trade. They wer e therefor e unuse d t o disciplin e an d incline d t o resis t a n employer's authority . Withou t intervention , the y woul d becom e th e inmates of prisons and workhouses. 28 The mora l entrepreneurs supporte d a range of institutions designe d to interrup t th e flow o f recruit s int o th e rank s of th e unworth y poor . Among the most importan t wer e the public schools. A s early a s 1816 , the Mora l Instructio n Societ y ha d advocate d creatin g publi c schools , and Joseph Tuckerma n an d th e Bosto n Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Pauperism lobbie d fo r "intermediate " school s fo r childre n who , fo r reasons o f ag e an d illiteracy , wer e exclude d fro m th e publi c schoo l system. Afte r severa l fals e starts , i n 183 8 th e cit y establishe d fou r intermediate schools, whic h provided rudimentary skill s and lessons in self-restraint an d hard work—the staple s of a "moral education." 29 For the mos t difficult children , reformer s advocate d th e creation o f a juvenil e reformatory . Th e Mora l Instructio n Societ y ha d note d th e need fo r institutional provision s fo r delinquent childre n in 1823 , while Joseph Tuckerma n ha d nothing bu t praise for the municipal Hous e o f Reformation afte r i t wa s establishe d i n 1826 . Th e reformator y pro -

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vided a way to train poor children so that they could be apprenticed in a trade . Tuckerma n argue d tha t i t wa s th e only appropriat e plac e fo r "vicious" children.30 Private institution s supplemente d publi c ones , an d Sunda y school s undoubtedly reache d th e larges t numbe r o f children . Sunda y school s were organize d alon g th e Lancastria n plan , though t mos t efficien t fo r the educatio n o f poo r children . Her e th e mode l wa s th e message : th e Lancaster syste m embodie d hierarchica l organizatio n an d discipline . The teache r instructe d th e hea d monitor , usuall y a n olde r student , who then passed the lessons on to the assistant monitors. The assistan t monitors kep t orde r an d drille d th e younge r pupil s i n thei r lessons . Students exchange d place s frequently , a s th e teache r rewarde d th e diligent b y advancin g the m t o th e fron t o f th e classroom . Appro priately, th e Sabbat h school s reporte d thei r accomplishment s i n th e number o f pupil s taught , th e line s o f Scripture s recited , th e quantit y of hym n verse s sung , an d th e numbe r o f answer s give n i n catechism. The purpos e o f th e school s wa s manifestl y religious , bu t th e subtex t included lesson s i n self-discipline , industry , an d individua l enterpris e in an effort t o counter the moral laxit y o f preindustria l o r "traditionalist" cultures, whic h ha d presumabl y shape d th e children . Success , a s the Mora l Instructio n Societ y assure d th e supporter s o f it s Sunda y schools i n th e 1820s , mean t tha t th e lowe r classe s woul d "ceas e t o exist."31 The Sunday school s were not foisted upo n a reluctant working class by a n entrepreneuria l elite. 32 Th e larg e numbe r o f pupil s attendin g Sunday school s indicate s tha t the y me t a real need . Reporte d enroll ment reache d thirtee n hundre d i n fourtee n school s i n 1827 , a pattern similar t o tha t foun d i n othe r cities . Th e poo r wer e no t manipulate d into attendin g school , no r wa s manipulatio n th e intentio n o f Sunda y school founder s an d teachers . Parent s enrolle d thei r childre n t o gai n an understanding of basic religious tenets, for educational benefits , and to participat e i n a commo n Protestan t culture . Founder s an d teachers devote d thei r time , energy , an d fortune s t o Sunda y school s because they sa w them as God's work. 33 It i s a mistake, however , t o ignor e th e clas s dimensio n o f Sunda y schools. Sunda y school s reflecte d th e power relationship s of the larger society. Th e organizatio n o f th e schools—funded , supervised , an d

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sometimes taught by members of the entrepreneurial class—th e struc ture of th e classes, with thei r rigi d Lancastria n principles , th e lesson s themselves, with their emphasis on order, discipline, and self-restraint , the subordinatio n o f poo r childre n i n wor n clothes , recitin g a t atten tion befor e well-dresse d visitor s an d boar d members—al l reinforce d the lessons of class. At the same time, the lessons of class were not the only ones learned in Sunda y school , especiall y sinc e students force d th e school s t o mee t some of thei r needs . Fo r som e students , th e Sunda y school s provide d a wa y o f learnin g t o rea d an d writ e withou t interferin g wit h work . The Mora l Instructio n Society' s teacher s foun d themselve s teachin g literacy a s much as religion. I n order to attract pupils, th e schools also provided gifts o r entertainment. Childre n enrolling in several differen t schools might receive shoes from one and clothing from another. Whe n a schoo l offere d prize s t o pupil s fo r bringin g i n ne w students , atten dance at other schools dropped. Th e school with the reputation for the most generou s Christma s celebratio n o r th e bes t summe r picni c als o attracted the largest number of enrollees. Th e student s also shaped the history o f th e Sunda y schools , an d eventuall y th e missionar y group s were force d t o consolidate. Th e Mora l Instructio n Societ y petitione d the city t o tak e over th e secula r educatio n o f th e poor , becaus e i t wa s too burdensome , whil e i t merge d it s Sunda y school s wit h a large r city wide effort tha t coordinated activitie s among the schools. 34 The Ministr y t o th e Poo r prove d mor e creativ e tha n th e Mora l Instruction Societ y i n it s activitie s fo r children . Charle s Franci s Bar nard's Warre n Stree t Churc h provide d a n antebellum forerunne r o f a settlement house program. The church offered sewin g classes for girls, evening school tw o nights a week fo r children who worked, a n "infant school" at which workin g mother s could leav e their toddlers, a library and readin g room , an d musi c lesson s fo r th e children . H e organize d an annua l floral procession o n th e Fourt h o f July, i n whic h childre n paraded throug h Bosto n wearin g garland s an d singin g hymns , an d h e trooped street urchins through the Boston Atheneum, a private library normally th e preserv e o f blue-bloode d businessme n an d scholars , t o gape at the statuary and paintings. 35 Barnard receive d bot h acclai m an d criticism . H e brok e wit h th e Hollis Stree t Churc h an d late r wit h th e Benevolen t Fraternit y o f

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Churches becaus e o f hi s unorthodo x styl e an d thei r jealous y ove r hi s success in attracting young parishioners. Som e critics simply dismisse d him a s the "dancin g parson. " So man y wealth y childre n attende d hi s services that he was force d t o require written permission fro m parent s in orde r t o forestal l charge s o f raidin g establishe d churches . Ye t th e list of hi s backers—Patrick Jackson, Abbo t Lawrence , Natha n Apple ton, Charle s Jackson, Willia m Prescott , an d others—was a who's wh o of Ne w Englan d mil l owner s an d entrepreneurs . Barnar d persuade d doctors, lawyers , wealth y matrons , an d businessmen t o teach his classes and serv e a s rol e models , an d h e encourage d childre n fro m differen t backgrounds to mingle in his "Children's Church." 36 Barnard fostere d th e sam e hop e fo r relationship s betwee n ric h and poor a s did Tuckerma n an d th e other missionaries . I t i s unlikel y tha t any degre e o f clas s mixin g actuall y occurre d i n hi s church othe r tha n the pupil-teache r relationship s commo n t o Sunda y schools . Nonethe less i t i s apparen t tha t Barnar d wa s a n unusua l reformer . Barnard' s obvious romanticism an d his iconoclasm sugges t a personal charm that many youngster s probabl y foun d appealing . Certainl y Barnar d foun d his wor k wit h childre n fa r mor e rewardin g tha n hi s ministr y t o th e adult poor . H e wrote , " I hav e almos t wep t fo r jo y i n th e street s o n noticing thei r [children's ] manne r o f approachin g me , o n hearin g th e sweetest tone s o f thei r voices subdue d an d mellowe d t o the accents of truest affection." Like other charismatic reformers, wh o were the most successful i n conveying th e lesson s o f bourgeoi s cultur e t o delinquen t and poo r children , Barnar d seeme d abl e t o overcom e bureaucrati c inertia an d clas s difference . H e ha d th e advantag e o f workin g wit h a selected grou p of youngsters wh o came voluntarily t o this church, bu t still hi s accomplishments wer e considerable. 37 Although reformer s di d no t realiz e it , the y wer e recreatin g th e distinction betwee n th e worth y an d th e unworth y poor , onl y a t a younger age . Effort s amon g voluntar y societie s focuse d o n recruitin g poor childre n t o Sunda y school s an d recreationa l an d vocationa l pro grams, wher e the y coul d b e expose d t o th e value s o f individualism , self-restraint, thrift , an d industry—th e cul t o f self-improvement — that characterize d th e risin g bourgeoisie . Bu t childre n wer e no mor e passive than their parents, an d reformers create d institution s fo r those who prove d t o b e to o difficul t fo r voluntar y societie s t o handle . Th e

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public reformatory—lik e th e workhous e fo r th e adul t poor—under lined th e message delivered b y th e moral entrepreneurs . Th e reforma tory confine d "vicious " children, thos e wh o willfull y rejecte d th e ex hortations t o reform . Mora l entrepreneur s invente d th e reformabl e child, while public institutions defined th e deviant one.

CHAPTER 2

"Public Welfare and the Public ^Reformatory

Malthusian welfar e refor m relie d upon deterrence, an d deterrence was embodied i n th e workhouse . Th e workhous e magnifie d th e fea r o f dependency b y isolatin g and labelin g th e dependent. I t reinforced th e message o f th e mora l entrepreneur s tha t dependenc y stemme d fro m individual mora l flaws an d tha t th e poo r ha d t o lear n th e value s o f a bourgeois culture . An d th e philosoph y o f welfar e tha t place d th e workhouse a t it s cor e cam e inexorabl y t o shap e refor m effort s fo r delinquents. Massachusetts' first reformatory , Boston' s Hous e o f Reformatio n (1826), wa s par t o f Mayo r Josiah Quincy' s "system " t o restrai n idle ness, vice , an d crime . Quinc y envisione d a cit y rationalize d b y th e marketplace and swept clean of madmen, th e infirm, vagabonds , pros titutes, beggars , drunkards , an d delinquents. Suc h deviant s woul d b e physically an d symbolicall y isolate d i n a grou p o f imposin g institu tions, th e Hous e of Industr y fo r paupers, th e House of Correction fo r adult criminals, and the juvenile reformatory, al l located on the distant South Bosto n Bay . Povert y wa s place d o n a par with criminalit y an d the lines of deviance drawn for Bostonians of all classes to see. l A secon d Bosto n mayor , Theodor e Lyman , wa s als o concerne d about pauperism, bu t he linked i t to the increasing Iris h population in the city . I n orde r t o read y poo r childre n fo r stead y employment , 32

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Lyman endowe d a "manua l labo r school " tha t becam e th e secon d public reformatory , th e Stat e Refor m Schoo l fo r Boy s (1848) . Deter mined t o lear n fro m th e problem s o f th e municipa l Hous e o f Refor mation, stat e planner s separate d th e reformator y fro m othe r institu tions for the deviant and selected the rural community of Westborough as it s site . However , th e histor y o f th e Hous e o f Reformatio n wa s repeated at the state reform school: a brief period of humane conditions and decent treatment gave way to overcrowding, brutality , an d inmate resistance. Ethni c an d religiou s difference , th e legacy o f poverty , an d the dictates of less eligibility confounde d publi c efforts t o reform poor children.2

The Problem of the Pauperized Poor Josiah Quinc y an d th e mora l entrepreneur s too k th e fea r o f depen dence that was an integral part of republican ideology an d redefined it . According t o classica l republicanism , dependenc e resulte d fro m eco nomic relationships . Servants , apprentices , th e landless , women , an d the young lacke d th e basi s fo r participatio n i n political lif e becaus e o f their dependent economic positions. Capitalist development threatened to expand th e numbe r o f th e dependen t b y reducin g th e independen t artisan t o a wag e earner , an d artisa n radical s use d republicanis m t o form a powerful critiqu e o f capitalism . However , th e mora l entrepre neurs provide d a n alternativ e explanatio n fo r dependence . I n thei r view, th e free market liberated individual s to pursue their self-interes t and it rewarded ability , bu t i t also accentuated individua l responsibil ity fo r failure. 3 Whil e recognizin g tha t temporar y economi c setback s caused som e individual s t o nee d relief , mos t mora l entrepreneur s ar gued, a s di d Quincy , tha t dependenc e wa s th e consequenc e o f idle ness, drink , an d mora l disability . An d jus t a s mercantilis m distorte d the natural operation of the market, government interference in welfare simply worsened povert y an d created paupers. The only sourc e of real relief wa s characte r reform , no t socia l reform . Quinc y too k thi s on e step further . Unlik e th e mora l entrepreneurs , h e di d no t attemp t t o instruct th e poo r i n bourgeoi s values . H e create d institutionall y th e paupers wh o coul d b e condemne d b y all , an d h e invite d al l groups ,

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regardless o f class , t o joi n i n oppositio n t o pauperism , an d t o divid e the world betwee n the respectable and the vicious. Quincy bega n hi s assault on pauperism wit h an investigation of the Massachusetts relie f system . Stat e payment s fo r poo r relie f ha d mor e than doubled betwee n 180 1 and 1820 , and Quincy chaire d a legislative committee tha t foun d th e increasin g cos t du e t o th e larg e numbe r o f "state's poor" and to the prevailing practic e of poor relief. State' s poor did no t hav e a plac e o f settlemen t t o whic h the y coul d b e returned , and th e stat e treasur y funde d thei r upkeep . Therefor e town s ha d n o particular reaso n t o economiz e o r t o dete r th e unsettle d poo r fro m applying fo r aid . A s fo r th e settle d poor , Quinc y denounce d th e tradition o f aidin g them i n their homes , whic h h e believe d subsidize d vice. H e linke d poverty an d dependence with moral failing, an d charged that recipient s trade d food , coal , an d clothin g fo r liquor . Lik e othe r Anglo-American welfar e reformers , Quinc y believe d tha t any for m of welfare sappe d initiative . Th e poo r first though t o f relie f a s a right , then they depended on it as steady income , an d finally it destroyed the "stimulus t o industr y an d economy. " The onl y solutio n wa s t o mak e relief a s unattractiv e a s possible . I n s o fa r a s a relie f syste m wa s necessary, i t had to be based on deterrence: all outdoor relief had to be abolished an d almshouse s transforme d int o houses of industry , wher e the able poor would b e forced t o work for their support. 4 Boston als o foun d th e cos t o f relie f oppressiv e i n th e earl y nine teenth century , an d th e tow n meetin g appointe d Quinc y chairma n o f a committee t o investigat e pauperism . No t surprisingly , th e commit tee's findings reflected th e opinions o f it s chair. "Indolence , intemper ance an d sensuality, " th e repor t concluded , accounte d fo r two-third s of the city's poverty. Aidin g the poor in their homes was wasteful an d liable t o abuse . Th e alternative , th e Bosto n almshouse , wa s to o small to permi t th e classificatio n an d segregatio n o f it s inmates . N o on e worked an d th e poo r wer e no t eve n restrained : durin g thei r weekl y strolls about town, the y visite d friends , begged , drank , an d stole fro m local shopkeepers . Th e almshous e neithe r reforme d no r deterre d th e poor, no r di d i t mar k the m a s different , a s objec t lesson s fo r th e working population abou t the consequences of failing to adopt a bourgeois culture. Onl y a house of industry could avoid becoming a "resort of idleness," and the town meeting voted to build one. 5

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The issu e of pauperism resurrected Josiah Quincy's political career. The Federalis t bluebloo d ha d served in Congress and then in the state senate, bu t h e wa s a maverick eve n fo r th e fluid politic s o f th e time . The Federalis t caucu s snubbe d th e renegad e aristocra t i n 182 0 b y refusing t o renominate hi m for the senate and including him only a s a candidate for the lower house. H e ra n last among the Federalist candidates, a n indicatio n o f hi s wanin g popularity . However , Quinc y re mained i n th e publi c ey e a s th e autho r o f report s o n pauperis m an d crime. Afte r Bosto n incorporate d a s a cit y i n 1822 , a coalitio n o f Republicans an d shopkeeper s willin g t o buc k th e Federalis t elit e an d wanting a government base d o n econom y an d fre e marke t principle s turned t o Quinc y a s thei r candidat e fo r mayor . Hi s expertise , hi s maverick politica l stances , an d hi s lineag e mad e hi m a n obvious may oral candidate, an d his welfare refor m proposal s probabl y appeale d t o most taxpayers. Althoug h Quinc y los t the first election fo r mayor , h e won i n 1823 . Onc e i n office h e move d quickl y t o confron t th e urba n problems with which he had become identified. 6 When Quincy too k office, th e city's Hous e of Industr y stoo d empty , mocking his vision of it as a hive of industrious paupers. The Overseers of th e Poor , a n independen t boar d lef t ove r fro m th e tow n govern ment, resiste d mayoral encroachments on its power and refused to end outdoor relie f o r t o relocat e th e poo r fro m th e almshous e t o th e ne w structure. Curtailin g welfar e cost s wa s no t necessaril y i n th e Over seers' interests , sinc e the y distribute d relie f a s patronage . Th e Over seers' actions als o sugges t tha t the y di d no t defin e povert y a s devian t or see k t o isolat e th e poo r fro m th e res t o f society . Th e struggl e ove r the Hous e o f Industr y an d outdoo r relie f represente d a n attemp t t o assert mayoral power and to destroy the political base of the Overseers. It als o signifie d th e enactio n o f a ne w conceptio n o f povert y an d dependence. Quincy eventuall y brok e th e Overseers ' power. Whe n th e Over seers persistentl y refuse d t o transfe r case s t o th e Hous e o f Industr y and went s o far as to release a group of inmate s who were about to be sent there , th e mayo r seize d a portion o f thei r budget . Late r Quinc y sold th e almshous e ou t fro m unde r them , afte r th e voter s rejecte d Quincy's propose d restructurin g o f th e Overseers ' lega l authority . When th e Overseer s decline d t o giv e a publi c accountin g o f thei r

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expenditures, the City Council passed a series of resolutions that ended the Overseers ' authority ove r indoo r relief . Afte r 1825 , th e abl e poo r broke stones a t the Hous e o f Industry , whil e the Overseers controlle d a dwindling budge t for outdoor relief. 7 Quincy's disput e wit h th e Overseer s als o stemme d fro m hi s idea s about deviance. Th e Overseer s operated th e almshouse as a refuge fo r the poo r without inquirin g int o the sourc e of thei r poverty . Thei r la x policies indicat e tha t they di d no t se e the poo r as particularly alie n or in nee d o f restrain t o r discipline. Quincy , o n th e other hand , ha d an entirely differen t framewor k fo r interpretin g povert y an d h e believe d that onl y th e workhous e conveye d tha t vic e an d it s consequence , dependence, woul d no t b e tolerated . Quinc y wa s a t odd s wit h bot h artisans and aristocrats who did not share his market philosophy. Thu s he conclude d i n hi s repor t o n th e Bosto n almshous e tha t i t wa s no t sufficient fo r th e Overseer s o f th e Poo r t o b e me n "i n eas y circum stances, prudent , intelligen t an d humane. " Rather , the y ha d t o b e "bred t o business," and accustome d t o dealing with me n "i n the laborious walks of life." 8 Quincy share d hi s conception o f deviance wit h th e mora l entrepre neurs, othe r civi c officials , an d a risin g busines s class . Th e Mora l Instruction Societ y and , eventually, Joseph Tuckerman and the ministers t o th e poo r endorse d combinin g visitin g an d mora l refor m wit h a punitive publi c welfar e system. 9 Reformer s i n Ne w York , Philadel phia, an d Baltimor e responde d similarl y t o increasing welfar e costs i n the late 1810 s and early 1820s . Livin g in port cities with rapid population turnover , a n accumulatin g proportio n o f poo r people , an d littl e economic growth , the y believe d i t essentia l t o restric t outdoo r relief , to classify an d instruc t th e poor , t o deter application s fo r aid , an d t o segregate pauper s i n institutions . Thes e me n believe d tha t existin g welfare policie s undermine d th e wor k ethic , encourage d reproductio n among the poor by violating natural law, and subverted efforts to teach the poor self-discipline an d self-restraint. Malthu s and the marketplace reigned.10 Quincy's victor y ove r th e Overseer s o f th e Poo r marke d onl y th e initial success of his effort t o define deviance through institutions. Th e mayor turne d nex t t o th e Hous e o f Correction . Quinc y ha d note d i n his report on the Boston almshouse that the bridewell, a secure facility

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within th e almshouse , wa s barel y larg e enoug h t o incarcerat e unrul y paupers, an d ha d neve r serve d a s a house o f correction , a s originall y intended. Therefor e i n 182 3 Quinc y reorganize d th e Bosto n jail s an d began constructin g a separat e Hous e o f Correctio n adjacen t t o th e House o f Industry . Th e buildin g stoo d vacan t fo r a yea r afte r it s completion, becaus e of expenses incurred in other city projects and the reluctance of the sheriff an d the Overseers o f the House of Correction to give up the convenient downtown jai l for the remote new facilit y i n South Boston . T o mak e us e o f th e ne w structure , Quinc y opene d a portion o f i t t o hous e juvenil e offender s i n 1826 . Juveniles an d adul t criminals continued t o shar e th e sam e quarter s unti l 1836 , whe n th e city opene d a separat e buildin g fo r delinquents . B y th e en d o f hi s mayoralty i n 1828 , Quinc y ha d physicall y an d symbolicall y isolate d the poor, criminals , an d delinquents i n what city resident s referre d t o as Boston's Botan y Bay . Th e reference , wit h it s echo of Britis h pena l policy, suggest s the success of Quincy's campaign. 11 The House of Reformation The line s o f deviance , howeve r clearl y draw n aroun d adul t pauper s and criminals, blurre d considerably aroun d delinquent children. Quinc y wanted t o refor m delinquents , no t t o labe l them . Hi s cit y swarme d with "idle and vicious children," at least some of whom could be saved from growin g u p pauper s an d criminal s i f restraine d an d educate d i n the prope r environment . Whe n th e Hous e o f Correctio n stoo d com pleted but vacant, i t made sense to use it as a juvenile reformatory. 12 The Hous e o f Reformatio n reflecte d th e dual function s o f restrain t and reform . I t wa s a congregate institution , architecturall y simila r t o the factories , prisons , workhouses , an d hospital s erecte d i n th e earl y nineteenth century , wit h larg e dormitories , grou p workshops , an d a common eatin g hall . Lik e thes e institutions , it s succes s depende d o n the impositio n o f order . I n th e first repor t i n 1827 , th e director s described ho w childre n too k thei r place s a t th e dinne r table , at e i n silence, an d a t th e en d o f th e meal , ros e i n orde r o f th e number s assigned the m an d marche d bac k t o thei r quarters . Accordin g t o on e visitor, wh o observe d th e boy s a t thei r recitations , the y compare d favorably t o the "Prussia n parade at Pottsdam." Yet at the same time,

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Reverend E. M. P . Wells , the superintendent, imbue d the reformatory with hi s reformist spirit . A charismati c reformer , Well s through forc e of wil l an d personalit y wa s abl e t o dominat e th e institution , initiat e reforms, an d seize the public imagination. 13 Quincy's choic e of a superintendent suggest s his belief in the possibility o f reformin g children . Eleaza r M . P . Well s wa s bor n i n Hart ford, Connecticut , i n 1793 , t o parent s o f modes t means . Wells , wh o was expelled from Brown Universit y fo r refusing to inform on a fellow student, studie d fo r th e Congregationa l ministr y befor e receivin g or ders i n the Episcopa l Churc h i n 1826 . Josiah Quincy appointe d Well s superintendent o f th e Hous e o f Reformatio n i n 1827 , an d Well s use d the position to establish himself in Boston reform circles. 14 Wells emphasized education as well as industry. Whe n he took over the reformatory a year after it opened, h e ended the practice of leasing the boys' labor to local tradesmen . Unde r th e supervision o f manufac turers, th e inmate s ha d cane d chairs , mad e bras s nails , sole d shoes , and wove n baskets . Conflic t wa s inheren t i n th e system , a s boy s resisted bein g exploited , whil e th e entrepreneur s becam e exasperate d at the boys ' "depravity an d indolence, " and swor e a t and occasionall y beat them. Well s believed i n education and, while the boys stil l worked, he reduced thei r hours to five and a half per day. Th e boy s als o spent four hour s i n schoo l an d ha d severa l hour s fo r play , i n whic h th e youthful superintenden t sometimes participated. Well s appears to have been completely dedicate d t o his task , eve n going so far as to sleep on a cot in the dormitory, wit h the keys to the school under his pillow, i n order to secure "perfect purity and order." 15 The mos t extensiv e accoun t o f Wells' s superintendenc y appear s i n Alexis d e Tocqueville an d Gustave d e Beaumont's stud y o f America n penitentiaries. Th e prominen t Frenchme n note d tha t Wells adopte d a trust syste m an d expecte d th e inmate s t o grad e themselves , whil e forbidding them to inform on one another. A t the end of the day, each child reporte d whethe r h e ha d bee n good , bad , o r averag e an d th e results wer e tabulate d a t th e en d o f th e week . Well s divide d th e inmates int o thre e "bon " and thre e "mal " grades o n th e basi s o f thi s moral bookkeeping , wit h thos e i n th e highes t grad e havin g consider able privileges . The y coul d g o t o Bosto n unescorted , swi m o r sai l i n South Bosto n Bay , an d wea r thei r Sunda y dres s clothe s durin g th e

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week. The y serve d a s monitors , supervisin g othe r inmate s i n thei r tasks, hel d key s t o variou s part s o f th e institution , too k charg e of th e marketing, an d ran g th e bells , whic h signale d change s i n activity . Children i n th e lowes t grad e wer e kep t i n solitar y confinement , for bidden t o talk , fe d brea d an d water , an d sometime s wer e handcuffe d and blindfolded . I n th e cas e o f a serious offense , a child face d a trial by his peers. Tocqueville and Beaumont praised Wells's administration and compare d th e Hous e o f Reformatio n favorabl y t o simila r institu tions i n Ne w Yor k an d Philadelphia , wher e childre n worke d longe r hours, receive d les s education , an d wer e subjec t t o harshe r disci pline.16 The refor m schoo l taugh t th e lesson s o f a n emergin g bourgeoi s culture. Attentivenes s t o time , enforce d b y th e bel l ringin g tha t sig naled th e star t o f a ne w activity , industriousness , promote d b y th e tasks inmate s performe d fo r th e institution , self-discipline , taugh t b y the self-reportin g o f offenses, regularity , learne d throug h th e unvary ing schedule , an d futur e orientation , suggeste d b y th e syste m o f re wards promise d thos e i n the highe r grades , wer e suppose d t o replac e the value s boy s brough t wit h them . Naturall y thes e lessons , t o th e degree they were learned at all, could only b e digested slowly. Inmate s spent a n average of tw o t o five years i n the reformatory , followe d b y an apprenticeship.17 Vocational trainin g prepare d boy s fo r apprenticeship s eithe r t o urban tradesmen or to farmers. A repor t b y th e Inspectors of Prison s i n 1838 liste d forty-thre e shoemakers , thirty-tw o farmers , twenty-on e mariners, seve n blacksmiths, an d five ropemakers among the 13 5 boy s apprenticed sinc e th e schoo l opened . Shoemakin g an d th e maritim e trades wer e mainstay s o f th e Massachusett s economy , a s was agricul ture, whic h ha d th e adde d bonu s o f removin g boy s fro m th e urba n environment. Th e emphasi s o n vocationa l trainin g becam e mor e pronounced after 1832 , when E. M. P . Well s resigned. 18 Wells wa s force d ou t o f hi s superintendenc y becaus e unde r hi s administration the reformatory violate d the principle of less eligibility. The immediat e issue was the cost of the reformatory. Th e City Council criticize d Wells' s replacemen t o f th e inmat e leasin g syste m wit h a more expensiv e educationa l program . The y charge d tha t th e boy s should hav e bee n subjec t t o rigorou s mora l an d physica l discipline ,

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and tha t th e institutio n ha d straye d fro m simpl e utilit y an d devote d too much to frills. Econom y was more important than Wells's apparent success with delinquents. Josiah Quincy recalle d that five-sixths of the 414 inmates under Wells's administration were reformed, bu t the City Council decree d tha t th e reformator y wa s no t t o be a finishing school for the poor. l9 The controversy over Wells's superintendency reveal s a debate over the meanin g o f refor m tha t wen t beyon d simpl e matter s o f cost. Cit y officials ha d t o choos e betwee n tw o version s o f reform : on e base d o n education, the other on manual labor; one expensive, th e other supposedly cos t effective ; on e emphasizin g self-restraint , th e othe r impose d order. No t only di d Wells' s syste m depriv e th e cit y o f earning s fro m labor contracts, bu t it also supplied boy s mor e education tha n did th e public schools. Childre n under the age of fifteen who worked i n factories had to attend school three months per year, according to legislation passed i n 1836 , bu t the law contained n o enforcement mechanis m and did no t affec t man y children . Schoo l attendanc e fo r al l childre n be tween eigh t an d fourtee n di d no t becom e mandator y unti l 1850 , an d well afte r tha t dat e attendanc e wa s haphazar d an d confine d t o thre e months pe r year. 20 I t i s n o wonde r tha t fe w publi c official s share d Wells's enthusias m fo r refor m base d o n a n educationa l progra m tha t appeared t o rewar d pauperism . Reformator y inmates , almos t b y defi nition th e children o f th e viciou s poor , coul d no t b e given advantage s the childre n o f th e laborin g poo r did no t have . T o d o s o undermine d the deterren t functio n o f institutions . Th e reformator y wa s no t a n avenue o f upwar d mobility ; i t wa s par t o f a syste m t o preven t vice , crime, an d pauperism. A t best , i t would graduat e law-abiding citizen s prepared to be shoemakers, farmers , or carpenters. After Wells' s departure, official s institute d a stricter regime n base d on manual labor , whic h i n turn provoked resistance . I n 183 6 the boy s made 850,000 brass nails per day for a local contractor while their time in th e classroo m declined . Disciplin e an d overcrowdin g becam e a problem. A city investigatin g committee reported tha t the beds nearly touched eac h other i n the dormitory, a situation thought conducive t o group masturbatio n an d possibl y t o homosexuality . Window s ha d t o be naile d shu t t o preven t escapes , an d th e administratio n worrie d about violence . Th e Inspector s o f Prison s foun d th e boy s dirty , ne -

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glected, noisy , rude , an d dominate d b y a "spiri t o f insubordinatio n and misrule. " A s a n investigato r wrot e i n 1840 , "ther e ar e fe w boy s who would not rather be censured b y their officers tha n be nicknamed sneak or spooney b y thei r comrades." Instead of inmate s divided amon g themselves an d vyin g fo r attentio n fro m th e superintendent , inmate s presented a solid front of resistance to authorities. 21 The Hous e o f Reformatio n als o cam e t o hous e mor e seriou s of fenders. Betwee n 182 6 an d 1847 , 98 1 childre n wer e jaile d i n th e reformatory. O f these , 4 4 percen t wer e charged wit h larcen y or some form o f theft ; 2 5 percen t wit h bein g "stubborn, " a catch-all "crime " designed t o giv e th e cour t leverag e ove r delinquen t yout h sinc e n o specific offens e ha d t o b e proven ; an d 2 0 percen t wer e vagrant . Th e types o f offense s committe d di d no t chang e muc h ove r time , bu t th e records suggest that less delinquent children were being diverted away from the institution. Fo r example, o f 440 boys committed i n 1851-52 , 39 percent had prior arrest records and a quarter had previous commitments. A s th e Cit y Counci l claimed , th e reformator y ha d becom e a prison for young criminals. 22 Decline seem s a n almost inevitable part of any institution' s history . Charismatic reformer s ar e replaced b y bureaucrats , difficul t case s ac cumulate, the racial or ethnic characteristics of inmates change, making them see m mor e alie n t o taxpayer s an d legislators , facilitie s ag e an d funding become s scarce , an d reformer s themselve s mov e o n t o othe r issues or develop more effective technique s fo r reform tha t undermin e established institutions. 23 But the decline of the House of Reformatio n did not occur because of some natural histor y o f institutions. I t can be traced t o specifi c polic y difference s ove r ho w t o trea t th e delinquen t children o f th e poor . Wells' s polic y o f reformin g delinquent s throug h education and the internalization of new cultural values was too expensive an d violate d th e principle of les s eligibility. Wit h cultural refor m rejected, n o alternativ e polic y existe d t o replac e it ; delinquents wer e not offered trainin g but were employed simpl y to keep them busy and to reduce the cost of their institutionalization. 24 What had started as an attempt to reform delinquents becam e instead a juvenile version of the workhouse. The experienc e o f girl s i n th e Hous e o f Reformatio n diverge d sig nificantly fro m that of boys. Thei r number always remained small and

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discussions abou t th e institutio n generall y ignore d gender. Whe n visitors describe d children' s uniforms , the y mentione d th e whit e panta loons and blue jackets and caps worn by boys , bu t no one commente d on th e girls ' dress . Discussion s o f wor k hour s an d apprenticeship s focused o n mal e trades , whil e description s o f th e bo n an d ma l grade s seem applicable only t o boys. Furthermore , whil e the vicious children featured i n reformers ' writing s di d no t hav e an y specifie d sex , th e language used to describe them and their fate—marauders wh o migh t wind u p on th e gallows—indicated tha t reformer s wer e thinkin g pri marily of boys. 25 The nea r invisibilit y o f femal e delinquent s stemme d fro m th e am bivalence o f mal e municipa l authoritie s i n confronting girl s wh o wer e actually or potentially sexuall y active. Mos t male reformers echoed the thoughts o f Tocquevill e an d Beaumon t tha t "th e reformation o f girls, who hav e contracte d ba d morals , i s a chimera whic h i t i s useles s t o pursue." Suc h sentiment s kep t th e numbe r o f femal e inmate s smal l and helpe d mak e th e Hous e o f Reformatio n on e of th e leas t desirabl e institutional alternative s for young girls. 26 The reformatory' s earlies t admittance s illustrat e th e proble m face d by institutiona l officials . Afte r th e reformatory opene d i n 1826 , one of its first inmate s wa s a youn g prostitute . Th e director s admitte d he r only afte r repeate d request s b y th e polic e cour t an d the y decide d t o keep he r strictl y segregate d fro m th e other inmates . Thi s girl' s inclu sion wa s a sig n o f thing s t o come : one-fift h o f th e thirty-fiv e girl s accepted betwee n 182 6 an d 183 1 wer e sen t fo r bein g "dissolute, " which usuall y mean t a sexual offense . Fo r example, G . H. , ag e four teen, ra n awa y fro m hom e an d wa s discovere d livin g i n a brothel b y her parents , wh o ha d he r committe d t o th e refor m school . Goo d behavior le d t o a placemen t i n a far m family , bu t afte r onl y tw o months, G . H . ra n away. Sh e returned t o the brothel , wher e sh e was arrested, an d the court recommitted he r to the reformatory. 27 Despite thei r willingnes s t o accept G . H . afte r tw o stay s i n brothels, mal e municipa l official s wer e ambivalen t abou t reformin g sexua l offenders. Onl y a few girls were admitted each year and all, regardles s of offense , live d a cloistere d existence . Neve r numberin g mor e tha n twenty-six, the y ha d separat e quarter s fro m th e boys , studie d unde r

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different instructors , an d during the religious observances attended b y both sexes , th e girls stayed i n a room above the chapel an d listened t o the preaching and singing through a hole cut in the floor. For girls, the reformatory wa s a workhouse from the start. The y worke d so steadily at domestic task s for the institution, includin g sewing the trousers and jackets worn by the boys, tha t they wer e given little time for school or for outdoor recreation. 28 The reason s fo r thi s hars h environmen t wer e neve r explaine d bu t can b e surmised . Keepin g th e girl s constantl y supervise d offere d th e only possibility for quarantining the morally contagious. The directors claimed that girls who had been guilty of sexual offenses corrupte d the other girls , wit h th e "contagion " spreadin g fro m on e inmat e t o th e next. Th e boy s wer e als o at risk, sinc e wall s wer e "no t thick enough , vigilance . . . no t active enough" to prevent contact between boys and girls. Th e presenc e o f a sexually activ e girl wa s communicated t o th e boys throug h he r air and manner, eve n i f no words wer e spoken, an d awakened thei r "animal nature. " Admitting th e failure of their policy, the directors ordered all the girls in the reformatory release d in 1840. 29 The girls ' win g reopene d onc e i t ha d bee n "cleansed, " wit h th e directors resolving to exclude streetwalker s and former brothe l inhabi tants an d t o admi t no girl olde r tha n twelve . (Th e ne w requirement s would have prevented G. H.' s admissio n on both counts.) But age and history wer e no t adequat e predictor s o f mora l character . Mos t girl s had n o tell-tale histor y o f prostitution ; they wer e arreste d o n parents' complaints as stubborn, or brought in by city missionarie s or police as vagrants or for petty theft. Reformator y official s coul d only guess as to a girl' s purity , an d apparentl y the y guesse d incorrectly . I n 184 2 th e department again released all its inmates. 30 Not surprisingly , th e directors became leery of admitting any girls. In 184 3 a singl e inmat e remaine d i n th e femal e wing , an d th e cit y closed i t s o that it s spac e could b e use d fo r th e boys . Th e cit y bega n using a part o f th e Hous e o f Industr y a s a girls' reformatory, an d s o the reformator y literall y becam e subsume d int o th e workhouse . Th e new situatio n wa s far from ideal . I n 1851 , the directors reporte d onl y five inmates, despit e complaint s o f a n increasing numbe r of waywar d girls i n th e city . Whil e th e girl s i n th e Hous e o f Reformatio n appar -

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ently ha d corrupte d th e mora l healt h o f eac h othe r an d th e boys , th e older femal e inmate s i n th e Hous e o f Industr y no w threatene d t o d o the same to the girls. B y the 1850s , public policy was in shambles. 31 This attemp t t o refor m delinquen t girl s faile d becaus e o f th e con ception o f femal e devianc e embodie d i n the reformatory . "Mora l contagion" wa s no t onl y a proble m wit h girls—boy s als o learne d t o become mor e adep t a t crim e whil e institutionalized , bu t no on e sug gested that they b e released. Officia l polic y reflecte d a belief that boys' criminal act s di d no t corrup t thei r cor e bein g i n th e wa y tha t girls ' criminal act s did, especiall y sinc e those act s were sexual . Illici t sexua l acts unfitte d girl s fo r mora l motherhoo d an d threatene d t o rui n no t only th e girls themselves bu t also their future families. Mal e municipal officials simpl y di d no t kno w wha t to do: Did th e reformatory exis t to preserve youn g girls ' sexua l security ? I f so , ho w coul d se x offender s who migh t corrup t th e othe r inmate s b e identifie d an d kep t out ? an d what coul d b e don e wit h th e youn g girl s foun d i n brothel s o r on th e streets? I t was easier to concentrate on boys. 32 Institutions ru n b y wome n offere d onl y slightl y bette r solutions. These were private organizations an d the inmates were, a t least ostensibly, voluntaril y committed . However , a minority wer e referre d b y official agencie s o r th e police , an d thi s probabl y involve d som e coer cion. Th e mos t common institutions , prostitut e refuge s o r "Magdalen homes," largely adopted the same conception of female deviance found in th e reformatory . Fo r example , Boston' s Peniten t Females ' Refuge , with it s femal e director s an d staff , offere d superio r condition s t o th e reformatory an d house of correction and welcomed inmate s regardles s of their past experience. Bu t it was severely regimente d an d required a lengthy sta y befor e placemen t i n domestic service . I t defined devianc e in mora l term s an d i t kep t wome n steadil y a t work washing , ironing , weaving, cleaning—th e sam e task s tha t mad e prostitutio n see m a viable alternative to domestic service. I t was basically a private form of the workhouse, and more inmates escaped than left by any other route. A more unusual alternative, th e Temporary Hom e for Fallen Women, attempted t o mee t prostitute s mor e o n thei r ow n terms . I t provide d religious an d socia l services , an d i t did no t requir e a particular lengt h of stay. Th e manager s allowed repea t offenders t o return to the home, perhaps encouraging wome n t o use it as a "half-way house " to get out

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of prostitution. Nonetheless , fe w wome n adopte d th e evangelical reli gious tenet s tha t th e manager s though t essentia l fo r thei r reform . S o while a range of institutiona l alternative s existe d fo r girls an d wome n who wanted , needed , o r were compelle d t o leav e the streets , i t was a fairly narro w one, wit h the House of Reformation occupying its lower end.33 By th e 1840s , i n respons e t o th e intractabilit y o f th e inmate s an d increasing number s o f foreign-bor n poor , reformator y official s bega n to describ e delinquenc y a s a nearl y insolubl e problem . The y place d the blame on the parents, presenting the home life of these children as the inverse image of the Victorian ideal. Children inhaled "rum-tainted breath" from thei r mothers , hear d curse s an d blasphem y fro m thei r fathers, gre w u p i n filth an d disorder , learne d t o spea k b y imitatin g profanity, develope d intellectua l skill s b y practicin g deceit , an d be came thieves befor e the y understoo d th e meaning of private property. It wa s better , official s maintained , tha t suc h childre n di e i n thei r cradles. These were the unworthy children of the unworthy poor. 34 The State Reform School for Boys The appearanc e o f larg e number s o f foreig n bor n amon g th e poo r required ne w measure s t o interrup t th e growt h o f pauperis m an d crime. Relativel y fe w non-Britis h immigrant s arrive d i n Bosto n unti l the 1840s , whe n th e Iris h permanentl y altere d th e city' s socia l geog raphy. I n 185 0 the Irish accounted for a quarter of the city's population (by contrast, less than 2 percent of the population was African-Ameri can an d les s tha n 2 percen t German) . Th e Iris h concentrate d i n th e lowest-skilled, mos t irregular, worst-paying jobs and nearly half of the Irish in the labor force worked simpl y as day laborers. A s a result, th e Irish filled the workhouse , th e jails , an d th e morgue . I n 1858 , nearl y two-thirds of thos e in the House of Industr y an d half in the House of Correction were of Irish birth, while the mortality rate in Irish sections of th e cit y wa s doubl e tha t o f wealthie r districts . Iris h immigratio n fueled nativis m and spurred new reform efforts. A s early as 1835 , after nativists burne d th e Ursulin e Convent i n Charlestown, Theodor e Ly man warne d i n hi s mayora l addres s tha t th e Iris h woul d neve r b e assimilated an d tha t thei r childre n woul d gro w u p i n idlenes s an d

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ignorance. Despit e th e failur e o f th e Hous e o f Reformatio n an d th e pessimism expressed b y its officers, reformer s remaine d determined t o reach th e childre n o f th e urba n poor . I n orde r t o forestal l th e socia l catastrophe h e feare d wa s imminent , Lyma n propose d a new versio n of cultura l reform—takin g delinquen t childre n ou t o f th e cit y an d training the m i n th e value s o f a Protestan t culture . Th e offsprin g o f the poor would no t simpl y b e trained t o work a s they ha d been i n the House o f Reformation , bu t woul d b e transformed culturall y an d religiously.35 Lyman, hei r to a China trade fortune, mad e the state reform schoo l a realit y whe n h e donate d te n thousan d dollar s fo r it s creation . Th e legislature establishe d a commissio n t o investigat e th e treatmen t o f juvenile delinquents , an d Lyman' s secon d gif t o f te n thousand dollar s in 184 8 an d hi s fifty thousan d dolla r beques t a year late r enabled th e state commissioner s t o purchas e a rural sit e i n Westborough , Massa chusetts, an d construct an institution for 15 0 inmates.36 The stat e had learned some lessons from the failure of the House of Reformation. Th e commissioners built the reformatory i n the countryside, fa r fro m othe r institution s fo r th e deviant , an d designe d i t t o maximize securit y whil e minimizin g th e appearanc e o f restraint . Th e buildings forme d a natural enclosure , makin g a n exterior wal l unnec essary, an d only truste d boys worked in the fields outside. Th e refor m school thu s escape d th e fortresslik e appearanc e o f th e urba n reforma tory. I n addition , th e refor m schoo l wa s t o provid e mora l a s wel l a s manual training . Becaus e s o man y inmate s woul d com e fro m urban , Irish Catholic families, farming and religious instruction became essential ingredient s i n th e refor m plan . First - an d second-generatio n Iris h Catholics, livin g i n Bosto n o r th e Massachusett s mil l towns , woul d learn th e agraria n republicanis m an d Protestantis m tha t forme d th e core of American culture. 37 Boys were committed t o Westborough not because they wer e criminals, bu t becaus e the y wer e poo r an d withou t adul t supervision . O f the boy s committe d betwee n 184 8 and 1859 , 43 percen t wer e sen t fo r "stubbornness" an d 4 0 percen t fo r larcen y an d othe r propert y of fenses.38 Stubbornnes s generally mean t vagrancy o r homelessness, whil e petty theft accounte d fo r the property offenses. Thes e were the crimes of th e urba n poor , force d t o liv e o n th e street s becaus e o f famil y

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tragedy. Ove r hal f th e inmate s ha d los t on e parent , whil e anothe r 9 percent wer e orphaned. 39 Fo r th e workin g poor , eve n i n th e bes t o f times, employmen t wa s episodi c an d th e los s o f th e mal e househol d head (true for a quarter of the boys) forced familie s upo n the kindnes s of relatives, th e stinginess o f relief, beggin g or petty theft, an d institutions. Apparentl y Protestan t familie s sometime s brough t complaint s against thei r childre n s o the y coul d b e sen t t o th e reformatory . Fo r them, incarceratio n wa s par t o f a famil y strateg y t o hav e childre n educated an d house d temporaril y unti l thei r economi c circumstance s improved. However , Catholi c familie s "endeavor[ed ] by variou s expedients t o kee p thei r childre n awa y fro m thi s disciplin e an d influenc e when complain t ha s bee n mad e agains t the m b y th e officer s o f th e law." Fo r them , incarceratio n wa s anothe r strok e o f misfortune , a n intervention by an oppressive state interested in stealing their children. Thus th e childre n abou t who m reformer s wer e mos t concerne d en tered th e refor m schoo l leas t willingl y an d i n smalle r number s tha n anticipated, an d were likely to resist its authority. 40 Irish Catholics formed a significant minorit y among the inmates. O f the 1,62 7 inmate s sen t betwee n 184 8 an d 1855 , I 2 percen t (194 ) ha d been bor n i n Ireland , whil e anothe r 2 0 percen t (334 ) ha d on e Irish born parent. 41 Official s emphasize d religiou s exercise s t o thes e boys . Morning and evening prayers , religiou s observances o n Sunday , Sun day schoo l lessons , an d memorizatio n o f Biblica l verse s wer e al l inte gral to the reform program. 42 A letter from a former inmate, publishe d by th e institution , indicate s th e imag e th e administratio n wishe d t o project. A t a tim e whe n forcin g Catholi c childre n t o rea d th e Kin g James version of the Bible in the public schools was becoming a matter of politica l controversy , th e bo y note d tha t h e rea d al l th e book s th e superintendent ha d given him and he asked, "wil l you pleas e send m e the song 'We Won't Give Up the Bible,' as I should be glad to have it." Moral refor m wa s a s importan t a s manual labo r i n remaking th e chil dren of the poor. 43 However, th e reformator y wa s fro m th e beginnin g a miniwork house shape d b y th e dictate s o f les s eligibility , an d i t avoide d th e academic "frills" that E. M. P . Well s had introduced into the House of Reformation. Althoug h farmin g wa s th e primar y occupatio n a t Westborough, i t was no t th e only one . Loca l manufacturer s contracte d fo r

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the boys ' labor , an d th e inmate s spen t si x hour s pe r day shoemakin g or canin g chair s durin g th e slac k seaso n o n th e farm . Contrac t labo r provided incom e a s well a s sources o f placement s afte r release . Whil e no singl e employe r receive d mor e tha n a handful o f boys , th e larges t number of placements (232 by 1855 ) were with boot and shoe manufacturers, whic h reflecte d th e industry' s importanc e i n th e state' s econ omy. Howeve r importan t th e rhetori c abou t countr y life—an d farm ers received the second largest number of boys (218)—most boy s were destined fo r th e factory , no t th e farm . Boy s wer e release d t o carpenters, tailors , masons, machinists, an d tanners in the hope that they had acquired the discipline needed to fill working-class jobs. 44 Boys foun d th e reformator y strictl y regimented . The y aros e at five or five-thirty, dependin g o n th e season , washed , an d wen t t o th e schoolroom fo r prayers. Breakfas t wa s at six or six-thirty an d the boys worked from seve n until ten . Th e inmate s attended schoo l from ten to noon, whic h wa s followe d b y a perio d o f recreatio n an d dinner . A t one they returne d t o work until four , whe n the y ha d another hour for recreation an d supper . Betwee n five an d seve n the y ha d evenin g les sons followed b y mora l instruction , prayer , an d bedtime. Th e institu tion wa s designe d eventuall y t o accommodat e thre e hundred , bu t i t incarcerated a s many a s six hundre d boy s b y th e lat e 1850s . I n order to maintai n discipline , boy s wer e marche d i n loc k ste p fro m on e building t o th e next . The y wer e require d t o wor k i n silenc e an d t o request permission befor e addressin g an officer. 45 In th e fac e o f sever e regimentatio n an d authority , th e boy s devel oped their own subculture and resisted the discipline of the institution. Officials note d i n 185 2 tha t a boy wh o tried t o reform wa s ostracized; his companion s circulate d report s "whic h hav e a tendenc y t o mak e him a n object of suspicion," or they taunte d hi m "with some unfortu nate occurrenc e i n hi s pas t life , o f whic h the y hav e knowledge. " Sometimes othe r inmate s calle d hi m a hypocrit e o r accuse d hi m o f forsaking hi s religion , a charge th e administratio n foun d baffling , bu t which make s sens e considerin g th e larg e numbe r o f Catholi c boy s among the inmates . Boy s shoute d obscenitie s o r sang at inappropriat e times—such a s durin g th e Protestan t service s the y wer e require d t o attend. Resistanc e als o too k th e for m o f runnin g awa y o r refusin g t o

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inform o n others . Perhap s th e mos t seriou s sign s o f disaffectio n wer e the fourteen arson attempts between 184 8 and 1859. 46 On Saturday , Augus t 13 , 1859 , shortl y befor e si x i n the morning , cries of fire spread through the reformatory. A fifteen-year-old inmate from Salem , Massachusetts , Danie l Creadan , wh o had been sentence d for a minor larceny, too k stra w fro m hi s mattress , stuffe d i t int o th e ventilation system , an d set fire to it. Althoug h th e structure wa s buil t of brick , wit h a ston e foundatio n an d a slat e roof , th e ventilatio n channels were made of wood and carried the burning straw throughout the buildin g an d u p int o th e attic . Th e institution' s rura l isolation , a selling point whe n stat e commissioners ha d surveye d th e sit e in 1847 , now prove d t o b e a severe liability . Th e fire company fro m th e tow n of Westborough ha d to travel two and a half miles to the reformatory , while thos e fro m othe r town s ha d t o g o eve n farther . B y th e tim e firemen brough t th e blaz e unde r contro l tha t afternoon , abou t two thirds of the building had been destroyed. 47 The investigatio n followin g th e fire revealed terribl e condition s i n the institution . Inmate s ha d bee n kep t i n solitar y confinement , mana cled t o th e floor i n dark , poorl y ventilate d cells . A t th e tim e o f th e investigation, thre e boys had been incarcerated there for several months. Philip Breason, confined fo r twelve weeks for running away, had been served onl y brea d an d wate r fo r fou r week s o f hi s sentence . Georg e Nourse ha d spen t thirtee n week s i n solitar y fo r assaultin g a n officer , while Edmun d Roac h ha d bee n imprisone d fo r tw o month s fo r at tempted arson . Roach' s cas e wa s particularl y interesting , fo r anothe r inmate, a n informan t fo r th e administration , ha d suggeste d th e arso n plan, procured the matches, helpe d hide them, and then turned Roac h in. Disciplin e ha d deteriorate d t o th e poin t tha t officer s constantl y feared a n assaul t b y inmate s an d use d bruta l forc e t o maintai n a semblance of order. A t least one teacher carried a revolver with him to class. Th e committe e conclude d tha t the reform schoo l onl y serve d t o "darken, harde n an d embitter " thos e imprisoned . Th e reformatory , once again, ha d become littl e bette r than a juvenile version o f a workhouse/prison.48 Acts o f rebellion—understandabl e reaction s t o brutality—wer e als o quite pragmatic . Boy s i n the reformatory wer e committed t o the stat e

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for thei r minorit y (ag e twenty-one ) an d give n a n alternativ e sentenc e to the jail or a house o f correction . Sinc e th e alternativ e sentenc e wa s generally shorter , a premium wa s place d o n disruptive behavio r sinc e boys transferre d fro m th e refor m schoo l serve d thei r alternativ e sen tence. Resistanc e t o Yanke e Protestantis m wa s a secon d sourc e o f rebellious behavior. Whil e piety cannot be dismissed entirely, i t seems more likely that resistance to proselytism stemmed from cultural sources. First- an d second-generatio n Irish-American s ha d undoubtedl y hear d tales o f rebellio n agains t Englis h authority . Thes e boy s experience d moral reform no t as an invitation to adopt new value s but as a familiar exhortation to abandon their faith and their culture. The immediat e cause s fo r th e declin e o f th e stat e refor m schoo l were that planners had underestimated th e number of delinquent children wh o woul d b e committe d t o it , an d legislator s seriousl y miscal culated th e impact of the alternative sentence. Bu t these causes are not sufficient t o accoun t fo r wha t happene d a t th e Westboroug h refor m school, sinc e it s history i s so similar to that of th e Hous e o f Reforma tion an d othe r reformatories . Th e whol e refor m program—removin g poor children from the streets to prevent them from becoming paupers and criminals an d providing vocationa l an d moral training—rested o n the erroneous assumption tha t poor children were more malleable than their elders . I n fact , instea d o f bein g gratefu l t o thei r "rescuers, " adolescents brought their culture and religion, the undisciplined habit s of stree t life , th e burden s o f poverty , an d thei r famil y tragedie s wit h them, an d th e institutio n becam e embroile d i n the sam e conflicts tha t disrupted America n society . Cultura l refor m wa s undermine d b y th e determination t o prevent pauperis m an d turn stree t children int o productive laborers at the lowest possible cost. The scandalou s condition s reveale d i n th e investigatio n followin g the 185 9 fire force d publi c authoritie s agai n t o rethin k thei r juvenil e corrections program . B y midcentur y th e hegemon y o f th e congregat e institution wa s over , an d reformer s advance d ne w methods , mor e i n keeping wit h th e emphasi s o n famil y an d domesticit y i n bourgeoi s culture, to attempt the remaking of working-class children.

PART I I

^Domestic 'Reform

/DOMESTIC refor m wa s a combination o f traditiona l mora l reform , a pastoral idea l tha t associate d independenc e an d virtu e with rura l life , and a n emphasi s o n famil y an d materna l training , whic h forme d th e core o f th e Victoria n approac h t o children . Th e ter m "domesti c re form" bette r expresse s th e intention s o f reformer s tha n "romanti c reform," which i s associated wit h anti-institutionalism an d perfection ism, an d whic h i s usuall y though t t o hav e disappeare d b y th e en d o f the Givi l War . Domesti c refor m continue d t o shap e institution s fo r delinquents, particularl y privat e ones , unti l th e 1880s . Thes e institu tions rejecte d th e disciplin e o f th e congregat e asylu m an d demande d that delinquent s internaliz e bourgeoi s value s rathe r tha n follo w a n externally impose d order . Institution s stresse d differen t aspect s o f domestic reform depending on their clientele: those for girls and young children emphasize d feminin e influence s an d a domestic routin e mor e than farming, whil e those for boys placed a higher value on rural living and farm labor. ! Charles Lorin g Brac e was th e mos t eloquen t exponen t o f th e influ ence of th e pastoral on delinquents. Watchin g plants grow, harvestin g fruits and vegetables, an d working with animals were all considered o f natural interes t t o urba n children . O n farm s boy s learne d "th e bes t occupation whic h a laboring ma n can have," and they wer e assured o f finding job s a t goo d wage s wher e the y woul d b e "les s expose d t o temptations tha n i f engaged i n city trades. " Brace argued furthe r tha t 5'

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labor in the soi l wa s "more medicinal" to diseased mind s than work in shops. Fo r Brace and other domestic reformers , rura l lif e wa s a therapeutic response to deviance. 2 Brace champione d famil y influence s a s wel l a s th e valu e o f rura l life, an d a s suc h i s a n architec t o f domesti c reform . Brac e wa s no t interested i n simpl y turnin g ou t version s o f Jeffersonian yeomen . Fa miliar with idea s abou t Christia n nurtur e advocate d b y Horac e Bush nell, whos e paris h h e ha d attende d i n Hartford , Connecticut , Brac e believed tha t famil y lif e shape d th e child fo r good o r ill. Parent s wer e God's gardener s an d th e cur e fo r delinquenc y wa s placemen t i n a family—"God's reformatory"—wher e substitut e parent s coul d graf t new value s ont o th e transplante d urba n child. Whil e Brac e promote d the immediat e placemen t o f children i n families, th e majority positio n among domesti c reformer s wa s t o creat e "famil y style " institutions . These housed a small number of delinquents tended b y "parents" who prepared children for eventual placemen t int o families. 3 Parents, especiall y mothers , wer e charged wit h th e transmissio n o f cultural values . A s the workplace and the sources of economic productivity wer e strippe d fro m th e home , i t becam e th e locu s o f mother hood, chil d nurturance , an d cultura l reproduction . Temperance , thrift , industry, self-restraint , an d future orientation remaine d core values of bourgeois culture bu t they wer e taught b y mother at the hearth rather than throug h a networ k o f voluntar y associations . Institution s estab lished aroun d midcentur y attempte d t o reproduc e th e form s o f hom e and family i n the hope of creating a better environment for the cultural transformation o f poor children. 4 The pastora l idea l an d th e nurturin g hom e foun d thei r materia l expression i n the Victorian suburb. The suburban home embodied the separation of male and female sphere s foun d i n Victoria n culture , and it becam e a mora l counterpoin t t o th e gree d an d corruptio n o f th e urban world , eve n a s i t wa s suppose d t o hel p prepar e th e youn g t o enter tha t world . Th e subur b als o provided a sentimentalized versio n of rura l life , wit h th e garde n providin g contac t wit h th e soi l withou t the drudger y o f rea l far m labor . Wit h home , family , an d the pastora l ideal becoming s o central t o the transmission of bourgeois culture, i t is not surprising that when reformers bega n to search for new models for their institutions, the y found one in their own backyards. 5

CHAPTER 3

'Private Alternatives to the Asylum

A shor t story , "Th e Youn g Forgers ; or , Home s an d Prisons, " pub lished in 1859 , contrasted th e fates of four boy s who had been arrested . Two, Fran k an d Mayhew , wer e saved fro m th e juvenil e reformator y by th e interventio n o f a city missionary , wh o place d the m i n countr y homes. Eventuall y the y returne d t o the city fortifie d b y country virtu e and earne d thei r fortune s i n business . Th e othe r two , A . Q . an d Roland, wer e sentenced t o the House of Reformation, wher e the othe r inmates furthe r schoole d the m i n crime . Upo n thei r releas e the y con tinued thei r crimina l career s an d A . Q . lande d i n priso n fo r bein g a highwayman, whil e Roland , a murderer, committe d suicid e t o escap e the gallows. 1 "The Youn g Forgers " echoe d th e belief s o f increasin g number s o f midcentury reformer s wh o though t tha t hop e fo r delinquent s la y i n domestic refor m an d no t i n the congregate reformator y o r with publi c authorities. Startin g a s earl y a s th e 1830s , voluntar y societie s create d two alternative s fo r delinquen t children : small , family-styl e far m school s that emphasize d shor t period s o f trainin g befor e placement , an d "im mediate placement," which too k wayward an d delinquent youths fro m city street s an d pu t the m directly int o families. Whil e these two form s of domestic refor m appeare d together , first th e family-style institutio n and the n th e immediate-placemen t mode l predominated . I n each , th e 53

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values o f a bourgeoi s cultur e wer e learne d no t throug h discipline , regimentation, an d a protoindustrial order , bu t in a model home. 2 The mos t importan t o f Boston' s privat e child-savin g agencie s wa s the Boston Children's Aid Societ y (1863). Althoug h it was not the first agency i n Bosto n t o practic e domesti c reform , i t becam e a model fo r child-saving agencie s bot h i n Bosto n an d nationally . It s histor y illus trates th e evolutio n o f domesti c refor m a s a riva l t o th e congregat e institution a s wel l a s th e eventua l triump h o f immediat e placemen t within domestic reform . The Emergence of Domestic Reform The transitio n t o domestic refor m program s bega n wit h th e foundin g of th e Bosto n Far m Schoo l i n 1833 . E . M . P . Well s becam e it s first superintendent afte r resignin g fro m th e Hous e o f Reformation , an d the Far m Schoo l gav e hi m th e opportunit y t o implemen t hi s educa tional philosophy . Th e institutio n siphone d of f th e leas t delinquen t boys fro m th e municipa l reformator y an d offere d the m a progra m combining forma l education , whic h include d botan y an d husbandry , with extensiv e wor k on the garden plots given each boy. Th e school' s location on an island in Boston harbor made a wall unnecessary , whil e its 14 0 acre s allowe d ampl e spac e fo r recreatio n an d farming . Th e Farm Schoo l too k som e boy s a s youn g a s seve n an d usuall y appren ticed the m t o farmers b y ag e fourteen fo r the remaining year s of their minority.3 As a private institution, th e Farm School ha d significant advantage s over th e municipa l reformatory . Perhap s mos t importantly , i t wa s freed from the constraints of less eligibility. A s a small institution with wealthy backers , th e Far m Schoo l coul d experimen t wit h an y educa tional progra m it chose without raisin g the ire of taxpayers who thought that the y wer e subsidizin g th e childre n o f th e "viciou s poor. " Sec ondly, i t controlle d it s admissions , and , sinc e parents/guardian s sur rendered custod y t o th e institution , i t ha d th e optio n o f expellin g troublemakers or having them committed to the reformatory. Thu s the municipal reformator y retaine d the most difficult case s while the Farm School trie d t o tak e childre n wh o offere d th e bes t possibilit y o f suc cess.

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The choic e o f th e controversia l Well s a s superintendent, th e hour s spent i n school , an d th e emphasis o n gardening mak e it clear tha t th e founders wer e developing a n alternative t o the House of Reformation . Boys performe d whateve r agricultura l task s neede d t o b e done rathe r than laboring continuously i n shops under the supervision of manufacturers seekin g t o extrac t a profi t fro m thei r labor . A s a result , boy s (ideally) internalized "habits of industry and order" and did not simply obey orders . Th e Far m Schoo l di d no t incorporat e all the characteristics o f domesti c reform , lackin g femal e instructor s o r matron s i n it s early year s an d failin g t o employ th e languag e an d symbol s o f famil y and home, bu t it provided a significantly differen t mode l of reform. 4 The Children' s Missio n t o th e Childre n o f th e Destitut e (1849 ) adopted th e othe r varian t o f domesti c reform : immediat e placement . The Children' s Missio n acquire d it s nam e b y raisin g fund s amon g children i n th e city' s elit e Unitaria n parishes . Th e Missio n employe d two agents , a cit y missionar y wh o scoure d th e city' s wharve s an d dumps looking for homeless youths t o counsel, an d an agent who took children wit h n o prior arrest record fro m th e city "lock-up " and acted as thei r probatio n officer . Bot h me n sough t t o gai n children' s confi dence an d persuad e the m t o g o t o home s i n th e country , and , i n th e 1850s, between 17 5 and two hundred children made the trip annually.5 Reformers neve r doubte d tha t immigran t an d working-clas s chil dren would be remade as "real" Americans. B y living in farm families, attending Protestan t services , seein g th e result s o f har d wor k i n th e annual harvest , an d imbibin g ne w cultura l values , youthfu l delin quents an d loiterers , lik e th e fictional Fran k an d Mayhew , woul d b e prepared for productive lives. The superiority of rural life was such an ingrained assumptio n tha t n o though t wa s give n to investigating rura l families t o ensure thei r suitabilit y o r to se e tha t childre n an d familie s were gettin g along . Th e ide a tha t Yanke e Protestan t far m familie s could abus e o r overwor k childre n neve r crosse d anyone' s mind — placement i n a rural famil y wa s d e fact o a n improvemen t ove r wha t reformers though t passe d fo r famil y lif e i n working-clas s neighbor hoods. Immediat e placement , althoug h adopted b y a number of childsaving agencies, remaine d a minority positio n no t because of concerns about abus e bu t becaus e o f fear s abou t th e effect s o f scatterin g delin quent children across the countryside. 6

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Both th e farm/famil y mode l employe d a t th e Bosto n Far m Schoo l and th e placemen t polic y use d b y th e Children's Missio n wer e modi fied by late r agencies . Th e farm/famil y mode l eventuall y emphasize d family value s a t leas t a s muc h a s rura l ones , stressin g th e rol e o f "parents" (superintendents) i n moldin g th e delinquen t child' s charac ter. Placemen t becam e acceptabl e onc e i t wa s don e carefull y an d in cluded mor e supervisio n o f bot h childre n an d families . Althoug h do mestic refor m continue d t o evolve , b y midcentur y i t commande d considerable attention. 7 Advocates o f domesti c refor m provoke d a livel y debat e abou t th e methods fo r handlin g dependen t an d delinquent children . The y chal lenged th e defender s o f congregat e asylum s a t th e convention s o f institution managers in 185 7 and again in 1859 , and the debate continued at the National Conferenc e o n Charities and Corrections meeting s for th e res t o f th e century . Th e spli t initiall y reflecte d tha t betwee n public and private reform: all but two public asylums were congregate in th e 1850s , whil e far m school s an d placemen t program s generall y were run by privat e agencies. 8 The meanin g of domestic reform is revealed in the language domestic reformer s use d t o criticiz e th e congregat e asylum . The y calle d i t "artificial" an d mechanica l an d charge d tha t it s managemen t o f chil dren wa s "technical. " I t regulate d behavio r b y establishin g "outwar d obedience and general order," and it treated children as little machines. The proble m o f th e congregat e asylu m wa s tha t i t faile d t o reac h th e heart o f th e delinquen t an d creat e "true " reform . Th e congregat e asylum ma y hav e regulated behavio r an d perhaps deterred crime , bu t it faile d t o conver t delinquent s t o a ne w culture . Lik e th e mora l entrepreneurs befor e them , wh o use d religio n wit h th e sam e intent , this grou p of reformer s sa w th e cultura l conversio n o f delinquent s a s central to their mission. 9 The mos t radica l critic s of the congregate asylu m advocate d imme diate placement. Placin g dependent children in local families ha d been a commo n practic e i n colonia l America n towns , bu t Charle s Lorin g Brace an d othe r advocate s o f immediat e placemen t propose d sendin g whole trainload s o f childre n t o th e West . Thi s positio n wo n no en dorsements a t th e refor m conventions , an d eventuall y wester n state s accused Brac e an d hi s imitator s o f alleviatin g th e crim e problem s o f

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eastern cities b y dumpin g futur e criminal s a t their doorsteps. T o gai n acceptance, immediat e placement had to conform to a domestic model, with th e emphasi s mor e o n th e famil y environmen t tha n o n lettin g nature take its course with children deposited i n the countryside. 10 The farm/famil y schoo l emerge d a s th e perfec t compromis e be tween immediat e placemen t an d th e congregat e asylum . Whil e th e family wa s th e "divin e institution" fo r trainin g children , th e farm / family schoo l wa s the next best thing. Charle s Lorin g Brace conceded that som e childre n neede d trainin g befor e placement , an d calle d th e farm/family schoo l "somethin g lik e a genuine family, " i n whic h eac h child ha d the opportunity t o develop "a n affection fo r the superinten dent." Even the superintendents of the congregate asylums agreed that the farm/famil y schoo l wa s wort h a try . The y endorse d i t a s "th e proper syste m fo r certai n classe s o f delinquents, " and th e conventio n voted tha t i t wa s "gla d tha t experiment s wer e bein g mad e t o tes t it s applicability i n the U.S." The most prominent experiment occurred in Boston.11 The Boston Children's Aid Society The Bosto n Children' s Ai d Societ y (CAS ) illustrate s th e histor y o f domestic reform. I t operated a probation service , tw o farm schools fo r boys (Pine Farm and Rock Lawn), an d a home for girls, but it eventually close d al l o f it s institution s an d adopte d a n immediate-placemen t policy. Th e CA S als o pioneered the use of social-work techniques and was widel y acknowledge d a s on e o f th e nation' s leadin g child-savin g agencies. The Society' s publi c imag e suggest s tha t i t formed a bulwark against working-class radicalism . Boy s a t Pin e Far m di d no t hav e acces s t o newspapers, bu t th e new s "the y ough t t o kno w i s rea d t o them. " I n class they learne d patriotis m an d good citizenship , an d "simple politi cal economy , especiall y i n regar d t o labo r problems. " Suc h lesson s protected societ y fro m "demagogue s an d labo r agitators. " Th e Chi U dren's Ai d Societ y propose d t o civiliz e th e "youn g creatures " with a "distaste for work and sober ways" and "growing aptitude for marauding." Suppor t fo r th e CA S stemme d fro m "enlightene d self-interest " and "Christian sympathies," since bad boys grew up to be worse men.

5«

DOMESTIC REFORM

The ends of the Society "in these days of the tramp and of the illiterate voter" di d no t involv e charity , bu t offere d a "mean s o f protectio n against a danger to society." n Despite th e rhetoric , th e Children' s Ai d Society' s record s revea l many "Christian sympathies." The discovery of boys locked in solitary confinement i n the city jai l led a group of women to organize a society to instruct them. The y foun d the boys shut u p by themselves , withou t societ y o r occupation. The y stan d b y their grated door , clingin g t o it s bars , a s bird s clin g t o th e bar s o f thei r cage , watching hou r after hou r i n hope s of seein g th e fac e o f a passing visito r or officer; or they sit on the bed crying, refusing to sleep or eat.13 The ladies ' benevolent intention s wer e thwarted , however , whe n th e sheriff refuse d t o allow mor e than tw o or three visitors a t a time, an d declined to let them teach the boys in groups. Rejection a t the jailhouse , alon g wit h th e obvious nee d fo r preven tive work, pushe d the Society int o an experiment with probation. Boy s were take n directl y fro m polic e cour t an d release d t o th e Society' s agent, Rufu s Cook , wh o wa s als o th e Suffol k Count y Jai l chaplain . The efforts wer e apparently quite successful: the Society reporte d that of eighty-eight boy s taken from police court and thirty-five fro m superior court, onl y seve n had to be returned from probation. 14 Despite it s success wit h probation , th e Societ y decide d t o establis h group home s fo r delinquen t childre n a s alternative s t o th e publi c reformatories. Institution s afforde d a better opportunit y t o shap e de linquents tha n occasiona l visit s fro m a n agent . Moreover , th e home s were locate d outsid e o f th e cit y an d boy s wer e abl e t o participat e i n farm labo r and to experience th e affectionat e disciplin e offere d b y th e superintendent an d hi s wife , wh o provide d a surrogat e famil y fo r them. Th e CAS opened it s first home, Pin e Farm, in Newton, Massa chusetts, i n 1864 . Th e far m school , wher e boy s staye d a n averag e o f sixteen months , provide d a proper domesti c environmen t a s well a s a rudimentary education . Upo n leavin g the y wer e place d i n farm fami lies o r returne d t o thei r parents . Th e girls ' home , als o i n Newton , opened i n 186 6 an d traine d girl s i n sewing , cleaning , an d genera l housekeeping before placement. 15 The Society' s Pin e Far m epitomize d domesti c reform . A gentl e

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"father" stressed reaso n rathe r tha n forc e i n keepin g order , whil e th e "mother" taught civility an d culture, an d both sought th e child's trus t and affection . Imposin g orde r an d regulatin g th e behavio r o f delin quent boy s wa s th e functio n o f th e publi c reformatory ; domesti c re form sough t more . B y applyin g affectionat e method s o f chil d rearin g —sparing th e ro d an d substitutin g th e withdrawa l o f affectio n a s punishment, appealin g to reason, relying on guilt and the development of conscience—t o delinquen t youngsters , th e Societ y hope d t o hav e them lear n the self-regulatio n fro m whic h th e other bourgeoi s virtue s stemmed.16 At Pin e Farm a farmer and his wife, assiste d by a teacher, preside d over a "family" of abou t thirt y boys , wh o helpe d wit h th e chore s a s they would have in a real farm family. I n addition to two daily sessions in the schoolroom, th e boys made their beds, swept the floors, washed dishes, assiste d i n th e kitchen , an d helpe d wit h th e ironing . Al l th e boys planted , weeded , an d cared fo r the fields. Whe n work was slow , some boy s shingle d th e bar n whil e other s mende d shoes . Forma l punishment a t th e far m consiste d o f confinemen t i n be d o r forfeitin g dessert after dinner, but the more serious loss was temporary exclusion from the family. 17 A monthl y visitin g committe e fro m th e boar d o f director s soo n recorded its approval of the experiment. Th e boys' recitations in school were "correc t & ready, " thei r bearin g "quie t & orderly, " an d thei r expressions "frank " and "open." Visitors compare d Pin e Farm favorably t o th e Hous e o f Reformation , notin g tha t th e boy s cam e fro m similar backgrounds , bu t those a t Pine Far m seeme d muc h mor e content. "W e have not anythin g lik e as good opportunity & means as the city has . Wh y shoul d w e b e allowed t o beat the City s o wholly ou t of sight, b y our methods?"18 The method s o f domesti c refor m contribute d t o th e Society' s suc cess. Visitor s describe d bot h Pin e Far m and a second hom e fo r boys , Rock Law n (1885) , a s "homes, " wit h al l tha t th e wor d implie d i n sentimental Victoria n culture . A visitin g committee though t th e presence o f a staf f member' s smal l daughte r a t Pin e Far m woul d hel p reform th e boys. The y woul d mee t a "neatly dressed & pure-minded" girl "s o unlik e thos e who m the y hav e bee n accustome d t o see " an d through he r discover th e "loveliness of womanhood," which wa s "sec-

6o

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ond onl y t o th e influence s o f religion " i n it s "refinin g an d elevatin g power." In a small institution, the caretakers could develop an intimate acquaintance wit h eac h boy , an d realisticall y hop e t o hav e hi m inter nalize thei r values , muc h a s parent s migh t tr y t o influenc e thei r chil dren. Patric k Narcone , fo r example , wa s returne d fro m a placemen t after havin g stole n som e money . Th e superintenden t hope d t o hav e the bo y acknowledg e th e theft , whic h h e eventuall y did . "[H] e ha s written a lette r t o th e ma n h e stol e i t fro m confessin g hi s si n an d offering t o make restitution & asking his forgiveness. I t was very hard for him to do all this—the tear s fell lik e rain."I9 The privat e statu s o f th e CA S wa s a second reaso n fo r it s success . The director s decide d o n th e numbe r an d typ e o f inmate s eac h insti tution accepted . Thu s th e school s took only th e mor e promising cases and they neve r confronted th e proble m o f overcrowding tha t hobble d the publi c reformatory . Commitment s t o Pin e Far m o r Roc k Law n were voluntar y an d a paren t o r guardia n surrendere d a bo y t o th e Society i n order to avoid the reform schoo l or to obtain shelter until a family crisi s passed . I t i s likel y tha t parent s a s wel l a s boy s though t commitment t o CA S les s punitiv e an d superio r t o it s alternative . I n addition, th e proble m of less eligibility neve r arose. Som e of Boston' s wealthiest an d mos t prestigiou s familie s supporte d th e Society , s o the expense an d potentia l advantag e give n delinquen t childre n b y th e education they receive d never became an issue as it did with the public reformatory.20 Yet th e Societ y depende d o n the public reformator y fo r it s succes s in a way that was never intended by its founders. Pin e Farm and Rock Lawn kep t orde r an d ye t maintaine d thei r gentle , familia l disciplin e because the y coul d commi t troublesom e youngster s t o th e refor m school.21 Boy s tested the boundaries established b y the institution and the commitmen t o f th e wors t offender s reinforce d no t onl y thos e boundaries but also the lesson of self-regulation . The Societ y tolerate d som e disorde r bu t di d no t hesitat e t o hav e difficult boy s committed. O n a working farm , boy s sometime s ha d t o perform their tasks without immediate adult supervision and runaways were a constant problem . Th e director s recognize d tha t escape s wer e unavoidable an d commente d tha t i f the y adde d "bolt s an d bars " they would "n o longer hav e a home bu t a prison." Sometimes th e Societ y

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gave u p o n a bo y rathe r tha n ris k changin g th e atmospher e o f th e institution. Th e agen t allowe d Georg e Mead e t o remai n a t hom e i n Boston a s lon g a s h e agree d tha t h e coul d b e brough t bac k t o Pin e Farm a t an y tim e t o sho w tha t h e ha d bee n caught . Whe n resistanc e went beyon d escaping , th e Societ y too k boy s t o cour t a s a n objec t lesson to the other inmates. Alfred Mingel had a temper tantrum at the breakfast table , swearin g an d fightin g wit h th e superintendent , afte r having been warned on several earlier occasions to control hi s temper. The CA S ha d hi m examine d b y a physician, wh o foun d n o sign s o f insanity, an d the n ha d hi m committed t o th e reform school . Afte r a n arson attempt , th e Societ y too k James McDowel l t o court , wher e h e was sentence d t o prison . Givin g boy s th e opportunity t o fail allowe d Pine Far m t o se e whethe r i t wa s succeeding , whil e th e threa t o f th e reformatory an d the prison kept resistance within limits. 22 Most of th e boy s wh o remained a t Pine Far m found a home there . The Societ y recorde d wit h pleasur e th e comments o f boy s lik e Ala n Austin, who had tried to run away two or three times in his early days at th e farm , bu t wh o exclaime d whe n h e wa s abou t t o retur n t o hi s parents i n Boston , " 'I shal l b e homesic k i n th e city. ' " Alumni ofte n appeared a t Thanksgivin g o r a t Christma s t o shar e dinne r wit h th e boys an d t o expres s thei r gratitud e t o th e superintendent . Charle s English visite d i n 1879 , eigh t year s afte r h e ha d bee n place d wit h a farmer i n Ne w Hampshire , an d reporte d tha t h e ha d foun d religio n and was living a life of "usefulness and honor." Perhaps most appealing to Victoria n sentimen t wa s th e dyin g wis h o f on e boy : " 'Tell Mr . Washburn [th e Pin e Far m superintenden t an d "father" ] tha t h e wa s the trues t frien d I eve r had. ' " Indeed, som e believe d tha t th e boy s became too attached t o Pin e Farm , on e visito r commentin g tha t som e boys sa w famil y placemen t afte r Pin e Far m a s a form o f punishmen t and were eager to "return to the sheltering care of the Farm." 23 Shared religio n an d ethnicit y provide d parents , inmates , an d th e superintendents wit h a common bond , an d hel p explai n Pin e Farm' s ability t o creat e a homelik e environment . Nearl y three-quarter s o f those i n a sampl e o f 35 4 Pin e Far m boy s wer e o f eithe r American , Canadian, Scotch-Irish , Scottish , o r Englis h origin s an d onl y 1 4 percent wer e Irish . (Undoubtedl y birthplac e mask s som e youth s o f Iris h ancestry, bu t no t many . Onl y 1 8 percent o f th e boy s wer e Catholic. )

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It is apparent tha t man y parent s of Protestan t origi n used th e CAS t o keep thei r childre n ou t o f troubl e o r a s a resource afte r th e deat h o r desertion o f a spouse : nearl y hal f o f th e boy s wer e "half-orphans " while anothe r 1 2 percen t ha d parent s wh o wer e separate d o r ha d remarried. Som e o f thes e familie s use d th e institutio n t o shelte r an d train their sons until they could reassert their parental claims. Fo r boys without families , Pin e Farm provided th e closest thing to a family tha t they ha d experienced . Mr . an d Mrs . Washbur n provide d thes e boy s with famil y lif e an d the y i n turn becam e quit e attache d t o the Washburns.24 Placement wit h Yanke e far m familie s cappe d th e CAS refor m program fo r a majorit y o f th e boy s an d i t wa s th e logica l outcom e o f domestic reform . Hal f th e boy s leavin g Pin e Far m wer e place d wit h farmers, onl y a quarter returne d home , an d 2 percent receive d urba n placements, wit h th e remainder going to relatives (4 percent), runnin g away (1 4 percent) , o r bein g remove d o r receivin g commitment s t o other institutions (4 percent). I t is impossible to evaluate the long-term effect o f the CAS progra m sinc e nearly 6 0 percen t of th e boy s simpl y disappeared from the records after placement. Th e remainder wrote or visited occasionally , o r th e Societ y hear d fro m on e alumnu s ho w another was faring, bu t the successful tende d to self-report. 25 The absenc e o f informatio n indicate s th e haphazar d natur e o f th e CAS placemen t program , whic h wa s simila r to that of other agencies. The CA S ra n advertisement s i n newspaper s an d place d boy s o n th e basis of letter s sen t b y prospectiv e families . Follow-u p visit s bega n i n 1883, almos t twent y year s after the CAS starte d placin g children, bu t even afte r tha t dat e no step s wer e take n t o investigat e home s prio r to placement. Occasionall y boy s returne d t o Pin e Far m complainin g o f ill treatment , bu t a boy' s abilit y t o ru n awa y o r t o mov e t o anothe r farm an d mak e hi s ow n arrangement s kep t th e volum e o f complaint s low. Nonetheless , th e Society bega n to reassess its program. 26 Domestic refor m di d no t wor k wit h al l boys . Catholi c boy s ha d a difficult tim e i n a Protestant agency , an d althoug h thei r numbe r wa s small, the y pose d a constant problem . Unti l 1892 , no Catholi c pries t tended t o the spiritua l need s of the Catholic boys, an d thereafter the y still ha d t o atten d Protestan t service s s o a s no t t o disrupt th e "famil y unity." No t surprisingly , th e CA S encountere d charge s o f prosely -

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tism. Catholi c boys (seventy-three i n a combined Pin e Farm and Rock Lawn sample of 437) were mor e likely t o be orphaned tha n Protestan t ones (1 6 percen t vs . 5 percent) , an d ha d a slightl y highe r rat e o f placement i n th e countr y (6 0 percen t vs . 5 5 percent) . Th e mothe r o f Francis Healy, accompanie d b y a priest, sough t to rescue her son from a far m i n Marlboro , Massachusetts , wher e h e ha d bee n placed . Th e farmer resiste d th e rescue attempt , i n which th e mothe r use d "force, " but returned Franci s to Pine Farm "thinking that the boy wa s not saf e with him, " an d th e Societ y place d hi m elsewhere . Suc h dispute s continued unti l 1896 , whe n th e CA S agree d no t t o plac e a Catholi c boy i n a home unti l consultin g wit h th e loca l paris h pries t abou t it s suitability.27 Prejudice agains t African-America n youth s cause d difficultie s i n obtaining placements . I n Decembe r 1892 , Lawrenc e Gile , wh o ha d been rejected by two families, asked the Society to find out the political affiliation o f th e ne w famil y t o which h e wa s bein g sent , vowin g tha t he would no t go if they wer e Democrats . Fortunately , a s he wrote his brother, wh o was awaiting placement, "the y are full-blooded Republi cans, an d i t i s al l right. " Th e Gile s ha d a blac k fathe r an d a n Iris h mother an d thei r ligh t colo r allowe d th e CA S t o plac e the m mor e easily tha n othe r blacks . John Ric e wa s mor e typical : h e wa s " a good steady boy " wh o coul d hav e bee n place d " a yea r ag o bu t fo r hi s extreme blackness." 28 The presence of blacks within the CAS institution s i s a reflection o f African-American povert y an d vulnerability t o family disruption . Af rican-Americans wer e largel y employe d i n unskille d jobs , possesse d little wealth, and had a higher proportion of female-headed household s than did th e next-poorest group , th e Irish. Thi s economic marginalit y forced blacks onto the charity rolls but blacks, whenever possible, too k care of their own. Orphan s or deserted children were frequently take n in by other black families i n an informal adoptio n process. Still , black s were overrepresente d i n socia l welfar e institution s an d accounte d fo r 3.6 percen t o f th e sample d inmate s a t th e CA S far m schools , whic h was about double their proportion in the population. 29 Domestic refor m face d it s severes t tes t wit h Catholi c an d African American youngsters. Domesti c reform relied on families taking delinquents int o thei r home s an d treatin g the m lik e thei r ow n children .

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Blacks an d Catholic s wer e unabl e o r unintereste d i n becomin g mem bers of rural , Protestan t families , an d they challenge d th e notio n tha t the poo r coul d b e mad e ove r b y transformin g the m culturally . Th e problems with Catholics and blacks were a sign of difficulties t o come. Parents also proved difficult a s they trie d to manipulate the Societ y for thei r own ends . Abou t on e out o f te n sough t t o break thei r agreement wit h th e Society , whic h wa s interprete d a s obvious evidenc e o f their unfitnes s t o car e fo r thei r children . Th e parent s o f on e boy , Sylvester Summer , wante d t o hav e hi m sen t hom e sinc e th e mothe r planned to move to New Yor k City. Th e Societ y refuse d t o relinquish him, arguin g that he would no t do well i n such an environment unde r such "slight control." After som e angry correspondence, Mr . Summe r agreed wit h th e decision . Mrs . Summe r wen t t o visi t th e bo y befor e the family left , an d while the superintendent wa s occupied elsewhere , spirited hi m away , an d late r claime d t o hav e sen t hi m t o Nort h Da kota. Th e CA S contacte d th e Associate d Charities , "hopin g tha t a n outside visitor can find out what we cannot." The Associated Charitie s was unsuccessful, an d apparently Sylveste r remained in Boston, for in 1899 he was reported doing well working on a towboat. I t is likely that the mov e t o Ne w Yor k wa s a rus e designe d b y th e parent s t o hav e their so n returne d onc e their family situatio n had stabilized. Th e cas e illustrates parents ' ability t o use the institution for their own ends and the limit s o f reformers ' powe r eve n whe n the y cooperate d wit h othe r agencies.30 Gradually Pin e Far m change d t o mee t th e challenge s pose d b y difficult youngster s an d thei r parents , bu t eac h decisio n shape d th e next an d the y wer e unplanne d a s t o thei r cumulativ e effect . I n 188 4 the Societ y bega n placin g youn g childre n wh o ha d no t bee n charge d with crimina l offense s directl y int o families . Thi s shif t i n policy , discussed mor e extensivel y below , expande d th e numbe r o f childre n the Societ y coul d handle , bu t i t had the added effect o f drawing off a younger, mor e plastic populatio n fro m th e institution . A secon d deci sion th e followin g yea r ha d a similar effect . Olde r boy s remaine d a t Pine Farm while the younger ones were placed in a second farm school at Rock Lawn. Whil e there was no strict age limit and the ages of boys at th e tw o institution s overlapped , boy s a t Roc k Law n wer e o n th e average two years younger (ten vs. twelve ) than at Pine Farm. Perhap s

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because th e boy s a t Pin e Far m wer e progressivel y growin g olde r an d more difficult , th e director s conclude d tha t to o muc h emphasi s ha d been placed o n training delinquen t boy s an d not enoug h on waywar d or vagrant ones. Eve n though the Society continued t o take older boys at Pine Farm , i t screened them more closely an d declined thos e charged with crimes. 31 The numbe r o f runaway s increase d ove r time , parallelin g th e in creasing ag e o f th e inmates . A t Pin e Far m th e mea n ag e a t entr y increased fro m te n year s o f ag e i n th e 1860 s t o ove r twelv e i n th e 1880s, an d th e numbe r o f boy s wh o ra n awa y increase d b y ove r 5 0 percent i n th e sam e period . On e visito r wrote , "Rudd , Bigelo w an d White starte d t o ru n away , bu t wer e caugh t befor e the y go t away . Hart an d Herma n ra n awa y o n Jul y 28t h bu t wer e followe d a t once . . . & brough t back . . . . Har t ha s no w ru n awa y som e hal f dozen times. " A few boy s accounte d fo r muc h o f th e proble m an d talked other s int o joinin g thei r escapades . A bo y lik e John O'Brien , who ran away fou r times , ha d to be tied t o his bed and fed brea d and water for tw o days i n order to impress othe r boys wit h th e gravity o f the offense. 32 The Societ y als o realized that farming was not an appropriate vocation fo r everyone . Sa m Billings , fo r example , lef t hi s first placemen t after th e farme r complaine d tha t h e wa s laz y an d ha d t o b e whippe d four o r five times . A t a secon d farm , h e als o ha d problems . "Mr . Wilson could cover three hills of potatoes while Sa m dropped one and became s o vexe d tha t h e tol d Sa m t o leav e whic h h e di d an d wen t home." The Societ y decide d t o le t Sa m remai n i n Boston , wher e h e found a job as a paper hanger and, according to his supervisor, worke d well.33 Recognizin g tha t domestic training , far m families, an d country virtue were not enough to prepare boys fo r an industrial economy , th e CAS introduce d carpentr y lesson s an d printin g classe s a t Pin e Farm . The accumulatio n o f difficult cases—olde r boys , thos e who could no t be placed, an d those who rejecte d country life—force d th e Societ y t o adopt measure s tha t mad e i t see m les s lik e a family an d mor e lik e a juvenile reformatory. 34 Descriptions o f Pin e Far m i n th e lat e 1880 s sho w ho w profoundl y it had changed fro m the domestic environment of the 1860s . As in the reformatory, boy s wer e segregate d an d classified , an d thei r da y wa s

Pine farm, n.d. Boston Children's Services. Pine Far m looke d lik e a farmhouse , no t a reformatory . Bu t i n th e 1880s , manual training , militar y drill , an d a more regimented schedul e were introduced, signalin g th e ris e o f a mor e industria l an d les s domesti c mode l o f reform.

regimented b y th e ringin g o f bells . Hono r rol l boy s receive d specia l privileges, whil e troublemaker s sa t a t a segregated "tabl e of disgrace " in the dining hall. Boy s arose at 6:30 and had fifteen minutes to prepare for breakfast, an d another fifteen minutes to learn scriptural verse s for the service that followed. The y then worked unti l 9:15, whe n th e bell rang, warnin g tha t the y ha d fifteen minute s t o finish thei r chore s before appearing in the schoolroom. Schoo l lasted until noon, followe d by thirt y minute s o f "physica l culture " and dinner . A t on e th e boy s returned t o wor k unti l five, whe n the y at e supper . I n th e evening , boys drille d i n military formatio n o r played field sports unti l tim e fo r services. Bedtim e wa s a t 8 P.M . Th e informalit y o f hom e an d family , the gentility introduce d b y feminin e influence , th e whole substance of domestic reform had been abandoned. 35 As domesti c reformer s trie d t o plac e mor e childre n int o families , they undermine d th e basi s fo r th e family-style institution . Th e far m

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school ha d worke d wel l wit h younge r boys , bu t thes e wer e precisel y the boy s wh o neede d institutiona l trainin g leas t an d wh o coul d b e placed directl y int o families . Olde r boy s wer e les s susceptibl e t o do mestic reform , mor e rebellious , an d mor e grounded i n thei r cultures. Pine Farm's problems were not solved b y rejectin g boys with criminal records. Waywar d o r vagrant boy s ra n awa y an d resiste d th e staf f a s frequently a s ha d thei r delinquen t peers . The y ha d th e sam e lif e experiences a s di d delinquen t boys : the y cam e fro m th e sam e neigh borhoods, th e sam e family structures , an d the same class. The y seeme d like the worthy poor , bu t they acted just like the unworthy poo r did. Thirty year s afte r bein g create d a s a n alternativ e t o th e publi c reformatory, Pin e Far m had becom e a remarkably simila r institution . Manual trainin g (especially carpentry) , physica l culture , th e classifica tion and segregation of inmates according to offense, an d military drill swept throug h th e reformatorie s i n the 1880s , an d marke d th e arriva l of a narrowe r conceptio n o f refor m tha t emphasize d trainin g fo r a n industrial economy, no t membership in a rural family. Th e Children' s Aid Societ y realize d wha t it s farm/famil y schoo l ha d becom e an d i t searched for a way to revive domestic reform . The CAS' s experimen t wit h delinquen t girl s pointe d th e wa y fo r the Societ y t o go. Th e hom e fo r girls existed only fro m 186 6 to 1872 , and then, afte r seven years without a program, the CAS bega n placing girls out . Th e immediate-placemen t polic y prove d successfu l wit h delinquent girls, and it was adopted for the boys as well. While no inmat e record s exist , th e institutiona l record s sho w tha t the girls' home struggled with the same issue of moral contagion as had the Hous e o f Reformation . Twent y girl s live d unde r th e supervisio n of a matron who taught them sewing, cleaning, and general housekeeping befor e the y wer e place d i n families . However , th e famil y settin g did no t permi t th e segregatio n o f inmates , an d th e proble m o f mora l contagion soon arose. Less than a year after the home opened, th e directors voted to expel Fanny O'Reill y becaus e o f he r influenc e o n th e younge r girls . Soo n another girl, Lizzi e Hogan , a "fountain o f corruption " who ha d bee n guilty o f "almost every for m of wickedness," was accused of "contaminating" the other girls. Befor e the directors decided whether or not to expel her , sh e ra n away . I n June 186 8 a n inmat e burne d th e hous e

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down, an d althoug h th e CA S ha d i t rebuilt , th e Societ y complaine d that i t coul d no t find "prope r subjects " for th e hom e an d close d i t i n 1872. 36

Placement provide d th e solution t o the contagion problem . Whe n a patron left the Society a bequest for the care of girls, it was so reluctant to undertake th e projec t tha t th e directors discusse d goin g t o court t o see if the provision could be broken. When a group of women members blocked th e move , th e director s agree d t o inves t th e beques t an d us e the interes t t o fun d a placemen t progra m fo r delinquen t girls . Th e "ladies' committee," probably hampere d b y lac k of funds, place d only twelve girl s betwee n 187 9 an d 1884 , bu t the y too k girl s difficul t t o house eve n i n th e Stat e Industria l Schoo l fo r Girl s becaus e "i t wa s feared their influence would be bad on those around them." The ladies' committee move d boldl y int o placement an d the rest of the CAS soo n followed.37 By th e end of the century child-saver s ha d become leer y o f institutions. The y argue d tha t even th e bes t of the m wer e flawed and faile d to maintai n th e famil y model . Instea d o f keepin g childre n i n thes e ersatz families , domesti c reformer s maintaine d tha t tru e domesti c re form ha d t o occu r i n a truly domesti c setting . Onl y placemen t coul d promise thi s an d therefor e th e CA S close d Pin e Far m i n 189 6 an d Rock Law n i n 1899 . Becaus e i t was a private agency, th e Societ y wa s able to close its institutions, reorien t itself, an d maintain its position as a flagship of American child welfare reform. 38

The Triumph of Immediate Placement The movemen t toward domestic reform begu n at midcentury triumphe d in the 1880 s and 1890 s among member s o f th e socia l welfar e commu nity. Th e superiority of domestic reform was so self-evident tha t there ceased t o b e a viabl e debate . I n practice , institution s fo r childre n continued t o b e founded—24 7 i n th e 1890 s alone—a s th e South , West, an d Midwes t discovere d problem s o f delinquenc y an d depen dency, an d a s immigran t Catholic s an d Jews establishe d institution s for sectaria n purposes . Bu t th e consensu s i n th e refor m communit y favored placement. Th e triumph of placement can be accounted fo r by

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the interna l logi c of domestic reform , problem s wit h institutions , an d the rise of professional socia l work. 39 The Children' s Ai d Societ y embrace d placemen t i n 187 9 and gradually expanded and systematized th e program. After seeing the success of th e ladies ' committee i n placing delinquen t girls , th e CAS decide d to plac e younge r children , fo r who m placemen t ha d alway s bee n difficult sinc e they were too young to work. Th e Societ y pai d familie s to board these children and hired Charles Birtwel l a s its general agen t in 188 6 t o monito r thei r treatment . Th e Societ y als o bega n t o pa y closer attentio n t o the children place d out fro m Pin e Farm , an d hire d an agent to correspond wit h an d visit th e far m families i n which boy s were living . Birtwell , wh o emerge d a s one of th e nation' s preeminen t child welfar e professional s whil e employed b y th e CAS, professional ized visitin g an d argue d tha t al l childre n shoul d b e placed . Birtwel l constantly pose d th e nee d fo r famil y lif e an d a "natural " hom e fo r children against the "artificial" life of the institution. 40 The criticis m tha t reformer s ha d once mad e of th e congregate asy lum wa s no w bein g use d agains t th e farm/famil y school . Fo r Birtwel l and other reformers of his generation, th e artificiality o f the institution was mor e importan t tha n th e mode l o n whic h i t wa s based . Birtwel l charged that some of the most important words in the English language were being robbed of their meaning. "Tha t is not a 'familyplan' which means groups of twenty o r thirty or fifty children under one roof. W e misuse term s wit h th e bes t o f motives ; w e wan t t o hav e everythin g seem a s goo d a s i t can . Bu t le t u s b e truthful. " I n th e nam e o f th e "natural," which b y th e 1890 s had mor e of a domestic tha n a pastoral meaning, Birtwel l pushed the CAS towar d immediate placement. 41 Domestic reformer s maintaine d tha t institutions—eve n th e farm / family school—did no t turn out self-regulated individuals . Institution^alized childre n lacke d independenc e an d th e abilit y t o cop e wit h lif e outside o f a n asylum . Jus t a s welfar e create d paupers , institution s seemed t o sa p wil l an d creat e dependents . On e commentato r feare d that former inmate s might as adults expect the government t o support them. Onl y i n a rea l family , thes e reformer s believed , coul d a chil d see th e result s o f individua l labo r an d lear n t o mak e th e transitio n t o productive adulthood in the marketplace. 42 Placement lef t farm/famil y school s almos t indistinguishabl e fro m

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public reformatories . Pin e Farm' s histor y showed tha t a s intractabl e cases accumulated , i t becam e indefensibl e t o hous e less delinquen t children wit h them , an d th e entir e rational e fo r grou p car e eroded . With th e declin e o f th e institution , placemen t beckone d t o reformer s even more , an d the rise of socia l wor k answered th e main objection t o placement, namel y that it was haphazard. 43 Charles Birtwel l exemplifie d th e shif t towar d professiona l socia l welfare. Birtwel l lecture d a t Harvard, employe d college-educate d youn g men an d women , encourage d othe r socia l welfar e agencie s t o hir e members of his staff, wrot e articles about trends in social welfare , an d became a spokesman fo r th e CAS an d child placemen t a t professiona l meetings. H e divide d th e CA S int o bureaus , eac h heade d b y a paid agent and he expanded th e number of children place d out from 13 3 in 1890 t o 20 8 i n 189 1 t o 30 0 i n 1892 . Whil e eac h staf f membe r super vised a larg e numbe r o f childre n an d th e degre e o f attentio n pai d t o each child can be questioned, th e Children's Ai d Societ y ha d moved a long wa y towar d a modern , bureaucrati c approac h t o chil d welfare . Social wor k made immediate placement acceptable. 44 Placement offere d socia l worker s th e opportunit y t o defin e profes sional skills , bu t it s accomplishment s fo r childre n wer e mor e limited . Boys ha d alway s foun d place s a s far m hand s an d girl s a s domesti c laborers bu t fe w ha d becom e famil y members. 45 Ove r time , eve n th e utilitarian motive s fo r takin g adolescent s faded . Whil e placemen t ap pears at first to be the perfect lat e Victorian reform—stressing th e role of family an d domesticity i n the socialization of poor children—in fac t it ra n counte r t o th e current s o f famil y histor y i n th e nineteent h century. Placement depende d o n familie s takin g a youthful stranger—an d a potentially troublesom e one—int o th e famil y circl e a t a tim e whe n families wer e becomin g smalle r an d mor e intimate . Bourgeoi s house holds had shed excess members, such as apprentices or boarders, along with th e household' s economi c functions , an d familie s lavishe d atten tion o n thei r ow n children , whos e perio d o f dependenc y lengthened . Farm families a s well a s urban ones were reducing their birt h rate and creating smaller , mor e tightly kni t families. Placemen t eventuall y suc ceeded a s a way o f deliverin g childre n unde r three—mos t commonl y

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female infants—into urba n bourgeois homes. Bu t placement of adolescents was becoming an anachronism even as it triumphed as policy. 46 Domestic refor m enjoyed a modicum of success. Family-styl e insti tutions operate d unde r carefull y controlle d circumstances , insulate d from the demand of less eligibility becaus e of their private status, wit h a smal l numbe r o f childre n wh o wer e treate d humanely . Placemen t policies promised a n even better method o f having children internaliz e the values of bourgeois culture because, ideally, children became members o f th e familie s i n whic h the y wer e place d whil e socia l worker s monitored th e match. I n reality, placemen t di d no t work as reformer s expected; it was not possibl e t o accommodate al l the children needin g care, an d familie s becam e mor e reluctan t t o take older, mor e difficul t children. Moreover , placemen t di d no t wor k fo r childre n suc h a s blacks and Catholics, wh o wer e to o alien or troublesome fo r the Prot estant families wh o remained th e ideal source s of placements. Domes tic refor m succeeded—bu t onl y wit h a selec t clientele . Th e other s were left to the public reformatory .

CHAPTER 4

^Domestic Reform and the delinquent Qirl Domestic refor m provide d a solutio n t o th e proble m o f mora l conta gion. Immediat e placemen t promise d t o avoid i t altogether b y isolatin g a delinquen t gir l i n a famil y unde r th e ey e o f a mother/matron , wh o instructed he r i n domesticit y an d supervise d he r mora l reclamation . But placemen t wa s no t a n accepte d polic y a t mid-centur y an d i n 185 6 reformers create d instea d a family-style institution , th e State Industria l School fo r Girl s (Lancaster), tha t traine d girl s prior t o placement. Th e family-style reformatory , wit h it s separat e cottages , limite d contagio n by allowin g reformer s t o classif y inmate s b y offense, thu s separatin g older, mor e delinquen t girl s fro m younge r ones . Eventuall y reformer s moved t o immediat e placemen t fo r younge r girls , an d b y th e 1880s , Lancaster house d onl y older, mor e delinquent inmates . Domesticity provide d th e progra m fo r th e girls ' reformatory. Girl s learned domesti c skill s an d th e cultura l meanin g o f domesticity , an d then wer e place d i n familie s i n orde r t o finis h thei r mora l apprentice ships. Reformer s hope d tha t delinquen t girl s would eventuall y b e abl e to reproduc e cultura l lesson s i n thei r ow n families . Thi s domesti c reform pla n wa s undermine d b y tw o things : th e demand s o f les s eligibility, whic h dictate d tha t girl s i n a publi c reformator y b e give n narrow vocationa l training ; an d th e action s o f th e familie s i n whic h girls wer e placed , wh o treate d the m a s domesti c servant s rathe r tha n as moral apprentices . 72

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The Movement to Reform Girls The advanc e of domesticity, a "sphere" within bourgeoi s cultur e tha t idealized th e famil y a s th e locu s o f women' s activity , highlighte d th e presence o f unsupervise d o r disorderl y working-clas s wome n o n th e city streets . Prosecution s fo r offense s agains t publi c order an d publi c chastity (th e latte r involvin g femal e offender s nearl y exclusively ) surge d in th e nineteent h centur y a s th e streets , particularl y th e downtow n business district, becam e the preserve of bourgeois decorum. l At th e sam e tim e tha t mal e official s becam e mor e awar e o f th e presence of wome n o n th e streets , wome n reformer s raise d th e possi bility o f reformin g "falle n women. " The y questione d whethe r thes e women were morally responsible for their wrongdoing, and shifted th e blame t o th e mal e seducer s wh o ha d le d the m astray . I n th e 1830 s women evangelical s organize d mission s t o redee m prostitute s a s a n extension of thei r efforts t o educate men to follow a single standard o f morality. Suc h feminist efforts, whic h were more radical than those of women's benevolence generally, raise d awareness of and sympathy fo r the "fallen " and mad e possibl e th e creation of th e stat e refor m schoo l for girls at midcentury. Th e refor m schoo l wa s not a feminist reform , however, sinc e i t i n n o wa y challenge d mal e authority ; rather , th e founding o f th e refor m schoo l signale d th e first ste p i n wha t woul d become a separate incarceral system for women. 2 Rescuing girls from the streets was key to the moral transformatio n of th e poor . Stree t hawking , begging , an d foraging , reformer s be lieved, migh t mak e boy s independent , bu t the y alway s expose d girl s to sexua l exploitatio n o r casual prostitution . Mora l corruptio n threat ened no t onl y th e girl s bu t als o th e me n wit h who m the y cam e i n contact and girls' future families , an d thus their rescue was even more imperative. Accordin g t o th e act establishing Lancaster , th e stat e had to prov e only tha t a girl wa s leadin g a n "idle , vagran t o r vicious life " or wa s i n th e publi c street s i n a condition o f wan t i n order to secur e her incarceration . Girl s coul d b e sen t t o Lancaste r becaus e the y ha d lost thei r families , escape d thei r families ' control, o r live d i n familie s disrupted b y alcoholis m an d povert y an d wer e therefor e i n mora l danger.3 Moral danger was particularly acute for prepubescent girls. Pubert y

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loomed as a potential crisi s in a girl's physical an d moral development : physicians argue d tha t physica l o r menta l overstimulatio n marre d re productive capabilit y an d weakene d th e capacit y fo r mora l self-re straint. Working-clas s stree t girls wer e i n obvious danger of overstimulation since th e successfu l one s exhibite d shrewdnes s i n busines s dealings, engage d i n sexua l banter , an d learne d t o handl e mal e attention, while the unsuccessful one s were exploited. I n both cases disaster resulted. Sinc e thei r familie s di d no t provid e the m wit h th e prope r channels fo r femal e experience , reformer s create d Lancaste r a s a substitute family . Th e reformatory' s domesti c routin e an d it s placemen t policy wer e bot h predicate d o n th e belie f tha t mos t waywar d an d delinquent girls could b e retrained for motherhood an d marriage, their sexuality properl y redirected , an d their cultural value s refashioned. 4 Saving girls, accordin g to several reformers , wa s "sublime work" — at least in part because of the efficiency i t promised i n cultural reform . Rufus Cook , th e chaplai n o f th e Suffol k Count y Jail an d a n agent fo r the Children's Ai d Society , argue d that saving one girl was the equivalent o f savin g te n boys . Just a s "bad " women furthere d mora l dissi pation, "good " ones uplifte d thos e aroun d them . Th e trustee s o f th e Lancaster Schoo l agree d tha t i t wa s importan t t o sav e a woman sinc e "in he r boso m generation s ar e embodied , an d i n he r hands , i f per verted, th e fate of innumerable me n is held." Women made the "characters o f th e youn g an d s o o f a race," and refor m promise d t o rippl e through generations. 5 Domestic refor m provide d a new opportunit y t o reform delinquen t girls. Th e Hous e o f Reformation , designe d principall y fo r boys , ha d no progra m fo r femal e inmates . Girl s performe d domesti c task s bu t this reflected a division of labor in the institution and was not rationalized a s reform . Domesticit y no t onl y define d a problem , bu t i t als o suggested a theory fo r reforming delinquent girls. 6 The Origins of the Lancaster School Ideally, Lancaste r resemble d th e Victoria n family . Th e mal e superintendent was the somewhat distant head of the family, whil e the "mother" in th e cottag e supplie d girl s wit h emotiona l support , training , an d discipline. Lancaste r acquire d it s first female superintenden t i n 1885 ,

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but this did not represent a major change in the organization, function , or philosoph y o f th e institution . Lancaste r did no t sho w trace s of th e radicalism o f femal e mora l refor m o f th e 1830s , no r di d i t anticipat e the separatism of female priso n reform of the 1880s , with its emphasis on savin g wome n fro m mal e exploitatio n i n th e prisons . Domesti c reform shaped Lancaste r from the beginning. 7 The emphasis on domestic rather than feminist refor m reflected th e influence of the institution's enlightened bu t solidly bourgeois supporters. A group of Boston women i n 184 9 originated the drive to have the state establis h a girls' reformatory . Mar y May , probabl y th e wif e o f Unitarian ministe r Samue l May , initiate d th e first of twenty-five petitions requestin g tha t th e stat e legislature , whic h ha d jus t create d a state reformator y fo r boys , investigat e th e possibilit y o f establishin g one fo r girls. Wome n accounte d fo r ove r 40 percen t o f th e signature s on th e petitions , an d fou r petition s wer e signe d onl y b y women . However, i f wome n wer e the driving forc e i n this campaign, circulat ing petition s throug h th e state' s Unitaria n an d Congregationalis t churches, the y wer e no t th e onl y advocate s o f a female reformatory . Among the nearly thirtee n hundre d name s on the petitions were those of wealth y merchant s an d manufacturers , constable s an d politicians , clergymen, an d suc h well-know n reformer s a s Theodor e Parker , th e Unitarian minister , James Savage , presiden t o f Bosto n Lying-i n Hos pital, Simo n Greenleaf , presiden t o f th e Massachusetts Bibl e Society , Moses Grant , presiden t o f th e Bosto n Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Pauperism an d a director o f th e Hous e o f Reformation , an d Franci s Fay, presiden t o f the Prisoners ' Friend Society . O n one petitio n fro m Boston, eightee n o f th e forty-thre e signer s wer e liste d i n Abne r For bes's The Rich Men of Massachusetts. Thi s wa s neithe r a radica l no r a feminist effort, bu t one by members of an established class. 8 The stat e legislatur e equivocate d despit e th e prominenc e o f th e petitioners. I t delaye d appointin g a commission t o stud y th e matter , and whe n th e commissio n finally reported , i t conclude d tha t delin quent girl s require d famil y car e rathe r tha n institutionalizatio n an d that an y stat e provision s fo r girl s shoul d b e limite d t o housin g the m temporarily unti l placement . Wit h thi s les s tha n ringin g endorsemen t of a reformatory, th e legislature did not appropriate any funds. 9 Samuel Gridle y How e influence d th e commission' s recommenda -

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tions. Howe , a career reforme r wh o fough t fo r Gree k independence , founded th e Perkin s Institut e fo r th e Blind , supporte d Joh n Brown , and eventually becam e chairman of the Board of State Charities, feare d that the commission woul d sugges t a congregate reformatory , lik e the recently opene d stat e refor m schoo l fo r boys . Drawin g o n hi s experience a s a trustee o f th e Bosto n Hous e o f Reformation , How e argue d that a congregat e institutio n woul d sprea d mora l contagion . Onl y placement in a home ensured strict isolation and offered th e individual maternal attentio n neede d t o refor m a girl's character. How e believe d that incarceration would haunt a girl for the rest of her life, noting that he kne w o f adul t wome n wh o wer e stil l referre d t o a s " 'House o f Reformation girls. ' " Howe propose d tha t th e stat e purchas e a smal l farmhouse t o kee p girls for a few day s unti l place s could b e found fo r them i n Ne w Englan d families , whic h wer e refor m school s "buil t u p by God himself." 10 Howe's victor y ove r proponent s o f a reformator y wa s temporary . The refor m schoo l proposa l enjoye d significan t suppor t aroun d th e state an d th e electio n o f Emor y Washbur n a s governo r i n 185 4 pro vided a n immediate impetu s fo r change . Washburn , a Whig advocat e of activ e government an d a supporter o f th e boys' reformatory, urge d in hi s inaugura l addres s tha t th e stat e buil d a reformator y fo r girls . The legislature , claimin g tha t cit y street s wer e ful l o f lewd , obscene , and profan e vagran t girls , agree d tha t a n institutio n wa s necessary . The legislatur e di d no t discuss th e possibilit y o f placin g girls directl y into families, whic h indicates that placement was too radical a solution to delinquency. Franci s Fay, on e of th e original petitioner s favorin g a reformatory, becam e chai r o f a ne w investigator y commissio n tha t examined bot h Europea n an d America n institution s befor e recom mending tha t a family-style reformator y b e buil t i n the rura l community of Lancaster. 11 The Lancaste r Schoo l wa s the first public family-styl e reformator y built i n th e Unite d States , an d th e organizatio n an d architectur e ar e significant. Th e Fa y Commissio n specificall y rejecte d th e Europea n family-style reformatorie s a s inadequate : th e Frenc h agricultura l schoo l Mettray wa s too militaristic, th e German Rauh e Haus was too closely tied t o Germa n Protestantism , an d th e Englis h Redhil l require d tha t inmates accuse d o f crimina l offense s b e imprisone d befor e bein g sen t

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there. Rather , the y selecte d th e mode l o f th e famil y a s idealize d i n Victorian bourgeoi s cultur e fo r thei r institution . Lancaster , lik e th e ideal Victorian home, was situated in a pastoral setting, was supervised by women who worked under the general authority of a pater familias, was dedicate d t o a secularized Protestantism , an d emphasize d home craft. Th e institutio n was the perfect expression of domestic reform. 12 Reformers, Families, and Delinquents Both reformers and parents saw Lancaster as a way to preserve family, even thoug h famil y preservatio n mean t somethin g differen t t o each . For parents, Lancaster provided daughters with skills, some education, a job, and hard-earned respectability , whil e for reformers i t offered a n opportunity t o reconstruct working-clas s familie s throug h domesticit y and bourgeois value s tha t could b e communicated t o others. Fo r bot h it saved a girl from the streets or the brothel. Fo r the girls themselves, Lancaster reinforced th e limits of class and gender. Mary O'Connell typifie s the first girls sent to Lancaster. I n late July 1862, O'Connell' s fathe r an d stepmothe r brough t he r befor e th e Rox bury probat e cour t t o complai n tha t thei r daughter wa s beyon d thei r control. Th e thirteen-year-old girl left home for days on end, "sleepin g in th e woods , barn s an d outhouses , [and ] associating wit h bot h boy s and girls. " He r fathe r feare d tha t Mar y woul d soo n becom e a "ba d girl"—probably a reference t o sexual activity . Th e parents ' testimony led th e cour t t o commi t Mar y t o Lancaste r fo r he r minority . Afte r thirty-nine month s o f training , Mar y wa s indenture d a s a domesti c servant. Mar y received her discharge from state oversight on her twentyfirst birthday, havin g spen t ove r thre e year s i n an institution an d five additional year s unde r supervision , an d havin g neve r committe d a crime. Mary wa s no t displease d wit h he r sentenc e t o Lancaster . Th e ma tron who bathed her and cut her hair upon entrance to the reformatory reported tha t sh e wa s badl y bruised , th e resul t o f beating s give n b y her parents, who punished her for not bringing home sufficient mone y when she went out begging. He r father, a n alcoholic with six children, had marrie d a woma n wit h seve n childre n o f he r own , an d Mary' s forays int o th e street s helpe d suppor t th e family . Th e office r wh o

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brought th e gir l t o Lancaste r calle d he r "mor e sinne d agains t tha n sinning." A s fo r Mary , sh e declare d tha t sh e woul d willingl y g o t o Lancaster or "anywhere, sav e to her own home." l3 Mary's cas e suggest s thre e possibl e interpretation s o f Lancaster' s role. Fo r th e founder s an d supporter s o f Lancaster , Mar y wa s th e perfect candidat e fo r reform . Th e institutio n rescue d he r fro m th e streets, fro m possibl e sexua l exploitation , an d fro m unfi t parents , an d restored he r t o th e domesticit y the y sincerel y though t bes t fo r al l women. Fro m this perspective, th e institution culturally remade working-class girl s an d provide d th e mora l trainin g thei r familie s di d not . For th e parents , th e institutio n offere d th e las t hop e o f controllin g their daughter. Mar y was becoming increasingly resistan t to contributing t o th e famil y econom y an d the y feare d th e hop e o f freedo m sh e saw i n th e streets . Whe n beating s n o longe r kep t he r obedient , th e family decide d t o forgo her earnings and deposit an impossible burde n with th e state . Th e street s ha d transforme d thei r daughte r fro m a n asset t o a liability an d th e reformator y woul d preven t he r permanen t ruin. Fo r Mary , Lancaste r offere d a refug e fro m he r drunke n an d abusive father , fro m a stepmother's usurpatio n o f authority , fro m th e mirage of independence offered b y me n in barns and outhouses. I t did not ope n an y ne w avenue s fo r her ; i t simpl y pointe d he r towar d th e narrow road of hard work and respectability . Lancaster, accordin g t o reformers , provide d a family fo r girl s lik e Mary O'Connell. Smal l cottages housed the girls under the supervision of a matron, referre d t o a s th e "mother " of th e "family, " an assistan t matron, wh o double d a s a teacher, an d a housekeeper . Eac h cottag e provided a separat e environmen t wit h it s ow n kitchen , washroom , parlor, schoolroom , workroom , an d th e girls ' bedrooms. Th e cottag e was large enough tha t each girl coul d hav e a single roo m if necessary , and ther e was a basement roo m fo r solitar y confinement . A s befi t th e family image , cottag e window s wer e no t barre d an d th e reformator y did not have an exterior wall. Th e girls learned to cook, sew , knit , and perform othe r domesti c task s i n additio n t o thei r schoo l work . Th e reformatory sough t t o teac h girl s "industry , economy , self-reliance , morality an d religion " an d t o maintai n orde r wit h "the cords of love." Indeed, annua l report s maintained , th e "mother " (matron) welcome d back runaway s wit h ope n arms , expressin g he r pleasure tha t her chil-

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dren had returned. Official s hope d tha t each girl would lear n "a home interest, a home feeling and attachment" at the school. 14 Life a t Lancaster wa s marke d b y ritua l an d routine. Newl y admit ted girls underwen t a rite of purification : thei r old clothing was burned, and th e girls wer e bathed , groomed , an d give n physica l examination s before bein g issue d a ne w se t o f clothes . Th e girl s al l followe d th e same schedule an d domestic chore s dominated th e day. The y aros e at six to straighten up the rooms and to prepare breakfast, whic h they ate at seven . Househol d chore s wer e don e unti l 9 A.M. , whe n chape l services began . Afte r service s the y worke d a t househol d task s agai n until dinner at noon, an d they bega n school a t 1:3 0 P.M. A t four-thirt y they quit schoo l an d got ready fo r supper at 5 P.M. Afte r supper , the y sewed, knit , o r read until eight , whe n prayer s wer e followed b y bed . The schedule left approximatel y a n hour free, which the girls presumably used fo r recreation. Unlik e private asylums for poor orphan girls, Lancaster provided a limited education. Despit e the claims of domestic reform that girls would acquire the values of a new, bourgeoi s culture, in practice less eligibility restricted training to learning household tasks and the rudiments of reading and writing. 15 Initially, th e "families " hel d girl s o f al l age s withou t regar d t o offense, a n approach th e trustee s considere d natura l an d conducive t o reform. Mixin g th e girl s ha d th e advantag e o f dividin g th e mor e "intractable" among the different cottages , and thus preventing them from forming "combination s t o resis t authority." Meanwhil e th e younge r girls, les s independen t an d mor e i n nee d o f kindnes s an d affection , formed clos e bond s wit h th e matro n an d th e assistants. The y becam e "a kind of unconscious police " who reported "vicious habits, conversa tion, or plans of insubordination" to the matron. 16 While usefu l fo r maintainin g order , mixing girls raised th e issu e of moral contagion . Sexuall y activ e girls, no t girl s lik e Mary O'Connell , posed th e greatest difficult y fo r th e institution . I n a survey o f asylu m superintendents and reformers conducted prio r to Lancaster's opening, the consensu s wa s tha t girl s wh o ha d los t thei r chastit y coul d b e admitted onl y i f the y wer e kep t strictl y segregate d fro m th e othe r girls. Th e administratio n preferre d t o exclud e th e sexuall y experi enced, bu t this was not easily accomplished. 17 Bradford Peirce , th e superintendent an d chaplain of Lancaster, ha d

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the difficul t jo b of determinin g th e natur e o f girls ' sexual experience . He drew the line at girls involved i n commercialized vice , arguing that keeping such girls unde r constant surveillanc e woul d disrup t th e family environment . Peirc e admitte d som e sexuall y activ e girl s an d soo n took advantag e o f th e family-style reformatory' s abilit y t o isolat e particular offenders . H e requeste d tw o additiona l cottage s s o tha t th e younger girl s could b e house d apar t from othe r inmates . H e note d i n his secon d repor t tha t forty-fiv e o f on e hundre d inmate s ha d commit ted offense s agains t purity , althoug h h e adde d tha t i n mos t case s th e offense wa s "personal " rathe r tha n "social. " Despit e precautions , th e problem o f mora l contagio n arose . Som e girl s pitche d "thei r tent s toward Sodom " and had to be released. Still , th e family syste m meant that "contagion" was limited. 18 The girl s i n Lancaste r ha d learne d abou t vic e becaus e thei r famil y situations had left them vulnerable. I n many ways, the girls could have been (and i n the first year one-fifth o f the girls were ) the sister s of th e boys at the state reform school. They came from working-class familie s broken b y povert y an d the death of a parent. O f th e inmates receive d between 185 6 and i860 , onl y 2 1 percent came from two-parent households. Lancaste r girl s wer e th e childre n o f th e foreig n born—nearl y three-quarters o f th e parents wer e bor n i n Ireland—an d thei r parents held job s i n th e least-skille d an d mos t capriciou s sector s o f th e labo r market, as laborers, unskilled mil l hands, and domestics. Th e childre n of the unworthy poor , thes e girls begged, peddle d matches and apples, and stole to contribute to the family economy, an d the streets supplied their education . Onl y i n on e respec t di d th e girl s a t Lancaste r diffe r from th e boy s i n th e refor m school . Fo r th e first year's inmates , ove r 40 percent of the complainants were family members. 19 It is a telling fact that Irish Catholic parents took their daughters t o probate court and had them committed t o a public institution in which Protestantism wa s centra l t o th e definitio n o f reform . Parent s shran k from a daughter's prospective prostitution . Fo r them, prostitutio n wa s not considered simpl y on e of severa l ba d bargain s working-class wome n had t o choos e among . T o preserv e a daughter fro m "ruin " they wer e willing t o forg o he r earning s an d ris k th e possibilit y o f he r religiou s conversion.20 Parent s di d no t hav e to accept bourgeoi s value s to come to this conclusion. Rather , traditional Irish culture proscribed women' s

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roles i n a way tha t fit wel l wit h bourgeoi s domesticit y i n th e Unite d States, an d parent s sa w i n Lancaste r th e opportunit y t o defen d thei r daughters according to the values of their culture. Traditions of gender segregation, lat e marriage , celibacy , an d lo w rate s o f illegitimac y i n Ireland suggest why parent s were willing to cloister their daughters i n a stat e institution . T o preserv e the m fro m th e casual interactio n wit h men an d precociou s sexua l experienc e tha t characterize d stree t lif e i n American cities, they were willing to take extraordinary steps. Despit e differences i n class an d religion , parent s an d reformers share d simila r cultural proscription s abou t th e prope r expressio n o f femal e sex uality.21 Placement Parents an d reformer s expecte d tha t placemen t i n a famil y woul d continue th e refor m progra m onc e girl s lef t Lancaster . Parents , espe cially th e Irish , sa w placemen t a s a familiar for m o f domestic service , a difficult bu t honorable way of earning a living and one that kept their daughters confined t o a proper domestic sphere . Reformer s sa w placement a s an apprenticeship i n which, unde r th e care and lovin g atten tion of a kindly matron , girls were supposed t o learn how t o manage a household, provid e children wit h a moral education , se t th e "tone" of the family—in short , t o shed thei r immigrant an d working-class heri tage an d mode l themselve s o n Ne w Englan d matrons . I n th e first report, th e superintendent , perhap s expressin g a s much hop e a s reality, announce d tha t alread y ther e wer e request s t o tak e the girl s int o families as "children." His optimism was unfounded. 22 The trustees soon recorded their disappointment at families' reasons for takin g girls . "To o man y appl y fo r girl s fro m sordi d o r selfis h motives, to make menials of them" rather than regarding the placement of a girl a s a "sacred trust. " Trustees chide d familie s fo r takin g four teen- o r fifteen-year-old girls an d expectin g the m t o b e perfectl y reli able, "t o kno w thei r plac e an d kee p it ; to d o exactl y a s they ar e told; not t o b e impertinen t o r bold , o r careless," and t o b e bette r tha n th e hired hel p available . Women , wh o manage d th e household , di d no t extend t o these girls th e materna l "sympathy , kindnes s an d affection " that was the only wa y t o secure their "attachment and cheerful obedi -

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ence an d fidelity." Rather , the y complaine d tha t girl s wer e sauc y o r too intereste d i n boys , o r stol e o r wasted th e family' s resources . On e woman wrot e tha t th e gir l place d i n he r hom e ha d t o b e returne d t o Lancaster because she was "slack and childish." She would "leave work and play with children all day long. " Another complained that her girl "wants al l th e privilege s th e childre n have, " whil e a Mrs . Hazelto n noted simpl y tha t he r gir l "doe s no t kee p he r place. " Girls acte d lik e the adolescents the y wer e rather than like the servants their mistresse s wanted.23 Another proble m wa s tha t ove r tim e fewe r girl s wishe d t o go int o domestic service . Wome n i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y ha d mor e employment opportunitie s tha n earlier , whic h mad e domesti c wor k less desirable . Labo r statisticia n Carrol l Wrigh t surveye d women' s employment i n Bosto n i n 188 0 and foun d tha t 4 1 percen t o f Boston' s working women were employed a s domestics, wit h another 2 5 percent working i n clothin g manufacturing . Occupation s reflecte d ethnicity ; Irish women dominated domestic service, accountin g for 43 percent of the total , whil e American-bor n wome n accounte d fo r 6 8 percen t o f those in clothing manufacturing and 70 percent of those in all manufacturing.24 While a market for domestics certainly existed, i t was starting to attract fewer American-bor n whit e women, suggestin g that Lancaster girls , three-quarter s o f who m wer e America n born , woul d hav e been less likely to choose domestic work if left on their own. Moreover , other ethnic groups—such a s Italians—gradually appeare d i n Lancaster's ethnic profile an d they to o were loath to go into domestic service . Nonetheless, i n a sampl e o f 41 7 inmat e record s take n betwee n 187 0 and 1939 , 6 0 percen t wer e indenture d int o families immediatel y afte r training. Whe n stratifie d b y decades , th e sample reveals that not until 1920s wer e fewe r tha n hal f o f th e girl s place d i n domesti c service . More than the marketplace and the chronic shortage of domestics were at work here. Lancaste r officials endorse d domestic work, commentin g that "families of th e middl e class" provided th e "safest place s and best homes ther e are " fo r working-clas s girls . Experienc e prove d the m wrong on these counts too. 25 Sexual exploitation , althoug h rarel y discussed , confronte d Lancas ter's parolees . A sampl e o f cas e record s di d no t revea l instance s o f sexual abus e i n employers ' families , bu t thes e occurrence s ma y no t

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have been recorded in order to save families fro m embarrassment. Th e trustees admitte d tha t girl s "to o often mee t passio n an d lust " in thei r families and had to be returned to Lancaster. On another occasion they wrote tha t th e girl s provide d temptation s tha t "w e hav e know n th e respected head s o f som e familie s t o fal l before. " Lancaste r official s were not responsible for the lechery of some men, bu t one can imagine the impac t o n a youn g woma n "saved " fro m th e street s onl y t o b e placed i n a position o f bein g sexuall y exploite d b y he r foster "father. " There is a certain irony, a s well, t o placing girls into domestic service, since tha t wa s th e majo r occupation cite d b y prostitute s a s thei r pre vious employment. Working-class women had a narrow rangeof choices— marriage, domestic labor, prostitution, and , increasingly, factor y wor k —but reformer s continue d t o see their problems as moral and cultural rather tha n economi c an d political . Eve n a s evidenc e mounte d tha t Lancaster girl s wer e treate d mor e a s servant s tha n a s mora l appren tices, an d occasionall y wer e subjec t t o sexua l exploitation , Lancaste r officials adhere d to their policies. Reformator y officials , bot h male and female, remaine d convince d tha t domesticity offere d th e bes t solutio n to female delinquency. 26 To th e usua l complaint s o f servants—poo r quarters , exhaustin g work, lon g hours , littl e o r n o privacy , an d th e possibilit y o f sexua l harassment—were adde d th e tribulation s o f bein g a "state girl." Mistresses ma y hav e fel t i t necessar y t o supervis e fre e tim e carefull y i n order to prevent any mora l relapses . A stat e agent, wh o visited place d girls, checke d th e postmark s o n al l mai l an d sometime s rea d thei r letters i n orde r t o preven t imprope r correspondence . Girl s wer e for bidden t o g o hom e an d al l visitor s ha d t o b e screened . Th e trustee s also worried that a girl's past (or imagined past , sinc e the actual record was private ) wa s throw n bac k a t he r b y th e famil y o r others. A s on e girl complained, attendin g church with her family wa s more humiliating than uplifting, sinc e "th e people al l star e at her, an d th e boy s cal l her names outside the church." 27 It is impossible to delve int o the motives of those families wh o took delinquent girl s int o thei r home s excep t t o sa y tha t altruis m i s rarel y an unalloyed virtue . Lancaste r solve d th e servan t proble m b y provid ing familie s wit h girl s traine d t o b e domestics . However , th e troubl e girls cause d undoubtedl y mad e u p fo r th e inexpensivenes s o f thei r

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labor. A s th e comments cite d abov e show , the y stole , ra n away , an d were insolen t i n a way tha t fe w domesti c servant s coul d affor d t o be. Lancaster girl s brough t thei r trouble d past s wit h the m a s wel l a s possible expectations of being welcomed int o a family. Familie s apparently expecte d th e girls to behave like servants or at least like obedient daughters. Bot h experienced rud e shocks. Evidence o f disconten t b y bot h partie s i s foun d i n turnove r statis tics. Familie s ha d th e optio n o f returnin g unsatisfactor y girl s an d increasing numbers did so. I n the early years, girls and families weathered the trials of placement. Accordin g to one study, th e percentage of girls wh o staye d i n thei r origina l famil y decline d fro m 3 8 percen t i n 1856 t o 2 1 percen t i n 1880 , whil e girl s requirin g thre e or more placements increase d dramatically , fro m 3 percent i n 185 6 to 40 percent i n 1880. A relationshi p fraugh t wit h difficult y becam e eve n mor e s o a s older and more delinquent girls began arriving at Lancaster. 28 New Candidates for the Reform School Sometime i n late 187 6 sixteen-year-old Josephine Barnett , daughte r of a respectabl e harnes s maker , spen t th e nigh t wit h a marrie d man . When she arrived home the next morning, her mother barred the door, telling he r daughter to "go with thos e she was with th e night before. " It i s unlikel y tha t thi s wa s th e first disput e betwee n mothe r an d daughter, bu t thi s tim e th e quarre l ende d Josephine's tie s t o he r family. Sh e moved into the Rutland House , a well-known Bosto n brothel, where she was found b y police looking for underaged girls. I n January 1877, s he wa s committed t o Lancaster for being "stubborn and disobedient."29 While Josephine wa s certainl y stubbor n an d disobedient , tha t wa s the leas t o f it . Her e wa s a girl ver y differen t fro m Mar y O'Connell , one that Bradford Peirc e would have kept out of the institution in 185 6 —she ha d voluntaril y engage d i n sexua l activity , includin g adultery , and ha d reside d i n a brothel. Bu t Josephine wa s neithe r rejecte d no r released, a signal that reformers' notions of who could be reformed had broadened t o include sexually activ e girls, eve n those who had participated in commercial vice . The officia l charge s levie d agains t girl s giv e n o indicatio n o f wha t

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their offenses were . Josephine ha d been found guilt y of stubbornness , as had over 50 percent of a sample of Lancaster's inmates, and someone examining publishe d institutiona l dat a woul d hav t n o inklin g a s t o what th e offens e entailed . Fo r example, Bridge t Dcnnoll y frequentl y stayed ou t al l nigh t wit h youn g me n an d wa s arreste d fo r nightwalk ing. Bu t a complain t o f stubbor n an d disobedien t wa s entere d "a t mother's request. " Margaret Smith , als o committe d fo r stubbornnes s and disobedience, attende d "North St. dance halls" in Boston's brothel district, an d associate d wit h "person s wh o frequen t suc h resorts. " Officials admitte d tha t eve n charge s o f larcen y hi d " a shor t life' s experience in waywardness and vice." In fact, the original commissioners intende d tha t charge s an d testimon y b e hidde n fro m th e commu nity. Official s maske d a girl's deviance by listing a relatively innocuou s offense a s a way o f protecting th e reputations of bot h the girl an d th e reformatory.30 Case records revea l wha t th e charges agains t a girl do not, namely , that fo r a n increasing numbe r o f girls , devianc e wa s define d i n term s of sexual activity. Mar y Blaine, arreste d for drunkenness an d living an idle, vagrant , an d viciou s life , wa s a n orpha n wh o live d i n a brothe l run by a Mrs. Fisk . "O n the night of March 16 , 1875 , sh e rode about the city wit h a daughter of Mrs. Fisk, i n a drunken debauch, calling at different saloon s and drinking large quantities of intoxicating liquors." The two girls passed out in the carriage and the hack driver took them back t o th e stabl e an d lef t the m t o slee p of f thei r binge . "Whe n the y were discovered th e next mornin g at about 5 o'clock, th e Fisk girl wa s dead." Mar y Blain e wa s drun k an d idle , a s he r officia l recor d indi cated, bu t sh e wa s als o a prostitute. 31 Mar y Trotter , sentence d t o Lancaster for larceny, ha d stolen a five-dollar skirt from another girl in the brothel where they bot h worked. 32 Althoug h the charges listed fo r these girls were technically accurate , the y obscure d th e real offense — sexual deviance. Most girl s lacke d th e commercia l experienc e o f Josephine Barnett , Mary Blaine , an d Mar y Trotter . Th e mor e usua l inmates , lik e Mar garet Smit h an d Bridget Donnelly , trade d se x for treat s and attentio n or frequente d location s wher e thei r eventua l prostitutio n wa s likely . By th e 1870 s thes e girls , rathe r tha n th e Mar y O'Connells , becam e Lancaster's true subjects. 33

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The increas e in sexually activ e girls, including prostitutes, incarcer ated a t Lancaste r reflect s change s i n the large r culture a s well a s new policy i n Massachusetts tha t emphasized immediat e placement . I n the 1870s, reformer s i n severa l state s defeate d proposal s t o legaliz e an d regulate sexua l trad e an d reinvigorate d effort s t o eliminat e prostitu tion. Beside s battling prostitution, th e "purity crusaders" created institutions, suc h as the YWCA, t o protect single women, helpe d establis h separate prison s fo r women , an d trie d t o educat e youn g me n a s t o proper standard s o f morality . Fro m thi s purit y crusad e cam e a more sympathetic vie w o f adolescen t girl s wh o ha d committe d mora l of fenses. Fo r example, attempt s to raise the age of consent to twenty-one suggested tha t wome n unde r tha t ag e wer e no t considere d full y re sponsible fo r thei r deeds . Age-of-consen t campaign s wer e onl y mod estly successful , bu t the y create d a climat e i n whic h th e refor m o f sexual delinquent s coul d b e undertake n an d proposal s t o plac e delin quent girls directly int o families could be considered. 34 The purit y crusaders , lik e th e femal e member s o f antebellu m be nevolent societies , wer e not radicals and feminists. The y wer e extending domesticity int o the publi c realm , no t challengin g th e gender and class distinction s o f thei r society . The y create d bureaucracie s an d organizations, includin g a separate femal e incarcera l system , tha t paralleled institution s establishe d b y males . Th e effec t o n Lancaste r wa s that i t becam e on e o f a series o f institution s tha t incarcerate d wome n at the sam e tim e tha t th e adoptio n o f a n immediate placemen t polic y brought a larger population of delinquents unde r state supervision. 35 The architect s of placement i n Massachusetts wer e Samue l Gridle y Howe an d Frankli n Sanborn . How e an d Sanbor n wer e th e leader s of the Board of Stat e Charities, establishe d i n 186 5 t o bring organization and efficiency t o charity. How e an d Sanbor n proposed a n immediateplacement polic y fo r economi c an d ideologica l reasons . Placemen t promised cheape r refor m tha n juvenil e institutions , whic h woul d be come onl y temporar y wa y stations. Placemen t me t th e demand o f les s eligibility: delinquent s woul d b e traine d i n familie s fo r thei r futur e work roles while the state could avoi d spendin g so much on educatin g the children of the unworthy poor . Besides , placemen t i n families wa s the essential expression of domestic reform, fo r it provided delinquent s with individualize d tutorin g in domesticity. Placemen t promise d t o be

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the mode l o f cost effectiveness , whil e reformatorie s wer e costl y fail ures. Howe an d Sanbor n als o warne d tha t institution s bre d vice . Th e reports o f th e stat e boar d ech o th e languag e Samue l Gridle y How e used i n hi s letter s opposin g th e creatio n o f Lancaster . Th e report s argued that "vice" had to be separated and diffused, whil e institution s gathered i t togethe r t o feste r an d spread . Institutiona l attempt s t o imitate th e famil y wer e "counterfeit " a t bes t an d a t worst wer e "dangerous and pernicious." Single-sex institutions were unnatural, as were those that segregated individual s b y age. Th e true reforming influenc e of wome n upo n th e youn g coul d no t b e exerte d i n "mimi c families, " only i n real ones, whic h were the root of "individual virtu e and happiness, an d o f nationa l strengt h an d prosperity. " T o th e exten t tha t institutions wer e necessary , the y shoul d onl y hous e childre n briefl y before placement . I n th e nam e o f domesti c reform , th e languag e o f family wa s turned against the "family" institution. 36 Placement reflecte d How e an d Sanborn' s relativ e optimis m abou t reforming delinquen t children . How e an d Sanborn' s secon d repor t of the Stat e Boar d o f Charitie s ha s ofte n bee n cite d a s evidenc e o f th e shift i n refor m thought towar d hereditarianism. 37 Certainl y ther e i s ample evidenc e o f hereditaria n though t i n th e report , bu t historian s have overlooked the more hopeful comments about reforming children. To b e sure, How e an d Sanbor n attribute d delinquenc y t o the lac k of "vital force " du e t o poo r nutritio n an d th e us e o f stimulant s an d t o inherited tendencie s tha t lessene d abilit y fo r "self-guidance. " Bu t th e context i n whic h thes e remark s wer e mad e sho w a Lamarckia n vie w that heredity wa s quite malleable . The y note d tha t while the children of th e "intemperat e an d viciou s classes " ten d t o "poin t i n th e wron g direction," th e "tendenc y i s no t ye t s o establishe d tha t the y poin t spontaneously. The y ar e stil l susceptible t o th e influence s o f educa tion, and of moral and religious training." Howe and Sanborn believed that education an d mora l trainin g coul d onl y occu r i n a family whil e institutional car e reinforce d inherite d predispositions . Placemen t wa s not predicte d o n hopelessness . Their s wa s stil l domesti c refor m an d they stil l believe d tha t a n immigran t workin g clas s could b e leavene d with bourgeoi s virtu e throug h th e cultura l transformatio n o f thei r children.38

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Despite th e rhetoric , th e stat e boar d implemente d it s placemen t policy gradually . Th e state' s visiting agent, hire d i n 186 6 to supervis e children place d ou t o f th e state' s almshouse , bega n supervisin g delin quents placed out of the reformatories a s well. Whe n this expansion of duties prove d to o muc h fo r a singl e individual , th e stat e establishe d the Visitin g Agenc y i n 1869 . Fa r more significant tha n the creation of the ne w agenc y an d th e hirin g o f severa l assistant s wa s th e provisio n requiring tha t the courts notif y th e agenc y o f al l trial s involvin g juve niles. Th e stat e agents, wh o attended seventee n thousan d trial s in the first ten years of the agency's existence, advise d judge s on the disposition of cases and encouraged the m to remand younger children to their custody unti l the y coul d b e place d int o families . Wit h th e ful l imple mentation o f thi s polic y i n th e 1870s , younge r boy s an d girls avoide d reformatories altogether and the number of children placed out directly surpassed the number in institutions. 39 In spit e of th e apparen t succes s o f placement, How e seriousl y mis calculated it s impact . A s w e hav e alread y seen , placemen t wa s no panacea fo r delinquent girls . Girl s foun d place s because thei r labor as servants was highly valued. Bu t more difficult girl s could not be placed easily an d they , togethe r wit h thos e wh o faile d i n thei r placements , were house d a t Lancaster , whic h neve r turne d int o th e temporar y home How e ha d envisioned . Instea d Lancaste r adopte d a new role : it housed girls who would hav e been rejected earlie r and, i n the name of economy an d les s eligibility , i t provide d the m wit h straightforwar d vocational trainin g unadorne d b y th e languag e o f famil y an d home . Girls wh o wer e compliant remaine d unti l place d out as domestics; the others were transferred int o the adult prison system. The Lancaste r administration, realizin g the implications of the new placement policy , staunchl y defende d thei r institutiona l interests . The y anticipated tha t Lancaster woul d fill up with incorrigibles i f the placement pla n succeeded , an d the y argue d tha t man y girl s wer e unpre pared to be placed into families immediately afte r being taken from the streets an d warne d tha t the y coul d exer t a ba d influenc e ove r othe r children an d famil y members . Th e women' s advisor y boar d too k a more aggressiv e stance , arguin g tha t "s o good a n institutio n i s bette r than an y family " fo r man y girls . Th e protest s wer e i n vain , an d i n 1873 the trustees glumly concluded that recent inmates had "wandered

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farther fro m home , an d hav e bee n mor e prodiga l i n the wast e o f life , than thos e formerl y sent. " Marcus Ames , superintenden t sinc e 1861 , charged that Lancaster was being turned into a house of detention, and he and a majority of the matrons and assistants resigned in 1875. 40 The effec t o f th e placemen t polic y wa s soo n apparent . Th e mea n age at entry increased from twelve years, nine months in 185 6 to nearly fifteen b y 1874 , an d th e ag e limi t fo r entr y int o Lancaste r wa s in creased fro m sixtee n t o seventee n i n 1870 . A t th e sam e time , th e average length of stay dropped from twenty-eight month s in the 1870 s to eleven month s i n th e 1880s . Younge r girl s wer e draw n awa y fro m Lancaster whil e th e olde r one s remaine d fo r a shorte r tim e befor e being placed i n families or , mor e importantly, befor e they wer e transferred to an institution for adults. 41 Lancaster, i n th e word s o f th e trustees , wa s becomin g a "middl e place" i n a n emergin g syste m o f incarcera l institution s fo r devian t females. Lancaste r bega n t o serv e a s a disciplinar y backu p t o othe r institutions. Th e reformatory receive d the difficult case s from the state almshouses an d primar y school s fo r young orphaned or destitute chil dren. Lancaste r als o bega n t o transfe r it s difficul t case s t o th e stat e almshouses at Tewksbury (fo r the chronically insane ) and Bridgewate r (the workhouse) , an d t o th e Sherbor n Women' s Reformator y an d th e Massachusetts Hom e for the Feeble-Minded. 42 Reformers create d this institutional syste m to handle the unreformable. A s hereditaria n theorie s o f devianc e capture d mor e attentio n i n the 1870 s and 1880s , "feeble-minded " wome n arouse d particula r con cern. Lackin g menta l an d mora l capacity , the y wer e a Malthusia n nightmare, threatenin g to propagate generations of paupers and criminals. Reformer s maintained that "moral imbeciles" could not learn selfrestraint, an d therefor e ha d t o b e restrained . Lancaste r wa s th e first step in identifying thos e who required permanent incarceration. 43 Administrators refine d Lancaster' s classificatio n schem e t o contro l the ne w mi x o f inmates . Hous e numbe r 5 hel d th e mino r offender s and the administration requested construction of a disciplinary cottag e for "hardened " offenders an d fo r girl s returne d fro m placement . Th e necessity fo r such a cottage was reinforced when , i n an unprecedented act of rebellion, two girls burned down house number 3 . ^ The cottage system allowe d Lancaste r t o segregat e it s inmate s an d therefor e t o

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attempt t o trai n mor e seriou s offenders . Domesti c refor m ha d turne d into a bureaucratic syste m tha t measured , classified , labeled , an d segregated female deviants. Lancaster official s narrowe d thei r visio n t o fit th e refor m school' s new role . The y argue d tha t Lancaste r wa s a training schoo l fo r thos e who could become self-supporting a s domestics and they accepted that girls' positions i n families woul d b e as servants rathe r than daughters. Trustees commente d tha t th e mos t profitabl e wor k fo r girl s wa s a s servants, an d tha t domesti c servic e wa s probabl y bes t fo r al l "poor American girls. " I n additio n t o learnin g ho w t o d o housewor k prop erly, girl s receive d instructio n i n knitting , sewing , cooking , brea d making, laundr y work , an d pastr y making . I n rhetori c a s wel l a s reality, domesticity ha d become domestic work. 45 Domestic refor m conclude d wit h th e creatio n o f a stat e welfar e bureaucracy an d a n elaborat e syste m o f institutions . Th e stat e em ployed socia l worker s t o investigat e an d supervis e th e familie s tha t accepted children , whil e a hos t o f specialize d publi c institution s iso lated and labeled th e deviant. I n the name of transforming the cultures of th e poor , domesti c reformer s extende d th e reac h o f reform , inter vened i n the lives of more girls, and thereby expanded the functions of the stat e an d lai d th e groundwor k fo r th e reform s o f th e Progres sive era. Between th e 1850 s an d th e 1880s , refor m fo r girl s ha d change d i n two ways . Th e definitio n o f th e reformabl e expande d t o includ e th e sexually experienced an d along with this came an increasingly intricat e network o f placemen t an d institutiona l programs . Durin g thi s sam e period, th e meanin g o f "reform " fo r thos e i n th e reformator y nar rowed. I n the name of economy an d less eligibility, Lancaste r becam e a training school fo r domestic servants.

CHAPTER 5

^Domestic ^Reform and the State ^Reform School for ^Boys

Domestic refor m arrive d a t th e Stat e Refor m Schoo l fo r Boy s (West borough) i n 1861 . A devastatin g fire i n 185 9 an d ensuin g charge s o f brutality an d mismanagement force d th e old administratio n an d trustees t o resign . Th e reformator y reorganized , addin g cottage s fo r th e boys workin g o n th e farm , althoug h th e remnant s o f th e ol d centra l building were still used to confine difficult boy s and the institution still housed aroun d thre e hundre d inmates . Th e mos t significan t chang e was th e hirin g o f a new superintendent , Josep h Allen , wh o radicall y reordered th e reformatory accordin g t o the tenets of domestic reform . Allen wa s a Unitarian teache r and the individuals wh o presse d fo r hi s appointment, Samue l Gridle y Howe , Georg e Emerson , an d Samue l May, wer e al l well-know n libera l reformers . Th e stat e refor m schoo l began its new life under the best possible direction it could have had. 1 Unfortunately, domesti c reform was not long lived at Westborough. The polic y o f immediat e placemen t doome d th e reformatory t o incarcerate older, more delinquent boys, while the demand of less eligibility narrowed the scope of reform activit y i n the institution. An d a t Westborough ther e wa s n o cushio n o f domesticit y t o mitigat e conflic t be tween inmates and officials .

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Domestic Reform "Fear may restrain, " Alle n wa s fon d o f saying , "bu t love only ca n reform." Allen personifie d th e constellation o f values bourgeoi s Victo rians associated wit h hom e an d family . H e wa s th e gentle pate r fami lias, wh o wor e a suit mad e o f th e sam e cloth a s the boys ' clothes. H e abolished militar y dril l becaus e h e though t th e boy s wer e belligeren t enough, an d neede d t o lear n reverenc e fo r lif e an d respec t fo r prop erty, whic h could only b e done under "refining influences. " Therefor e he se t asid e hour s fo r singin g practice , whic h h e le d o n hi s violin . I n keeping wit h th e philosoph y o f domesti c reform , Alle n als o hire d a number of female employees , who , h e thought, woul d uplif t th e boy s by introducin g a more spiritual element to the reform school. Wit h the same intent , hi s wif e an d tw o youn g daughter s participate d i n classe s at th e reformatory . Alle n believe d cultivatin g th e soi l woul d teac h boys th e dignit y o f labor , an d h e pu t olde r youngster s t o wor k a t heavy far m labor, whil e younger ones raised fruit s an d vegetables and the smallest tende d garde n plots . H e taugh t enterpris e b y giving each boy a plo t o f ground , supplyin g fertilizer , an d splittin g th e profit s made fro m th e sal e o f vegetables . Alle n reduce d th e us e o f solitar y confinement, commentin g tha t h e wen t a whole yea r withou t keepin g a bo y i n th e "lodge " overnight , an d tha t o n on e occasio n whe n h e found i t necessary t o keep a small bo y there , " I determined t o occupy the nex t cel l myself , t o kee p hi m company. " H e believe d tha t al l inmates coul d benefi t fro m exposur e t o bourgeoi s values , but , unlik e most o f hi s contemporaries , h e di d no t assum e tha t bourgeoi s cultur e and Protestantis m wer e th e same . Alle n offere d th e usua l condemna tions o f drin k an d tobacco, bu t i n hi s talk s abou t grea t men , h e included example s o f Catholics suc h a s Father Matthew, leade r of th e Catholic temperanc e movement , an d Danie l O'Connell , th e Iris h pa triot, an d he allowed inmate s to read the Boston Pilot, the local Catholic newspaper. 2 Allen's relationship s wit h inmate s illustrat e th e method s o f th e domestic reformer . Instea d o f relyin g o n bureaucrac y an d forma l sys tems, Alle n dealt with inmate s on an ad hoc basis. H e abolishe d meri t badges, arguin g tha t suc h externa l distinction s coul d no t giv e a real indication o f mora l character . " A bo y ma y b e ver y troublesome, " h e

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wrote, "violatin g th e rule s constantly , an d ye t w e kno w hi m t o b e a good boy at heart; while another may obey every regulation, and cause no trouble , an d stil l w e ma y no t hav e th e leas t confidenc e i n him. " Instead of punishing boys for running away, Alle n argued they shoul d be welcomed bac k and thus encouraged t o return of their own accord. Showing confidenc e i n boy s encourage d the m t o develo p th e self esteem and self-discipline upo n which true reform rested. Alle n ended the us e o f informers , notin g tha t boy s "tattled " for thei r ow n selfis h reasons, whil e "th e high-minded bo y rarel y report s a schoolmate eve n when he should." 3 In essence, Alle n aime d a t an internal, mora l transformatio n o f hi s charges. Their s woul d b e a secula r conversio n experience , on e tha t would leave them thinking and acting like the bourgeois reformers wh o were hel d u p a s their rol e models . Here , onc e again , wa s th e essenc e of domestic reform a s espoused b y the Children's Ai d Societ y an d the Lancaster Schoo l fo r girls: working-class an d immigrant children wer e culturally transforme d an d themselve s becam e reformer s wh o woul d transmit their new values to their families once they left the institution. Allen's paterna l sympath y fo r boy s apparentl y mad e i t easie r fo r him to penetrate the inmate subculture. Alle n relied on gaining a boy's confidence an d gettin g hi m t o realiz e an d repor t hi s ow n faults . Fo r example, Alle n suspecte d tha t two boy s wer e planning to spend som e money tha t on e ha d foun d bu t faile d t o tur n in . H e sen t fo r th e accomplice lat e on e night , thinkin g tha t thi s woul d accentuat e th e personal an d confidentia l natur e o f thei r discussion . H e sa t th e bo y under a bright light , s o h e woul d se e th e expressio n o n hi s face , an d he told "George " that he wante d t o speak wit h hi m abou t something . He asked the boy i f he knew what he wished t o discuss with him, an d after som e hesitation , Georg e admitte d tha t i t mus t b e abou t th e money. Afte r telling Allen about it, Georg e wished t o turn the money over, bu t Allen suggested another plan instead. Sayin g that he thought the other boy was basically a good fellow, h e asked George if he could persuade hi m t o turn th e mone y i n an d "acknowledg e hi s fault " if h e thought i t "th e proper thin g t o do." Needless t o sa y th e pla n worke d and the other boy turned himself in. 4 Allen's account of his superintendency is , however, a little disingenous. Obviousl y h e did not write about his failures. Mor e importantly ,

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Allen did no t discus s on e underlyin g reaso n for his success . Althoug h he claime d tha t h e di d no t hav e an y problem s wit h olde r boy s trans ferred t o Westborough , on e o f th e majo r reform s o f 186 1 wa s th e creation o f a nautical reformator y t o whic h olde r boy s coul d b e sent , while th e ag e limit a t Westborough wa s lowered fro m sixtee n t o four teen. Eve n thoug h som e shi p boy s wer e transferre d t o Allen' s care , Allen coul d als o sen d som e o f hi s mor e troublesom e case s t o th e "school ships, " which were intende d t o incarcerate the older as well as the mor e difficul t cases . Domesti c refor m worke d wit h younge r boy s in the publi c reformatory , but , lik e th e Children' s Ai d Society' s Pin e Farm, i t was an experiment tha t occurred unde r controlled conditions. And lik e th e refor m school s o f th e Children' s Ai d Society , Westbor ough relied on having a more repressive institution t o reinforce it. 5 The School Ships The Massachusetts (1861-1870 ) an d th e George M. Bernard (1866-187 2) were floating prisons . Th e ship s traine d boy s betwee n th e age s o f fourteen an d eightee n t o b e seamen , an d official s place d the m o n merchant vessel s o r whalers . Yet , excep t fo r brie f summe r trainin g voyages, th e ship s remaine d moore d i n Bosto n o r Ne w Bedfor d har bors. Th e monoton y an d occasiona l dange r o f th e sailor' s lif e wa s probably mad e mor e irksom e b y lyin g a t anchor fo r month s a t a time in th e cit y harbor . Th e situatio n itself— a larg e numbe r o f urba n delinquents wit h littl e desir e t o becom e seame n house d i n th e tigh t quarters o f a sailin g shi p an d subjec t t o hars h nautica l discipline — created th e basi s fo r confrontation . I n 1861 , jus t afte r th e first shi p opened, a n officer wrot e t o th e governo r tha t h e ha d bee n discharge d from hi s post "becaus e I would no t flog a Boy tie d u p to the gangway by hi s tw o thumb s i n whic h Crue l positio n h e ha d bee n fo r thre e hours." Franklin Sanborn , o f th e Boar d of Stat e Charities , wrot e tha t order wa s maintaine d onl y becaus e th e boy s kne w tha t th e officer s would us e revolver s shoul d marlinpike s fai l t o co w them , whil e a trustee wrote to the governor that the administration live d i n constant fear of mutiny. 6 Boys i n th e schoo l ship s wer e childre n o f th e immigran t poo r wh o had committe d pett y larcenie s o r statu s offenses . Approximatel y 9 0

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percent came fro m urba n areas, wit h nearl y hal f of those incarcerate d on th e Massachusetts comin g fro m Bosto n o r th e contiguou s area s o f Cambridge, Chelsea , Charlestown , an d Roxbury . Fifty-fou r percen t of the boys on both ships were either first- or second-generation Irish , and onl y 2 4 percent ha d parents bor n i n the United States , whil e 6 0 percent were full o r half orphans. Nearl y 40 percent of the boys wer e incarcerated fo r minor or status offenses , includin g stubbornness , vagrancy, truancy , idleness , and drunkenness, and slightly mor e than 40 percent fo r larceny , wit h th e remainder imprisone d fo r mor e seriou s crimes suc h a s assault or breaking an d entering. Thes e boys , lik e the ones i n Westborough, stol e food , clothing , coal , o r the means to gain these necessities. Thei r arrest records included fines for marble playing on Sunda y an d for throwing snowballs . Their s for the most part were the "crimes" of the young, the homeless, an d the poor.7 Urban delinquents showed littl e enthusiasm for the sea. Only about one-third o f the 1,88 0 boys receive d a t the ships wen t t o sea, and the number wh o remaine d i n maritim e occupation s i s unknown . Boy s shipped ou t with bot h merchantmen and whalers. Approximatel y 430 sailed o n merchantmen , whic h carrie d o n averag e onl y on e o r tw o boys. Anothe r tw o hundre d wen t o n whalers , whic h generall y too k larger crews from the school ships . New Bedford wa s the center of the American whalin g trad e and over one hundred boy s sailed on whalers out of New Bedfor d betwee n 186 6 and 1869 . Financial interest s wer e primary her e sinc e gree n hand s wer e pai d a pittanc e an d fe w self respecting sailors cared to be in a whaling crew. Delinquen t boy s wit h no families t o be concerned abou t thei r safet y wer e perfec t fodde r for a trade in which crew s too k tremendou s risks . I t is little wonde r tha t so fe w wen t t o sea despite pressur e fro m officer s an d the hope o f an early release. 8 When th e stat e establishe d th e schoo l ships , i t di d no t inten d t o oppress boy s or to supply chea p labor for exploitation b y whaling and merchant captains . Th e onl y alternativ e t o domesti c refor m wa s a narrow for m o f manual o r vocational trainin g tha t did not violate les s eligibility and that seemed more practical for older boys. On the school ships, nautica l trainin g wa s suppose d t o teac h manlines s an d self reliance and prepare boys for employment. Sinc e the Massachusetts was launched durin g th e Civil War , an enthusiasm fo r military disciplin e

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might b e expected, an d officials note d wit h prid e the number of graduates who serve d th e Union . Boy s i n the ship s were divided int o port and starboar d watche s an d the y alternate d betwee n si x hou r day s i n the classroo m an d si x hou r day s swabbin g decks , mendin g sails , an d keeping th e ship s seaworthy . Th e boy s attende d Protestan t service s led by th e superintendent o r by local Protestant minister s and Sunda y school lesson s offere d b y volunteer s fro m th e YMCA. 9 Marti n Eld ridge, th e superintendent , emphasize d religiou s instruction , no t be cause it produced mor e skilled sailors , but because it created Christia n sailors wh o migh t b e fitting representatives o f America n society . Th e school ship s aime d t o refor m boys , bu t thei r method s wer e distinctl y different fro m those of domestic reformers. Th e schoo l ship s were like the congregate asylums : they regulate d behavior , emphasizin g th e external impositio n of order and discipline rather than the internalizatio n of bourgeoi s values . Despit e th e avowe d goa l o f creatin g self-reliant , temperate, an d industriou s individuals , the y prepare d boy s fo r un skilled job s i n whic h the y woul d b e supervise d b y others . Vocationa l training easil y gav e wa y t o exploitatio n an d i t ultimatel y triumphe d over domestic reform . The school ships closed in 187 2 for financial and ideological reasons. It wa s les s expensiv e t o incarcerat e boy s a t Westborough tha n on th e ships, an d sinc e relativel y fe w o f the boys actuall y wen t t o sea, i t was difficult t o justif y th e cos t o f thei r nautica l "training. " Moreover, th e whaling industr y wen t int o declin e afte r it s burs t o f expansio n i n th e late 1860s , an d wit h i t wen t th e prospect s o f placin g boy s o n ships . The schoo l ship s als o incorporated th e worst abuse s of the congregat e reformatories a t a tim e whe n Samue l Gridle y How e an d Frankli n Sanborn wer e urgin g th e adoptio n o f a n immediate-placement policy . Nothing wa s more logical tha n recommending tha t the ships be closed and their inmates transferred t o Westborough. 10 One migh t predic t tha t th e arriva l of older youth s a t Westboroug h would mea n greate r resistanc e t o refor m an d trigge r th e adoptio n o f sterner disciplinary measures . Thi s happene d i n part; older boys seeme d less amenabl e t o affectionat e disciplin e an d feminin e influence s an d required som e for m of practical training . Bu t a decision t o drop many of Josep h Allen' s innovation s a t th e refor m schoo l an d t o shif t t o a vocational trainin g progra m actuall y precede d th e arriva l o f th e olde r

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boys an d th e adoptio n o f immediat e placement . Allen' s experimen t violated th e demand s o f les s eligibility , an d official s ha d alread y de cided to curtail it.

Less Eligibility and Manual Training Howe an d Sanbor n charged tha t Allen' s pla n for reformin g boy s cost too muc h an d lef t boy s wit h exaggerate d expectations . The y note d that the average yearly incom e produced b y eac h boy ha d fallen fro m $9.66 i n 185 7 t o $3.7 1 i n 186 4 a s th e refor m progra m shifte d fro m chair canin g t o farming . The y ignore d th e condition s th e boy s ha d worked unde r in 1857 , whe n loca l manufacturer s operate d th e refor m school a s a factory an d reform too k a back seat to the orderly mainte nance of production. How e and Sanborn argued that the reformatory's role was to teach boys industry and order, while Allen spent too much time o n education , graduatin g inmate s wh o entere d th e worl d wit h "notions too high, and habits of industry too little cultivated." Domestic reform , accordin g t o How e an d Sanborn , lef t boy s unwillin g t o take the working-class job s available to them upon their release. Alle n resigned unde r pressur e i n 186 7 an d hi s resignatio n wa s a sig n o f impending change . Onc e again , condition s woul d prov e t o b e less important tha n cos t an d human e treatmen t les s importan t tha n th e deterrence of pauperism. 11 The reform schoo l was also adapting to the industrial age . B y 1880 , 42 percen t o f th e state' s labo r forc e wa s employe d i n manufacturin g while three-quarter s o f it s population live d i n cities or towns, makin g Massachusetts th e secon d mos t urbanize d stat e in the country. Roughl y three-quarters o f th e workforc e wa s dependen t o n wages , ownin g neither farms , shops , no r factories , onl y thei r labo r power. 12 Thi s economic revolutio n coul d b e ignored fo r a time i n the privat e refor m school, which answered only to its private benefactors, an d in the girls' reformatory, wher e domesticity stil l dictated that girls be prepared fo r service, no t industry . Bu t th e publi c boys ' reformator y ha d t o hee d state officials ' call s fo r utility . Placemen t i n countr y familie s migh t work fo r younge r childre n o r girls , wh o coul d becom e member s o f their familie s an d internaliz e thei r values , bu t th e olde r boy s wh o

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graduated fro m the reform schoo l woul d ente r either the proletariat or the prison. Music lessons n o longer seemed as important as in the past. Manua l training o r "industria l education " appeared bot h i n urba n schoo l sys tems an d i n refor m school s i n th e 1870 s an d 1880s . Urba n educator s promoted manua l trainin g a s the way t o teach mora l value s an d discipline t o working-clas s childre n an d t o respon d t o manufacturers ' de mands tha t th e school s provid e som e basi c industria l skills . "Han d learning," it was thought , hel d th e attentio n o f childre n poorl y suite d for boo k learnin g an d wa s believe d t o b e particularl y appropriat e fo r black, poor , an d immigran t children . Trainin g fo r specifi c trade s and an emphasis o n jo b placement an d industria l efficienc y replace d man ual training afte r th e turn of th e century, bu t manua l trainin g marked the beginnin g o f specialize d educationa l track s fo r specifi c group s o f children.13 Reform school officials eagerl y espoused the manual training philosophy, whic h provide d the m wit h a n alternativ e progra m t o domesti c reform. Unlik e th e convict leasin g progra m o f th e congregate asylum , whose sole virtue was that it kept boys employed, manua l training was at leas t i n par t educational . Official s claime d tha t manua l training , especially carpentry, involve d work boys enjoyed and it placed inmates "under a constant menta l an d mora l discipline. " I t taugh t "i n a concrete for m exactl y th e principle s an d habit s whic h th e refor m schoo l boy need s t o b e taught . Heedless , careless , slipsho d way s invariabl y and necessarily bea r immediate concrete fruit i n poor or spoiled work , which h e ca n readil y see. " Object teaching , cla y modeling , drawing , gymnastics, an d military drill were all introduced int o the reformator y with the sam e purpose: to teach precision , order , attention , an d discipline. Th e mos t widel y adopte d manua l trainin g progra m wa s th e sloyd syste m o f woodworking , i n whic h student s worke d throug h a series o f carefull y designe d exercise s carvin g woode n model s tha t be came increasingl y complex . Her e to o th e lesson s wer e largel y one s o f mental and moral discipline. Th e officers quote d the sloyd teacher that " 'again, a boy easily comprehends the comparison that the wrong way is a hard, roug h way, whethe r h e planes against th e grain of the woo d or whethe r h e walk s agains t th e plan s o f God. ' " While no t quit e th e

Headed for Industry, October ipop. Lewis Hine Collection, Library of Congress. Carpentry was introduced into the public schools (shown here), reformatories, and industrial school s i n the 1880s . I t taught the necessity fo r precision and following orders by training the mind through the hand. This type of manual training was thought to be the most effective wa y to teach black, immigrant, and working-class children. same thin g a s teachin g skills , manua l trainin g taugh t th e wor k habit s necessary fo r participation in an industrial workforce. 14 Public reform schoo l administrator s ha d a limited abilit y t o experiment wit h domesti c reform . The y wer e alway s vulnerabl e t o th e charge that their institutions cost too much and they could not provide institutionalized childre n wit h advantage s unavailabl e t o th e childre n of the worthy poor . Onc e again, less eligibility undermined reform .

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The Triumph of Immediate Placement The othe r facto r tha t reshape d th e refor m schoo l wa s th e creatio n o f the Stat e Visitin g Agenc y i n 186 9 and th e adoptio n o f a n immediate placement policy. Th e Stat e Board of Charities reported that in nearly 40 percent of the cases in which an agent appeared i n court, th e judge placed th e chil d i n a famil y rathe r tha n i n a reformatory . Mino r offenders receive d suspende d sentence s o r fines, o r wer e place d out , and only mor e serious offenders wer e committed. 15 Samuel Gridle y How e an d Frankli n Sanbor n acknowledge d th e effect o f thei r policies upo n the reformatory. Th e mor e successful th e placement policy , "th e wors e wil l b e th e averag e characte r o f th e inmates lef t i n th e reformatory. " Reformatorie s woul d becom e "wha t they ar e i n reality , houses of correction for juvenile criminals" According to thi s perspective , difference s betwee n th e nautica l schoo l an d th e farm schoo l wer e negligible . Thos e wh o coul d b e reforme d woul d b e placed i n families , whil e juvenil e criminal s woul d g o t o Westboroug h and liv e withou t th e nicetie s Joseph Alle n ha d introduced . Fo r them, discipline and order were enough. 16 Ironically, i n man y way s th e boy s i n th e reformator y i n th e lat e 1870s wer e no t muc h differen t fro m thos e wh o ha d precede d them . While mos t (62 percent ) of th e boy s admitte d betwee n 187 9 and 188 0 were bor n i n Massachusetts , an d nearl y three-quarter s wer e bor n i n the Unite d States , a more familia r pictur e emerge s whe n on e look s at the birthplace s o f th e parents . Nearl y hal f th e father s an d 5 2 percen t of th e mother s ha d bee n bor n i n Ireland , whil e onl y a quarter o f th e parents had been born in the Unite d States . Two-thirds of the parents were Catholic, an d 3 0 percen t o f th e father s ha d died , a s ha d percent of the mothers. Agai n the loss of the chief breadwinner caused children, eithe r a s a matte r o f famil y strateg y o r ou t o f crisis , t o become ward s o f th e state . O f th e sixty-si x livin g fathers , two-third s were laborers and four were factory operatives, wit h others working in trades rangin g fro m blacksmit h t o cigarmaker t o puddler. Th e refor m school remaine d an institution for the working class. 17 There were , however , tw o significan t change s i n the boy s a t Westborough. Obviously , raisin g th e ag e limi t t o seventee n mean t tha t there wa s a n older populatio n tha n earlier . O f 25 6 boy s sen t betwee n

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1877 a n d ^78 , onl y forty-fiv e wer e unde r fourtee n year s o f age , an d 122 were sixteen and older. Th e offense s boy s committed wer e essentially th e same , bu t th e proportio n o f th e boy s wit h previou s arrest s and incarceration s increased . Sixt y percen t o f th e boy s committe d i n 1864 ha d prio r arres t records , whil e i n 1879 , 7 8 percen t ha d arres t records and over a quarter had bee n previously incarcerated . Younge r and les s delinquen t childre n wer e avoidin g th e reformatory , jus t a s Howe and Sanborn had wished. I8 WestborougWs Decline The transitio n fro m domesti c refor m t o vocationa l trainin g ha d a different impac t on each of the public institutions. Domesti c reform i n the girls ' reformator y coul d b e trimme d withou t appearin g t o los e much; domesticity easil y becam e domesti c wor k withou t leadin g t o a harsher environmen t becaus e a materna l orde r mor e easil y survive d the change . Wit h boys , strippin g awa y th e substanc e o f domesti c reform—affectionate discipline , persona l attention, education, emphasis on self-regulation—lef t onl y th e architectura l shell—th e cottages . Manual trainin g wa s a n improvement ove r th e convic t leasin g syste m of th e congregat e reformatory ; i t did no t involv e th e conflict betwee n manufacturers an d sweate d labo r inheren t i n convic t leasin g plans . Still, i t wa s a narrow conceptio n o f educatio n tha t emphasize d orde r and disciplin e an d no t muc h wa s require d fo r th e refor m schoo l t o descend into disorder. 19 Westborough went through a wrenching period of transition. West borough trustee s wrot e tha t the y ha d t o increas e th e numbe r o f offi cers, institut e mor e seriou s disciplinar y measures , ad d safeguard s t o prevent escape , an d rearrang e th e numbe r o f hour s devote d t o stud y and labor . Visitor s reporte d tha t th e atmospher e a t th e schoo l wa s tense, wit h on e truste e writin g th e governor , " I did no t tel l yo u ho w much Mrs . Richardso n an d I hav e bee n paine d b y finding th e surly , sullen spirit that exists among the boys. . . . Seein g them as you do in Chapel yo u coul d no t fee l th e absence of content tha t w e find so notice able." The refor m schoo l n o longe r resemble d th e bourgeoi s family , but was a microcosm of industrial society. 20 The violenc e tha t permeate d America n societ y i n th e 1870 s als o

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affected th e refor m school. 21 O n January 12 , 1877 , a group of boy s in the refor m schoo l starte d hurlin g bowls , utensils , an d foo d a t th e guards in the dining hall. Onl y abou t twent y youngster s joine d i n the melee, an d guards quickly restore d orde r and marche d th e boys off t o their evening lessons. Soo n trouble began again. Boys in the third floor classroom shu t off th e gas lamps an d some ran to barricade the doors, while other s advance d o n th e teacher , wh o escape d i n th e confusion . A grou p o f th e rebel s charge d dow n th e stairs , bu t wer e me t wit h guards' gunfire o n th e first floor an d retreated . O n th e secon d floor, the teache r locke d hi s door s an d manage d t o kee p hi s boy s quiet . Other guards , alerte d b y inmate s tha t a riot wa s i n progress , traine d fire hoses o n th e roo f o f th e building , encasin g i t i n ic e an d makin g escape impossible . Th e sherif f o f Westboroug h an d a poss e o f con cerned citizen s reinforce d th e guards , and , arme d wit h axes , clubs , revolvers, an d rifle s wit h fixed bayonets , charge d th e inmat e barri cades. Afte r burstin g through , the y traine d fire hose s o n th e inmate s and forced thei r surrender. 22 A legislativ e investigatio n followe d th e rio t and evidence presente d at th e hearin g suggest s th e natur e o f th e inmat e subcultur e an d th e ways i n whic h inmate s adapte d t o an d resiste d th e reformatory' s au thority. Th e mos t obvious conclusion t o be drawn from the testimon y offered a t th e legislativ e hearin g i s tha t th e refor m schoo l relie d o n brutality t o kee p order . Punishment s include d confinemen t i n th e "lodge" (solitary), us e o f a straitjacket an d gag , corpora l punishment , and confinement fo r several hour s in a "sweatbox." Solitary confinemen t a t th e refor m schoo l resemble d tha t a t othe r penal institutions . Boy s were put in cells apart from th e other inmates and fe d a diet o f brea d an d wate r an d given th e opportunity t o reflec t on thei r misdeeds . However , confinemen t wa s neve r a s solitar y a s officials wished . Boy s plotted togethe r and continued th e same type of disruptive behavio r the y ha d i n th e ol d congregat e institution . Fo r example, i n Apri l 187 6 a group o f boy s i n th e lodg e cheered , rattle d their doors , an d mad e nois e durin g a sermon b y th e loca l Protestan t minister. Afterwards , guard s hooked up a firehose and wet them down for thei r sacrilegiou s outburst . O n othe r occasion s troublesom e boy s were restrained physically . A witness told the investigating committe e that boy s wer e pu t i n strai t jackets, sometime s fo r severa l days , wit h

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straps tied inside their mouths across their teeth. 23 Flogging, administere d wit h a heav y leathe r strap , wa s th e mos t common punishment. An y official ha d the power to punish an inmate, and guard s sometime s crosse d th e lin e betwee n punishmen t an d sad ism. Cornelius Callahan described a beating by a guard in which he kept on whipping me until the blood ran down my legs. When he got me down, h e whipped m e on the neck; and I have marks on my neck now. H e gave me a pretty good strapping and after a while I begged. I got half across the floor, and he called me back and told me to take off my jacket and to take my pants down. I did, and he punished me again. Cruel punishments, admitted guard John Ayres, were a constant problem a t th e reformator y an d occasionall y a n employe e ha d t o b e dis missed for the severity of his or her treatment of an inmate. 24 Perhaps th e mos t troublin g mean s o f punishin g inmate s wa s th e sweatbox. Thi s was a wooden bo x twenty-one inche s by sixteen and a half inches , wit h a grat e i n th e doo r an d a n openin g i n th e top , i n which a boy woul d b e confined fo r severa l hours . Th e dimension s o f the box mad e it impossible t o lift u p one's arms or to change position , and on e inmat e reporte d tha t afte r severa l hour s o f confinemen t hi s hands ha d swolle n t o twic e thei r norma l size . Inmat e Fran k Cun ningham, on e o f th e reformatory' s trus t boys , tol d investigator s tha t he had been justly punishe d an d that it had done him good. Nonethe less, h e admitte d that , afte r si x an d a half hour s i n th e sweatbox , h e had troubl e walkin g fo r tw o o r thre e days . Aske d i f h e ha d see n th e results o f a prolonge d stay , h e replie d tha t h e ha d see n boy s whos e "legs were all swollen up, and they were black and blue, and the cords stood out on them so you could see them—black an d blue all over." 25 To b e sure , th e inmate s coul d b e equall y cruel . Th e institution' s physician, Dr . Edwi n Harvey, describe d an attack on a matron by tw o inmates. Th e boys , wh o helpe d clea n u p th e dinin g hal l afte r meals , waited until they were alone with their supervisor, Mrs . Moore. The n the two threw he r on the floor, stuffed a towel i n her mouth to muffl e her screams, knocked out her teeth, and beat and kicked her before the superintendent came to the rescue. 26 As a resul t o f bot h officia l an d inmat e actions , a n aura of violenc e enveloped the reformatory. Incident s such as the attack on Mrs. Moore were used t o justify hars h disciplinary measures . Followin g th e attack

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on the matron, the superintendent too k the inmate primarily responsi ble for the assault into his office an d flogged him. Another witness told the committe e tha t h e counte d forty-tw o blows . "A s I sai d th e bo y screamed a t first; bu t hi s voic e graduall y die d ou t unti l . . . [th e screams] stopped , an d th e superintenden t cam e out. " Dr . Harvey , who maintaine d tha t h e was opposed t o corporal punishmen t i n principle, argue d tha t floggings wer e necessar y t o contro l th e inmates . Order was precarious, with inmates and officials i n a constant struggl e for power , and , wit h orde r itsel f th e onl y goa l fo r th e institution , almost anything could be justified t o maintain it. 27 The inmat e subcultur e wa s itsel f base d o n violenc e an d th e exploi tation o f weake r inmates . Th e testimon y a t th e 187 7 hearin g shows that boy s place d i n position s o f trus t b y th e administratio n wer e a s likely t o b e assaulte d a s wer e official s themselves . Eve n i n ordinar y times thes e inmate s wer e sneere d a t and "called spie s fo r assisting th e officers." Colone l Shepherd , th e superintendent , reporte d tha t he had "to get betwee n thos e boy s an d protec t them. " After th e riot , specia l precautions had to be taken. Elme r Lutz testified a t the hearing that he had bee n punishe d fo r sayin g tha t on e o f th e trus t boy s ough t t o b e "thumped" fo r helpin g t o pu t dow n th e riot . Sexua l exploitatio n o f younger inmate s was obliquely describe d b y th e administration. Nor man Wood, assistan t superintendent, tol d the committee that the older boys too k "th e smaller an d mor e innocen t boys , an d [those] most fre e from vice," and "chummed" with them. Th e younger boys were "very affectionate" and the older ones took advantage of it. 28 The administratio n coul d no t contro l th e inmat e subculture , bu t attempted t o infiltrate it . Colone l Shepher d ha d formed severa l specia l groups amon g th e inmates , includin g th e "trie d an d true, " the "ban d of hope, " an d a Bibl e an d singin g class . Thes e trus t boy s informe d officers abou t inmat e plans , and , a s note d above , helpe d ma n th e firehoses trained o n th e schoolhous e roo f durin g th e 187 7 riot . Whil e the trus t bo y wa s ostracize d an d sometime s assaulted , hi s presenc e meant the inmate subculture was never secure. 29 The trus t boy s identifie d wit h th e institutio n an d the value s of th e larger culture it represented. The y sa w the punishments they receive d as justifie d an d forme d a loya l cadr e o f administratio n supporters . Conflict wit h othe r inmate s undoubtedl y reinforce d thei r group iden -

THE STATE REFORM SCHOOL FOR BOYS

IO5

tity, jus t a s i t probabl y helpe d secur e othe r inmate s i n thei r devian t status. Trus t boy s signe d a pledg e no t t o steal , swear , lie , drink , smoke, o r violat e an y o f th e institutiona l rules , an d the y agree d t o influence othe r inmate s t o follo w thei r example . A singl e misste p resulted i n expulsio n fro m thi s self-selecte d group , whos e member s obtained special privileges from the officers an d earned an early parole. Trust boy s experience d a cultural conversio n an d lef t th e institutio n imbued wit h th e fervor of their newly foun d faith . A s Loui s Otis tol d the investigatin g committe e whe n aske d wha t h e woul d d o whe n released i n a few days, " I should take , sir, i n anything I can get to do, no matte r wha t th e wor k is , unti l I ca n stud y fo r somethin g else. " Here was a boy wh o had adopted a n ethic of industry, futur e orientation, and self-discipline, wh o accepted personal responsibility fo r what happened t o him , an d wh o exemplifie d t o himself , t o othe r inmates , and to the public the meaning of reform. 30 Despite evidenc e o f brutality , th e stat e investigator y committe e lauded the condition of the reform school. The y note d the difficulty o f keeping goo d disciplin e "b y ordinar y means, " especiall y wit h olde r boys present . The y recommende d tha t th e us e o f th e sweatbo x b e abolished, tha t fire hoses b e use d o n inmate s onl y t o quell riots , an d that the right to use corporal punishmen t b e restricted and all punishments recorded . Whil e the y agree d tha t Josep h Rawso n ha d bee n justifiably fired for holding a gun to an inmate's head and then beating him severely , the y foun d n o faul t wit h th e othe r officers . Unlik e i n 1859, whe n simila r evidence of misconduct a t Westborough le d to the firing o f the superintendent an d the forced resignation s of the board of trustees, the 187 7 investigation had no serious repercussions. 31 The decline of the institution was explained i n terms of its inmates, not their keepers. Th e immediate-placemen t polic y lef t th e institutio n incarcerating the worst of the juvenile population. Littl e hope was held out tha t thes e boy s coul d b e reformed , an d th e experienc e o f th e reformatory fuele d th e adoptio n o f hereditaria n an d socia l Darwinia n ideas. These were born criminals, no t made ones, an d harsh measures were needed to control them. The change in reform though t i s most easily illustrate d throug h the experience o f Joseph Allen , wh o wa s recalle d t o the superintendenc y in 1881 . Allen wa s no t able to duplicate hi s earlier success. Alle n stil l

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DOMESTIC REFOR M

kept th e younge r boy s i n "families " o f abou t thirt y inmates , eac h supervised b y a coupl e an d a femal e teache r an d livin g a separat e existence fro m th e othe r familie s an d th e olde r boy s i n th e mai n building. Bu t th e older boy s resiste d hi s paternalism , constantl y sough t to escape , an d committe d "crime s agains t nature, " which Alle n con tended ha d no t occurre d durin g hi s earlie r superintendency. 32 Alle n blamed hi s failur e o n th e boys ' heredity . Som e boy s "com e fro m superior parentage , inheritin g th e abilit y t o appreciat e motive s ad dressed t o th e reaso n an d conscience, " whil e other s cam e fro m poo r homes i n larg e cities , "inheritin g fo r man y generation s scarcel y mor e than th e anima l instincts. " Method s appropriat e fo r th e first grou p were "los t upo n th e latter , wh o ca n rarel y b e reache d excep t throug h the immediat e fea r o f pain , o r hop e o f pleasure." 33 Domesti c refor m remained a viabl e optio n fo r th e boy s o f "superio r parentage" ; the y enjoyed th e ultimat e i n domesti c reform , namely , placemen t i n fami lies. Onl y harsh discipline and crude conditioning kept the others from committing furthe r crimes , whil e manua l trainin g fitted them t o ten d machines in factories. The failur e of reform ambitions led even Joseph Allen to mouth the hereditary determinis m increasingl y popula r i n th e lat e nineteent h century. Alle n came to see delinquents as representatives of an inferior species wh o coul d no t b e reformed , onl y controlled . Neve r ha d th e gap between the worthy an d the unworthy poo r appeared as wide and as unbridgeable. 34 Massachusetts reorganize d it s reformator y syste m agai n i n 1884 . The stat e sol d th e reformator y sit e an d purchase d a ninety-nine-acr e farm, als o in Westborough. Th e ne w refor m schoo l adopte d a cottage plan an d lowered th e age limit t o fifteen. Despit e th e architecture and the farm setting, the reformatory mad e no pretense of being a domestic reform school . Th e boy s continue d wit h thei r manual training , physi cal culture , an d militar y drill , whic h wer e designe d t o produc e "obe dience, promptnes s an d self-control. " Boy s wh o ra n away wer e pun ished with a whipping and a loss of credits, a certain number of which had t o b e earne d i n orde r t o b e released . Th e stat e als o opene d th e Concord Reformatory , fo r young me n between th e ages of fifteen and thirty, i n 1884 , thu s "solving " th e proble m o f olde r delinquent s b y treating the m a s adults. Westborough , lik e th e Lancaste r school , ha d

THE STATE REFORM SCHOOL FOR BOYS

IO7

become a waystatio n betwee n placemen t an d th e prison , par t o f a system o f institution s tha t sorted , classified , an d labele d inmate s an d passed troublesom e case s along to progressively harshe r environment s where they would b e confined further. 35 Between 186 1 an d 1884 , A e refor m schoo l a t Westborpug h ha d undergone dramati c change . Instea d o f bein g th e centerpiec e o f stat e juvenile correction s policy , th e refor m schoo l becam e merel y a place to jai l adolescent s wh o coul d no t b e place d i n familie s o r wh o wer e returned fro m placement . Th e rhetori c an d substanc e o f domesti c reform wer e abandone d fo r th e drab task of teachin g wor k habit s an d industrial discipline . Mora l regeneratio n an d th e creation o f characte r were exchange d fo r orderl y deportmen t an d docility. Fo r a brief mo ment th e institutio n seeme d t o work , bu t th e successfu l experimen t was abandone d befor e th e claim s o f less eligibility , th e nee d fo r a n industrial workforce, an d a narrower vision of what was an appropriate education fo r working-clas s children . Thereafte r innovatio n reside d with th e privat e agencies , whil e th e publi c reformator y punishe d an d labeled th e failures . B y th e 1880s , th e line s o f devianc e wer e firmly drawn.

PART II I

"The Organization of ^Wflfare

A HE Arlington Stree t Armor y stil l stand s a s an eloquent reminde r o f bourgeois Boston* s fea r o f th e workin g class . Begu n afte r th e grea t railroad strik e of 187 7 an d completed i n th e earl y 1890s , th e Armor y sits astrid e on e o f th e few street s tha t crosse d betwee n th e working class Sout h En d an d th e Brahmi n Bac k Bay . Juttin g turret s enable d would-be defenders to catch invaders in a crossfire, whil e iron shutters for th e windows , a moat , a drawbridge, an d tripl y reinforce d door s secured th e buildin g agains t assault . A cister n unde r th e roo f save d a month's supply of rainwater in case of siege and a system of semaphore flags provided communicatio n link s wit h th e Stat e Hous e o n Beaco n Hill. Wealth y subscriber s pai d fo r buildin g th e fortress , whic h a private militi a use d fo r militar y drill . Althoug h th e Brahmi n for t wa s never needed , i t suggest s th e chas m tha t divide d th e classe s i n lat e nineteenth-century America. 1 Just as notable (although leavin g no architectural monuments ) wer e the effort s t o cros s tha t chasm. Th e economi c crise s o f th e 1870 s and 1880s spawne d renewe d effort s t o organiz e privat e socia l welfar e i n order to tie relief to cultural reform . Protestan t and Catholic agencies, at loggerhead s sinc e th e 1850s , agree d t o a peacefu l coexistenc e an d recognized their similar aims. This did not mean that religious tensions disappeared o r tha t period s o f rivalr y wer e over . Bu t th e truc e ar 109

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THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFAR E

ranged i n th e 1870 s laste d an d Catholi c charitie s wer e integrate d int o the larger organized charity movement . Organized charit y itsel f pai d renewe d attentio n t o th e childre n o f working-class families , althoug h it s approac h changed . Instea d o f tryin g to remove children from families, reformers blanketed urban neighborhoods wit h hom e libraries , industria l schools , boys ' an d girls ' clubs, and settlemen t hous e program s designe d t o attrac t childre n int o thei r sphere. Thes e effort s t o uplif t th e worth y poo r wer e ver y differen t from wha t ha d bee n attempte d b y antebellu m mora l reformers , eve n such figures as Charles Franci s Barnard. Uplif t wa s secular and it was more limited , som e migh t sa y mor e realistic, tha n before. Whil e thei r goal remaine d cultura l conversion , i t was a narrower versio n o f bour geois cultur e an d th e method s differe d greatly . Thes e agencie s stil l promoted thrift, har d work, an d future orientation, bu t did so through military drill , manua l training , an d vocationa l education—essentiall y the sam e progra m foun d i n refor m schools . Instea d o f self-regulatio n and character , the y promote d deportmen t an d obedienc e t o externa l commands. I t was bourgeois culture tailored for the working class, and it carried the tacit admission of the permanence of economic inequalit y and class difference tha t wa s acknowledge d explicitl y i n the construction of the armory.

CHAPTER 6

Qatholic ^Uflfare: ^Between Separatism and Accommodation

"Brands fro m th e Burning, " publishe d b y th e Children' s Missio n t o the Children of the Destitute in 1856 , captures the hopes of Protestants and th e fear s o f Catholic s i n nineteenth-centur y Boston . Th e stor y i s about Pat, a Catholic boy, an d the Protestant city missionary wh o met him when breakin g up a fight among some boys. Th e missionar y too k the boys home with him to be cleaned up and fed, and offered t o enroll them i n Sunda y school . Pa t Connors , wh o live d wit h hi s widowe d mother and six siblings, returned for the Sunday school lessons, whic h soon pai d off . No t onl y di d h e sto p takin g th e Lord' s nam e i n vain , but h e persuade d hi s mother t o sto p as well. Afte r a stay i n a Protestant countr y home , Pa t returne d t o th e cit y an d foun d a jo b a s a brakeman on a railroad. Durin g a train wreck, h e heroically remaine d at his post and was crushed betwee n two cars. The climax of the story occurs whe n hi s mothe r arrive s at the hospita l an d curses th e railroa d that has taken her son's life. Bu t Pat admonishes his mother, " 'Whisht again, mother, unles s ye'd put a shadow on the last talk yer son would have wi d ye . I hav e bu t a n hou r o r tw o t o live. ' " Pat's mothe r the n wants to sen d fo r the priest; again her son corrects her : " 'I can die i n peace widout th e praste. Th e blesse d tache r used t o say tha t we wer e to confess ou r sin s t o God ; and sur e I have jus t now don e tha t same , and I am sure that God will forgive me." Pat's dying words are, " 'Ah, that blessed tacher!' " * 111

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THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFARE

Protestants, particularl y evangelicals , sa w Catholicis m a s menacin g American libert y an d viewe d th e concentration o f Iris h Catholic poo r in cities a s a threat to social order. Response s i n Boston were twofold . Working-class Protestant s clashe d directl y an d violentl y wit h Iris h Catholics i n th e 1830s , whil e stat e an d privat e socia l welfar e agencie s began t o us e institution s an d famil y placemen t t o transfor m poo r Catholic childre n culturall y an d religiously . Sinc e establishe d Bosto n united i n condemning working-clas s violence , th e officia l Catholi c re sponse wa s muted. However , "soul-stealing " wa s take n a s a mor e serious threat. Protestan t evangelical societie s expanded thei r activities in th e 1850 s an d provoke d th e Catholi c hierarch y int o creatin g a separate syste m o f schools , reformatories , an d socia l welfar e agencie s to preserve the faith of their parishioners, particularly children . Boston's Catholi c leadershi p undertoo k thi s separatis m reluctantly , preferring to continue the accommodation tha t had characterized Prot estant an d Catholi c relations . Th e Catholi c leadershi p share d basi c values wit h bourgeoi s Boston , bu t thi s agreemen t wa s maske d b y th e intense religiou s rivalr y a t midcentury . Onl y i n th e lat e nineteent h century, whe n Catholicis m stoppe d bein g d e fact o evidenc e o f devi ance, wer e Protestan t an d Catholi c socia l welfar e agencie s abl e t o discover thei r similaritie s an d cooperat e i n providin g lesson s i n bour geois culture . Minister s an d priest s agree d tha t Pa t shoul d b e a loyal brakeman. Cooperation and Conflict in Antebellum Boston The intensit y o f religiou s rivalr y aroun d midcentur y obscure d th e degree o f acceptanc e Catholic s ha d foun d befor e tha t time . Th e Mas sachusetts Constitutio n o f 178 0 eliminate d lega l restriction s agains t Catholics, th e constitutiona l reform s o f 182 0 allowe d Catholi c offic e holding, an d leadin g Catholics , suc h a s Bisho p Jean Loui s Cheveru s (1808-25), wer e welcomed int o the homes of the Boston elite. Chever us's cathedral , th e Churc h o f th e Hol y Cross , ha d bee n buil t wit h significant Protestan t contribution s fro m suc h well-know n figures a s John Adams , Joh n Quinc y Adams , Harriso n Gra y Otis , Theodor e Lyman, John Lowell , an d Thoma s Handasy d Perkins . Th e Ursulin e Convent Schoo l i n Charlestow n educate d th e daughter s o f Boston' s

CATHOLIC WELFAR E

"3

leading families , an d a slow bu t stead y numbe r o f Brahmi n convert s trickled into the Catholic Church. 2 The nineteenth-century bishops , Benedict Fenwick (1825-46), John Fitzpatrick (1846-66) , an d John William s (1866-1907) , reflecte d th e tradition of friendly tie s with Boston's Brahmins. John Fitzpatrick, th e only on e of th e thre e who wa s the so n of a n Irish immigrant, i n 182 6 entered th e Bosto n Lati n School , wher e hi s contemporarie s include d the futur e political , social , an d economi c leader s o f th e city . Fitzpa trick's accommodationist policie s as bishop reflected hi s admiration fo r Yankee culture an d the conservatism gaine d throug h traveling i n Boston's mos t elit e circles . Throughou t muc h o f th e century , prelate s o f non-Irish backgroun d hel d leadershi p positions i n the Boston Church. The leading advisors to Bishop Williams, Fitzpatrick' s successor, wer e three Yanke e converts , Georg e Haskins , Theodor e Metcalf , an d Joshua Bodfish. Tie s betwee n Catholi c and Protestant leader s were cemente d by friendship, culture , an d sometimes class and ethnicity. 3 This well-established , somewha t insula r Catholic leadership experienced the arrival of Irish peasants as a shock. Boston' s Catholic leaders were urbane and well educate d an d had accepted Boston' s Anglophil e culture. Th e Iris h immigrants they encountered ha d been unchurche d in Irelan d an d arrive d i n Bosto n a s nominal Catholics , whos e religio n was heavil y tinge d wit h fol k beliefs . Irish-bor n priest s share d th e peasant cultur e o f thei r flock as well a s thei r hostilit y t o Englis h an d Protestant authority . Th e arriva l o f th e Iris h divide d th e Churc h a s much a s i t di d Bosto n an d threatene d decade s o f hard-wo n assimila tion.4 Because o f thei r accepte d position , th e Catholi c leadershi p di d no t perceive earl y child-savin g activitie s b y th e stat e and b y privat e agencies a s a threat. Th e St . Vincent' s Femal e Orpha n Asylu m opene d i n 1833, an d fo r ove r fifteen year s i t remaine d th e onl y Catholi c child saving institution . Th e Catholi c leadershi p wa s secur e enoug h no t t o begin riva l institutions , eve n though , startin g i n 1847 , Catholi c cler gymen had difficulty gettin g permission to enter public institutions. I n 1849, shortl y befor e foundin g hi s own institution for boys, th e Rever end Georg e Haskin s wrot e a serie s o f article s fo r th e Bosto n Pilot giving the Bosto n Hous e of Reformatio n an d the Stat e Refor m Schoo l for Boys a favorable review. 5

ii4

THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFAR E

In hi s articles , Haskin s assure d hi s reader s tha t childre n i n th e reform school s learne d discipline , no t Protestantism . Haskin s con trasted the children of the "uneducated an d vicious classes," who were "loathsome rowdies " standing intoxicate d o n streetcorner s an d insulting passersby , wit h th e quiet , mannerl y boy s wh o stoo d a t attentio n in their blue uniform s a t Westborough. Haskin s wrote tha t the school provided religiou s instructio n onl y i n a genera l wa y an d tha t boy s remained staunc h Catholics. 6 To b e sure, Haskin s wa s predisposed t o be sympatheti c t o publi c refor m efforts . Befor e hi s conversio n t o Catholicism, h e had been chaplain and superintendent o f the House of Reformation, th e Hous e o f Industry , an d th e Boylsto n Schoo l (fo r pauper children) . Still , a s a n influentia l pries t writin g i n th e city' s Catholic newspaper , Haskin s provide d a semiofficia l imprimatu r o n the state' s work . Elit e Catholic s suc h a s Haskin s believe d tha t th e necessity fo r lesson s i n orde r an d disciplin e outweighe d th e potentia l ill effects o f the generic Protestantism taught at the reform school . The assurance s o f Catholi c leader s ran g hollo w i n th e fac e o f in creasing proselytism. Attentio n has usually been paid to political nativism, but religious groups acted with equal fervor. 7 National evangelical societies, suc h a s th e America n Bibl e Society , th e America n Hom e Missionary Society , an d the American Tract Society , whic h ha d been founded t o brin g religio n t o th e unchurched , becam e increasingl y nativist i n orientation. 8 I n Boston , th e Societ y fo r th e Mora l an d Religious Instructio n o f th e Poor , moribun d sinc e th e mid-1830s , revived i n th e 1840 s wit h a campaign t o conver t Catholics , whil e th e Benevolent Fraternit y o f Churches , whic h ha d take n ove r Josep h Tuckerman's ministr y t o the poor, opened Sunda y school s i n Catholic neighborhoods. Th e Children' s Missio n t o the Childre n o f th e Desti tute also opened a Sunday schoo l i n the largely Catholi c Sout h En d in 1849. I n it s first week s th e Missio n attracte d 12 5 children , bu t soo n that numbe r droppe d t o thirty-four , al l Protestants . Tw o couple s stationed near the entrance sent children home if they identifie d them selves a s Catholic. Youn g tough s pelte d th e Sunda y schoo l wit h mu d and stone s an d th e missionar y requeste d a polic e guar d eve n whe n teaching Protestan t children. 9 Th e Bosto n Pilot quote d a member o f the cit y governmen t a s saying , "th e onl y wa y t o elevat e th e foreig n population wa s to mak e protestants [sic] of their children." As religiou s

CATHOLIC WELFARE

"5

tension heightened , th e leadershi p o f th e Bosto n churc h wa s force d into a pattern of institutional separatism. 10 The first officia l Catholi c respons e t o evangelical s cam e i n a series of religious revivals . Catholi c revivals, aime d at the many unchurche d immigrants, illustrat e th e dua l strateg y o f th e Catholi c leadership . While seekin g t o bind the immigrants to the Church, th e prelates als o wished t o foste r adaptatio n t o th e dominan t cultur e tha t ha d serve d them so well. Mission s did exactly this. By strengthenin g th e immigrants ' ties t o the Church , revival s con fronted Protestan t proselytis m directly , an d in that sense revivals fit a defensive patter n o f separatism . Mission s brough t i n team s o f priest s to hea r confessions , preac h rousin g sermons , administe r sacraments , and stir the faith of the nominally Catholic. I n Boston, Catholic churches sponsored suc h mission s i n 184 2 and again in 1851 , 1859 , an d 1861. 11 But missions also introduced a new form of faith, one that fit well wit h bourgeois culture . I n Irelan d religiou s practice s ha d bee n communa l affairs, associate d wit h agricultura l festival s an d family event s suc h as births, marriages , an d deaths. I n American cities , th e Church emphasized th e individual' s participatio n i n sacramenta l duties , suc h a s at tending weekl y mass , receivin g th e Eucharist , participatin g i n nov enas, reformin g behavio r throug h temperance , an d carryin g religiou s dictums int o practic e i n daily life . Th e mission s i n particula r empha sized persona l religion , secure d b y fait h an d b y adherenc e t o a strict moral cod e involvin g self-improvement . Priests , lik e ministers , raile d against drink , gambling , dancing , an d sexua l indulgence , whil e en couraging thrift , har d work , an d individualism. 12 Peasan t folkway s and fol k religio n wer e unde r assault i n th e mission , an d t o the degre e that th e immigran t Iris h listened , the y wer e introduce d t o th e value s of a modern, bourgeoi s culture. The tensio n betwee n accommodatio n an d separatis m ca n bes t b e followed i n th e institution s an d educationa l an d socia l welfar e pro grams sponsore d b y th e Church . Childre n o n th e street s an d delin quent yout h wer e particula r target s o f interventio n b y eithe r privat e agencies or the state, and Catholics formed institutions to shelter them. On th e othe r hand , th e Catholi c hierarch y wa s reluctan t t o buil d institutions, suc h a s a n alternativ e schoo l system , tha t migh t preven t the acculturatio n o f th e majorit y o f immigran t childre n wh o wer e

n6

THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFARE

otherwise i n n o danger of bein g converted . Th e leadershi p undertoo k separatism reluctantly , a s a temporar y strateg y tha t wa s force d o n them by Protestant proselytizers. Afte r the Civil War, Catholicism lost its association with deviance and Catholic and Protestant social welfar e agencies bega n a commo n effor t t o exten d bourgeoi s cultur e t o th e poor.! 3 Institutional Separatism The Hous e of the Angel Guardia n (HAG) serve d th e dual functio n o f protecting an d isolatin g Catholi c childre n whil e equippin g the m wit h bourgeois values . Georg e Haskin s opene d th e Ange l Guardia n i n th e North En d of Bosto n i n 1851 , just two year s after writin g his positiv e review o f th e publi c reformatories . Haskin s objecte d neithe r t o th e ends of the public reformatories no r to their congregate style. H e acted because of the aggressive effort s o f the Protestan t sect s to enroll Catholic childre n i n their Sunda y school s or to place them i n rural Protes tant families. Haskins first trie d t o recrui t th e beggar s an d stree t trader s mos t likely t o b e targete d b y Protestan t missionaries . H e soo n discovere d that these boys "much preferred thei r own erratic life" and that if they came at all, i t was on th e condition tha t "they shoul d hav e the libert y of at least the whole of this world, to say nothing of the next." Finding this grou p mor e independen t tha n vulnerable , h e nex t trie d t o hav e Catholic boy s i n th e municipa l almshous e transferre d t o th e school , but th e director s refused . Haskin s aske d bitterly , "ha d som e broke n down tradesman , turne d missionary , som e 'Father ' Thi s o r 'Father ' That—self-dubbed—applied fo r thes e boys , woul d h e hav e bee n re fused?" Haskins was doubly insulted; not only was this a clear example of anti-Catholi c prejudice , bu t h e ha d bee n employe d prio r t o hi s conversion a s chaplai n an d superintenden t o f th e sam e institutions . Despite these initial problems, Haskins soon filled the Angel Guardia n as parents o f unrul y boy s swampe d hi m wit h request s fo r admission . The institutio n di d no t becom e a working boys ' home or a shelter fo r vagrants, but a combination temporary hom e and reformatory use d by parents in times of family crisis. H The Ange l Guardia n wa s a male preserve tha t pai d stric t attentio n

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to order and discipline. Upo n entr y boy s receive d number s b y whic h they wer e known i n the institution. The y wer e supposed t o work and eat i n silence , unde r th e surveillanc e o f a n officer. Th e boy s aros e a t five-thirty and, afte r dressing and praying, marche d to the washroom. Then the y proceede d singl e file with downcas t eye s t o th e chape l fo r mass an d prayers . A recreatio n perio d followe d unti l breakfas t time . At a signal , th e boy s stoppe d whateve r the y wer e doing , cease d al l conversation, an d held whatever posture they were in until they hear d the next signal . The n the y forme d a line an d marched int o the dinin g hall, wher e the y at e whil e bein g rea d to . Th e res t o f th e da y wa s similarly regimented , wit h period s fo r school , chores , an d recreation . In th e evening , th e prefec t calle d th e rol l an d eac h bo y reporte d hi s conduct, an d receive d eithe r merit s o r demerits . A balanc e o f merit s entitled a boy t o some special privilege s whil e demerits le d eventuall y to the "Class of Penance," whose members sat by themselves in silence during recreatio n periods . Afte r rol l call , th e boy s sai d prayer s an d returned t o the dormitories, wher e they undressed , folde d thei r clothes, and wen t t o bed. 15 Haskin s wa s probabl y incorrec t i n claimin g tha t few inmate s kne w eac h other' s names , tol d thei r histories , o r mad e lasting friendships, bu t the claims projected a n image of boys as anonymous cogs in a large, smooth-running, silen t machine. !6 This descriptio n o f th e Ange l Guardia n indicate s th e value s th e institution sought to promote. Disciplin e and punctuality were supplemented b y lesson s i n politica l economy , thrift , an d futur e orientatio n as boys carefull y tote d u p their merits, subtracte d thei r demerits, an d figured out th e purchase price of good behavior . (Th e latte r was literally true , since a balanc e o f merit s entitle d a bo y t o som e hous e currency tha t coul d b e spen t i n th e hous e stor e o n variou s treats. ) Haskins, fro m hi s experienc e a t th e Hous e o f Reformation , oppose d vocational program s a s expensiv e an d unlikel y t o trai n boy s fo r rea l jobs. Instea d he instituted a unique work release program for the boy s who had earned the most merit points. These boys held jobs by day in Boston and at night returned t o the Angel Guardian , whic h deducte d board costs and returned the balance to them on release. 17 The Hous e of the Angel Guardia n exhibited non e of the characteristics o f domesti c reform . Ther e wa s n o concer n fo r th e naturalizin g effect o f working the soil or for the feminine influence so many domes-

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tic reformer s though t vita l t o remakin g children . Eve n thoug h h e founded th e Angel Guardia n a t a time when the family-style reforma tory wa s i n it s ascendancy , Haskin s di d no t discus s hi s institutio n i n terms o f famil y o r domesticity . Th e Ange l Guardia n wa s simila r i n some way s t o the Hous e of Reformatio n unde r E . M . P . Wells , bu t it also reflecte d th e emphasi s o n fitting inmate s int o a n industria l econ omy tha t becam e commonplac e afte r th e Civi l War . Thi s tendenc y became more pronounced afte r the Christian Brothers assumed control in 187 4 a nd introduce d manua l training. There ar e several reason s fo r th e Ange l Guardian' s character . Th e most logica l explanatio n i s Haskins' s experienc e a t the Hous e o f Ref ormation. Give n Haskins' s approva l o f tha t institution , i t i s no t sur prising tha t h e modele d th e Ange l Guardia n o n it . Anothe r explana tion lies in Catholic tradition. The school , whic h was eventually take n over by a religious order, resemble d a monastery; it was a congregate, silent, single-se x community . Mor e pragmatically , Iris h immigrant s were urba n settlers , despit e thei r rura l background s an d som e effort s by Catholi c clerg y t o promot e migratio n t o th e country . A refor m school tha t serve d a s a transitional, rura l "family " unti l a child coul d be place d i n th e countr y ha d n o relevanc e fo r Iris h Catholics , wh o formed th e majorit y o f th e inmates . Finally , on e shoul d recal l Has kins's opinion s o f th e "rowdies " transforme d b y th e refor m school . Since th e Ange l Guardia n serve d primaril y a s a temporary shelte r fo r the children of the Irish working class, Haskins may have believed that promoting obedienc e an d disciplin e wa s th e bes t tha t coul d b e hoped for. 18 The Ange l Guardia n helpe d parent s weathe r famil y crises . A ran dom sampl e o f 25 0 inmate s incarcerate d betwee n 187 2 an d 189 7 re ~ veals that 5 4 percent o f th e boy s lef t b y th e end o f si x months , whil e 80 percent lef t afte r a year. Sinc e Haskin s though t th e idea l lengt h o f stay wa s betwee n si x month s an d tw o years , i t i s apparen t tha t a majority o f parent s disregarde d th e institution' s refor m progra m an d used th e Ange l Guardia n a s it fit into their plans . Parent s or relative s had t o pa y a t leas t a portio n o f a boy' s upkeep , an d thi s ma y hav e encouraged their independence. Th e Ange l Guardia n saved boys fro m the stat e refor m schoo l an d th e Protestan t child-savin g agencie s an d

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provided the m wit h som e disciplin e an d schooling . Fo r a parent abl e to recover a son after a short stay, i t was not a bad bargain. 19 As lon g a s th e large r societ y equate d Catholicis m wit h deviance , Catholics wer e force d int o separatism . Haskin s established th e Hous e of th e Ange l Guardia n no t becaus e h e disagree d wit h th e goal s o f public institutions , bu t becaus e h e becam e convince d tha t the y (to gether wit h th e child-saving agencies) were threatening Catholic boys ' faith. A t th e sam e time, Catholi c working-clas s familie s turned t o th e Angel Guardia n a s the bes t alternativ e t o stat e and privat e Protestan t institutions. Bu t eve n i n th e separat e Catholi c institutions , Catholi c children were exposed to the values of the dominant culture. The Creation of a Catholic School System The publi c school s provide d th e mai n avenu e fo r acculturatio n o f immigrants. However , th e over t Protestantis m o f th e publi c school s led Catholics into frequent disputes with public authorities over curriculum, Bibl e reading, prayer , an d textbooks. 20 I n New Yor k and Phil adelphia suc h dispute s le d t o violence , a s nativist s attacke d Catholic s and their institutions. 21 Ultimatel y Catholic s developed thei r own schoo l systems, bu t in Boston this process was delayed even after the national plenary counci l o f bishop s decree d i n 188 4 th a t eac h paris h ha d t o build it s own schoo l b y 1886 . Bishop s Fitzpatric k an d William s grad uated fro m th e Bosto n publi c schools , respecte d th e commo n schoo l tradition, an d rejecte d th e demands o f som e priest s tha t the y assis t i n the development o f a parochial schoo l system . Separatis m too k a back seat to accommodation and acculturation. The issue of Bible reading and Protestant sectarianism in the schools came t o a hea d fo r man y Bosto n Catholic s i n 1859 . Althoug h Bibl e reading, hym n singing , prayers , an d recitatio n ha d bee n a n integra l part of publi c education , schoo l authoritie s allowe d Catholi c childre n to read the Catholic Douay Bibl e and recite from their own texts, or to remain silent during school worship . However , Kno w Nothin g politi cal victorie s i n th e mid-1850 s emboldene d th e Schoo l Committe e t o demand that all children participate in Protestant religious exercises. It is notable tha t a response came , no t fro m th e archdiocese, bu t fro m a

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parish priest . Fathe r Wige t o f St . Mary' s Churc h i n th e Nort h En d instructed th e children i n his parish to recite only Catholi c versions of prayers an d commandments . Th e boy s i n the Eliot Schoo l agree d no t to recit e whe n calle d upon , an d schoo l authoritie s too k Thoma s Wal l to be their ringleader, perhap s because of his reputed statement , " 'Faith and I wan't agoin to repate thim damned Yanke e prayers.' " A school master used a rattan on Wall's hands until the y wer e cut and bleedin g and th e bo y agree d t o rea d th e Protestan t versio n o f th e command ments. However , thre e hundre d Catholi c student s wh o ha d followe d Wiget's instruction s wer e dismisse d fro m school . Wige t forme d hi s own schoo l a t St . Mary' s fo r th e childre n o f th e Iris h Nort h En d neighborhood, an d i n 1861 , Superintenden t Joh n Philbric k note d a decline i n Iris h enrollmen t i n the publi c schools , "du e in part, proba bly, to the establishment of Catholic schools" after the Wall incident. 22 Nonetheless, ver y few parishe s established schools . Onl y te n out of twenty-seven parishe s i n Bosto n ha d schools b y 1880 , an d the Bosto n archdiocese di d no t encourag e th e creatio n o f more . Afte r th e initia l furor ove r the Wal l inciden t faded , Bisho p Fitzpatrick urge d Catholi c parents t o retur n thei r childre n t o th e publi c schools . H e tol d the m that thei r childre n woul d hav e t o obe y th e la w unti l i t wa s changed , and h e suggeste d tha t th e law' s injustic e migh t strengthe n Catholi c children's faith . Moreover , th e Schoo l Committe e eventuall y backe d down, requirin g tha t onl y teacher s rea d fro m th e Bibl e an d sa y th e Lord's Prayer , afte r Catholi c voter s electe d Georg e Haskin s t o th e School Committee. 23 Compromise wa s bes t fo r everyone . N o Catholi c schoo l syste m could possibl y educate d all Catholic children. Eve n in Chicago, whic h had th e larges t parochia l syste m i n th e country , onl y abou t hal f th e eligible childre n attended . I n addition , n o schoo l committe e coul d allow suc h a large grou p of parent s t o becom e disaffected . Th e with drawal of a large group of children into a rival syste m undermine d th e entire basis of public education while removing the very children who, according t o the dominant view , neede d acculturatio n an d proselytiz ing th e most . I n addition , bot h Joh n Fitzpatric k an d John William s had attended the Boston public schools, had significant tie s to Brahmin Boston, and , a s "Americanists " within th e Church , believe d tha t th e

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Irish would b e best serve d b y acceptin g th e values of thei r new coun try, which would be learned in the public schools. 24 Of cours e accommodatio n ha d it s critics . Som e Catholi c layme n noted tha t Fitzpatrick ha d not established an y Catholic schools during his tenur e a s bishop , an d a t leas t on e pries t charge d tha t Fitzpatric k had discourage d others ' efforts a t startin g schools . Thes e charge s le d to a Vatica n investigation , bu t apparentl y nothin g substantiv e wa s discovered. Fitzpatrick' s successor , John Williams , face d simila r accusations. I n 1876 , Fathe r Thoma s Scully , representativ e o f a younge r generation of parish priests more estranged fro m Yankee Boston, com plained tha t Williams ha d neglected buildin g school s s o that Catholic s would no t "distur b th e peace, and los e th e good will o f ou r Yanke e friends." William s ha d surrounde d himsel f wit h Yanke e Catholi c ad visors, me n wh o share d hi s fait h i n America n cultur e an d wh o als o sought accommodation with Protestant Boston. Severa l pastors of Irish parishes snippe d a t Fitzpatrick , Williams , an d thei r Yanke e Catholi c coterie, an d occasionall y wo n concessions , bu t accommodatio n re mained the policy of the nineteenth-century Bosto n Church. 25 The parochia l schoo l issu e suggest s th e ambiguou s positio n o f th e Church leadership . Priest s an d layme n traine d i n the commo n schoo l tradition an d accustome d t o friendl y relation s wit h Brahmi n Bosto n responded reluctantl y t o th e changin g environment . The y fel t pressured b y nativism , b y th e hostilit y o f Iris h Catholic s fo r Brahmi n Boston, b y priest s unsympatheti c t o thei r desir e fo r accommodation , and b y th e Vatican , whic h sough t t o orien t America n Catholicis m toward Rome . Thi s leadershi p venture d int o separatis m reluctantl y and continued t o work fo r a n American Catholicis m integrate d int o a larger bourgeois culture. The Basis for Cooperation By th e 1870 s an d 1880 s ther e existe d bot h a material an d a religiou s base for Iris h Catholi c acculturation . Th e "lac e curtain" Irish enjoye d some prosperity an d shared wit h thei r American neighbor s a belief i n domesticity, temperance , sexua l purity , an d industry . I n addition , post-1870 Iris h immigrants differed significantl y fro m the famine gen-

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eration an d brough t wit h the m value s mor e i n tun e wit h Victoria n America. Whil e th e cultur e o f bourgeoi s Iris h American s remaine d distinctive, wha t the y share d wit h th e dominan t bourgeoi s cultur e i s more importan t tha n wha t distinguishe d them . Thes e similaritie s be came mor e apparen t afte r th e Civi l Wa r reduce d Catholic-Protestan t hostility. The service of Irish Catholics during the Civil War promoted acceptance. Despit e participatio n i n th e Draf t Riot s i n 1863 , th e Iris h proved loya l t o their adopte d countr y an d serve d i n large number s i n the Unio n armies . Th e forme r Columbia n Artillery , banne d b y th e Know Nothings i n the 1850s , formed th e core of the Ninth Massachu setts Regiment , an d other predominantl y Iris h units were recruited as well. Ove r five hundre d thousan d immigrant s fough t fo r th e Unio n and charges of un-Americanism were , at least for a time, lai d to rest. 26 Loyalty t o th e Unio n certainl y helpe d Iris h Catholic s reac h a n accommodation wit h Protestan t Boston , bu t th e changin g fac e o f th e Irish Catholi c communit y wa s a t leas t a s important . Pett y entrepre neurs, whit e colla r workers , an d conservativ e labo r leader s define d themselves culturall y i n way s tha t wer e simila r t o bourgeoi s Protes tants. B y th e 1870 s and 1880s , first- and second-generation Iris h families settle d int o modes t home s i n Roxbury , on e o f Boston' s inne r suburbs. Suburbanizatio n wa s a reflection o f growin g prosperit y an d of th e adoptio n o f a domestic ideal . B y 1890 , abou t 1 0 percent o f th e city's Iris h immigrant s ha d whit e colla r occupations , whil e nearl y 4 0 percent o f thei r childre n ha d whit e colla r jobs , althoug h th e vas t majority wer e of a fairly lo w status. Still , these jobs provided mor e job security tha n di d unskille d labor , a s well a s the financial wherewithal for purchasin g a suburba n home . Graduall y th e materia l basi s fo r adopting a bourgeois culture emerged. 27 The Iris h wer e als o th e middleme n fo r othe r immigran t groups . Because of their early arrival , thei r large numbers, thei r knowledge o f English, an d thei r abilit y t o organiz e politically , th e Iris h capture d increasingly highe r rung s o f municipa l service s an d th e Churc h bu reaucracy. The y acte d a s cultura l an d politica l broker s fo r othe r im migrants, forme d alliance s wit h establishe d groups , an d becam e en trenched a s a socially an d politically conservativ e force. The y no t only

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became acculturate d bu t eve n assume d th e positio n o f acculturatin g others.28 Irish Catholi c prosperit y provide d th e opportunit y fo r th e emer gence o f a Catholic versio n o f bourgeoi s domesti c culture . Lik e Prot estants, these Catholics valued a well-ordered suburban home to which a fathe r retreate d afte r hi s work . Whil e Catholi c wome n ha d a more restricted rol e tha n Protestan t wome n i n th e organizatio n o f hom e religious devotion s becaus e o f th e sacramenta l an d church-centere d nature o f Catholicism , the y stil l se t a mora l ton e fo r th e househol d and taugh t domesti c an d religiou s value s t o children . Catholi c do mestic literatur e stresse d parish , family , an d home , rathe r tha n th e tavern and male companionship that had been the focus of male life i n Ireland an d that continued t o be the center of working-class mal e culture.29 Catholicism i n Irelan d also changed an d promote d value s tha t helpe d the post-1870 immigrants fit well in the United States . In Ireland, Paul Cardinal Culle n appointe d youn g bishop s loya l t o him , constructe d new churches , schools , an d seminaries , bega n t o refor m th e clergy , and introduced ne w religious observances in order to centralize authority, promot e literacy , an d redefin e th e loosel y organize d fol k Catholi cism o f Ireland . Wherea s onl y 4 0 percen t o f th e Iris h wer e churche d in 1840 , b y 189 0 tha t ha d increase d t o abou t 9 0 percent . Th e ne w devotionalism ha s bee n explaine d a s bot h a cultura l respons e t o in creasing Anglicizatio n an d a s a substitute fo r th e fol k religiou s prac tices tha t ha d faile d t o war d of f th e traged y o f th e famine . Whateve r its source , th e ne w devotionalis m fostere d a Catholicism tha t empha sized temperance , chastity , an d obedience . Sinc e thes e decade s als o witnessed a rising standard o f living i n Ireland, post-187 0 Iris h immi grants t o th e Unite d State s wer e quit e differen t fro m th e famin e generation. The y wer e mor e literate , wealthier , an d mor e religious , and brought a culture that separated them more from the Irish American poor than from bourgeois Victorians. 30 By th e 1880s , th e effect s o f increase d wealt h an d intensifie d reli gious devotionalism wer e apparent. A n Iris h Catholic bourgeoisi e had emerged tha t share d value s wit h thei r Protestan t America n counter parts. The y engage d i n activitie s tha t sprea d thei r cultur e and , a s a

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byproduct, fostere d thei r acceptanc e b y thei r Protestan t peers . Visit ing the homes of the poor and organizing charity were among the most important of these activities. Charity Organization Bourgeois Catholic s define d themselve s i n par t throug h visitin g th e poor, whic h the y organize d throug h th e St . Vincen t d e Pau l Society . Frederic Ozana m founde d th e Societ y i n Franc e i n 183 3 i n answer t o the charg e tha t organize d Catholicis m care d littl e fo r th e tempora l needs o f th e poor . Brough t t o Bosto n i n 1861 , th e Societ y wa s a n organization o f layme n wh o volunteere d t o visi t poo r familie s weekl y for spiritua l an d mora l counselin g an d t o provide food , clothing , and , occasionally, money . Th e St . Vincen t d e Pau l Societ y discovere d through it s activitie s tha t i t share d a common groun d wit h Protestan t charitable agencies . Thi s i n tur n prompte d a n agreemen t o n child saving that allowed Protestan t an d Catholic agencie s to pay ful l atten tion to uplifting th e poor. 31 Visiting th e poo r an d teachin g the m lesson s i n respectabilit y as sured th e visito r o f hi s ow n status . Whe n recruitin g visitors , th e Vincentians stresse d tha t the y wer e t o b e "youn g gentlemen o f socia l position, education , means , an d leisure. " Th e Societ y admitte d tha t too ofte n potentia l visitor s wer e professional s jus t developin g thei r practices, o r shopkeeper s wh o ha d t o devot e bot h nigh t an d da y t o earning a living, o r young whit e colla r worker s wh o wishe d t o spen d free tim e o n recreatio n o r physica l development . Thes e individual s had littl e tim e t o devot e t o charity , bu t the y ha d t o lear n th e obliga tions of bourgeois status, the "solid happiness" of serving God throug h "ministering t o th e want s o f th e afflicted , th e neglected , th e unfortu nate." Service was proof of bourgeois respectability an d of the seriousness of Catholic intent to share the burden of transforming the poor. 32 The St . Vincen t d e Pau l Societ y share d the method s an d the goals of the Protestant ("nonsectarian") charity organization societies. I t wanted to reconnec t th e wealth y an d th e poor , i t restricted aid , whic h i t saw as a means of leverage over the family, an d it emphasized reconstruct ing working-clas s families , rathe r than removing childre n fro m them . Vincentians claime d tha t th e presenc e o f th e visito r suggeste d t o th e

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poor tha t the y wer e no t a caste, cu t of f an d despise d b y th e res t o f society. Th e visito r provide d ai d efficientl y becaus e h e ha d persona l knowledge o f a family's circumstances . H e assiste d th e worth y poor , found job s fo r th e unemployed , an d resiste d "th e imposition s o f pro fessional beggar s an d idlers." 33 Th e Vincentian s discusse d ai d a s a way o f gaining entry int o a family, winnin g " a welcome wher e otherwise ou r visit woul d b e looke d upo n a s impertinen t meddling. " Onc e a friendl y relationshi p wa s established , th e "rea l work " o f preachin g the gospel began . However , th e visitor s taugh t a s muc h o f a cultural gospel a s a religiou s one . The y preache d temperance , thrift , piety , hard work , an d self-relianc e an d mad e adherenc e t o thes e value s th e price of assistance . Moreover , the y sa w charit y i n the sam e utilitaria n way tha t Protestant s frequentl y did . Almsgivin g an d visitin g save d society from "the dry rot of communism or a war of classes." 34 The Vincentian s also wanted to cooperate with Protestant agencies. Theirs wa s no t a sectaria n battle , bu t a commo n effor t t o uplif t th e poor and prevent pauperism. Thoma s Mulry , a Catholic prominent i n social welfare, argue d that without cooperation among agencies a form of "piracy " existed i n whic h differen t agencie s poache d i n th e other' s territories, an d paupers and idler s were th e only winners . " A catholic [sic] today, a protestant [sic ] to-morrow, an d a Hebrew th e day after , [the pauper ] coul d carr y o n hi s trad e wit h impunity. " Th e crusad e against pauperis m wage d b y th e Vincentian s struc k a chor d wit h Protestants. I n it s 187 0 report, th e St . Vincen t d e Paul Societ y thanke d Protestants fo r contributin g t o it s effort s an d cite d th e Bosto n Provi dent Associatio n fo r relievin g th e man y familie s wh o coul d no t b e assisted by the Vincentians. Althoug h the St. Vincen t de Paul Societ y declined th e invitatio n t o joi n Boston' s Associate d Charite s i n 1879 , the Society' s president , Thoma s Ring , becam e a member of the Associated Charities' executive committee and urged Vincentian s t o participate in its local chapters. 35 An agreemen t o n child-savin g wa s ke y t o cooperation . Mor e tha n any other issue, the loss of Catholic children to Protestant agencies and families ha d le d t o th e formatio n o f separat e Catholi c institutions . I n 1887, non-Catholi c socia l welfar e agencie s i n Bosto n agree d t o repor t all cases of abandoned or destitute Catholic children to the local parish priest o r to th e presiden t o f th e parish' s Vincentians . Vincentians , i n

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turn, agree d t o refer cases to more appropriate privat e or public agencies, includin g th e Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Cruelt y t o Childre n and t o publi c welfar e authorities . Thi s spiri t o f cooperatio n affecte d the separatis t institution s a s well. Th e Hous e o f th e Ange l Guardia n raised a portio n o f it s annua l budge t fro m Protestan t contributors , while th e admissio n statistic s fo r th e Hom e fo r Destitut e Catholi c Children (1864 ) offe r anothe r measur e o f th e result s o f cooperation . Public o r privat e "nonsectarian " agencie s referre d one-thir d o f th e children admitted betwee n it s founding an d 1930 . The city als o began to work wit h th e Catholics i n 188 8 by allowin g a St. Vincen t d e Paul Society agen t t o atten d children' s trials , visi t th e lock-up , an d tak e charge of Catholic delinquents. A Societ y membe r i n the delinquent' s parish acted as a probation officer, visitin g weekly and making sure the child wa s i n schoo l o r employed. Whe n i n 188 9 the Overseer s o f th e Poor provide d th e Vincentians ' agen t wit h a n offic e i n th e Charit y Building, alon g wit h th e city' s olde r Protestan t groups , i t symbolize d the new status of Boston's Catholics. 36 Poverty rathe r tha n Catholicis m reemerge d a s th e distinguishin g badge of deviance . Th e ris e of bourgeoi s Iris h Catholics, solidl y Vic torian an d themselve s concerne d abou t propert y an d fearfu l o f th e poor, severe d the connection between poverty an d Catholicism and, to a lesse r degree , betwee n bourgeoi s cultur e an d Protestantism . Bour geois Catholic s an d bourgeois Protestant s were not the same, bu t they shared enough of an identity and a class interest defined i n relationship to the poor, tha t cooperation became possible. Separate institution s ha d serve d thei r purpose ; the y ha d promote d acculturation whil e defendin g Catholics ' religious interests . Onc e reli gion becam e divorce d fro m clas s identity , thes e institutions , althoug h they continue d t o provid e a Catholi c versio n o f bourgeoi s culture , were incorporated int o an emerging social welfare system. To b e sure , ethni c an d religiou s rivalr y emerge d again , bu t neve r with th e virulenc e o f midcentury . I n the 1890 s th e America n Protec tive Associatio n campaigne d agains t th e Catholics , an d tension s ros e again i n Boston , culminatin g i n a riot i n 1895 . Bu t th e AP A di d no t achieve a wide following an d its activities were more the dying embers of a n earlier nativism tha n the harbinger of a new campaign. 37 An d at

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the tur n o f th e century , Iris h Democrat s shrugge d of f thei r allianc e with Yanke e Democrats , resorte d t o religious an d ethnic appeals , an d took control of city hall. Bu t the basic accommodations on child-saving still held and Boston entered the Progressive era with a unified networ k of social welfare agencies.

CHAPTER 7

The Qharity ^twork

A group of Methodist missionaries , tourin g the North End' s "by-way s to hell " i n 1867 , discovere d flourishing brothels , danc e halls , an d gambling dens. Fro m spot s all along North Street , boisterou s laughter , squealing fiddles, an d th e sounds of dancing invited passersb y t o enter. The missionarie s discovere d a worl d wher e a missio n ha d becom e a dance hall , wher e know n criminal s an d notoriou s wome n assembled , and wher e me n too k thei r sexua l pleasure . Everywher e black s an d whites mingle d o n a n equa l footing , an d th e missionarie s commente d on the number o f mulattoes the y found—furthe r proof , apparently , o f the totall y dissipate d nature s o f th e vicious poor . The y sa w fifteen- o r sixteen-year-old girl s wit h toothles s smile s an d sunke n eyes , th e sign s of moral "leprosy. " The cost of dissipation wa s most obvious in a nineyear-old whit e bo y wit h onl y on e ar m an d a "fac e tha t bor e th e unmistakable signs of the idiocy of vice." He shuffled ove r to an elderl y black woman , signalin g tha t h e wante d something . Takin g th e dim e offered hi m "wit h a contortio n o f hi s feature s tha t wa s mean t fo r a smile, bu t mor e resemble d th e grimace of a monkey," th e bo y heade d for th e bar , wher e h e downe d hi s drin k "a s i f i t ha d bee n mother' s milk." Here wa s the antithesis of the progressive bourgeoi s world, on e where fifty year s o f refor m ha d bee n defie d an d wher e th e inherite d legacy of viciousness an d vic e left a physical imprin t o n th e degenerat ing poor. ! Missionaries responded traditionall y t o this scene from Sodom : the y 128

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created the North End Mission and distributed religious tracts, preached, and opened a refuge fo r prostitutes. Th e missionarie s conceived of the North End's problems as moral and the solution as individual regener ation throug h religiou s conversion . Althoug h the y apparentl y hel d a Lamarckian vie w o f heredity , i n othe r way s the y viewe d th e cit y n o differently tha n the Societ y fo r the Religiou s an d Moral Institutio n o f the Poo r ha d i n 1817 , an d wit h les s sophisticatio n tha n Joseph Tuck erman in the 1830s . Poverty stemmed from vice, which was an individual moral problem. Within a decade of their visit, however , th e missionaries had changed their approac h entirely . Shuttlin g rescue d prostitute s of f t o th e country t o b e traine d a s domestics, the y concentrate d o n providin g socia l services to the neighborhood's other inhabitants—the larg e Irish community an d fledglin g group s o f Italian s an d Portuguese . B y th e mid 1870s, the Mission had become a secular neighborhood center. 2 The histor y o f th e Nort h En d Missio n exemplifie s th e shif t fro m traditional charit y t o neighborhoo d socia l servic e i n postbellu m socia l welfare. Reformer s realize d that the poor could not be transformed b y taking a fe w o f thei r childre n an d placin g the m i n th e countryside . Instead the y attempte d t o chang e th e environmen t tha t produce d de linquent childre n b y establishin g a more pervasiv e presenc e i n work ing-class neighborhoods . Thei r networ k o f boys ' and girls ' clubs, in dustrial schools, home libraries, and recreational facilities invited children and thei r familie s int o a bourgeoi s cultura l sphere . Socia l welfar e agencies als o succeeded i n organizing charity . Sectaria n and organizational rivalrie s diminishe d i n th e fac e o f th e overwhelmin g socia l an d economic crise s o f th e perio d betwee n th e depression o f 187 3 an d th e end o f th e century . A s see n i n th e previou s chapter , Catholi c an d Protestant societie s bega n t o cooperate, an d th e Associate d Charities , established i n 1879 , coordinated relief-givin g b y the agencies. Finally , reformers recognize d tha t the y wer e dealin g wit h a new socia l struc ture. The y stil l aime d t o transform th e poor, bu t they provide d the m with a distinctive working-class version of the dominant culture.

i3o

THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFARE

The Missionaries The Nort h En d Mission' s wome n visitor s expande d th e Mission' s program t o includ e secula r goal s a s wel l a s religiou s ones . Visitor s from familie s o f "comfort an d culture and refinement " supplie d mora l advice and aid to the worthy poor much as the antebellum ministers to the poor had done. Bu t the visitors found i t difficult t o explain povert y just i n term s o f mora l failings , especiall y i n th e ligh t o f a nationa l depression and widespread unemployment . A s a result, the y propose d measures alien to the spirit of laissez faire, and they moved beyond the positions take n b y Josep h Tuckerma n an d th e antebellu m povert y workers.3 Temporary measure s t o provide wor k fo r poo r women turne d int o permanent social service for women and children. The Mission forme d an "industrial school " after the fire of 187 2 destroyed much of Boston's downtown, includin g it s garmen t district . Man y o f th e Nort h End' s working-class wome n worke d i n th e garmen t factorie s whil e thei r husbands, wh o were part of the North End' s fishing fleet, were at sea. The garmen t factorie s wer e thei r sol e sourc e of suppor t durin g man y months o f th e year , an d th e Missio n starte d th e industria l schoo l t o offer the m alternativ e employment. I n a program that combined relie f and entrepreneurship, th e Mission provide d th e cloth an d th e wome n marketed th e garment s the y stitched . Sinc e th e depressio n o f 187 3 followed o n th e heel s of th e fire, th e industria l schoo l becam e perma nent an d expanded . Th e Missio n adde d a sewing clas s fo r th e girls i n the neighborhoo d i n th e hop e o f steerin g the m awa y fro m job s a s singers an d dancer s i n th e concer t halls , whic h employe d girl s a s young a s twelve . Her e th e choice s facin g working-clas s girl s wer e starkly posed : trainin g fo r th e garmen t factor y o r th e lur e o f th e concert hal l wit h th e possibilit y o f casua l prostitution . Th e Missio n also opene d a n inexpensiv e restaurant , wit h servic e provide d b y th e neighborhood women , an d i n 1876 , a summer camp for children, an d the following year , a nursery schoo l fo r working mothers . Th e gener ally sympatheti c attitud e of th e women volunteer s i s indicated b y on e who aske d wha t goo d tract s an d prayer s di d " 4to a lot of poo r bodie s who haven't anything to eat, no r decent clothes to cover them.' " 4 Where Joseph Tuckerma n ha d feare d t o interven e i n th e working s

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of th e marketplace , thes e wome n offere d employmen t an d th e socia l services neede d t o allo w poo r wome n t o accep t it . I t i s no t clea r whether th e missionarie s provide d chil d car e an d othe r service s be cause they were able to identify wit h the needs of working mothers, or whether poo r wome n force d th e missionarie s t o respon d t o thei r cir cumstances. Mos t likel y i t wa s a combination o f th e two—th e Mis sion, a s a private agency, coul d only invit e the poor into its doors and therefore i t ha d t o respon d t o thei r need s i n orde r t o attrac t them , while th e wome n missionarie s wer e themselve s familia r wit h th e bur dens o f carin g fo r childre n an d a home . A s a result , th e Missio n challenged the tradition of providing the poor with only temporary aid and fre e advice . Th e socia l service s provide d wer e innovativ e an d allowed poo r wome n th e opportunit y t o choos e employmen t ove r pauperism o r vice . Bu t th e missionarie s lef t unquestione d th e large r economic context tha t presented th e poor with such a narrow range of choices. The missionarie s als o di d no t questio n th e traditio n o f cultura l uplift. The y approache d th e inhabitant s o f th e Nort h En d wit h "throbbing hearts" and reached int o the "foules t depths " to grasp any hand seekin g help . Lesson s i n "industry , cleanliness , morality , an d religion" were par t of vocational training . Th e ver y fac t tha t garmen t workers were "taught" sewing in a "school" is suggestive of the volunteers' unreflectin g condescension . An d whil e th e wome n volunteer s may not have handed out religious tracts, they had not become entirely secularized. The y preache d an d rea d fro m th e Bibl e t o th e man y Portuguese wome n wh o sewe d a t the Mission , an d commended the m for bein g fre e of bigotr y despit e thei r Catholicism. (The y note d with out iron y tha t reading s wer e i n English , whic h fe w o f th e wome n understood.) Chil d placement , whil e no t a n importan t par t o f th e Mission's activities , offer s anothe r example o f th e volunteers' sense o f cultural mission . Th e Mission' s report s offere d a s example s o f it s success the cases of two Iris h boys who adopted th e Yankee surname s of thei r foste r families . Throug h th e placement , "wha t wa s a burde n to societ y ha s bee n change d t o a support. " Th e Missio n volunteer s provided vital social services, which they traded for the opportunity t o shape the culture of the poor. 5 The Mission' s shift fro m simple proselytizing to a complex arra y of

'3*

THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFARE

services wa s commo n t o religiou s organization s i n this period . Urba n parishes wit h dwindlin g congregation s turne d t o socia l program s t o revitalize thei r churches . Th e "institutiona l church " movement aske d wealthy churc h member s t o sponsor trade schools an d boys' and girls' clubs i n orde r t o provid e vocationa l an d cultura l lesson s t o th e poor . Perhaps immigrants could not be transformed int o Protestant Yankees, but the y coul d b e provide d wit h service s an d taugh t usefu l skill s and work habits. This trend was most apparent in programs for children. 6 The Child-Savers One wa y o f preventin g delinquenc y wa s b y providin g alternative s t o the street s wher e working-clas s childre n spen t thei r time. 7 Hom e li braries, children's clubs, industrial schools, and gymnasiums, al l introduced i n the 1880s , provide d recreation , manua l training , an d cultural uplift unde r the aegis of bourgeois reformers. Th e agencie s cooperated with one another and their programs introduce d childre n to the dominant culture, bu t in a version tailored to fit a working-class audience. The mos t concerte d effor t t o control children' s tim e occurred wit h delinquents o n probation. Th e Bosto n Children's Ai d Societ y wa s the first organization t o take large numbers of children on probation . Th e Society bega n intercedin g i n court proceeding s i n 1865 , bu t unti l th e mid-1880s probatio n ("outdoo r work" ) too k a back sea t t o reformin g children i n th e Society' s institution s a t Pin e Far m an d Roc k Lawn . Charles Birtwell , hire d as an outdoor worker in 1885 , reoriented CA S activities. Probatio n enabled th e agency t o reach more children than it could throug h it s institutiona l programs , whil e th e increase d numbe r of neighborhoo d socia l servic e agencie s mean t tha t children on proba tion coul d b e supervise d mor e carefull y tha n before . Whe n Birtwel l took childre n fro m court , h e trie d t o becom e acquainte d wit h thei r families an d persona l circumstances . Dependin g o n hi s assessment , Birtwell place d childre n i n th e industria l classes , sewin g "groups, an d evening program s ru n b y differen t socia l welfar e organizations . Chil dren guilty o f mor e seriou s offenses reporte d weekl y t o Societ y head quarters, while less serious offenders appeare d every two weeks. The y brought report s fro m thei r parent s an d teacher s an d wer e assiste d i n finding jobs , wit h thei r first obligation bein g th e repaymen t o f cour t

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costs and fines. I n 189 3 the Societ y ha d oversight of thirteen hundre d children, nine hundred of whom were supervised at home, three hundred in othe r families , an d onl y on e hundre d a t th e Society' s institutions . The adven t o f socia l wor k provide d th e court s wit h a n alternativ e t o institutionalizing children , placin g the m i n foste r homes , o r simpl y releasing them. 8 The home library program, begu n by th e Children's Aid Society i n 1887, attempte d t o shap e children' s leisur e time . Th e Societ y depos ited a cas e o f twent y book s i n th e hom e o f th e chil d wh o acte d a s librarian an d circulate d the m amon g th e group . Th e libraria n hoste d weekly boo k discussion s le d b y a hom e visitor , an d i n 189 3 sevent y groups wit h over 630 children participate d i n the program . Th e Soci ety viewe d th e home librarie s as counteracting th e harmfu l influence s of popular culture, particularl y dime novels. Th e Societ y also initiated the children into the world of thrift through the Boston Stamp-Saving s Society. Th e childre n bough t penn y stamp s fro m th e visitors , paste d them o n card s tha t eventuall y wer e redeeme d fo r cash , an d then opened savings accounts. 9 Despite the emphasis on thrift an d self-reliance, th e cultural curriculum offere d b y th e socia l welfar e agencie s differe d i n importan t respects fro m tha t taugh t earlie r unde r domesti c reform . Domesti c reform demanded the development of character and the internalizatio n of bourgeoi s value s b y encouragin g childre n t o us e foste r parent s o r the superintendents o f a family-style institutio n a s role models. I n the 1880s, socia l welfar e agencie s emphasize d manua l training , vocationa l education, an d militar y drill—th e sam e progra m adopte d b y th e reformatories. Educationa l an d recreationa l reformer s argue d tha t re petitive physica l activit y develope d a child's menta l abilit y an d mora l sensibility, whic h wa s particularl y appropriat e fo r poo r childre n an d for olde r boy s wh o otherwis e becam e habituate d t o idlenes s an d im morality. Exactin g woodworkin g exercise s an d militar y drill s i n pre cise formations taugh t obedience an d attention to detail tha t reformer s hoped woul d becom e instinctiv e an d ingrai n mora l rectitud e fo r a lifetime. Th e skill s learne d i n manua l trainin g classe s ha d littl e o r nothing t o d o wit h fittin g youth s fo r job s i n a n industria l economy ; rather, they developed work habits necessary for members of an industrial working class. !0

Home Library Group , ip Shaving Street , 1889. Boston Children's Services. Home libraries were part of the effort t o assert control over the leisure time of working-class children. Thi s photograp h captures the group's spirit: a mixture of defiance an d pride with a willingness t o see what reformers migh t b e up to. Note the absence of older boys and the stance of the outsiders on the fence .

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The Nort h Benne t Stree t Industria l Schoo l offer s a good exampl e of th e narrowe r approac h t o reform . Th e schoo l bega n a s th e Nort h End Industria l Hom e i n 188 0 an d taugh t wome n ho w t o operat e sewing machines, cook, an d do laundry. Th e Industria l Home emphasized self-help , sellin g sewin g machine s a t cost t o seamstresses , an d charging te n cents fo r every dolla r earned b y th e laundresses i n order to encourage them to save and buy their own equipment. Recognizin g the chil d car e need s o f workin g mothers , th e Industria l Hom e estab lished a nursery and kindergarten, whil e a restaurant, staffe d b y wome n from the cooking classes, offered inexpensiv e lunches. 11 Clay modelin g classes, a shoe shop , an d militar y dril l wer e adde d t o th e curriculu m in order to attract boys and, beginning in 1885 , three hundred students from loca l publi c school s cam e weekl y fo r th e manua l educatio n pro gram. Th e institution , signifyin g th e change i n focus , adopte d a new name, the North Bennet Stree t Industrial School. 12 The Nort h Benne t Stree t Industria l Schoo l mad e clear it s commit ment to deportment and re-formed cultura l values . Stree t boys "rough in manner and careless in appearance" learned, th e School claimed , t o become "quie t self-respectin g youths , quic k t o obe y an d eage r t o learn." The institutio n viewe d ethni c culture s dimly , a s rival s t o th e dominant culture . A s on e voluntee r remembered , "w e play Crokinol e and Parlor Pool an d try t o keep them happ y an d quiet. The y mustn' t get excited , che w gum , spit , swear , chea t o r tal k Italian. " Lik e th e North En d Mission, th e Industrial Schoo l sa w itself in direct competition wit h stree t culture , danc e halls , an d th e saloon . Th e director s noted wit h pleasur e tha t th e additio n o f a gymnasiu m an d militar y drill attracte d olde r boy s o f ag e fifteen away fro m stree t fighting an d saloons. Similarly , evenin g recreatio n program s fo r girls wh o worke d in th e Nort h End' s chocolat e factorie s o r in th e garment distric t kep t them away from dance halls and the theater. With its vocational classes for schoo l childre n an d recreationa l program s fo r adolescents , th e Industrial Schoo l declare d i t reclaime d hundred s o f Nort h En d fami lies. Children learned "habits of order, neatness, punctuality, honesty , gentler ways of speaking and acting," and their families benefited fro m their example. 13 Work with children was not an end in itself. Reformer s looke d on it as a wa y o f gainin g entr y int o th e working-clas s family . Willia m

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Tucker, founde r o f Boston' s Andove r Hous e (late r th e Sout h En d House) wrot e tha t th e smal l bo y wa s a "natural mediu m o f commu nication" with loca l families , whil e Andove r Hous e worker s reporte d that the y fel t lik e intruder s i n th e neighborhoo d unti l boys ' wor k enabled the m t o establis h a natural relationshi p wit h families. ,4 Chil dren's Aid Societ y visitor s used the book discussions as an opportunity to recor d th e family' s histor y an d t o examin e it s habit s an d livin g conditions. Visitor s looke d fo r evidenc e o f destitution , truancy , way wardness, illega l liquo r dealing , an d mora l exposure , whic h wa s the n reported t o th e appropriat e agency . Th e Societ y referre d case s t o th e Associated Charities , th e Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Cruelt y t o Children, th e Boar d o f Health , an d th e La w an d Orde r League , a private organization forme d t o roo t out illega l liquo r selling , prostitu tion, an d gambling . I n 1900 , worker s fro m th e Sout h En d House , a social settlement , bega n t o serv e a s librar y visitors , an d settlemen t workers note d tha t throug h th e librarie s the y gaine d acces s t o th e "inner lif e o f part s o f th e neighborhoo d whic h woul d otherwis e hav e to be reached at arm's length." I5 The effec t o f suc h intrusio n int o th e neighborhoo d an d th e famil y should no t b e exaggerated . Certainl y i t adde d indignit y t o th e diffi culty o f bein g poor , i t reinforce d th e poor' s warines s o f contac t wit h social welfar e agencies , an d i t helpe d defin e th e experienc e o f class . But these were private agencies, withou t extensiv e resources , tha t had to attract the poor into their sphere. Thi s force d reformer s to negotiate with childre n an d familie s ove r th e us e o f recreationa l spac e an d th e distribution of goods and services. The histor y o f the Elli s Memorial Cente r demonstrates thi s process of negotiation . I n 188 5 Id a Eldridge , decide d t o ope n a boys' club i n Boston's Sout h End . Eldridge , a young religiou s woman lookin g for a calling, ha d bee n a successful Sunda y schoo l teache r fo r severa l year s in he r Bac k Ba y parish . Sh e reflected , however , tha t sh e kne w onl y people wh o live d i n th e Bac k Ba y o r Beaco n Hil l an d vote d th e Republican ticket . I n orde r t o ente r int o a wide r worl d o f socia l experience, she , wit h th e hel p o f he r minister , overcam e he r father' s objections and persuaded hi m to donate a vacant storefront an d let her "have" a boys ' club . Eldridg e outfitte d th e storefron t an d brough t refreshments fo r th e club' s first Wednesda y evenin g meeting . Th e

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opening o f th e clu b attracte d a flock of curiou s youngsters , an d Eld ridge, afte r introducin g herself and her companions, aske d the boys t o line u p an d d o th e same . Eac h bo y gav e hi s nam e a s eithe r John L . Sullivan or James Corbett. At a tim e whe n boxin g wa s disreputabl e an d th e Marqui s o f Queensbury's rule s wer e no t universall y accepted , th e name s o f th e Boston Stron g Bo y an d Gentlema n Jim conjure d u p a virile working class world . Boxer s wer e fol k heroe s wh o ha d achieve d succes s an d fame, no t throug h industry , thrift , an d temperance , bu t i n spit e o f them. Prizefighting , promote d b y saloonkeeper s an d gamblers , wa s part o f th e margina l worl d o f organize d crim e an d war d politic s i n which a working-class male could achieve success, and it was symbolic of the street culture reformers found so objectionable. Adolescen t boy s could hav e found fe w name s mor e appropriate fo r twitting reformers ' genteel sensibilities. 16 To he r credit, Mis s Eldridg e too k it all i n stride. Sh e told th e boy s she realized that they migh t not yet be ready for a club but she invited them t o enjo y th e refreshment s sh e ha d brough t an d t o retur n th e following week . Som e did , an d Mis s Eldridg e ha d he r club , whic h eventually becam e the Ellis Memorial Center. 17 Boy's program s ha d t o b e devised t o attrac t an d hol d a demanding audience. Anythin g smacking of preaching and lessons in gentility wa s hooted down , an d boys ' worker s foun d thei r greates t succes s wit h younger children. Older boy s wer e intereste d primaril y i n athletics , and if a club could no t suppl y athleti c facilities , i t had little chance of retaining adolescents. Club s walke d a fine line betwee n makin g membership inclusive and maintaining control over their facilities. The Ellis Center started a branch club but eventually ha d to give it up. "Afte r a while, ther e wer e electe d i n character s o f a pretty toug h reputation , and it was remarked at one gathering by a member, 'I t is doubtful i f a tougher crow d coul d b e foun d togethe r i n an y sectio n o f th e city. ' " Youths turned clubs into contested terrain. 18 Children an d thei r familie s negotiate d wit h reformer s o n a mor e equal basi s whe n th e outcom e wa s no t vita l t o famil y survival . I n conflicts ove r leisure time, th e use of recreational space , o r the type of training an d service s a n agenc y provided , familie s ha d th e optio n o f refusing assistance, o f pushing the agency int o meeting their needs, or

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THE ORGANIZATIO N O F WELFARE

of tryin g thei r luc k elsewhere . A s i n th e past , th e bitteres t struggle s were over charity and here reformers had the most power. The Charity Organizers The Associate d Charitie s (1879 ) succeede d wher e Joseph Tuckerma n had failed—i n organizin g Boston' s relief-givin g agencies . Charit y workers, applyin g organizationa l skill s develope d i n th e Civi l War , classified an d counte d th e poor , forme d a bureaucrati c structur e fo r relief distribution, an d were relativel y unsentimenta l abou t poverty. 19 At the same time, th e Associated Charities relied on volunteer friendl y visitors to uplift th e poor. Whil e the Associated Charitie s documente d the extent o f povert y an d organized th e network o f agencie s confront ing it , i t continued t o assume tha t th e sures t escape from povert y wa s for th e individua l t o adop t bourgeoi s value s unde r th e guidanc e o f a well-to-do visitor . Onl y afte r th e tur n o f th e centur y di d th e Associ ated Charities surrender this traditional approac h to reform. Seen organizationally , th e Associate d Charitie s look s lik e a socia l welfare bureaucracy , wit h it s hierarchica l organization , rule s fo r visi tors, case methods, careful recor d keeping, and categories of assistance. The Associate d Charitie s divided th e city int o districts, an d a "conference," consisting of overseers of the poor from that area, the captain of police, an d representative s fro m th e variou s privat e agencie s activ e there, preside d ove r welfar e i n th e district . A t th e weekl y conferenc e meetings, the y reviewe d application s fo r relief , determine d th e "worthiness" of eac h applicant , coordinate d th e activitie s o f voluntee r visi tors, and passed information abou t applications on to a central register, which starte d a file on each case. A pai d agen t supervise d th e day-today operations of each district and advised the visitors how to proceed. Each conferenc e sen t thre e delegate s t o th e Counci l o f Associate d Charities, whic h als o include d thre e Overseer s o f th e Poor , a polic e commissioner, a trustee from the City Hospital , th e Inspector of Stat e Charities, th e State Superintendents of Indoor and Outdoor Poor, and representatives fro m independen t group s suc h a s St . Vincen t d e Pau l Society. Th e Associate d Charitie s tie d sectaria n an d publi c charit y into a more effective network. 20 The organizationa l perspective , usua l fo r historian s o f socia l work ,

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distorts a s much a s i t reveals . B y directin g attentio n t o th e "modern " and bureaucrati c function s o f th e charit y organizers , i t overlook s th e distinctly traditiona l ideolog y o f th e Associate d Charities . Th e Asso ciated Charities used volunteer visitors when other agencies had begun switching t o pai d agent s i n th e 1850s . Th e agenc y di d no t recogniz e the incongruit y o f combining investigatio n wit h friendl y visiting , an d while i t stressed tha t its practices wer e businesslike an d avoided senti ment, i t argued that volunteer visitors could restor e harmony betwee n the classes.21 Home visitin g wa s the key t o both cultural reformatio n an d charity organization. Th e Associate d Charitie s argue d tha t relie f ha d t o b e tailored t o th e specifi c need s o f a n individua l family , whic h coul d b e discovered onl y b y a home visit , an d that ai d had to be given person ally, wit h appropriat e mora l lessons , i n orde r t o engende r gratitud e and devotion towar d th e benefactor . Al l othe r form s o f relie f ra n into the dange r o f creatin g pauperism . Therefor e i t wa s especiall y impor tant t o cu t outdoo r publi c relief , eve n durin g a depression , sinc e i t could no t b e controlle d an d publi c authoritie s di d no t distinguis h between worth y an d unworth y applicants . Moreover , sinc e publi c welfare was dispensed i n the name of an anonymous public, i t did no t reinforce the ties between the wealthy and the poor, and the poor came to se e i t a s a right. Onl y relie f base d o n carefu l investigation , coordi nated a t al l level s t o preven t excessiv e help , an d dispense d unde r th e guidance of a visitor could exer t a positive socia l influence . Th e Asso ciated Charitie s promote d a slightl y update d versio n o f Malthusia n welfare reform. 22 The charit y organizer s viewe d th e poo r a s individua l mora l agent s responsible fo r thei r fate s an d self-hel p remaine d th e linchpi n o f re form.23 Rober t Trea t Paine , presiden t o f th e Associate d Charities , offers insigh t int o it s philosophy . Paine , a Harvard-educate d lawye r and scion of a once-wealthy Brahmi n family, earne d a fortune throug h shrewd investment s an d retire d fro m busines s a t ag e thirty-five . Thereafter h e devoted his time to reform, servin g on the boards of the Children's Aid Society , th e Industrial Ai d Society , an d the Associated Charities. Thes e thre e agencie s sough t t o provid e individual s wit h opportunities fo r self-help. Th e Children's Aid Societ y equippe d chil dren wit h wor k habit s an d a rudimentar y education , th e Industria l

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Aid Societ y foun d job s for the unemployed, an d the Associated Char ities ensured tha t the worthy receive d ai d and advice . Paine' s housin g projects offe r th e bes t exampl e o f hi s principles . Pain e urge d tha t working me n shoul d hav e th e opportunit y t o purchas e decent , low cost housin g an d capitalize d a cooperativ e bank , th e Workingmen' s Loan Association, t o provide the m with mortgages . Th e house s Pain e built sold for a small profit, an d the cooperative provided mortgage s at less than the market rate. 24 Paine's housin g reform , althoug h admirabl e i n itself an d mor e than most of his contemporaries attempted , ha d more ideological tha n practical significance. Th e effort of a single individual could not even begin to address the need fo r low-cost housin g in Boston. Lik e the women of the Nort h En d Mission , Pain e intervene d i n th e marketplac e t o pro vide an opportunity fo r a few worth y member s of the working class to exercise bourgeois virtue . Hi s socia l service s assisted thos e individual s most capabl e o f self-hel p an d reinforce d th e ideologica l messag e o f social welfare , namely , tha t the sources of poverty were individual and moral, a s were its solutions. As i n th e past , th e principl e o f les s eligibilit y shape d relie f an d underscored th e message of self-help . Josephine Sha w Lowell , a founder o f th e Ne w Yor k Charit y Organizatio n Society , argue d tha t th e "honest laborer " shoul d no t se e th e childre n o f th e drunkar d "enjo y advantages whic h hi s ow n ma y no t hop e for. " Rober t Trea t Pain e warned o f th e impac t o n workingme n an d thei r childre n o f seein g a professional begga r earning mor e mone y tha n they . Withou t realizin g the iron y o f hi s commen t o n th e inadequac y o f workingmen' s wages , Paine could only war n of the "poison" to children's minds of believin g that "begging prospers while honest industry i s cold and hungry." The Associated Charitie s reprinte d a n essa y b y Octavi a Hill , th e Englis h charity reformer , whic h conclude d tha t th e poo r remaine d i n low paying job s i n order to obtain charity, whil e Anni e Fields , a n American reformer, argue d that men would struggle to support their families only i f they foun d th e "room cold an d the table bare," and not if they thought thei r childre n woul d b e cared fo r b y charity . Charit y ha d t o be miserl y becaus e thos e wh o woul d no t hel p themselve s coul d onl y be driven to the marketplace by the pinch of poverty. 25 Threatening familie s wit h the loss of their children wa s also a goad

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to reform . Rober t Trea t Pain e wrot e t o Edwar d Frothingha m o f th e Provident Societ y tha t takin g childre n fro m thei r familie s wa s a las t resort, bu t one that "should b e held up squarely befor e the eyes of the father." Annie Fields, i n her manual How to Help the Poor, suggested t o potential visitor s tha t the y becom e wel l acquainte d wit h th e Societ y for th e Preventio n o f Cruelt y t o Children . Th e friendl y visito r coul d feel mor e effectiv e knowin g ther e wa s a "certai n powe r behin d thei r friendship." An d on e visito r advise d callin g o n familie s whe n thei r children were present because children between six and ten were often unwittingly valuabl e sources of information abou t the family. 26 The deman d tha t relie f b e curtaile d an d charit y organize d sub sumed th e conflictin g goa l o f upliftin g th e poo r culturally . Fo r th e poor, a hom e visi t mean t bein g scrutinize d fo r mora l failing s an d having one's home life evaluated, with a month's rent or supply of coal hanging i n th e balance . Eventuall y th e Associate d Charitie s realize d that when relief was tied to the expression of virtue, the poor fervently espoused it. 27 Socia l welfar e professional s graduall y replace d th e vol unteers and abandoned the rhetoric of friendly visiting , wit h its promise o f cultura l uplif t throug h cross-clas s friendships . Th e Associate d Charities, ostensibl y th e mos t moder n o f th e socia l welfar e agencies , was amon g th e las t group s t o mov e fro m a n uplif t t o a social servic e model. Durin g th e depressio n o f 1893 , Rober t Trea t Pain e calle d fo r public work s t o dea l wit h th e crisis . Althoug h hi s positio n wa s no t endorsed b y al l member s o f th e Associate d Charitie s board , i t repre sented a significant departur e fo r th e organization . I n a world domi nated b y large-scal e economi c forces , traditiona l explanation s o f un employment an d povert y wer e foun d wanting , a s wer e th e usua l exhortations t o mora l reform . Reformer s settle d fo r providin g socia l services and preparing their clients t o assume their places in an industrial working class. 28 By th e 1890s , socia l welfar e agencie s wer e omnipresent i n Boston' s working-class neighborhoods . Hom e libraries , boys ' an d girls ' clubs, industrial schools , gymnasiums , settlemen t houses , an d playground s attested to the effort to reshape the culture and leisure of working-class children an d thei r families. Response s t o refor m wer e distributed acros s a continuu m fro m passiv e acquiescenc e t o activ e resistance . Sinc e contact wit h thes e agencie s wa s no t mandatory , on e obviou s wa y t o

I42

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deal with them was to ignore their existence. Whe n interaction became necessary, workin g peopl e brough t thei r ow n agendas . Boy s enjoye d gymnasiums, carpentry , an d playin g soldie r an d remaine d blissfull y unaware that they were supposed to be learning precision and to follow orders. Girl s joined sewing clubs for sociability an d to learn a skill that might provid e incom e fo r th e famil y econom y o r spendin g money , while the y attende d social s fo r the fre e refreshment s an d the presenc e of boys . Immigrant s learne d Englis h an d di d no t necessaril y Ameri canize i n th e process . Poo r peopl e sough t relief , listene d t o lectures , and the n wen t abou t thei r business . Reformers , lik e th e police , th e truant officer , o r city inspectors , wer e simpl y par t of th e urba n land scape to be negotiated. 29 Two contemporar y discussion s o f Boston' s socia l refor m effort s provide opportunit y fo r a final assessmen t o f socia l welfar e i n th e period 187 0 t o 1900 . I n 189 4 Edwar d Everet t Hal e publishe d If Jesus Came to Boston as a reply to William T. Stead' s notorious If Christ Came to Chicago, whic h liste d brothe l location s an d detaile d municipa l cor ruption. Rathe r tha n writin g o f Boston' s corruptio n an d it s vic e dis tricts, Hal e guide d th e reade r throug h a North En d transforme d b y the charities. Instea d of finding "by-ways t o hell," as did th e mission aries in 1867 , Hale discovered that the city was equipped with agencies for every emergency, th e police were willing to crack down on the vice that existed , an d childre n wer e bein g educated . Th e Bosto n o f 189 4 was a triumph of Victorian progress. 30 Benjamin Flower' s Civilization's Inferno, published a yea r earlier , reached a differen t conclusion . Flowe r describe d Boston' s tenemen t districts as a "social cellar" out of which violent disorder could burst at any time . H e gav e account s o f poo r familie s huddle d togethe r i n a single room , o f a n invalid , wit h saving s exhausted , drive n t o cu t th e throats of his children and himself, an d of the poor turning to drink to ease their despair. Flower' s Boston teetered on the edge of class war. 31 Hale an d Flowe r wer e bot h right . Hale , th e gran d ol d ma n o f Boston mora l reform , looke d bac k t o th e day s o f Joseph Tuckerma n and sa w a successfu l campaig n t o organiz e charit y an d a remarkabl e decline i n th e ope n expressio n o f prostitutio n an d vice . Nort h Stree t had been made respectable, an d the slums blankete d b y socia l welfar e agencies tha t distribute d relie f accordin g t o scientifi c principle s an d

THE CHARIT Y NETWOR K

H3

offered a n array of social services to the poor. Someho w he was able to ignore entirel y tha t Bosto n wa s i n th e mids t o f a depression , wit h thousands o f peopl e unemployed . Flower , a muckrackin g journalist , was appalled b y th e chasm betwee n ric h and poor, an d worried abou t the possibilit y o f violenc e b y th e dispossessed . Flowe r sa w th e poo r tossed abou t b y th e economi c force s seemingl y beyon d anyone' s con trol an d foun d organize d charit y a s irrelevant a s moral refor m t o th e problems o f povert y an d disorder. 32 Flowe r wa s a par t o f a risin g generation o f Progressive s wh o though t tha t massiv e socia l an d eco nomic problems required more than voluntarism; they could be solved only b y mor e positive intervention b y th e state. Delinquenc y wa s one such problem, an d the juvenile court was part of a more activist public sector. It s creatio n organize d th e still-loos e networ k o f privat e an d public, religiou s an d nonsectarian , coerciv e an d voluntar y agencie s into a juvenile justice system.

PART I V

^Expertise and Scientific ^Reform For or

the Progressives, childre n an d refor m wer e practicall y synony mous. I n the national effort t o enact reform measures , tenement hous e reformers used photographs of children and their parents crowded int o single-room apartments to show the need for improved housing. Lewi s Hine indicte d textil e mil l owner s wit h photograph s o f barefoo t boy s and girl s dwarfe d b y th e machine s the y tended . "Newsies " hawkin g papers in saloons symbolized bot h individual entrepreneurship and the perils of street trading. Children playing next to decaying offal emphasized th e nee d fo r playground s an d sanitar y reform . State s expande d outdoor relie f t o preven t th e breaku p of familie s b y fundin g mothers ' pensions. Th e numbe r of human e and other societie s tendin g to child welfare expande d dramaticall y i n the Unite d States , wit h thirty-thre e founded i n th e 1880s , forty-nin e i n th e 1890s , an d seventy-seve n i n the first decad e o f th e twentiet h century . Ne w institution s fo r way ward children wer e founded a t a rate of twenty-two pe r year between 1886 an d 1909 . Existin g institution s fo r childre n underwen t a n overhaul, wit h increased emphasis placed on keeping children in their own families o r putting the m i n foste r car e rather than i n institutions , an d interest in child welfare culminated with a White House conference o n the subject in 1909. x H5

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There wer e thre e reason s fo r child-saving' s particula r appea l t o Progressives. First , larg e number s o f potentiall y unassimilabl e immi grants an d thei r offsprin g threatene d t o undermin e bourgeoi s hege mony, an d thei r childre n pose d a n obviou s opportunit y fo r reform . Second, while in the dominant culture the child was the devoted object of affectio n i n a closely knit , smalle r family , immigran t an d working class childre n flocked t o th e mills , sweatshops , an d stree t trade s i n ever-greater numbers between 187 0 and 1910 . Ironically, th e structure of th e economy , technologica l innovation , an d th e creatio n o f a vast unskilled adul t labo r poo l throug h immigratio n undermine d th e basi s for chil d labo r i n norther n citie s a t precisel y th e tim e reformer s dis covered it s evils . Nonetheless , th e disparit y betwee n th e bourgeoi s ideal o f th e sheltere d chil d an d th e imag e o f th e precociou s working class on e wa s a n importan t spu r t o reform . A thir d facto r wa s th e creation o f th e concep t o f adolescenc e b y socia l scientists . Th e the ories o f G . Stanle y Hall , an d th e man y popularizer s wh o wrot e about boys , emphasize d adolescenc e a s a perio d o f primitiv e amor ality amon g youngsters, makin g their deviance see m normal bu t highlighting th e necessity o f proper socialization. However , concer n about exploited and/o r morall y expose d working-clas s childre n an d change s in th e reifie d worl d o f socia l scienc e woul d hav e mad e littl e dif ference t o working-clas s childre n ha d i t no t bee n fo r socia l welfar e agencies.2 Social welfar e agencies were key players in putting child welfare on the politica l agenda . Progressiv e socia l welfar e reformer s sough t t o curb chil d labor , expan d educationa l opportunities , provid e suppor t for women an d children i n their homes, an d generally bette r workingclass living conditions, whil e establishing themselves as experts/professionals who could intervene in working-class families. Fo r them, childsaving wa s a happy unio n o f benevolenc e an d self-interest , an d the y lobbied to create a constituency fo r child welfare. 3 The juvenil e court an d the mental healt h clinic emerged ou t of this context o f expande d chil d welfar e activity , a focus o n th e family , an d the acknowledge d failur e o f establishe d institution s fo r juveniles . Whil e the cour t an d th e clini c wer e i n man y way s th e culminatio n o f nine teenth-century child-saving , the y als o represente d a ne w departure :

Stealing Coal from the Railroad Coal Yard, 1917. Lewis Hine Collection, Library of Congress. The railroa d yards served as sites fo r work and play. Hoppin g frieghts provided excitement while stealing coal served the family economy.

they applied scientific expertise to the problem of juvenile delinquency as part of a more activ e state . A t th e sam e time, th e court, a t least i n Boston, wa s the product of careful politica l compromis e tha t balanced the interest s o f differen t ethni c an d religiou s group s an d limite d th e court's potential for radical intervention into families.

CHAPTER 8

The (Juvenile Qourt: Triumph of ^Progressivism The strand s o f Progressiv e er a chil d welfar e refor m wer e wove n to gether i n th e juvenil e court , whic h promise d administrativ e expertis e and efficiency . Th e cour t unifie d th e syste m o f socia l welfar e agencie s and juvenil e justic e institution s tha t ha d evolve d i n th e nineteent h century, an d i t promise d a "scientific " approac h t o th e proble m o f delinquency, on e tha t b y definitio n wa s remove d fro m conflict s o f class, culture , an d politics . Th e cour t wa s th e perfec t structura l re form: i t applie d ostensibl y neutra l expertis e t o a difficul t socia l prob lem.1 Of course , th e court did no t wor k as promised. Th e cour t itsel f wa s the produc t o f partisa n politic s an d a s a result o f politica l compromis e it ha d a somewha t limite d jurisdiction . Mor e importantly , th e cour t remained mire d i n th e clas s an d cultura l conflict s i t wa s suppose d t o rise above . Th e cour t wa s anothe r weapo n i n th e effor t t o reshap e th e culture, wor k habits , an d leisur e tim e o f working-clas s yout h an d justices applie d clas s an d culturall y specifi c norm s a s i f the y wer e universal. Som e parent s an d delinquent s realize d thi s an d refuse d t o acknowledge th e court' s clai m t o scientifi c expertis e abou t thei r prob lems. Althoug h th e cour t turne d a loos e networ k o f agencie s an d institutions int o a juvenile justice system, th e promise of efficiency wa s thwarted b y th e shee r numbe r o f case s an d th e resistanc e o f delin quents an d thei r families . 148

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Juvenile Justice before the Court The creation of the juvenile court did not usher in a new era in juvenile justice i n Massachusetts . I t di d no t represen t th e adoptio n o f innova tive procedures , i t di d no t signa l th e ris e o f a n intrusiv e "therapeuti c state," it did not break any major legal ground, and it did not establish the rol e o f socia l welfar e agencie s withi n th e juvenil e justic e system . At most , th e court's establishment systematize d existin g practice s and made cooperatio n amon g agencie s dealin g wit h delinquen t childre n more routine. 2 Massachusetts alread y ha d a syste m o f separat e trials , informa l hearings, investigation , an d probation . Sinc e 187 0 stat e agent s ha d attended trial s of juveniles , investigate d thei r cases, an d acted as advisors to both the court and defendants. Justices heard trials of juvenile s in sessions separate from adults and frequently settle d cases informall y by placin g the m o n file. Tha t is , a cas e wa s continue d withou t a finding fo r a perio d durin g whic h th e stat e agen t o r a socia l welfar e agency supervised the child. I f no violations occurred, the court simply closed th e cas e withou t a finding. Othe r children , formall y foun d guilty o f a n offense , wer e place d o n probation . Joh n Augustus , a Boston shoemaker , bega n havin g mino r offender s release d i n hi s cus tody i n 1841 , an d afte r Augustus' s deat h i n 1859 , th e Children' s Mission t o th e Childre n o f th e Destitut e an d the n th e Bosto n Chil dren's Aid Societ y too k over his probation work. 3 Representatives o f socia l welfar e organization s wer e entrenche d i n this system. They investigate d cases, supervised children's leisure-time activities, supplie d childre n place d int o familie s wit h necessities , an d secured boar d payments from thei r families. Th e Children's Aid Soci ety helped juveniles on probation find work and open savings accounts so the y coul d pa y cour t cost s an d fines. Afte r th e juvenil e cour t wa s established, th e justice s continue d thes e arrangement s unti l regula r probation officers wer e hired, an d since the city had no juvenile detention facilities, th e court used detention home s provided b y th e privat e agencies to hold delinquents awaiting trial. 4 The power s of the juvenile court were buttressed b y th e traditional doctrine of parens patriae. Parens patriae, adopted from English Court of Chancery practice , ha d justifie d stat e interventio n t o protec t a child's

*5°

EXPERTISE AN D SCIENTIFI C REFOR M

welfare i n the Unite d State s sinc e Ex parte Crouse in 1838 . I n this case the Pennsylvania Suprem e Court upheld Mar y Ann Crouse's commitment to the Philadelphia Hous e of Refuge for the purpose of educating her. Th e decisio n ha d th e effec t o f allowin g la x tria l procedure s fo r children, securin g the legal footin g o f the reformatory, an d permittin g the incarceratio n o f waywar d an d delinquen t childre n i n orde r t o provide them with training . Th e juvenil e court buil t explicitl y o n thi s tradition an d remove d delinquents , excep t fo r thos e facin g charge s involving capita l punishmen t o r lif e imprisonment , fro m th e crimina l process.5 The passag e o f juvenil e cour t bill s b y th e Massachusetts legislatur e aroused littl e controvers y i n th e pres s o r aroun d th e stat e sinc e the y essentially confirme d establishe d practice . Th e Bosto n Children' s Ai d Society, amon g other groups, lobbie d fo r th e passag e of th e bills , on e for th e state , th e othe r specificall y fo r Boston , whic h accomplishe d three reforms : the y decriminalize d juvenil e proceedings , the y abol ished th e lock-u p fo r children unde r fourteen , whic h mean t tha t chil dren could no t b e incarcerated wit h adult s even temporarily , an d they established a single court in central Boston with jurisdiction and expertise over children's affairs. 6 Careful politica l compromis e shape d th e court . Th e juvenil e cour t was a structural reform , aki n to good governmen t scheme s t o streamline municipa l government , centraliz e powe r i n th e mayor' s office , eliminate war d representatio n o n th e city council , an d restructur e th e school boar d in order to make government more responsive to business interests an d thos e o f "better " citizens. Awar e tha t th e campaig n fo r the creation of a juvenile court had gathered legislative momentum and that the state's Republica n governor would appoin t a Yankee Republi can to the bench, Iris h Democrat s fough t t o keep the juvenile session s in th e distric t court s an d thei r Iris h Catholi c Democrati c judge s un touched, whil e yieldin g t o Progressiv e refor m i n centra l Boston . Re formers agree d t o th e trade , probabl y becaus e i t allowe d the m t o se t up th e juvenil e cour t i n Bosto n a s a demonstration projec t tha t coul d be expanded a t a later date. Th e ne w cour t had jurisdictio n only ove r Boston's downtow n an d central wards ; the outlying neighborhood s o f Charlestown, Dorchester , South Boston , Eas t Boston , an d Roxbury , all Iris h Democrati c bastions , kep t their district courts. Boston' s juve -

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nile court was itself constituted as a model of political tact, with central Boston's leadin g ethni c group s al l represented . Whil e th e presidin g justice was indee d a Yankee Republican , h e was assisted b y tw o parttime justices , on e Jewish, th e othe r Italian , an d a blac k cler k o f th e court, a s wel l a s probatio n officer s draw n fro m Catholic , Protestant , and Jewish voluntary societies . Fro m the reformers' perspective i t was a good deal. Despit e the rather diverse staff, th e Boston Juvenile Court was no t a mode l o f pluralism . Lik e juvenil e court s elsewher e i n th e country, th e Bosto n cour t reflecte d th e imag e o f it s presidin g judge , who molded i t in the shape anticipated by reformers. 7 The Juvenile Court as a Progressive Institution Like other institution s create d b y th e Progressives , th e juvenil e cour t incorporated a n emphasi s o n specialization , system , an d expertise . Judges an d staf f worke d exclusivel y wit h juveniles , preside d ove r a network o f socia l welfar e an d juvenil e justic e agencies , an d discusse d deviance in therapeutic terms. The creatio n o f th e juvenil e cour t mad e juvenil e delinquenc y a n area of specialization, whil e the judges themselves developed a distinctive identit y a s reformer s a s wel l a s jurists . Boston' s first presidin g judge, Harve y Bake r (1906-15), an d his successor, Frederic k Pickerin g Cabot (1916-32) , studie d socia l wor k practice s an d psychologica l ap proaches t o delinquency , whil e othe r judges , notabl y Denver' s Be n Lindsey an d Chicago' s Julia n Mack , toure d th e charit y an d refor m circuit and popularized th e concept of a juvenile court. The assignmen t o f regula r probatio n officer s t o th e juvenil e cour t was anothe r ste p i n th e proces s o f specialization . I n Boston , officer s whose sol e functio n wa s t o investigat e case s an d overse e thos e o n probation replace d th e overburdened stat e agents and th e general agent s of th e socia l welfar e agencies . Judg e Bake r argue d tha t th e probatio n practiced b y th e ne w cour t provide d stricte r oversight an d wa s therefore quit e differen t fro m permittin g a child "t o go fre e s o lon g a s h e does not misbehave," which he claimed had passed for probation under the juvenile sessions . Probatio n officers , a t leas t i n theory , als o developed expertis e a s famil y counselors . Herber t Lou , wh o surveye d th e nation's juvenile courts in the 1920s , found that probation officers trie d

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to reconcil e separate d parents , force d deserter s t o retur n home , en couraged familie s t o move to better neighborhoods, an d offered advic e about health, law , finances, and employment. 8 Even though the court hire d its own probatio n officers, i t remained dependent o n th e privat e socia l welfar e syste m an d raise d th e leve l o f cooperation betwee n privat e social welfar e agencies and public authorities. Th e cour t relie d o n th e Confidentia l Exchang e (th e investiga tional repositor y o f th e Associate d Charities ) fo r informatio n abou t children and their families, sinc e many delinquents ha d family record s with membe r agencies . Th e cour t also made attendence a t these agencies condition s o f probation , an d probatio n officer s use d thes e site s t o visit wit h thei r clients . Privat e socia l welfar e agencie s ha d alway s played a part in the public sector, bu t the establishment of the juvenile court erase d som e o f th e distinction s betwee n voluntar y an d coerciv e and private and public institutions. 9 Supporters described th e court wit h medical/therapeutic metaphor s in an attemp t t o create an ideolog y tha t remove d th e cour t fro m clas s and cultura l conflict . Bake r wrot e tha t a probation office r brough t a child i n fo r a "diagnosis." The cour t the n followe d th e "procedur e o f the physician " b y considerin g al l th e relevan t informatio n gathere d about th e child's health , family , an d neighborhoo d befor e prescribin g treatment. I f th e offens e wer e trivial , th e judg e woul d hav e th e chil d copy th e violate d ordinanc e an d the n presen t th e wor k whe n i t wa s finished, "jus t a s a physicia n migh t d o i n th e cas e o f a bur n o r a bruise." I f th e offens e wer e serious , th e judg e sa w th e chil d mor e frequently, "jus t a s with th e patien t an d th e physicia n i n th e cas e o f tuberculosis o r typhoid. " These wer e mor e tha n simpl e metaphor s t o describe th e court' s operations . Th e us e o f medica l terminolog y wa s an attemp t t o shap e popula r conception s o f th e cour t b y cloakin g i t with th e authorit y o f science . I t implie d tha t th e court wa s a neutral, benign agency , tha t th e judg e wa s a n exper t actin g i n th e child' s interest, an d tha t th e law s enforce d b y th e cour t wer e a s immutabl e and a s natura l a s thos e o f science . Resistin g th e court' s "treatmen t plan" wa s lik e rejectin g th e advic e o f a physicia n abou t curin g a n illness, somethin g that no good paren t could possibl y consider. 10 Moreover, th e analog y o f cur e an d treatmen t b y th e individua l physician fit a pragmatic an d nonradica l approac h t o deviance. Publi c

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health itsel f ha d shifte d fro m a broad-base d environmentalis m tha t encompassed socia l and moral reform to a narrow emphasis on individual healt h and persona l hygiene . Bake r followed th e example of man y Progressives by focusing on the maladjusted ("sick") individual and the ways o f educatin g hi m o r he r t o dea l wit h hi s o r he r environment . According t o thi s view , immigrant s suffere d fro m cultura l disruptio n and community disorganization , worker s from a lack of understandin g of th e wor k proces s an d thei r plac e withi n it , th e disease d fro m poo r sanitary habits , an d childre n fro m th e clas h o f old - an d new-worl d cultures an d th e socia l influence s o f ba d neighborhoods . Educatio n under th e guidance of experts, rathe r than socia l change , solve d thes e problems. Deviance , eve n whe n produce d sociall y an d environmen tally, ha d to be cured individually. 11 The juvenil e court epitomized th e individua l approac h to deviance. By treatin g th e offende r rathe r tha n th e offens e a s th e hear t o f th e case, th e cour t coul d pu t guil t an d innocenc e asid e an d conside r th e environmental and/o r familia l condition s tha t brough t th e offende r before it. The court used information gathered by social workers about the delinquent' s neighborhoo d an d residence , th e parents ' drinkin g habits, thei r employment, sexua l patterns , o r cleanliness t o determine whether the proper "treatment" for a delinquent wa s probation, place ment, or incarceration. Sinc e the court's objective was treatment rather than punishment , th e particula r offens e tha t brough t a chil d t o th e court's attentio n wa s practicall y irrelevant . I t existed onl y a s a symptom of an underlying pathology. ,2 The cour t wa s a uniquely Progressiv e institution , bu t i t remaine d within th e cultura l refor m tradition . Delinquenc y wa s a n individua l "illness," "adjustment" meant acquiring the proper cultural values, and "treatment" was delivered at the social welfare agencies, through placement o r i n th e reformatory . Th e stat e ha d a mor e activ e rol e tha n before and it reinforced cooperatio n amon g social welfare agencie s and public institution s suc h as the reformatories, bu t from th e perspectiv e of delinquents an d their families, littl e had changed.

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The Operation of the Court The juvenil e cour t reflecte d th e personalitie s o f it s presidin g judges . Harvey Baker , bor n i n Brooklin e i n 1869 , wa s th e so n o f a merchan t from Cap e Co d an d a gentleman farmer' s daughter . Baker , lik e man y reform-minded Ne w Englanders , wa s a Unitaria n an d h e attende d Roxbury Lati n Schoo l followe d b y Harvar d Colleg e and Harvar d La w School, fro m whic h h e graduated i n 1894 . Baker ha d bee n a visitor fo r the Children' s Ai d Societ y whil e a n undergraduat e an d afte r la w school h e becam e secretar y o f a conferenc e o f Boston-are a child-car e agencies. H e wa s therefore wel l versed i n the techniques of social wor k and th e therapeuti c approac h t o deviance. Bake r serve d a s a clerk an d then a s a special justic e i n th e Brooklin e polic e court befor e becomin g the first justic e o f th e Bosto n Juvenile Court , wher e h e preside d fro m 1906 unti l 1915 . Frederic k Cabot , scio n o f tw o Brahmi n families , th e Cabots an d th e Higginsons , wa s bor n i n Brooklin e i n 186 8 and , afte r attending Harvar d College , graduate d fro m Harvar d La w Schoo l i n 1893. Cabo t serve d a s a n assistan t U.S . attorne y i n Bosto n befor e becoming a membe r o f th e firm o f Hulbert , Jones , an d Cabot . H e inherited famil y mone y an d wa s presiden t an d directo r o f th e Fishe r Manufacturing Compan y an d th e Winthro p Mills . Cabo t becam e pre siding justic e o f th e juvenil e cour t afte r Harve y Baker' s deat h i n 191 5 and serve d unti l hi s deat h i n 1932 . I t i s difficult t o imagin e tw o me n more unlik e th e largel y Irish , Italian , an d Jewis h delinquent s the y faced.13 A chil d entere d th e cour t throug h a complain t mad e b y a police man, neighbor , socia l welfare agent , or family member . I n cases wher e no arrest ha d bee n made , a complaint agains t th e child wa s swor n an d a summon s issue d i f th e cler k o f th e cour t believe d th e charg e ha d merit. I n case s o f arrest , polic e notifie d th e probatio n office r t o com e to th e statio n hous e an d h e decide d th e immediat e dispositio n o f th e case. Boy s wer e generall y release d t o th e custod y o f thei r parents , unless they wer e repeat o r seriou s offenders o r ha d violate d probation . In thos e cases , the y eithe r remaine d overnigh t i n th e polic e statio n i n cells separat e fro m othe r offenders , o r wer e sen t t o the Charle s Stree t Jail, wher e agai n the y wer e kep t i n separat e cells. Th e Children' s Ai d Society operate d detentio n home s fo r boy s wh o coul d no t b e sen t

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home, bu t wh o were too young t o be kept in jail, whil e Catholic boy s were occasionall y sen t t o th e Hous e o f th e Ange l Guardian . Girl s never remaine d i n the station hous e followin g a n arrest becaus e of th e absence o f suitabl e facilities . I f the y coul d no t b e release d t o thei r parents, a matron from the Children's Aid Societ y picke d them up and placed them in a detention home or with a suburban family. 14 The Bosto n Children's Ai d Societ y supervise d th e detention home s for th e court . Th e home s wer e small , usuall y capabl e o f holdin g no more than two or three delinquents i n a family setting . Th e number of detention home s availabl e t o th e cour t range d fro m seve n t o twelve ; three, ru n b y widow s wit h adul t son s livin g a t home or nearby, wer e specifically fo r delinquent boys . Tw o elderl y unmarrie d ladie s took in delinquent girls . Delinquent s remaine d i n th e home s unti l arraign ment, an d since the juvenile court me t si x days pe r week, the y staye d slightly mor e than two days i n the homes, wit h th e average driven u p somewhat b y girl s wit h venerea l disease , wh o wer e hel d whil e undergoing treatment . Onl y 1 5 percent o f th e delinquents arreste d i n 1919-20 wer e detaine d overnight , an d ove r 9 0 percen t o f thes e wer e placed i n the Children's Aid Societ y homes . Th e goal wa s no t only t o separate children fro m adul t offenders bu t als o to make the proces s o f arrest, detention , an d tria l a s dissimila r a s possibl e fro m tha t i n th e criminal justice system. 15 Baker's juvenile cour t emphasized informality . Althoug h located i n Suffolk Count y Cour t House, th e juvenile court was in a different par t of th e buildin g tha n th e crimina l courts . Th e cour t consiste d o f tw o parts, a large waiting roo m fo r children , thei r parents, an d witnesses , and th e judge' s chamber s i n whic h th e proceeding s occurred . Th e court ha d no doc k o r detentio n are a an d onl y a railing separate d th e waiting are a fro m th e cler k o f th e court' s desk . Ther e wer e no uni formed officer s o f th e court present . Whe n a case wa s called fo r trial , the probatio n office r brough t th e chil d int o th e judge' s chambers . There th e thre e o f the m chatte d withou t a clerk o r stenographe r t o record th e proceedings . Th e judge' s des k sa t o n to p o f a smal l plat form, muc h lik e a teacher's desk i n front of a classroom, an d the child stood at the side while the judge questioned hi m or her. I6 Baker encourage d defendant s t o tel l hi m thei r storie s (or , fro m a harsher perspective , t o incriminat e themselves) . Sinc e thi s wa s no t a

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criminal proceeding , Bake r coul d justif y interviewin g th e defendan t because, lik e the physicia n h e fancied himsel f t o be, h e had t o make a diagnosis abou t wha t brough t th e defendant t o court. Bake r called the delinquent t o com e t o hi s sid e fo r a heart-to-heart talk , an d h e some times aske d th e probatio n office r t o leav e s o tha t the y coul d spea k i n absolute confidence . Th e judg e di d no t rea d th e charg e o r as k fo r a plea, since the "technicalities" of a case were not important, bu t simply asked to hear about a delinquent's life and why a n arrest had occurred. If a defendant prove d reticent , Bake r tried to coax a confession, askin g who was more believable, th e child or the witnesses i n the case. Bake r spent s o muc h tim e extractin g confession s becaus e i t preserve d th e impression tha t th e procedure s wer e no t adversarial , an d i t create d a feeling o f confidenc e betwee n th e judg e an d th e defendant , makin g i t more likel y tha t parent s an d childre n woul d accep t th e court' s man date. I f a chil d refuse d t o confess , th e polic e an d th e parent s wer e brought i n fo r a formal hearing . Bake r noted tha t a defendant ha d the right to be represented b y counsel, wh o was consulted i n all steps, bu t he foun d tha t eve n lawyer s wh o wer e th e "mos t technical " i n othe r courts cooperated wit h hi m i n trying to make parents understan d tha t he had only th e child's bes t interes t i n mind. I f Baker's comments ar e accurate, an d ther e seem s n o reaso n t o doub t them , eve n defens e attorneys wer e swaye d b y th e etho s o f th e juvenil e court . Certainl y the proces s seem s effective , o r a t leas t i t produce d a high convictio n rate. Durin g th e court's first ten years , whic h coincide d with Baker' s judgeship, ove r 8 0 percent of defendants ple d guilty eac h year and, of those who did not, only an average of 2 2 percent were found innocent . Convicted delinquent s ha d th e righ t o f appea l t o Superio r Court , bu t this require d a n attorney , whic h wa s probabl y beyon d th e mean s o f most working-clas s families , an d i n 1919-2 0 onl y 1. 7 percen t o f al l verdicts were appealed. 17 Contemporaries considere d probatio n t o b e th e centerpiec e o f th e juvenile cour t system . Probatio n involve d reshapin g th e wor k habits , the us e o f leisur e time , th e famil y setting—i n sum , th e cultur e o f working-class delinquents and their families. I n many ways, probatio n officers wer e lik e th e ol d charit y workers , pushin g familie s int o th e cultural spher e o f socia l welfar e agencies , bu t withou t th e pretens e o f friendly visits , an d wit h th e threa t o f returnin g t o cour t t o enforc e

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their "advice. " Yet th e effectivenes s o f probatio n wa s undermine d b y two factors: the very centralit y o f th e probatio n officer t o the juvenil e court syste m and the frequency wit h whic h judge s placed delinquent s on probation. Probation wa s th e mos t usua l outcom e o f a case. Th e decisio n t o place a child o n probatio n depende d o n severa l investigation s o f th e case, eithe r b y socia l servic e agencies or by th e probation officer. Th e court sometime s ordere d physica l examinations , particularl y i n th e case of femal e se x offenders , t o detect venerea l disease . I n later years, the court referred difficul t case s to the Judge Baker Foundation, estab lished i n 191 7 wit h Willia m Heal y an d August a Bronne r a s codirec tors. Heal y an d Bronner, whos e work i s discussed i n detail i n the next chapter, pioneere d th e "scientific " stud y o f delinquents , combinin g intelligence testing with physical an d psychiatric examinations. A visi t lasted severa l hour s an d wa s followe d b y a case conferenc e wit h th e probation office r an d socia l worker s an d recommendation s wer e mad e to the court. I f a child seemed physically an d mentally capable and the home reasonable , a first offender almos t alway s ha d th e cas e filed o r received probation . Eac h yea r unde r Baker' s tenure , approximatel y half o f al l case s wer e simpl y filed withou t a finding, usuall y afte r a continuance of several weeks during which time the delinquent was on his o r he r good behavior . I f thos e wh o wer e place d o n probatio n an d those who had their cases filed are considered together , over 80 percent of th e cases handle d eac h year i n Baker' s ten-year tenur e on the court resulted i n a minimal form of supervision. I8 The probatio n officer' s hom e visit s wer e importan t i n determinin g the "fitness" of working-class families to raise their children. However , the process of determining fitness was at best imprecise. Officer s note d information abou t father' s occupation , numbe r o f famil y members , presence o f boarders , an d th e housekeeping , alcoho l use , an d atmo sphere of th e home . Whil e probatio n officers wer e generally to o overworked t o record al l this information systematically , the y occasionall y made revealing comments. Whe n a probation office r visite d Nicolett a Rota's home , sh e reporte d tha t it s genera l appearanc e wa s "dirty — foreign," whil e Konstant y Ochowicz' s mothe r wa s referre d t o a s a "low grad e peasant. " Mrs . Connoll y wa s "ver y pugnaciou s an d thor oughly dislike d b y man y o f he r neighbors. " Anothe r probatio n of -

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ficer thought tha t Alber t Franco' s mothe r wa s "feeble-minde d wit h a tendenc y t o syphilis." 19 Thes e comment s wer e base d o n simpl e observations o f th e home , o r neighborhoo d gossip , an d whil e th e degree to which these judgments affected th e court is unclear, the y in dicate tha t delinquent s an d thei r familie s wer e measure d agains t stan dards o f fitness tha t povert y an d peasan t cultur e mad e difficul t t o meet. The cour t trie d t o alter the influenc e o n delinquents b y mandatin g attendance a t a n industria l schoo l o r a settlemen t hous e a s par t o f probation. Raphae l Acard i wa s tol d b y hi s probatio n office r tha t h e had bette r repor t t o th e Nort h Benne t Stree t Industria l Schoo l o n Monday night s i f h e wishe d t o hav e hi s cas e closed. 20 Fran k Acetol a attended Deniso n House , a settlemen t i n th e South End , unde r th e guidance o f on e o f it s workers , a Mis s O'Rourke . Afte r reportin g faithfully fo r six months, the boy started misbehaving and Miss O'Rourke wrote th e cour t tha t h e "migh t hav e to b e committed." 21 Th e experi ences were by n o means all coercive. A s Angelina Sappet i wrote , wit h apparent sincerety , "m e an d [Ros a Cappelini ] belong s t o th e Gir l Scouts. W e goin g t o th e E . Bosto n Hig h Schoo l an d hav e beautifu l time. I am glad t o belon g t o th e girls scout , the y teac h u s t o b e good girls. An d believ e m e . . . I a m goin g t o b e a goo d gir l an d s o i s Rosa."22 Work wa s als o i n integra l par t o f probation , althoug h usuall y a s a supplement t o schoo l an d supervise d recreation . Th e cour t enforce d the discipline o f the workplace and tried t o encourage industry , punc tuality, an d steadines s i n working-clas s youngster s accustome d t o th e freedom o f th e streets . Th e court , lik e the reformatory , th e industria l school, th e gymnasium , an d othe r institution s tha t enrolle d working class youngsters, simpl y tried to get youngsters into the workforce and any case that ended with a delinquent working steadily was considered a success . Josephin e Saccors o ha d a brothe r i n refor m schoo l an d another awaitin g tria l fo r larcen y an d truancy . Sh e wa s place d o n probation afte r appearin g i n cour t i n Marc h 191 7 fo r larceny , an d a t last report, in November 1919 , she had regular employment in a North End chocolat e factory. 23 Anothe r girl' s word s wer e recorde d approv ingly. Angelin a Sappet i wrote , " I work s an d giv e m y mothe r ever y cent I get," while George Gilbert's case of stubbornness wa s dismissed

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after sixtee n month s becaus e h e ha d worke d fo r a year i n th e boile r room at the Massachusetts Institut e of Technology. 24 Although th e term s o f probatio n varie d dependin g upo n th e case , some general rule s applied. Th e court, lik e the social welfare agencies, actively combate d th e influenc e o f th e ne w mas s culture . Childre n were forbidde n t o visi t danc e halls , cafes , nickelodeons , an d othe r night spots , t o drin k o r us e tobacco , t o b e ou t lat e a t night , an d t o leave town withou t permission . O f course they wer e expected t o keep their appointment s wit h th e probatio n officer , usuall y weekl y o r monthly, dependin g on th e nature of the case. Mor e serious offender s were expected to appear downtown at the probation office, whil e other children reporte d afte r schoo l a t th e loca l settlemen t hous e o r publi c library. Appointment s average d five t o te n minute s i n length , an d were supplemente d b y occasiona l hom e visits . Th e cour t supplie d teachers wit h envelope s an d blan k repor t form s an d requeste d tha t teachers suppl y weekl y schoo l reports . Olde r childre n receive d assis tance i n lookin g fo r work , an d th e probatio n officer s checke d wit h employers abou t th e statu s o f th e child . Th e judg e determine d th e length o f probation , an d i n 1919-2 0 two-third s o f al l offender s re mained on probation for six months or less.25 While probation allowed the court to keep large numbers of children under supervision, th e actual conditions of probation made strict oversight unlikely . Eve n takin g th e cas e o f weekl y visit s o f te n minutes ' duration over a sixth-month period , probatio n officers lacke d th e tim e (and th e training ) t o usur p famil y functions . The y offere d advice , encouraged childre n t o work steadil y o r attend school , an d tried thei r best to make sure that children on probation stayed out of trouble. Bu t ten minute s a week wa s not a lot of time. Fro m the perspective of th e delinquent, an d sometime s th e family , probatio n officer s ma y hav e been troublesome, meddlin g bureaucrats , bu t the y hardl y constitute d the vanguar d o f a n invasiv e therapeuti c state . Ther e wer e simpl y to o many delinquents an d too few probatio n officers. 26 Female Crime, Manly Justice The juvenil e court , lik e earlie r juvenil e refor m efforts , relie d o n th e charismatic appeal of the reformer to be effective. Th e first generation

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of juvenil e cour t justice s use d thei r char m an d insigh t t o get childre n to confid e i n the m an d t o promot e th e court . Be n Lindse y filled hi s speeches wit h anecdote s abou t boy s promisin g thei r fealt y t o him , o r confiding secret s to him that their parents did not know. Mos t justice s would hav e agreed wit h Chicago' s Richar d Tuthill, wh o declared tha t he always trie d t o act "as I would wer e i t my ow n so n that was befor e me in my librar y a t home." Baker too was fond of placing a hand on a boy's shoulde r whil e appealin g t o hi m t o confess . Th e juvenil e cour t exemplified persona l justice , with a layin g o n o f hand s an d man-to man talks.27 The emphasi s on manlines s pose d obviou s problem s fo r delinquen t girls. Sinc e th e juvenil e cour t ha d fe w establishe d procedure s an d a n emphasis o n th e judge' s personalit y an d abilit y t o touc h (sometime s literally) th e defendant , i t shoul d no t b e surprisin g tha t girl s wer e treated gingerl y a t bes t an d unfairl y a t worst . Denver' s Be n Lindse y claimed tha t he met with delinquent girls alone in chambers, a s he did with boys , an d tha t h e ha d a good rappor t wit h girls , wh o confide d their misdeeds to him. I f so, that was the exception and not the rule. 28 Both Baker and Cabot were uneasy with female delinquents, partic ularly thos e wh o wer e sexuall y active . Bake r stated tha t h e neve r me t with femal e delinquent s i n chambers unles s a female probatio n office r was present , whil e a newspaper article , appropriatel y title d "H e Un derstands Boys, " described Frederic k Cabot's embarrassment with delinquent girls . Cabo t requeste d assistanc e fro m femal e friend s whe n considering girls ' cases, an d h e told delinquen t girl s t o wash of f "arti ficial coloring" before the y cam e befor e hi m becaus e " 'I can't b e fai r to you whil e yo u loo k lik e that. ' " The tw o judge s wer e straightlace d bachelors wh o applie d th e cultura l standard s o f th e Victoria n er a i n which the y wer e raised . Thei r decision s an d treatmen t o f delinquen t girls suggest their deep mistrust of the new morality, th e new woman, and the sexual revolution of the turn of the century an d after. I n policy and in practice, th e juvenile court was shaped b y th e lingering hol d of nineteenth-century bourgeoi s culture. 29 Delinquent girls were subject to more careful examination and oversight than wer e boys , an d differential treatmen t bega n wit h overnigh t detention. I n 1919-20 , onl y 1 3 percen t o f th e boy s wer e hel d over night, bu t 3 5 percent of the female delinquents wer e detained. Femal e

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delinquents remaine d i n custod y longe r becaus e th e cour t require d physical examination s fo r delinquent s charge d wit h sexua l miscon duct, an d treatmen t fo r thos e wh o wer e foun d t o b e venereall y dis eased. Th e cour t tende d t o sen d th e mor e difficul t case s fo r menta l examinations, an d i n 1919-20 , th e Bake r Foundatio n sa w 3 8 percen t of th e boy s wh o appeare d i n juvenil e court . However , 7 0 percen t o f the girl s wer e examined , whic h wa s probabl y a n inde x o f Judge Ca bot's perplexity whe n handlin g girls' cases. The court committed onl y 4 percen t (thirty-five ou t of 850) of the boys who appeared before i t in 1919-20, bu t nearl y 1 4 percent (fourtee n ou t of 102 ) of th e girls wer e institutionalized. I n ever y instance , girl s wer e scrutinize d mor e carefully tha n were boys. 30 Girls were brought to court for offenses rangin g from shoplifting t o stubbornness t o lew d an d lasciviou s behavior , bu t thei r treatmen t depended o n whethe r o r no t th e offens e wa s sexua l i n nature . I n a sample o f case s fro m 1907-37 , girl s wh o wer e truan t o r guilt y o f larceny wer e generall y place d o n probatio n o r ha d thei r case s filed. Larceny, usuall y a shoplifting expeditio n t o a downtown departmen t store, wa s th e mos t commo n offens e (3 7 percen t o f al l girl s charged). Of th e twenty-fiv e girl s arreste d fo r larceny , onl y tw o wer e incarcer ated an d in one of these cases the court note d that she had engaged i n sexual activity. 31 Lilia n Anderso n provide s a typica l example . Al though he r hom e wa s poor , he r fathe r unemploye d an d livin g o n hi s children's earnings , he r brothe r incarcerate d fo r truancy , an d sh e guilt y of a t leas t on e earlie r shopliftin g incident , Lilia n simpl y ha d he r cas e continued. Whil e thi s certainl y pose d a threat , a s an y futur e arres t would hav e reactivate d th e case, sh e wa s no t eve n subjec t t o th e la x requirements of probation. Undoubtedl y th e court felt some sympathy for a girl wh o hande d ove r he r whole paychec k t o he r idl e fathe r an d who then succumbed t o temptation at Filene's Department Store. 32 On th e othe r hand , th e cour t wa s fa r les s understandin g o f girl s accused o f sexua l offenses . Te n girl s (1 4 percen t o f th e total ) wer e charged wit h lewdnes s o r fornicatio n an d eigh t wer e committed , a s were ten of the thirteen runaways. Whil e lewdness i s a sexual offense , running awa y i s les s obviousl y so . Ye t runaway s (1 9 percen t o f th e total) frequentl y engage d i n sexua l activit y whil e awa y fro m home . Marjorie Francoll i ra n awa y fo r a wee k an d ha d "unusua l relations "

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with several men . Sh e was complained of as a runaway an d committed to th e Hous e o f th e Goo d Shepher d an d late r transferre d t o th e Lancaster School. 3 3 Other courts were equally concerned with a girl's chastity, althoug h justices were not always as discreet a s Boston's bachelor judges. Testi mony fro m th e Milwaukee Juvenile Court show s tha t girls were interrogated quit e explicitl y abou t thei r sexua l activities , give n Victoria n homilies about marriage and family, an d then committed t o the reform school. Whe n Sophonisb a Breckinridg e an d Edit h Abbot t surveye d Chicago's juvenil e cour t records , the y discovere d tha t over a ten-year period nearl y 4 3 percen t o f th e girl s brough t t o cour t wer e charge d with incorrigibilit y an d anothe r 3 1 percen t wit h immorality . I n a n effort t o protect a girl's reputation, th e court charged he r with incorri gibility or disorderliness wheneve r possible—if he r sexual activity was isolated or accidental. Whe n Breckinridg e an d Abbot t examine d al l of the charge s agains t girls , the y discovere d tha t ove r 8 0 percen t o f th e girls wer e brough t t o cour t o n a morals charge . A s i n Boston , sexua l delinquency wa s the most serious form of female deviance. 34 The court s di d no t simpl y impos e thei r ideal s o f femal e chastit y upon delinquent girl s and their families . Som e ethnic groups, suc h as Italians, restricte d th e publi c role s playe d b y wome n an d probabl y saw th e cour t a s a n all y i n controllin g th e behavio r o f a streetwis e daughter. I t i s rar e t o find a complainant liste d i n Boston' s juvenil e court records , bu t i t i s obviou s tha t working-clas s parents , withou t other resources , turne d t o th e cour t fo r help . Onc e i n court , famil y members foun d the y confronte d no t only thei r own famil y difficultie s but als o th e concern s o f th e large r societ y abou t femal e chastit y an d "proper" family life. 35 Mary Pasquale , whos e mother had died when she was two, wa s the daughter o f a n Italia n labore r wh o live d i n th e Nort h En d wit h hi s second wif e an d the couple's two children. Mar y ra n away fro m hom e and wa s complaine d o f a s a waywar d chil d i n 1925 , whe n sh e wa s fifteen year s old . Th e cour t pu t he r o n probatio n bu t sh e defaulte d after a year, an d a t som e poin t sh e wa s place d i n a foster home . Sh e ran away with a girlfriend an d the two were discovered i n a New Yor k hotel wit h tw o me n an d returne d t o Boston . A physica l examinatio n showed tha t he r hyme n wa s intac t an d therefor e sh e wa s allowe d t o

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return home to her parents. Whil e at home she had intercourse wit h a boy wh o promise d t o marr y her , bu t jilte d he r instead . A t thi s time , her fathe r complaine d t o th e cour t an d Mar y wa s brough t i n o n th e old default warrant . He r father's attitude certainly playe d a part in the court's decision . H e tol d th e cour t tha t h e wante d hi s daughte r pu t away unti l sh e wa s twenty-one , an d whe n th e gir l fainted , h e at tempted t o kic k her . Th e cour t ha d trie d famil y reconciliatio n an d foster care, leavin g few alternative s fo r the troubled girl . Stric t Italia n mores togethe r wit h bourgeoi s concern s abou t adolescenc e an d th e judge's own difficulties i n confronting sexuall y activ e girls led to Mary Pasquale's commitment. 36 Girls' case s revea l th e comple x natur e o f th e interactio n betwee n social welfare/juvenil e justic e institutions an d the working class. Bour geois societ y wa s concerne d abou t famil y stability , curbin g prostitu tion, protectin g th e vulnerable , an d codifyin g it s ow n cultura l stan dards into law. Therefor e reformer s invente d juvenile courts as part of a more active state and extended the services provided by social welfar e agencies. Working-clas s familie s worrie d abou t th e economi c contri butions of their members, thei r respectability, an d the ample opportunity for a young girl to go wrong. The twentieth-century city provided less economic opportunity fo r youngsters while it opened up a tantalizing worl d o f commercialize d leisur e an d consumption tha t working class girls i n particular lacked the resources t o enjoy. Expecte d t o stay at home to care for their younger siblings or to turn their pay envelopes over to the family i f they worked , working-clas s girls were at the same time seduced b y th e abundance of American society . Som e girls wen t on shopliftin g expedition s whil e other s exchange d se x fo r ic e cream , automobile rides , an d entertainment , an d the y al l becam e vulnerabl e to th e interventio n o f socia l welfar e agencie s o r th e state . A s i n th e nineteenth century, parent s cooperated wit h private agencies and public authorities—whil e no t necessaril y sharin g al l o f thei r goals—t o keep girl s of f th e street s an d preven t the m fro m tradin g o n thei r sexuality.37 Ironically, th e juvenile court stood a s a bastion of Victoria n cultur e at a time when that culture's basic assumptions were being challenged, not onl y fro m withou t bu t als o fro m within . College-educate d me n and women , i n particular , brok e dow n th e sexuall y segregate d socia l

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spheres o f thei r elder s i n th e first decade s o f th e twentiet h century . The ris e o f danc e halls , nigh t clubs , amusemen t parks , an d othe r entertainment establishments , no t t o mentio n coeducationa l institu tions, sexually integrated the social lives of young bourgeois Americans in unchaperone d settings . No t surprisingly , mor e contac t als o mean t more intimat e contact . Th e stat e wa s enforcin g traditiona l cultura l values at a time when the bourgeois consensus supportin g those values was eroding . Th e cour t sough t t o impos e o n working-clas s yout h a morality an d culture bourgeoi s parent s wer e unabl e t o faste n o n thei r own offspring . A s a result of thes e shift s i n the dominant culture , th e juvenile cour t becam e increasingl y marginalize d a s a mechanis m fo r reform.38 Boys and the Streets Boys committe d offense s agains t propert y an d publi c order , whic h brought the m int o direct conflic t wit h publi c authorities . Larcen y (3 1 percent), breakin g and entering (9 percent), aut o theft ( 5 percent), and vandalism ( 4 percent ) accounte d fo r hal f o f th e boys ' case s i n m y sample. Anothe r fifth committed statu s offenses, suc h as "gaming" on Sunday (usuall y shootin g crap s o r playin g cards) , sellin g newspaper s without licenses , o r sleddin g i n th e publi c streets , whil e 5 percen t evaded fare s o n th e trolleys . Th e onl y othe r "major " categor y wa s assault and battery (6 percent), which sounds more serious than it was, since nearly all of the cases involved fistfights, snowball fights, or rockthrowing incident s amon g boys . Boy s contende d directl y wit h publi c authority becaus e o f thei r us e o f th e street s fo r employment , recrea tion, an d criminal activities , an d they wer e hauled int o court i n much greater numbers than were girls. While poor parents found i t easy to overlook petty theft i n the name of th e famil y economy , th e cour t di d not . Charle s Pulanski , arreste d for loitering, sol d papers and begged fo r change in the theater district. He and his brother also picked up coal and brought it home for heating fuel. Th e father, a n illiterate laborer for the American Suga r Refinery , did no t mak e muc h an d th e famil y wa s savin g t o bu y th e hom e i n which the y lived . Neithe r boy s no r parent s wer e to o particula r abou t the source s o f th e coal , an d th e probatio n office r foun d tw o ton s of i t

Boy Wood Pickers Loading, October ipop. Lewis Hine Collection, Library of Congress. Children contributed to the family economy by scavenging wood for kindling, taking pipes and fittings fro m abandoned or uninhabited buildings , grabbing fruit an d vegetable s discarde d i n th e market , an d scourin g th e cit y dump . Scavenging easily slipped into petty larceny.

in the basement. Charle s was placed on probation, but when rearrested for larceny h e received a suspended sentenc e to the reformatory an d a warning that further misconduc t mean t imprisonment. 39 Other boys , arreste d fo r rollin g drunks , coul d no t b e mad e t o understand tha t the y ha d don e anythin g wrong , an d th e cour t wa s confounded b y their "moral density." At least one parent defended he r son. Mrs . Weinstei n tol d th e probatio n office r tha t th e family' s onl y income cam e fro m a fifteen-year-old daughter wh o earned five dollars a wee k i n a chocolat e factory , an d sh e "think s i t no t s o terribl e i f Sammy an d othe r kid s di d tak e mone y whe n a man wa s throwin g i t about whe n drunk. " I n suc h a case, wher e juvenil e delinquenc y wa s compounded b y parenta l obdurance, th e court had little choice bu t to commit. Familie s an d th e cour t eac h foun d th e other' s standard s o f morality incomprehensible. 40

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However, bot h parent s an d th e cour t agree d tha t boys , especiall y older ones , ha d t o work , an d thi s shape d sentencin g patterns . Mem bers o f th e workin g clas s rarel y foun d a full year' s employment , an d families ha d fe w resource s t o tide the m ove r a father's unemploymen t that lasted several months. 41 Stealin g coal, stripping copper pipes from unoccupied buildings , scavengin g fo r junk, an d extorting change fro m drunks bough t childre n treat s an d provide d excitemen t bu t als o contributed t o th e famil y economy. 42 Therefor e th e familie s o f boy s op posed effort s t o hav e thei r son s incarcerated . (Thi s wa s unlik e th e families of female delinquents, wh o were willing to cooperate with the court an d have daughters charged wit h stubbornnes s o r running away to preven t sexua l activity. ) Becaus e th e cour t place d a high valu e o n employment, mos t o f th e tim e i t accede d t o parents ' wishes. Onl y 1 0 percent o f th e boys ' cases , involvin g eithe r mor e seriou s o r repea t offenders, conclude d wit h incarceration . B y comparison , ove r a third of the girls in a sample of records were incarcerated. Th e court agreed that male s ha d t o b e prepare d fo r th e marketplace , an d i t sough t t o ensure tha t the y learne d th e disciplin e an d wor k habit s neede d fo r industrial employment. 43 Discipline wa s no t learne d o n th e streets , an d th e court s trie d t o limit their use. Working-class youth loitered, gambled, drank, smoked, stole, an d ha d sexua l relation s on th e street s an d developed a worldliness tha t shocke d reformers . Be n Lindsey , i n a n argumen t tha t i s representative o f child-savers ' beliefs , foun d tha t stree t traders ' live s were "impur e an d unclean " compare d t o wha t h e though t chil d lif e should b e "and what an y decen t paren t woul d wan t i t to be." For this he blame d no t th e youth s bu t thei r parents , wh o encourage d young sters t o profan e "th e sacre d perio d o f adolescence. " Working-clas s childhood an d youth ha d not changed ver y muc h sinc e the nineteent h century, whic h wa s precisel y th e point . I t wa s a t odd s wit h th e sacralization o f childhood tha t had occurred i n bourgeois culture. Pro gressive refor m sough t t o cur b th e independenc e o f working-clas s youth, t o gather them under adult supervision i n classrooms and playgrounds, an d t o contro l th e condition s an d timin g o f thei r work . Reformers wer e extendin g th e experienc e o f a mor e dependen t an d sheltered adolescenc e acros s clas s lines , an d the y encountere d bot h resistance and bewilderment fro m delinquents an d their parents. 44

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The juvenile court participated enthusiastically i n the drive to make the street s of f limits . I n th e firs t five year s o f th e court , case s o f truancy, licens e violations , o r gaming on Sunda y comprise d ove r hal f of th e caseload . Whil e thes e wer e no t treate d a s serious offenses , th e court reinforced th e message delivered i n school and recreation centers that th e street s wer e th e propert y o f adult s an d tha t working-clas s youth would b e supervised whethe r they liked it or not. 45 Gradually thes e kind s o f case s declined . Fro m 191 1 t o 1916 , onl y 31 percent of the Boston Juvenile Court's cases fell int o the ordinance, license, an d truancy categories . Th e suppl y o f such cases to th e court fell dramaticall y durin g thes e year s a s othe r agencie s too k ove r th e court's wor k an d thu s precipitate d a wholesale declin e i n th e numbe r of cases heard by the court. Th e Newsboys' Trial Board , i n which th e newsboys police d themselves , wa s establishe d b y th e Schoo l Depart ment i n 190 8 an d b y 191 2 wa s siphonin g of f ove r fou r hundre d case s per year. I n addition, th e Schoo l Departmen t establishe d ne w regula tions regardin g th e handlin g o f truancy . Instea d o f goin g directl y t o court an d havin g a child committe d t o th e Parenta l Schoo l (th e city' s institution fo r truants) , th e departmen t establishe d disciplinar y da y schools t o handl e truants . Onl y i f a child faile d ther e di d th e depart ment complain to the court. Th e average number of truant cases heard fell fro m ove r fifty t o twelv e pe r yea r durin g th e sam e period . Fo r these kind s of cases, th e juvenile court becam e the arena of last resort, used only afte r other mediation had failed. 46 Child gamesters an d traders did no t disappear from th e streets, bu t reform an d economic force s combine d t o limit thei r activity. Th e rol e of reformer s i n thi s proces s wa s secondary—thei r effort s t o enforc e child labo r law s an d cit y ordinance s regulatin g th e stree t trade s wer e notoriously ineffective . Adul t competitio n an d technolog y le d t o th e decline o f chil d labor , an d changin g newspape r manageria l practice s resulted i n the nea r extinction o f child stree t traders . Onl y 1 1 percent of ten-to-fifteen-year-olds nationall y reporte d wage-earning activity i n 1920, down from 1 8 percent in 1900 . I n 193 0 that fell t o 4.7 percen t as schools enrolle d a n ever-increasing segmen t o f th e school-ag e popula tion an d a s th e econom y collapsed . Reformer s di d creat e alternativ e recreational sites , an d school s sponsore d safet y badges , safet y days , and studen t safet y council s t o hav e student s polic e themselve s abou t

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using the streets. Youthfu l loiterer s and delinquents were never driven from th e streets , bu t b y th e en d o f th e Progressiv e er a working-clas s youth wer e under greater adult supervision than before. 47 The Ambiguous Legacy of the Juvenile Court Ignos Ontewicz, wh o had lost an arm and a leg while hopping a freight train, contribute d t o th e famil y econom y b y sellin g newspaper s i n Chinatown a t night . Hawkin g paper s t o patron s leavin g th e nearb y entertainment distric t was , i n th e police' s opinion , a pretext fo r beg ging an d Igno s wa s arreste d an d committe d t o th e Industria l Schoo l for Cripple d an d Deforme d Children . H e cause d s o muc h troubl e there tha t th e schoo l expelle d hi m afte r a short sta y an d h e returne d home and resumed his newspaper sales. Severa l warnings by the police and hi s probatio n officer , fines, an d th e continuation o f hi s probatio n for over two years had no effect. Th e famil y wa s poor, an d Igno s was too successful a t getting tips for him to stop. Finall y th e court gave up and filed the case, concluding , "w e are not entirely satisfie d wit h wha t he has done while on probation, bu t we believ e i t is almost impossibl e to ge t thi s bo y t o chang e hi s entir e vie w o f life." 48 Th e cour t face d similar problem s i n tryin g t o get parent s an d childre n t o move ou t o f "bad" neighborhood s o r t o retur n t o thei r countrie s o f origin . Th e court suggested , cajoled , an d threatene d bu t ultimatel y it s powe r wa s limited, particularl y i n the case of minor offenders. 49 Boston's juvenil e court ha d the reputation of bein g one of th e more progressive court s i n the country . I t was attuned t o the newes t devel opments i n socia l wor k an d i t searche d activel y fo r th e socia l an d psychological root s of crime throug h it s investigation s an d referral s t o the menta l healt h clinic . Th e cour t commande d th e cooperation o f an extensive publi c and private socia l welfar e network , whic h i t linked to the publi c reformatories , an d i t move d individua l delinquent s aroun d within thi s system . Th e cour t utilize d communit y resources , suc h a s settlement house s an d boys' and girls' clubs, t o supervise the activitie s of hundred s o f youngster s eac h yea r an d t o asser t contro l ove r th e leisure tim e o f adolescents . Fro m thi s perspective , th e cour t wa s a triumph of Progressivism . When seen from the perspective of Ignos Ontewicz an d other delin-

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quents, the court was less awe inspiring. The court treated delinquents to Victorian-style homilies, subjected them to fairly cursory visits with probation officers, counsele d the m to attend schoo l o r spend fre e tim e at a settlement house , an d threatene d the m wit h bein g "sen t away " if they di d no t improve . Bu t unles s th e Cour t enliste d parents ' suppor t for it s refor m program , it s threat s wer e hollow , a s mos t delinquent s probably learned. The rhetori c surrounding th e court was vastly inflated . Despit e th e veneer o f scienc e an d expertise , th e Cour t enforce d value s tha t wer e decidedly Victoria n int o th e 1930s . N o trac e o f a modern, consume r culture ca n b e foun d i n th e practic e o f th e Bosto n court , whic h wa s more an artifact of the nineteenth-century child-savin g movement than a harbinge r o f th e therapeuti c state . Th e cour t wa s overcrowded , underfunded, dispense d wit h mos t case s quickly , an d provide d onl y limited oversight . Eve n wit h it s disregar d fo r procedur e an d defen dants' rights, th e court did no t invade the province of the family. Th e court convicted man y delinquents , bu t i t reforme d ver y fe w o f them . It was th e bes t instrumen t reformer s an d socia l worker s could devise , and it served their purposes by linking a disjointed collection of private and publi c institution s unde r Brahmi n leadership , bu t t o delinquent s it delivered neither justice nor therapy.

CHAPTER 9

Qhild Quidance and the Qourt

Reviewing thei r wor k i n 1935 , Willia m Heal y an d August a Bronne r concluded tha t the y ha d failed . Effort s t o diagnos e delinquent s clini cally an d t o recommen d treatmen t plan s t o the juvenil e court ha d no t succeeded i n curing delinquent s o f thei r deviance . Th e presidin g jus tice of the Boston Juvenile Court, John J. Perkins , agreed . "Th e value and powe r o f psychiatr y wer e exaggerate d t o the poin t o f magic , an d like th e juvenil e court , psychiatr y wa s oversold t o th e public. " Popularization o f psychologica l theorie s o f devianc e encourage d th e publi c to believ e tha t i f th e court sen t a maladjusted youngste r t o the clinic , the menta l conflic t causin g th e delinquenc y coul d b e remove d "lik e having a tooth pulled by a dentist." Therapy prove d no more able than Protestantism, lesson s i n bourgeoi s culture , vocationa l education , su pervised recreationa l activities , placement , o r probation i n solvin g th e problem of the deviant poor and their delinquent children. x Psychiatry and psychological approaches to human relations became part of American culture in the early decades of the twentieth century , and fe w institution s wer e shape d mor e profoundl y b y thi s innovatio n than thos e dealin g wit h deviants . Psychiatr y emphasize d tha t peopl e suffering fro m neurose s ha d no t adapte d t o their environments. Sinc e an individual' s neurosi s ha d socia l causes , treatmen t coul d hav e in volved bot h socia l refor m an d readjustmen t o f th e individual . Bu t psychiatry, i n th e perio d afte r Worl d Wa r I , an d socia l work , whic h found it s professiona l directio n throug h psychiatr y i n th e 1920s , fo 170

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cused o n analyzin g an d resocialin g th e individua l and/o r th e family . Psychiatry intereste d judges , socia l workers , an d reformator y official s because i t refute d th e findings o f th e earl y menta l tester s tha t feeble mindedness cause d a large proportion o f deviance an d criminality an d it offere d ne w hop e tha t delinquent s coul d b e reforme d throug h sci ence.2 The psychologica l replace d th e medica l idio m i n discussion s o f delinquency i n the 1920s , as "adjustment" became the new justificatio n for th e juvenil e justic e system . Th e juvenil e cour t wa s centra l t o th e process o f adjustment , fo r i t directe d juvenile s t o th e prope r venues : the clinic for diagnosis, the probation office o r the settlement house for advice and supervision, th e foster home to develop new social relation ships, o r th e refor m schoo l fo r a "curative" environment. Th e thera peutic als o demande d a new language , s o reformator y official s urge d that th e term s "criminal, " "delinquent, " an d "bad " bo y o r gir l b e replaced b y "maladjusted. " Th e reformator y sough t t o creat e soun d personalities, define d a s individual s wh o coul d fit i n wit h society , which bega n wit h acquiescenc e t o institutiona l regimen . Whe n critic s raised the issue of absence of due process in juvenile court proceeding s or asked if reform school s were anything more than prisons, defender s argued fo r thei r therapeuti c value . Sinc e thes e institution s wer e de signed t o hel p individua l delinquent s overcom e thei r menta l conflict s and personalit y disorders , the y wer e b y definitio n i n the delinquent' s best interest. 3 Progressive-minded child-saver s create d chil d guidanc e clinic s i n response t o th e deman d fo r psychologica l evaluation s o f delinquents . The first clinics , suc h a s thos e establishe d i n Chicag o i n 190 9 an d i n Boston i n 191 7 b y Willia m Healy , wer e supporte d b y coalition s o f settlement an d social worker s an d were affiliated wit h juvenil e courts. Their origina l purpos e wa s t o advis e th e cour t o n th e dispositio n o f difficult cases , bu t the y als o provide d th e opportunit y t o gathe r dat a on delinquents an d to test different criminologica l theories . Mos t child guidance clinics eventually gre w awa y fro m their early affiliatio n wit h the court , wit h delinquent s formin g onl y a small percentag e o f thei r clients, bu t at Boston's Judge Bake r Foundation delinquent s remaine d an important part of the clientele into the early 1930s . The apparen t succes s o f th e initia l clinic s le d t o thei r proliferatio n

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and suppor t b y privat e funders . I n 1920 , th e Commonwealt h Fun d created an advisory committee , whic h included Heal y an d Bronner, t o examine what could b e done about juvenile delinquency. Th e committee develope d a five-year plan fo r psychiatri c stud y o f predelinquen t and delinquent children, amon g other recommendations, an d betwee n 1922 an d 1927 , th e Commonwealt h Fun d establishe d eigh t menta l health clinic s o n a n experimenta l basi s aroun d th e country . B y 193 3 there wer e over fort y clinic s i n existence a s reformers followed Heal y and Bronner's example. 4 The Work of William Healy and Augusta Bronner William Heal y an d August a Bronne r wer e prophet s o f th e ne w sci ence. Healy , bor n i n Englan d i n 186 9 t o poo r tenan t farmers , ha d come t o th e Unite d State s a t ag e nine , lef t schoo l a t thirtee n t o hel p support hi s family, an d worked hi s way throug h Harvar d College and Rush Medica l Schoo l i n Chicago . H e wa s a n America n succes s stor y who embodie d th e value s o f a Victoria n bourgeoi s cultur e tha t ha d served hi m well . I t i s no t surprisin g tha t h e viewe d th e poo r throug h the len s of hi s ow n accomplishments . A strai n of Victoria n moralis m remained predominan t i n hi s though t an d practice , an d hi s view s fit well wit h those of the Boston court justices. 5 Augusta Bronner , Healy' s student , collaborator , and , later , wife , was bor n i n Louisville , Kentucky , i n 188 1 t o parent s o f Germa n Jewish ancestry . Bronner' s famil y enjoye d modes t wealt h an d socia l position an d encourage d he r t o pursu e a caree r a s a teacher . Afte r attending Columbia University' s Teacher s College, sh e taught Englis h in Louisvill e fo r severa l year s befor e returnin g t o Columbi a t o stud y with Edwar d Thorndike , a n educationa l psychologist . Sh e als o at tended Willia m Healy' s lecture s a t Harvar d summe r schoo l i n 191 3 and h e offered he r a position a s a psychologist a t the Chicago Juvenile Psychopathic Institut e upo n th e completio n o f he r Ph.D . i n 1914 . Bronner specialized i n working with delinquent girls and she was well known i n the mental testin g movement , althoug h Heal y wa s the more prominent membe r of the Baker team. 6 Like man y practitioner s i n th e Unite d States , Heal y an d Bronne r were eclectic , acknowledgin g a debt t o Sigmun d Freu d bu t als o using

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mental testin g an d applyin g concept s derive d fro m Car l Jung, W . I . Thomas, an d Alfre d Adler . A t first, Heal y an d Bronne r consciousl y avoided to o grea t a reliance o n theor y (a s wa s tru e o f "dynami c psy chiatry" in general) , an d advance d th e cas e metho d fo r analyzin g th e individual delinquent . Thei r tea m approac h include d a batter y o f intelligence an d aptitud e tests , physica l examinations , investigation s by socia l workers , an d a long intervie w wit h the client, followe d b y a case conference . B y th e tim e the y arrive d a t th e newl y establishe d Judge Bake r Foundatio n i n 1917 , the y ha d becom e mor e psychoanal ytical i n approac h an d examine d delinquent s fo r menta l conflicts , which the y claime d wer e cause d b y unfortunat e childhoo d sexua l experiences and lay at the heart of a child's delinquency. 7 Healy an d Bronne r wer e confiden t tha t scienc e woul d solv e th e problem of delinquency. Th e first step was use of a scientific method , which they defined a s collecting facts, analyzin g them impartially, an d then derivin g generalization s an d laws . A s therapists , the y believe d that analysi s o f a cas e no t onl y provide d dat a fo r large r scientifi c purposes bu t wa s itsel f therapeuti c i n tha t i t gav e th e delinquen t insight int o the causes of antisocial behavior . Th e interest s of science , of society, an d of the delinquent wer e one. Th e publicatio n of numerous case studies testifies t o Healy an d Bronner's faith that a "science of treatment" would emerge from their work. 8 Believing tha t th e root s o f misconduc t la y i n famil y dynamics , Healy an d Bronner moved inevitabl y fro m treatmen t of the individua l delinquent t o wor k wit h entir e families . A tea m o f psychiatrist s an d social worker s sough t t o remak e th e family' s interna l relation s an d t o shape thei r response s t o socia l welfar e agencies . The y discusse d th e parents' socia l problems , suc h a s alcoholis m o r illici t sexua l relation ships, an d explored parenta l feeling s of guilt or inadequacy tha t migh t have contribute d t o a child's delinquency . Practica l assistanc e accom panied psychologica l analysi s an d th e clini c provide d familie s wit h medical car e an d referral s t o socia l welfar e agencie s fo r financial aid. Social worker s als o offere d instructio n i n househol d budgeting , chil d care, an d chil d psychology , an d acquainte d famine s wit h loca l club s and recreational facilities . I f these interventions failed , worker s sough t permission from the court for foster placement. 9 The "treatment plans" that Healy and Bronner recommended t o the

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court were described i n different terms , bu t turned out to be identica l to th e solution s t o delinquenc y promote d b y earlie r generation s o f child welfar e workers . Hom e visitor s ha d alway s referre d familie s t o the charities , t o publi c dispensarie s o r hospitals , an d t o settlemen t houses, industria l schools , an d other culturally uplifting organizations. Moreover, hom e visitor s aide d familie s wit h thei r budgets , offere d housekeeping tips, consulted schoo l authorities , an d sought to develop relationships wit h th e poor . An d sinc e th e 1830 s agencie s ha d place d children o f th e urba n poo r wit h familie s i n th e countr y i n orde r t o provide the m wit h differen t parenta l model s an d ne w cultura l values . Eventually, mor e extensive therapeutic services became available at the child guidance clinics as child guidance shifted awa y from its behavioralist roots, but psychotherapy prove d to be no panacea. 10 The Practice of Therapy Healy an d Bronner' s diagnose s an d comments t o th e cour t indicat e how rudimentar y th e practic e of psychotherap y wa s i n it s early year s and th e exten t t o whic h traditiona l attitude s towar d th e poo r influ enced twentieth-century science . Patric k Brennan' s case is illustrative. Brennan wa s arreste d fo r beggin g i n 191 7 bu t ha d tw o earlie r convictions fo r larceny , an d th e juvenil e cour t sen t hi m t o th e clini c fo r evaluation. Th e probatio n office r investigatin g th e cas e reporte d tha t the Brenna n famil y wa s chronicall y poor , "withou t foo d o r money , although th e fathe r worke d steadil y an d Beatric e [the eldest daughter ] and Patric k als o worked par t of the time." Both the Associated Chari ties an d th e St . Vincen t d e Pau l Societ y provide d advic e an d suppor t for th e family , suggesting thei r belie f tha t th e Brennan s belonge d t o the worthy poor . In contrast, Healy' s discussio n o f th e causative factor s i n th e boy' s delinquency emphasize d th e family' s shiftles s character . Th e first cause was heredity—th e fathe r wa s a n irregula r worke r wh o "relie s muc h on charities," the mothe r was a "weak type, eithe r defective mentally , or constitutionall y inferior, " an d th e materna l grandfathe r wa s a reputed alcoholic. A secon d cause was developmental—Patrick's mothe r had worke d whil e sh e wa s pregnant , an d consequently ha d produce d a small , delicat e child . Th e hom e condition—"shiftles s an d dirty" —

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was th e thir d cause , an d lac k o f parenta l contro l th e fourth . Patric k lacked norma l hom e interest s an d consequentl y participate d i n a n "excessive amount of street-life," and he smoked and drank tea. Heal y admitted tha t povert y wa s alway s a bi g factor , "bu t secondary , o f course, to the parents' own inferiority." n For Healy parental inferiority wa s both genetic and cultural. Healy , who ha d bee n a membe r o f th e America n Breeders ' Association , a n early eugenic s organization, cam e b y 191 5 to the more moderat e posi tion that the hereditary causes of deviance could not be easily separated from th e environmental. 12 I n th e Brenna n case , th e father' s irregula r work habits , a n Iris h family' s histor y o f alcoho l use , th e mother' s la x housekeeping, he r employment durin g pregnancy , an d th e boy' s par ticipation i n stree t cultur e provide d evidenc e o f patholog y an d wer e causes of delinquency. Healy an d Bronner's psychological approac h to delinquency offere d so littl e advanc e ove r th e cultura l refor m traditio n becaus e i t wa s s o deeply embedde d i n it. Fo r them, povert y wa s the product of individual mora l failur e an d i t wa s a s muc h a sympto m o f devianc e a s wa s delinquency. Heal y an d Bronner' s evaluation s o f familie s containe d the usua l fea r tha t welfar e pauperize d th e poor , eve n whe n socia l welfare agencie s foun d tha t a family deserve d aid , an d the y believe d that the economic failure of the male breadwinner eroded family disci pline. Thei r comments showe d no awareness tha t periodic unemploy ment plague d th e workin g clas s o r tha t economi c contribution s fro m all famil y members , includin g children , wer e vita l t o a working-clas s family's upkeep. They wer e not sympathetic to working mothers, wh o were presume d t o neglec t thei r children. Housekeeping , whethe r o r not a woman worke d an d regardless o f a family's resources , remaine d a ke y inde x o f mora l worth . An d a s i n th e Brenna n case , ethni c stereotypes helped shape evaluations of delinquents' families. 13 The cas e studies publishe d b y th e Judge Bake r Foundation provid e evidence o f ho w muc h th e ne w scienc e derive d fro m th e cultura l reform tradition. Thi s i s not meant to suggest that Healy an d Bronner were shodd y socia l scientists , onl y tha t th e dominan t cultur e shape d the question s the y aske d an d thei r interpretatio n o f th e materia l the y found. Despit e th e chang e i n methods , th e novelt y o f askin g delin quents to explain themselves, an d the extreme positivism exhibite d b y

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Healy an d Bronne r i n thei r obsessiv e searc h fo r facts , whe n i t cam e time t o interpre t thei r data , the y applie d th e clas s an d cultura l stan dards the y ha d inherited . Th e cas e o f To m Raine r provide s anothe r example.14 Rainer wa s eigh t year s ol d i n Novembe r 1920 , whe n h e wa s first referred to the clinic. To m had been picked up for begging at a railroad station about forty mile s from Boston and returned to his parents, wh o brought hi m t o th e clini c a t the suggestio n o f a child welfar e agency . The fathe r had worked as a night watchman for the same company fo r fifteen years, an d hi s father , wh o ha d emigrate d fro m Grea t Britain , had been a stationary engineer. The mother, whose parents were Nova Scotian farmers, wa s reportedly i n poor health from he r nine pregnancies, an d ha d worke d a s a domesti c befor e marriage . O f th e seve n living children , on e wa s feebleminde d an d five, includin g Tom , wer e undernourished an d less than average in weight an d height. Th e thre e oldest childre n worked , on e i n a candy factory , on e a s a machinist , and on e a s a factory operativ e whe n he r healt h permitted . Th e socia l worker who visited th e family commente d tha t the house they live d in was in need of painting and repair and that the kitchen was in disorder, that dirty clothin g la y about the house, an d that the household wa s ill kept. Th e mother' s housekeepin g wa s deeme d inadequat e an d he r discipline lax , wit h littl e parenta l attentio n give n t o the younge r chil dren. Tom began his delinquent career at age five, when he first started running away fro m home for several days at a time. H e earned mone y by begging and singing on the streets. Healy and Bronner's analysis of the case emphasized Tom's pleasant personality, hi s playfulness, an d his mental alertness. Althoug h he did not test well, hi s IQ was within the limits of normality an d he showed good learnin g ability . The y conclude d tha t whil e h e ha d hear d abou t "bad se x affairs, " h e wa s fortunat e enoug h t o hav e "escape d contami nation." They liste d a s the probabl e cause s o f Tom' s delinquenc y hi s love o f adventure , goo d singin g voice , th e pleasan t wa y stranger s responded to him, dislike of school, and poor parental oversight. Thei r prognosis wa s tha t hi s futur e wa s poo r unde r th e ol d condition s an d that he should b e placed on a farm.15 The insight s o f th e psychiatri c tea m wer e no deepe r tha n thos e o f nineteenth-century mora l reformers . Heal y an d Bronner had collecte d

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an enormou s amoun t o f dat a o n To m Rainer , includin g th e delin quent's "own story," but most of the information wa s irrelevant to the outcome o f hi s case . Hi s famil y backgroun d an d socia l an d develop mental histor y offere d fe w clue s fo r treatment, othe r than the obvious one o f foste r care . Onl y th e question s abou t childhoo d sexua l experi ence indicate a search for possible mental conflicts i n Rainer's past, but as Heal y an d Bronne r recognized, thi s approac h offere d n o particula r help in understanding Rainer' s case. Girls sen t t o th e Judg e Bake r Foundatio n encountere d th e usua l concern abou t thei r sexuality . Heal y an d Bronner' s Freudia n fascina tion with childhood sexualit y reinforce d th e tendency t o subject delinquent girls to more careful scrutin y tha n boys and to incarcerate the m for relativel y mino r offenses i f the y wer e sexuall y active . Her e again , the ne w approac h t o delinquenc y incorporate d man y o f th e assump tions and cultural standards of the old. 16 Tillie Mardon' s referra l t o th e clini c wa s a bac k doo r int o th e juvenile justic e system . Eve n thoug h girl s generall y wer e referre d b y social welfar e agencies , rathe r tha n b y polic e o r th e cour t a s was th e case wit h boys , the y foun d themselve s enmeshe d i n a court process , particularly i f the y wer e sexual offenders . I n order to pu t som e clini c recommendations int o effect , parent s ha d t o ente r a stubbor n chil d complaint i n juvenil e court . I n Tilli e Mardon' s case , severa l unex plained disappearance s fro m hom e le d a social worke r t o brin g Tilli e and he r mothe r t o th e Bake r Foundation . Afte r a n evaluation , th e mother too k Tilli e t o court , wher e sh e wa s committe d t o Lancaster , the usual fate for sexual delinquents. 17 Tillie's famil y histor y illustrate s th e misfortun e tha t trouble d th e families of Baker Foundation client s in the early years of its operation. Tillie's parent s wer e bot h bor n i n Canada , he r fathe r o n Princ e Ed ward Islan d i n 1877 , an d th e mothe r i n Montrea l i n 1878 , an d th e family move d to Boston in 1902 . Mr. Mardon had trained as a cabinetmaker, bu t worke d irregularl y becaus e o f tuberculosi s an d hear t dis ease, an d th e famil y ha d receive d assistanc e fro m variou s welfar e agencies fo r twelv e years . A t th e tim e o f Tillie' s interview , h e ha d been hospitalize d fo r abou t five months . Jame s Mardon , th e oldes t living son , supporte d th e famil y althoug h h e to o wa s i n il l health . Social workers reported that the family attende d church regularly, that

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the si x childre n wer e wel l brough t up , an d that Mrs . Mardo n did no t work outsid e th e hom e an d wa s a good housekeeper . Thes e wer e th e worthy poo r and Tillie's delinquency coul d no t be attributed t o "poor stock." Tillie's problems began after her father's hospitalization. Sh e started skipping school , lyin g abou t he r whereabout s t o he r mother , stealin g from her employer, an d staying out at night. Then she disappeared fo r ten days, livin g i n a hotel roo m with a sailor, afrai d sh e was pregnan t and contemplatin g suicide , befor e writin g a desperat e not e t o he r mother. Sh e returne d t o he r neighborhood , apparentl y waitin g t o b e found, an d her mother brought her into the clinic. When Heal y an d Bronne r analyze d Tillie' s case, the y note d he r wish for pretty clothes, "a most natural desire among adolescent girls," and the y laude d th e fac t tha t sh e was to o proud t o reques t ne w shoe s from a social welfar e agency . He r mai n proble m wa s he r "se x urge. " The clinicians described Tillie as sensual, wit h a broad face, thic k lips, and large breasts, an d discovered tha t at age twelve sh e had overheard a neighbo r accus e hi s wif e o f havin g affair s wit h othe r me n an d ha d heard "bad stories" from other girls in the neighborhood. Thi s forme d the basi s o f he r late r "se x consciousnes s an d se x interest, " which wa s defined a s a combinatio n o f fantasy , curiosity , an d a desir e t o b e popular wit h men . Whe n listin g th e reason s fo r he r delinquency , Healy and Bronner counted adolescence, bad companions, unfortunat e sex knowledge , lac k o f parenta l control , an d prematur e developmen t of se x characteristics , "makin g he r attractiv e t o men. " The onl y rem edy fo r the girl was a prolonged sta y in a reform school . Tillie Mardo n ha d severa l problems , bu t th e clinician s focuse d o n her sexuality . Certainl y Heal y an d Bronne r di d no t approv e o f he r larceny o r adolescen t rebelliousness , bu t thes e wer e comparativel y minor issue s i n their analysis . Interventio n i n Tillie's cas e might hav e taken a number of forms: probation, wit h the family movin g to a more desirable neighborhood , attendanc e a t a settlement hous e recreationa l program, vocationa l training , continue d therap y t o bolste r he r self image, o r foste r care , i f th e hom e situatio n wer e beyon d remed y (which, accordin g t o th e cas e workers , i t wa s not) . Instead , th e clini cians recommende d incarceration , eve n thoug h the y though t Tillie' s sexual delinquenc y stemme d mor e fro m a desire t o b e popula r tha n

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from an y "primar y physica l se x feeling " an d th e evidenc e suggeste d that she had been intimate with only one individual. 18 Healy an d Bronner' s analysi s o f femal e devianc e prove d n o mor e understanding o f adolescen t need s an d desire s tha n thos e o f earlie r reformers. Th e ne w psycholog y di d no t replac e a n olde r Victoria n framework, bu t evolve d ou t o f it . Th e acceptanc e o f femal e sexualit y in th e ne w psycholog y di d no t equa l acceptanc e o f femal e sexua l expression outsid e o f heterosexua l relationship s leadin g t o marriage . Girls o n th e street s ma y hav e bee n calle d maladjuste d rathe r tha n criminal o r bad , bu t the y remaine d devian t an d subjec t t o incarcera tion.19 Psychiatrists an d psychiatri c socia l workers , wh o ha d bille d them selves a s experts on the emotional lif e of the family, foun d themselve s as puzzle d b y delinquent s a s reformer s generall y ha d been . The y perceived tha t parent s fel t vulnerabl e an d uncertai n abou t thei r chil dren, and they seized the opportunity offered b y misfortune to provide expert prescriptions for the cure of deviance. 20 By th e lat e 1920s , therapist s a t th e Bake r foundation , lik e chil d guidance clinician s elsewhere , bega n t o prob e beneat h th e symptom s of deviance. Psychiatrist s encourag e younge r childre n t o ac t out thei r version of famil y dynamic s throug h play , sometime s wit h dolls representing different famil y members . Older delinquents worke d throug h their conflict s i n thei r relationship s wit h th e therapist . Samue l Har twell, wh o worke d wit h Heal y an d Bronne r a t the Bake r Foundatio n before becomin g directo r o f th e Worceste r Chil d Guidanc e Clinic , developed a four-stage mode l o f patient-therapist relations . Eac h step, from "friendl y belief " t o "dependen t attachment, " involve d a close r bond with the psychiatrist, wh o sought to resolve the patient's conflict s at the simplest leve l befor e guidin g the therapy t o the next stage. Th e clinician's goal, beyon d that of ending antisocial behavior, was to make the chil d awar e o f th e famil y dynamic s causin g delinquency , an d t o make th e chil d accep t foste r car e o r an y environmenta l change s tha t might b e needed . Lik e domesti c reform , psychotherap y encourage d the delinquent t o identify wit h the reformer/therapist an d to adopt his or her values.21 Psychotherapy, lik e other versions of cultural reform , worke d wit h some children . Tha t is , scienc e coul d no t solv e th e proble m o f delin -

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quency an y bette r tha n religiou s conversio n o r th e adoptio n o f a bourgeois culture, bu t it could provide clues for assisting an individual delinquent. HartwelP s cas e studie s sho w th e increasin g sophisticatio n and success of the Baker Foundation's work with delinquent boys . Herbert Eilers , ag e ten, wa s referred t o the clinic after a career as a thief, a fence, an d a truant an d afte r havin g been on probatio n an d i n a truan t school . Herbert' s parent s ha d quarrele d frequently—th e fa ther disputed th e paternity o f Herbert' s younger sister—an d hi s mother died shortl y afte r sh e separated fro m he r husband. Herber t live d with an enfeeble d grandfathe r an d spen t mos t o f hi s tim e o n th e streets , where h e becam e adep t a t pett y crime . Hartwel l discovere d i n hi s interviews wit h th e bo y tha t h e wa s fran k an d reliabl e an d though t that his main problem wa s that he had not been able to form close and trusting relationships with adults. Hartwel l decided to establish a deep rapport with the boy to overcome his pattern of having only superficia l relationships. "Wha t Herber t mos t neede d wa s someon e toward s who m he coul d develo p a genuin e loyalt y an d trust . Tha t perso n coul d transfer thes e loyaltie s t o others an d thereb y la y th e foundatio n fo r a much more normal life." Hartwell encouraged Herber t to discuss what caused his delinquent activity and how he felt about it. Herber t related that h e stol e becaus e i t wa s th e onl y wa y h e ha d t o ge t thing s h e wanted an d h e pretende d h e like d peopl e becaus e tha t wa y h e coul d use them for his own ends. Th e bo y wa s convinced tha t he should try to find his fathe r an d se e i f he could liv e with hi m becaus e "hi s father had lots of money an d would bu y him things." Herbert cam e t o realiz e that Hartwel l like d hi m despite hi s misbe havior, eve n though h e did no t approve of the behavior itself, an d this was th e beginnin g o f HartwelP s therapeuti c breakthrough . Hartwel l heard from the social worke r that Herbert ha d started to stay hom e in the evenings t o read to his grandfather. Whe n h e asked th e boy abou t this, h e replied that his grandfather wa s lonely and " *I though t mayb e you woul d lik e m e bette r i f I did.' " Transferring Herbert' s loyaltie s to anothe r perso n i n hi s lif e wa s th e next , mor e difficul t step . Fortu nately, th e fathe r prove d t o b e a reasonable ma n wh o ha d remarrie d and indicated a n interest i n the boy. Hartwel l lai d the groundwork fo r their reunio n b y discussin g wit h Herber t wha t father s mean t t o boy s and th e reason s why father s sometime s neglecte d thei r children. Har -

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twell arrange d t o hav e the father presen t a t one of Herbert' s sessions , and th e bo y eagerl y embrace d th e fathe r afte r learnin g hi s identity . After tw o followu p sessions , Hartwel l decide d tha t therap y wa s suc cessful an d stoppe d th e visits . Whil e Herber t live d i n a foster famil y rather than with his father, h e developed a good relationship with both the father and the foster family an d his delinquent behavior ceased. 22 Hartwell obviously counted Herbert among his successes. H e noted that withou t therap y th e effort s t o find a goo d foste r hom e an d t o reestablish contac t wit h th e fathe r woul d hav e bee n failures . Withou t the intervening stag e of loyalty an d deep rapport with Hartwell , Her bert woul d likel y hav e continued hi s delinquencies i n hi s foste r hom e and simpl y viewe d hi s fathe r instrumentally . Hartwel l wa s equall y frank in discussing his failures, bu t overall he counted forty-four o f the fifty-five cases as at least partial successes. 23 It is notable tha t Hartwell' s successe s cam e with boys . Bake r clinicians continued t o find girls' cases difficult t o handle sympathetically , perhaps becaus e o f th e gende r biase s o f Freudian-influence d therapy . Clinicians routinel y overlooke d o r reinterprete d evidenc e o f inces t o r other sexua l abus e i n delinquent girls , confusin g th e girls ' experienc e with fantasies. 24 Therap y ma y hav e worked wit h boy s becaus e therapists coul d avoi d th e kno t o f patriarcha l famil y relation s tha t thei r training did not prepare them to untangle. Bu t more extensive analyses of th e clinic's wor k prov e that claims of succes s wit h boy s wer e exaggerated. Psychotherap y ma y hav e worked i n some cases, suc h as Herbert Eiler's , bu t fe w delinquent s receive d a s extensive car e and attention. Th e principl e of les s eligibility limite d th e provision o f psychiatri c services, and for most delinquents visits to the clinic involved fa r more modest achievements. 25 Evaluations of the Therapeutic Approach The emphasi s on science and scientific metho d mean t that for the first time th e result s o f refor m coul d b e measure d an d analyzed . N o on e had conceived of counting how man y poo r children remained evangelical Christian s five year s afte r attendin g a Sunda y schoo l o r seein g whether placement i n a foster family resulte d in a permanent reforma tion o f character . I n th e 1920 s an d 1930s , however , socia l scientist s

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began to study the effects o f intervention int o delinquents' lives. Muc h of William Heal y an d Augusta Bronner' s researc h involved comparin g groups of treated and nontreated delinquents, an d several independen t studies wer e done of th e clinic's work . Neve r befor e wa s failur e dem onstrated s o precisely. Early report s indicate d mixe d succes s fo r th e therapeuti c approac h to delinquency . Whe n Heal y an d Bronne r compare d th e career s o f male delinquent s the y treate d i n Chicag o wit h thos e o f mal e delin quents see n i n Boston, the y foun d tha t nearl y twic e a s many Chicag o delinquents ha d adul t court record s (50 percent vs. 2 6 percent). Heal y and Bronne r coul d no t attribut e th e improve d result s t o greater expe rience o r thei r psychoanalyti c methods , fo r thei r analysi s o f a n un treated grou p o f delinquent s i n Bosto n showe d a n eve n lowe r recidi vism rat e (21 percent) . Rather , the y cite d a n improved police/judicial / social welfar e environmen t tha t encourage d earl y interventio n i n a delinquent's life . Bosto n delinquents did no t have their trivial offense s dismissed, a s occurre d i n Chicago , bu t wer e place d o n probation ; Boston socia l welfar e agencie s cooperate d wit h eac h othe r an d wit h public authorities; the Boston Juvenile Court utilized probation , rathe r than incarceration , eve n fo r mor e seriou s offenders , an d mor e boy s thereby avoide d th e corruptin g influenc e o f th e reformatory . Heal y and Bronne r conclude d tha t th e mor e activ e socia l welfare/juvenil e justice network , i f no t therap y itself , disrupte d potentiall y crimina l careers.26 An intensiv e stud y o f childre n place d int o foste r home s afte r diag nosis an d treatmen t a t th e Bake r Foundatio n als o reveale d successfu l outcomes. Th e researc h tea m foun d tha t 9 0 percen t o f th e mentall y normal childre n wer e successful , whic h the y define d a s becomin g desirable member s o f th e foste r famil y an d communit y an d makin g some progres s towar d masterin g th e antisocia l behavio r or personalit y difficulty tha t ha d le d t o delinquency . Amon g thos e wh o wer e men tally defective, o r exhibited menta l abnormalit y o r abnormal personal ities, th e succes s rat e droppe d t o 4 9 percent . Still , Heal y an d hi s coworkers conclude d tha t delinquents coul d b e place d wit h grea t suc cess: neither sex , age , heredity , no r type of delinquenc y prove d t o be an obstacl e t o reform . Onl y whe n delinquenc y wa s compounde d b y

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mental abnormality o r personality disorders , as occurred i n 40 percent of the cases placed by the agencies, was the prognosis negative. 27 Child guidance, however , di d not live up to its initial promise. On e warning cam e fro m Bell a Boon e Beard' s stud y o f five hundre d delin quent boy s an d girls see n a t the Bake r Foundatio n betwee n 192 4 and 1929. Bear d interviewe d he r five hundred delinquent s five years afte r treatment a t th e Bake r foundation , whic h wa s a significantl y longe r period tha n tha t use d b y Heal y an d Bronner , an d sh e wa s critica l o f Healy an d Bronner's standards of evaluation. Beard's findings show tha t Heal y an d Bronne r wer e to o optimisti c in analyzing their own work. Whil e she concluded that over 40 percent of the boys and three-quarters of the girls were "permanent" successes (in tha t the y committe d n o furthe r delinquencie s durin g th e stud y period), sh e foun d tha t man y o f th e recommendation s o f th e clini c were not carried out and it was not clear that a diagnosis by the Baker foundation ha d an y impac t o n delinquen t behavior . Parenta l opposi tion wa s a significant facto r i n the failur e t o follo w th e clinic's recom mendations. I n one-quarte r o f th e cases , th e clini c propose d institu tionalization o r foste r care , bu t th e cour t accede d t o parenta l wishe s that the delinquent be allowed to remain home on probation. I n nearly one ou t o f ever y five cases , th e clini c ha d th e cour t orde r familie s t o move out of their neighborhoods, an d a quarter of the families refused . Healy an d Bronne r (reflectin g thei r lo w expectation s o f working-clas s children) wer e als o to o eage r t o se e employmen t a s a sign o f reform . Many case s wer e close d afte r a bo y o r gir l obtaine d work , wit h n o followup t o determin e whethe r o r no t th e jo b wa s appropriat e o r whether th e delinquen t hel d th e jo b fo r an y lengt h o f time . Beard' s study showe d tha t unemploymen t wa s fou r time s a s hig h amon g th e recidivists a s amon g th e successes , an d sh e argue d tha t mor e carefu l supervision might have prevented these failures. Whil e the clinic made sweeping recommendations , parenta l indifferenc e o r oppositio n an d low expectations b y th e clinic staff mean t that therapeutic interventio n touched man y delinquents lightly. Beard' s conclusions, however, wer e not the most devastating. 28 Criminologists Sheldo n an d Eleano r Gluec k conducte d th e mos t extensive analysi s o f interventio n b y th e Bosto n Juvenil e Cour t an d

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the Bake r Foundation . I n thei r work , publishe d i n 193 4 a s par t o f Harvard La w School' s Bosto n Crim e Survey , th e Glueck s examine d the probatio n record s o f on e thousan d boy s (unfortunatel y the y de cided that girls presented "special problems" and did not include them) sent t o th e Bake r Foundatio n b y th e Boston Juvenile Cour t betwee n 1917 an d 192 2 t o se e whethe r th e delinquent s committe d an y furthe r delinquent act s i n th e five year s followin g th e en d o f thei r treatmen t period. Thei r conclusions wer e startling. The boy s sen t t o th e clinic comprise d a peculiar subse t o f Boston' s population. A s a group they were ill educated, with 83 percent of them stopping thei r schooling with , o r before completing , th e eighth grade , when 9 3 percen t o f Boston' s schoo l childre n entere d th e nint h grade . They wer e the products of poor families, three-quarter s of whom were defined a s marginal (livin g on daily earnings ) or dependent on charity, and wit h two-third s o f th e boy s droppin g ou t o f schoo l fo r economi c reasons. Sevent y percen t o f th e boy s ha d a t leas t on e foreign-bor n parent at a time when this was true of only 2 9 percent of Boston's male population. No t surprisingly , give n thei r class and ethnic backgroun d and th e cultura l biase s o f intelligenc e tests , the y score d poorl y o n th e Stanford-Binet I Q test , whic h showe d tha t 1 3 percen t wer e feeble minded (I Q o f 7 0 o r less ) an d 1 7 percen t borderlin e (I Q o f 71-80) , when onl y 7 percent o f a sample of Massachusett s schoo l childre n fel l into thes e tw o categories . Mos t notably , 8 7 percen t ha d famil y mem bers o r sibling s wh o ha d committe d delinquen t o r criminal acts . Th e delinquents studie d b y th e Bake r Foundatio n wer e draw n fro m th e most recen t arrival s (4 0 percen t o f th e father s wer e bor n i n Ital y an d 24 percent i n Russia, Poland , o r Lithuania), th e poorest, an d the most desperate.29 The Gluecks ' most importan t discovery wa s the utter futility o f the juvenile justic e system' s treatmen t o f thes e cases . Ove r hal f o f th e delinquents committed furthe r delinquent act s during the time of their supervision b y th e court , an d i n th e five-year followu p period , 8 8 percent engage d i n delinquen t activities , wit h seven-tenth s o f thes e activities bein g felonie s rathe r tha n mino r statu s offense s o r misde meanors. Delinquenc y ma y hav e bee n diagnose d bu t i t certainl y wa s not cured. 30 The Glueck s did no t blam e the clinic itself, bu t focuse d o n the lack

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of coordination among juvenile justice agencies. Despit e Judge Cabot's role i n bringin g Heal y an d Bronne r t o Bosto n an d i n establishing th e Baker Foundation , h e ofte n di d no t follo w th e clinic' s recommenda tions about the delinquents h e asked them to study. On e proble m was jurisdictional—for example , th e court had to ignore proposals to send delinquents t o institution s fo r th e feebleminde d becaus e i t lacke d th e power o f commitment . A secon d issu e aros e ove r "creaming"—th e practice o f privat e socia l welfar e agencie s takin g onl y th e mos t favor able case s an d leavin g th e difficul t one s t o publi c authorities . Thi s limited th e court' s flexibility i n arrangin g placements . Parenta l oppo sition t o clini c plans , especiall y foste r placement , wa s o f primar y importance. Working-clas s familie s wer e especiall y loat h t o los e a n income-producing mal e adolescent , an d th e cour t succumbe d t o thei r insistence o n havin g boy s place d o n probatio n eve n whe n th e clini c recommended otherwise . I n one-fifth o f th e cases , a recommendatio n to remov e a delinquent fro m hom e wa s ignore d completely , whil e i n another fifth, th e lengt h o f tim e (thre e month s o r less) spent i n foste r care wa s considere d to o shor t t o hav e bee n effective . I n other words , families wer e quit e successfu l i n evadin g recommendation s an d i n short-circuiting th e juvenil e justice/socia l welfare/menta l healt h con nection. I n total , ove r hal f o f th e clinic' s recommendation s wen t un heeded.31 That th e court ignore d th e "treatment plans " of it s own advisor s i s a tellin g commentar y o n th e limit s o f stat e interventio n int o families . The juvenil e cour t certainl y ha d th e powe r t o remov e childre n fro m their families , bu t wholesal e disruptio n o f working-clas s familie s wa s untenable in a democratic society. Th e court found i t wiser to attempt to gai n parenta l cooperatio n i n reformin g a delinquent yout h tha n t o ride roughshod ove r parental wishes , an d this gave families the opportunity t o negotiate wit h th e court i n settling a case. Eve n in the mor e active Progressiv e state , delinquent s an d thei r familie s asserte d thei r interests successfully. 32 A troublin g conclusio n fo r reformer s wa s the Gluecks' finding that carrying ou t th e clinic' s recommendation s di d no t mak e muc h o f a difference anyway . Th e Glueck s discovered tha t delinquents wh o fol lowed the clinic's proposals abou t residence had nearly the same recidivism rat e a s thos e wh o di d not . Whe n analyzin g th e impac t o f th e

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other recommendations , th e Glueck s discovere d tha t onl y whe n the y had been carried out fully did the recidivism rate drop—and even then three-quarters of the delinquents wer e rearrested. 33 Three positions emerged i n the debate over the Gluecks' report, one calling fo r a n expansio n o f th e therapeuti c state , a second defendin g the statu s quo , an d th e thir d recommendin g tha t th e cour t surrende r the ide a o f therapy . Th e Glueck s pu t thei r fait h i n progress . The y argued tha t th e cour t wa s a ste p i n th e evolutio n o f crimina l justic e toward more humanitarian and scientific treatmen t of delinquents, and that i f th e principle s behin d th e clini c an d cour t wer e applie d mor e extensively, the y coul d succeed . The y recommende d tha t th e clini c become par t o f th e cour t s o tha t i t coul d guid e treatmen t a s wel l a s diagnosis o f delinquency , tha t th e juvenil e cour t serv e th e greate r Boston area , tha t mor e famil y clinic s b e mad e availabl e t o advis e parents abou t childrearing , tha t recreationa l facilitie s an d settlemen t houses/clubs b e expanded , an d tha t al l element s o f juvenil e justic e b e united i n a ministr y o f justice . Dr . Richar d Cabot , i n a n influentia l review i n Survey, called th e cour t an d clini c "a n appallingly complet e and costly failure " and, like earlier generations of frustrated reformers , he lai d th e blam e o n th e socia l an d hereditar y characteristic s o f th e delinquents. Despit e hi s pessimism, h e did no t call for the abolition of the court, but , lik e the Gluecks, wante d to see treatment and diagnosis unified i n one powerful therapeuti c agency. 34 Others sa w nothin g wron g wit h th e operation s o f juvenil e court s and menta l healt h clinics . Commentator s t o Survey argued tha t Bos ton's failur e coul d no t b e wri t large . I n absolut e contras t t o earlie r claims, they state d that the Boston Juvenile Court was neither a model for other courts nor even representative of their work, whic h was much more advanced . Moreover , the y claimed , juvenil e justic e ha d pro gressed sinc e th e perio d analyze d b y th e Glueck s an d therapeuti c models were being used mor e effectively. 35 The thir d positio n wa s represente d b y Thoma s Eliot , a prominent sociologist, wh o suggeste d tha t treatmen t b e completel y separate d from adjudication . Lik e earlie r legalis t critic s o f th e juvenil e court , Eliot believe d tha t justic e wa s serve d bes t b y havin g th e cour t super vise th e investigatio n o f cases , decid e conflictin g claims , an d enforc e decisions. Socia l wor k and psychiatric services belonged i n the domain

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,8 7

of publi c welfare . However , thi s positio n mean t surrenderin g socia l work's claim to power and it attracted few adherents. 36 William Heal y an d August a Bronne r responde d t o th e Gluecks ' report b y admittin g th e failur e o f thei r effort s t o cur e delinquents . They conclude d tha t the Bosto n Juvenile Cour t "ha s not achieve d th e end desired " and tha t "clinica l diagnosti c servic e i s not i n itsel f thera peutic." Perhaps move d b y th e miser y o f th e Grea t Depression , the y suggested tha t i f "th e roots of crim e li e fa r bac k i n the foundation s o f our socia l order , i t ma y b e tha t onl y a radical chang e ca n brin g an y large measure of cure. Les s unjust social an d economic conditions ma y be the onl y wa y out , an d unti l a better socia l orde r exists, crim e wil l probably flourish and societ y continu e t o pay th e price. " Despite thi s conclusion, Heal y an d Bronner did not give up; like the Gluecks, the y believed i n scientific progres s and argued tha t intensive case work had not been given a fair chance to succeed. 37 The therapeuti c mode l revitalize d the cultural refor m tradition, bu t did littl e mor e tha n that . Reformer s continue d t o vie w th e source s o f deviance as individual or familial, bu t instead of stemming from intemperance, idleness , promiscuity , o r viciousness, devianc e aros e becaus e of parenta l inabilit y t o suppl y emotiona l sustenanc e t o childre n o r parental failure to provide proper conditioning. Th e therapeutic model allowed professional s t o asser t claims of expertis e whil e continuin g t o justify interventio n i n familie s i n a societ y tha t wa s becomin g mor e pluralistic. Therapist s did not claim to be enforcing a superior cultural standard; rather, the y instructe d parent s abou t emotiona l an d familia l adjustment. Thei r intervention, however , wa s not notably mor e effec tive tha n tha t o f earlie r generation s o f moral/cultura l reformers . Th e treatment plan s submitte d b y th e clinic wer e ignore d a s frequently a s they were followed. Parent s simply rejected proposals that they change residence, retur n t o th e ol d country , o r surrende r thei r childre n fo r placement, an d th e cour t enforce d radica l interventio n fo r onl y mor e serious offenders . Proposal s fo r a centralized ministr y o f justic e wer e not take n seriously , a s th e democrati c polit y remaine d a n importan t obstacle to the rise of an intrusive therapeutic state. Despite it s problems , th e therapeuti c mode l retaine d it s lur e fo r reformers, an d no t jus t becaus e i t sustaine d thei r professiona l status . Its appea l stemme d fro m th e natur e o f th e refor m proces s itself . Re -

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formers ha d generall y see n problem s wit h thei r plan s a s stemmin g from inadequat e fundin g o r other interferenc e wit h th e prope r imple mentation o f reform . The y rarel y doubte d th e validit y o f th e cultura l reform tradition . Onl y whe n reformer s looke d failur e i n th e eye — such a s Heal y an d Bronne r di d afte r th e publicatio n o f th e Gluec k report—did the y begi n t o questio n thei r paradig m an d loo k t o a n alternative explanation fo r th e sources of devianc e an d th e reason s fo r failure. Suc h opening s fo r a more radicall y politica l interpretatio n o f deviance closed quickly. Heal y an d Bronner argued that the therapeutic mode l ha d no t bee n give n it s due . Lik e earlie r generation s o f cultural reformers , the y ignore d th e constraint s les s eligibilit y pu t o n reform an d continued t o treat the symptoms o f deviance, eve n a s they left it s causes untouched .

Conclusion: The failure of Cultural ^Reform On th e ev e o f th e Grea t Depression , Boston' s socia l welfar e agencie s formed a network of public and private, sectaria n and secular, coercive and voluntary institution s that responded to the city's social problems . Cases wer e routinel y referre d fro m on e agenc y t o another, th e court s used private agencies for public purposes (such as supervising individ uals on probation), privat e agencie s initiate d court cases against work ing-class parent s accuse d o f neglectin g o r abusin g thei r children , an d delinquents shuttle d bac k and forth amon g schools , th e mental healt h clinic, socia l welfare agencies, settlemen t houses, and the reformatory . However impressiv e thi s triump h o f bureaucrac y an d rationalizatio n may seem , it s system an d order must not be overemphasized. Despit e sophisticated technique s o f interventio n an d th e extensiv e reac h o f social welfar e institutions , reformer s faile d t o reshap e th e live s o f th e poor and delinquent. There are two reasons for the failure of reform. On e is that reformers underestimate d th e impac t client s ha d o n refor m programs . Th e poor, force d b y famil y disaste r o r economi c necessit y t o tur n t o th e state and/or to private social welfare organizations, were not in the best position t o resis t reformers ' demands , bu t the y defende d thei r ow n interests as best they could. Th e contest between reformers and delinquents an d thei r families , whil e unequal , determine d th e way s socia l welfare institutions functioned . 189

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The secon d reaso n fo r failur e lie s i n th e cultura l refor m traditio n itself. Reformer s reworke d th e cultura l refor m traditio n man y time s between the 1810 s and the 1930s , but throughout they emphasized th e individual, mora l source s of deviance and consequently th e individual , cultural source s of reform. Mora l entrepreneurs use d religiou s conver sion a s thei r mode l fo r regeneratin g society , domesti c reformer s em phasized puttin g childre n int o either rea l o r institutiona l mode l fami lies, charit y organizer s linke d socia l welfar e agencie s an d create d alternative cultura l center s i n working-clas s neighborhoods , an d th e Progressives tie d th e syste m togethe r an d offere d flexible treatmen t plans an d psychologica l adjustmen t a s th e cur e fo r deviance . Onl y rarely did reformers question the larger structure of economic inequal ity an d instabilit y tha t forced working-clas s familie s t o rely on charit y or o n chil d labor . Eve n afte r reformer s bega n t o champio n a mor e activist stat e t o confron t socia l problems , traditiona l mora l categorie s of deviance conditioned reformers ' responses to the poor and the delinquent. The cultura l refor m traditio n frequentl y produce d human e experi ments fo r reeducatin g delinquen t youth . Th e earl y Hous e o f Refor mation, th e farm schools of the Children's Aid Society , th e placemen t programs o f privat e an d publi c authorities , hom e librarie s an d chil dren's clubs, an d individua l psychotherap y wit h trouble d youth s pro duced modes t successes wit h a limite d numbe r o f individuals . Bu t these wer e onl y individua l successes . Th e principl e o f less eligibilit y prevented the expansion of these programs, and sometimes forced their reorganization, particularl y i n the public sector. Refor m of delinquent youth wa s hel d hostag e by th e need t o control th e welfare syste m an d to prevent any challenge to the hegemony o f the marketplace. The poorhous e an d the reformatory dominate d th e welfare an d the juvenile justic e systems . Thes e institution s stigmatize d rathe r tha n reformed, an d the y establishe d th e boundarie s betwee n th e worth y and th e unworth y poor . (On e nee d onl y recal l fro m th e introductio n Mrs. Kern' s horror of public institutions t o realize how much the poor internalized th e fear of contact wit h publi c agencies.) The humiliatio n of thos e i n publi c institution s helpe d creat e th e divisio n betwee n th e respectable workin g clas s an d th e disreputabl e underclas s tha t i s a salient fac t of contemporary societ y an d that prevents the extension of

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decent housing , basi c medica l care , a n adequate income , an d a n education as inherent rights of citizenship. Today ther e i s another crisis i n juvenile justic e and we continu e t o think abou t i t i n mora l terms . Instea d o f confrontin g deindustrializa tion an d th e collaps e o f a n urba n jo b market , th e deterioratio n o f housing stock , th e failur e of urba n school s t o educate, th e inabilit y o f welfare t o reliev e th e poor , an d th e perfectl y understandabl e lur e o f illegal drug trading, we launch campaigns to have poor adolescents say no t o drugs. Despit e evidenc e tha t th e poo r work eagerl y whe n wor k is available—even if the jobs do not pay enough to sustain them—w e cling t o th e myt h tha t th e poo r someho w choos e thei r fate. 1 W e continue to locate the urban crisis in the absence of moral fiber among the poor, and that means we will fail to address the source of that crisis as certainly as the reformers studied here did. Surel y we can do better.

^tes

Introduction: The Web of Class i. Reformer s ar e interpreted her e a s aggressive proselytizer s wh o sough t to infuse both public and private institutions with their values. Antonio Gramsci used the term hegemony to refer to the ability of a dominant socia l group or class to establish it s values as universal an d t o win th e consent of subordinat e groups i n society t o its social an d cultural leadership . Becaus e of the emphasis on consent , hegemon y i s fa r mor e subtl e tha n th e simplisti c notio n o f socia l control employe d b y man y historians . I t suggest s a n aggressiv e attemp t t o proselytize a s wel l a s th e giv e an d tak e o f allianc e buildin g amon g differen t groups even i f those groups posses s unequal power . Hegemon y als o points t o the rol e o f privat e institution s ("civi l society")—a s apar t fro m governmenta l institutions ("political society")—i n reinforcin g economi c powe r and structuring th e way s i n whic h societ y an d th e possibilit y o f socia l chang e ar e con ceived. Se e Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, ed . an d trans. Quentin Hoar e an d Geoffre y Nowel l Smit h (Ne w York , 1971) , 12-13 , 5 2 60, 180-82 , 192-95 , 207-8 , 243-47 , 258-65 . Th e bes t recent introduction t o Gramsci i s T . J . Jackson Lears , "Th e Concept o f Cultural Hegemony : Prob lems and Possibilities," American Historical Review 00 (June 1985) : 567-93. My interpretatio n i s base d o n Gwy n A . Williams, "Th e Concep t o f *Egemonia' in th e Though t o f Antoni o Gramsci : Som e Note s o n Interpretation, " Journal of the History of Ideas 2 1 (October-December i960) : 586-09; Raymon d Williams, "Bas e an d Superstructur e i n Marxis t Cultura l Theory, " New Left Review 8 2 (November-Decembe r 1973) : 3-16 ; idem , Marxism and Literature (New York , 1977) , especially par t 2 ; Walter L. Adamson , Hegemony and Revolution: A Study of Antonio GramscVs Political and Cultural Theory (Berkeley, CA , 1980), especiall y 170-79 . Ir a Katznelson , City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York , 1981) , 208-9 ; a n d Christin e 193

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Buci-Glucksmann, "Hegemon y an d Consent : A Politica l Strategy, " i n Approaches to Gramsci, ed. Ann e Showstoc k Sassoo n (London , 1982) , 116-26 , especially he r remarks on the function of the state. Aileen S . Kradito r ha s offere d a trenchan t critiqu e o f he r versio n o f th e Gramscian mode l i n The Radical Persuasion, 1890-1917: Aspects of the Intellectual History and the Historiography of Three American Radical Organizations (Bato n Rouge, LA , 1981) , 63-96 . Fo r a rejoinder , se e Lears , "Concep t o f Cultura l Hegemony," 581-83. 2. Intellectua l historie s includ e Joseph M . Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America (New York , 1971) ; Robert M . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover, N H , 1973) ; LeRo y Ashby , Saving the Waifs: Reformers and Dependent Children, 1890-1917 (Philadelphia, 1984) . Studies o f devian t population s includ e Blak e McKelvey , American Prisons: A Study in American Social History prior to 191$ (Chicago , 1936) ; Orland o F . Lewis, The Development of American Prisons and Prison Customs, 1776-1845 (Montclair, NJ , 1967) ; Davi d J . Rothman , The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston , 1971) ; idem , Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) . Studies of reformatories a s part of the education system include Michael B . Katz, The Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (Boston, 1968) ; Stanley K . Schultz , The Culture Factory: Boston Public Schools, 1789-1860 (New York , 1973) . Institutional biographie s includ e Negle y K . Teeters , "Th e Earl y Day s o f the Philadelphi a Hous e o f Refuge, " Pennsylvania History 2 7 (Januar y i960) : 165-87; Rober t S . Pickett , House of Refuge: Origins of Juvenile Reform in New York State, 1815-1857 (Syracuse, NY , 1969) ; Jack M . Wo\\, Juvenile Reform in the Progressive Era: William R. George and the Junior Republic Movement (Ithaca , NY, 1971) ; Robert M . Mennel , " 'The Famil y Syste m o f Commo n Farmers' : The Origin s o f Ohio' s Refor m Farm , 1840-1858, " Ohio History 8 9 (Sprin g 1980): 125-56 ; idem, " 'The Famil y Syste m of Common Farmers' : The Earl y Years o f Ohio' s Refor m Farm , 1858-1884, " Ohio History 89 (Summe r 1980) : 279-322; Barbara M. Brenzel , Daughters of the State: A Social Portrait of the First Reform School for Girls in North America, 1856-1905 (Cambridge, MA , 1983) . On th e juvenil e court , se e Pete r Greg g Slater , "Be n Lindse y an d th e Denver Juvenil e Court : A Progressiv e Look s a t Huma n Nature, " American Quarterly 2 0 (Summe r 1968) : 211-23 ; Sanfor d J . Fox , "Juvenil e Justic e Re form: A n Historica l Perspective, " Stanford Law Review 22 (June 1970) : 1187 1239; J. Lawrenc e Schultz , "Th e Cycle of Juvenile Court History, " Crime and Delinquency 1 9 (Octobe r 1973) : 457-76 ; Elle n Ryerson , The Best-Laid Plans: Americas Juvenile Court Experiment (Ne w York , 1978) . Anthon y M . Piatt , The Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency (Chicago , 1968) , ha s a slightly wide r focus bu t basicall y belongs i n thi s categor y a s does Davi d John Hogan , Class and Reform: School and Society in Chicago, 1880-1930 (Philadelphia, 1985) . O n

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the menta l healt h clinic , se e Marg o Horn , Before It's Too Late: The Child Guidance Movement in the United States, 1922- 1945 (Philadelphia, 1989 ) an d Theresa R . Richardson , The Century of the Child: The Mental Hygiene Movement and Social Policy in the United States and Canada (Albany, NY , 1989) . Works that us e clien t record s perceptivel y includ e Steve n L . Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of "Progressive" Juvenile Justice, 1825-1920 (Chicago , 1977) ; Steven L . Schlossma n an d Stephani e Wal lach, "Th e Crim e o f Precociou s Sexuality : Femal e Juvenile Delinquenc y i n the Progressiv e Era, " Harvard Educational Review 48 (Februar y 1978) : 65-94; Brenzel, Daughters of the State; Horn, Before It's Too Late; and Lind a Gordon , Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, Boston, 1880-1960 (New York , 1988) . 3. Ro y Lubove , The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880-1930 (New York , 1975) , 26-31 , 34 , 43-45, 138-41 ; Nathan Irvi n Huggins, Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870-1900 (Westport, CT, 1971) , 12-13 , 62-63; Gordon, Heroes, 7 . 4. Al l societie s defin e deviant s a s a wa y o f establishin g boundarie s an d reinforcing norms. Sometime s deviance is constructed formall y throug h established lega l code s an d sometime s informall y throug h communit y rituals . I n either case , th e definitio n o f devianc e constitute s th e formatio n o r reinforce ment o f a cultura l consensus . Se e Emil e Durkheim , The Division of Labor in Society (Ne w York , 1964) , 102-5 ; Howar d S . Becker , Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York , 1963) , 1-18 ; Ka i Erikson , Wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance (New York , 1966) , 6-7, 10-13 . 5. Th e ter m "dominan t culture " require s explanation . Fo r muc h o f th e nineteenth century , i t refer s t o a se t o f value s favorin g privat e property , temperance, enterprise, individualism, futur e orientation, industry, thrift, an d chastity. Se e Danie l Walke r Howe , "America n Victorianis m a s a Culture, " American Quarterly 2j (Decembe r 1975) : 507-32 ; Walte r E . Houghton , The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830-1870 (New Haven , 1957) ; Burton J. Bledstein , The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York , 1976) , 26-39 . However, th e dominant culture was not the only culture . Populists , work ing-class radicals , an d Socialist s forme d oppositiona l culture s an d challenge d many o f th e dominan t culture' s basi c values . I n addition , ther e existe d a variety o f alternativ e culture s tha t incorporate d som e o f th e sam e value s bu t gave the m differen t meaning . Thes e include d th e republica n cultur e o f th e antebellum artisanr y an d th e variet y o f peasan t cultures brough t b y differen t immigrant groups . Th e differenc e betwee n a n alternative and a n oppositional culture is developed in Raymond Williams, "Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory, " 10-11 . Ro y Rosenzwei g make s use of these distinction s to study th e limit s of hegemon y i n Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge , England , 1983) . O n arti san radicalis m an d it s relatio n t o th e ris e o f th e workin g class , se e Sea n

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Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York , 1984) ; o n Populism , se e Lawrenc e Goodwyn , Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (Ne w York , 1976) ; o n working-class communitie s an d ethni c cultures , se e Herber t G . Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (Ne w York , 1977) , espe cially 3-78 ; o n socialis m an d working-clas s radicalis m an d thei r relatio n t o ethnicity, se e Richar d Jules Oestreicher , Solidarity and Fragmentation: Working People and Class Consciousness in Detroit, 1875-1900 (Urbana, IL , 1986) . Obviously th e values of the dominant culture did not remain static. O n the shift toward a culture emphasizing leisure and consumption, se e John Higham, "The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s, " in his Writing American History: Essays in Modern Scholarship (Bloomington , IN , 1970) , 73-102 ; an d Warren I . Sussman , "Cultur e Heroes : Ford , Barton , Ruth, " in hi s Culture as History: The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1984) , 122-49 . More recen t work s includ e Joh n F . Kasson , Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century (New York , 1978) ; Lar y May , Screening Out the Past: The Birth of Mass Culture and the Motion Picture Industry (New York , 1980); Lewi s A . Erenberg , Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, i8po-ipjo (Westport , CT , 1981) ; Kath y Peiss , Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia, 1986) ; Roy Rosenzweig , Eight Hours for What We Will; Elliot J. Gorn, The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America (Ithaca, NY , 1986). 6. Th e cas e histor y o f th e "Kern " famil y ca n b e foun d o n 185-24 0 o f "The Juvenile Cour t a s a Community Institutio n i n th e Municipa l Cour t o f Roxbury District, " Miriam Van Waters Papers, Harvard Law School Library , Box 14 , file V . Th e name s use d her e ar e pseudonyms an d som e details hav e been omitted t o preserve confidentiality. Hereafter , onl y direc t quotations are footnoted an d reference s hav e bee n simplifie d t o "Th e Juvenile Cour t a s a Community Institution, " MVWP, HLSL . For example s o f th e us e o f cas e histor y materia l i n th e analysi s o f socia l welfare, se e Michae l B . Katz , Poverty and Policy in American History (Ne w York, 1983) , chapter 1 ; and Gordon, Heroes, passim . 7. "Th e Juvenile Cour t a s a Community Institution, " 194-95 , MVWP , HLSL. Fo r an interpretation of women's use of social welfare agencies, includ ing th e SPCC , t o strengthe n thei r han d i n th e family , se e Gordon , Heroes, 294-97. 8. Mar k H . Leff , "Consensu s fo r Reform : Th e Mothers ' Pensio n Cam paign i n the Progressive Era, " Social Service Review 47 (September 1973) : 397 417; Lynn Y . Weiner , From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1980 (Chapel Hill , NC , 1985) , 128-32 ; Gor don, Heroes, 102-7. Lubove , The Professional Altruist, remain s th e standar d

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account of professionalization i n social work. O n the continuing significance o f these distinctions, se e Michael B . Katz , The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on Welfare (New York , 1989) . 9. Weiner , From Working Girl to Working Mother, 120-22. 10. Schlossma n an d Wallach , "Th e Crim e o f Precociou s Sexuality, " 6594; Gordon, Heroes, 138-41 . 11. Holl , Juvenile Reform in the Progressive Era. 12. Peiss , Cheap Amusements, 164-71 , 178-84 ; Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-ip20 (Cambridge , MA , 1978) , 222-23 ; Willia m Foote Whyte , Street Corner Society (Chicago , 1943) , 102-4 , 2 7*>; Francis G . Couvares, The Remaking of Pittsburgh: Class and Culture in an Industrializing City, 1877-1919 (Albany, NY , 1984) , 114-15 ; Virgini a Yans-McLaughlin , Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY , 1971) , 137-41, 146-47 . 13. "Th e Juvenile Court as a Community Institution, " 187, MVWP, HLSL . 14. Whyte , Street Corner Society, 104-8, o n th e differences betwee n street corner and college boys. 15. Holl , Juvenile Reform in the Progressive Era, 188 . 16. Gordon , Heroes, 216-17 , o n pelvic examinations. 17. Brenzel , Daughters of the State, 123-30 ; Eric C. Schneider , "I n the We b of Class : Youth , Class , an d Cultur e i n Boston , 1840-1940, " (Ph.D . diss. , Boston University, 1980) , chapter 5. 18. "Th e Juvenil e Cour t a s a Communit y Institution, " 188 , 100 , 207 , MVWP, HLSL . 19. Pete r L . Tyer , " 'Denied th e Powe r t o Choos e th e Good' : Sexualit y and Mental Defec t i n American Medical Practice , 1850-1920, " Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977) : 472-89. 20. Pete r C. Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services for Homeless Children, 1830-1930 (Rutherford, NJ , 1989) , 132-36 . 21. Sheldo n Gluec k an d Eleano r T . Glueck , One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents: Their Treatment by Clinic and Court (Cambridge, MA , 1934) , chapters 7 and 8. 22. Thi s i s contrar y t o the arguments i n Jacques Donzelot , The Policing of Families (New York , 1979) ; Christopher Lasch , Haven in a Heartless World: The Family Besieged (New York , 1977) ; and idem, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York , 1979) . 23. "Th e Juvenile Court as a Community Institution, " 231, MVWP, HLSL . 24. Se e Elizabeth Janeway, Powers of the Weak (New York , 1980) . 25. Jame s T. Patterson , America's Struggle against Poverty, 1900-1980 (Cambridge, MA , 1981) , 11-19 ; Alexander Keyssar , Out of Work: The First Century of Unemployment in Massachusetts (Cambridge, England , 1986) , 320-24 . 26. Yans-McLaughlin , Family and Community, 174-77, ! 93~94? Tamara K . Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time: The Relationship between the Family

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and Work in a New England Industrial Community (Cambridge , England , 1982) , 73-74; John Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington, IN , 1985) , 71-83 ; S . J . Kleinberg , The Shadow of the Mills: Working-Class Families in Pittsburgh, 1870-1907 (Pittsburgh , 1989) , 129-32 , 174-83, 268 , 271-72 ; Claudi a Goldin , "Famil y Strategie s an d th e Famil y Economy i n the Lat e Nineteent h Century : The Rol e of Secondar y Workers, " in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Theodor e Hershber g (New York , 1981) , 277-310 . 27. Davi d Nasaw , Children of the City: At Work and at Play (Ne w York , 1985). 28. Davi d Nasaw , Schooled to Order: A Social History of Public Schooling in the United States (New York , 1979) , 166-67 . 29. Pete r Knights, The Plain People of Boston, 1830-1860 (New York , 1971) . 30. Th e semina l wor k i n th e moder n stud y o f clas s i s E . P . Thompson , The Making of the English Working Class (New York , 1963) . On insecurity , unemployment , an d the uneven pac e of development i n the period covere d b y thi s book , se e Ala n Dawley , Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge, MA , 1976) , chapter 6; Susan Hirsch, The Roots of the American Working Class: The Industrialization of Crafts in Newark, 1800-1860 (Philadelphia, 1978) , chapte r 2 ; Bruc e Laurie , Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980) , chapte r 1 ; Sean Wilentz , Chants Democratic, 108-29; Priscill a Ferguso n Clement , Welfare and the Poor in the Nineteenth-Century City, Philadelphia, 1800-1854 (Rutherford , NJ , 1985) , chap ter 1 ; Brian Greenberg, Worker and Community: Response to Industrialization in a Nineteenth-Century American City, Albany, New York, 1850-1884 (Albany , NY , 1985), chapte r 4 ; Davi d Brody , Workers in Industrial America: Essays on the Twentieth-Century Struggle (New York, 1980) , 3-14; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, England , 1980) , chapte r 1 ; Katz, Poverty and Policy, chapte r 1 ; Keyssar, Out of Work, 59-76, 89-96 . The presenc e of female-heade d household s i s also an indicatio n o f povert y and potential vulnerability. Betwee n 188 0 and 1910 , approximately one Boston family (th e censu s ter m unti l 1950 ) in dve wa s female-headed , whic h di d no t include thos e familie s i n whic h male s wer e absen t a t leas t occasionally . Thi s was probabl y a n increas e ove r earlie r years . Se e Gordon , Heroes, 8 6 and 329 , note 3. Part 1: The Creation of Private and Public Charity 1. Thoma s Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (London, 1973) , 214, 219 , 221-22 , 260 . Th e possibilit y o f "reform"—o f teachin g mora l re straint t o th e poor—i s develope d i n th e secon d an d subsequen t edition s o f Malthus. Se e Gertrud e Himmelfarb , The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York , 1984) , 113-19 ; Walter I. Trattner, From Poor Law to Welfare State: A History of Social Welfare in America (New York , 1974) , 45-56 ;

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Michael E . Rose , The Relief of Poverty, 1834-1914 (London , 1972) , 8-12 ; E . P . Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York , 1963) , 220-24 , 266-68. Obviously thes e trends were internationa l an d not a response t o peculiarl y American circumstance s a s is maintaine d i n Davi d J. Rothman , The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston, 1971) . 2. Car l Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness: The First Century of Urban Life in America, 1625-1742 (Ne w York , 1938) , 80-83, 233-35 , 39 2~945 idem , Cities in Revolt: Urban Life in America, 1743-1776 (New York , 1955) , 124-26 ; Rothman, Discovery of the Asylum, 39-42 ; Dougla s Lama r Jones, "Th e Strollin g Poor: Transiency i n Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts, " Journal of Social History 8 (Spring 1975) : 28-54; Gary B . Nash , The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness, and the Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge , MA, 1979) , 125-26 , 184-97 , 253-54 . /. Moral Entrepreneurs and the Invention of the Reformable Child 1. O n poverty , se e Ala n Kulikoff , "Th e Progres s o f Inequalit y i n Revo lutionary Boston, " William and Mary Quarterly XXVIII (Jul y 1971) : 380-84 , 398-99; Samuel Rezneck , "Th e Depressio n o f 1819-1822 : A Socia l History, " American Historical Review 39 (October 1933) : 33 ; Peter R . Knights , The Plain People of Boston, 1830-1860 (Ne w York , 1971) , 83 , 88-89 , 96 ; Edward Pessen , "The Egalitaria n Myt h an d th e America n Socia l Reality : Wealth , Mobility , and Equality i n the *Era of the Common Man,' " American Historical Review y6 (October 1971) : 1020-21 ; Willia m H . Peas e an d Jane H . Pease , The Web of Progress: Private Values and Public Styles in Boston and Charleston, 1828-1843 (New York , 1985) , 23-24 . 2. Howar d S . Becker , Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Ne w York, 1963) , 147-63 . Becke r provide s a caricature o f reformers ; nonetheless , the concept of moral entrepreneurship remains valuable. 3. Redmon d J. Barnett , "Fro m Philanthropy to Reform: Poverty, Drunk enness, an d th e Socia l Orde r i n Massachusetts , 1780-1825 " (Ph.D . diss. , Harvard University , 1973) , 245-54 . 4. Th e Mora l Instructio n Societ y wa s organize d specificall y t o brin g religious instruction to the poor; it did not aim its efforts at society at large and discover th e poo r later , a s Smit h Rosenber g maintain s happene d wit h earl y missionary societie s i n New York . Se e Religion and the Rise of the American City: The New York City Mission Movement, 1812-1870 (Ithaca, NY , 1971) , 9, 59 , 9 193. Raymon d A . Mohl , Poverty in New York, 1783-182$ (New York , 1971) , chapter 12 ; Barnett , "Fro m Philanthrop y t o Reform, " 259-69 ; Stanle y K . Schultz, The Culture Factory: Boston Public Schools, 1789-1860 (Ne w York , 1973), 27-28 ; Barbar a Mei l Hobson , Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York , 1987) , 20-21 . Cutle r was among Boston's wealthies t on e hundre d citizen s i n 1833 , an d Samue l T . Armstron g

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made th e to p tw o hundre d i n 1848 . Se e Edwar d Pessen , Riches, Class; and Power before the Civil War (Lexington, MA , 1973) , 332-33 - Thes e me n wer e Trinitarians, an d despit e thei r wealth , wer e no t considere d par t of th e Brah min elite. 5. Willia m Jenks's diary , Novembe r 25 , 1821 , Jenks Famil y Collections , Massachusetts Historica l Society , Boston ; Society fo r the Moral and Religiou s Instruction of the Poor (SMRIP), Annual Report, 1820, 14 ; idem, Annual Report, 1827, 20-21 . Th e report s ar e i n th e Congregationa l Library , Boston . I t i s interesting t o not e that the missionaries wer e women; as with th e Ministry t o the Poor' s volunteers, n o mention i s made of thei r identities . O n th e invisibl e but highl y significan t role s playe d b y wome n i n antebellu m charity , se e Lor i D. Ginzberg , Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics and Class in the ipth-Century United States (New Haven , CT, 1990) , 36-46 . 6. SMRIP , Annual Report, 1830, n.p. ; idem, Annual Report, 1834, n , 12 , 17. Se e als o Mari a Kleinbur d Baghdadi , "Protestants , Poverty , an d Urba n Growth: A Stud y o f th e Organizatio n o f Charit y i n Bosto n an d Ne w York , 1820-1865" (Ph.D . diss. , Brow n University , 1975) , 5° - ^ au^ Boyer , i n hi s chapters on tract societies an d Sabbath schools, does not discuss the impact of the poor' s deman d fo r ai d o n mora l refor m societies . Se e Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA , 1978) , chapter s 2 and 3 . The Societ y reorganize d i n the 1840 s a s it became imbue d wit h anti-Catholi c zeal. 7. Tuckerman, First Quarterly Report, 1827, 4. Tuckerman' s report s are in Widener Library, Harvar d University . Evidence tha t many statu s groups enrolled i n reform movement s i s usually taken a s evidenc e o f thei r "middle-class " nature . See , fo r example , Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 60-61 ; Smit h Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City, 8 ; Mar y P . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-186$ (Cambridge, England , 1981) , 103-4 ; John S. Gilkeson , Jr. , Middle-Class Providence, 1820-1940 (Princeton, 1986) , 9-10 , 44-46, 53 . Bu t wha t th e member s o f th e movemen t shar e i s a set o f values , not a class position. Others wil l poin t t o th e presenc e o f elit e member s a s evidenc e o f socia l control. See , for example, Clifford S . Griffin, "Religiou s Benevolence as Social Control, 1815-1860, " i n Ante-Bellum Reform, ed. Davi d Brio n Davi s (Ne w York, 1967) , 81-96 ; Mohl , Poverty in New York, 138 , 193 ; Anthon y F . C . Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Early Industrial Revolution (New York , 1972) , 318-27 ; Paul G. Faler , Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, NY, 1981) , 102 , 116-36 ; an d Pau l E . Johnson , A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, i8i$-i8j7 (Ne w York , 1978) , 119 28, wh o stresse s a combinatio n o f coercio n an d economi c self-interes t fo r workers adopting evangelical religion . (Fale r modifies hi s position on 137 , and in hi s articles , cite d below , bu t th e thrus t o f hi s argumen t i n hi s boo k i s

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undeniable.) Thu s on e i s lef t wit h a n interpretatio n tha t mistake s cultur e fo r class and one tha t poses the rest of societ y a s dominated b y th e elite. Neithe r illuminates why different groups in society form cross-class alliances to achieve common ends. Historians o f th e America n workin g clas s hav e foun d tha t evangelicalis m and the "industria l culture " it fostere d le d bot h t o acquiescence i n the leader ship o f th e entrepreneuria l clas s an d rebellio n i n defens e o f working-clas s interests. Se e Pau l Faler , "Cultura l Aspect s o f th e Industria l Revolution : Lynn, Massachusetts, Shoemaker s and Industrial Morality, 1826-1840, " Labor History 1 5 (Summer 1974) : 390-92 ; Ala n Dawle y an d Pau l Faler , "Working Class Cultur e an d Politic s i n th e Industria l Revolution : Source s o f Loyalis m and Rebellion,*' Journal of Social History 9 (June 1976) : 468-69; Jill Siegel Dodd , "The Workin g Classe s an d th e Temperanc e Movemen t i n Ante-Bellu m Bos ton," Labor History 1 9 (Fal l 1978) : 510-31 ; Bruc e Laurie , Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia , 1980) , 42 , 48-52 , 122-24 , 142-47 , 168 203; Barbar a M . Tucker , Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790-1860 (Ithaca , NY , 1984) , 181-84 . Fo r th e post-Civi l Wa r period, se e Herber t G . Gutman , "Protestantis m an d th e America n Labo r Movement: The Christia n Spiri t in the Gilded Age, " in his Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York , 1977) , 79-117 . 8. Danie l T . McColgan , Joseph Tuckerman, Pioneer in American Social Work (Washington, DC , 1940) , passim ; Danie l Walke r Howe , The Unitarian Conscience: Harvard Moral Philosophy, 1805-1861 (Cambridge , MA , 1970) , 140-41 ; Nathan Irvi n Huggins , Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870-ipoo (Westport, CT , 1971) , 29 . Davi d Rothma n argues , incorrectl y i n m y view , that Tuckerma n coul d find n o alternative s t o th e cohesiv e colonia l orde r tha t had broke n down . The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston, 1971) , 178 . Other reformer s questione d th e marketplac e mor e critically tha n Tucker man, bu t they wer e fairly unusual. Se e Anne M. Boylan , "Women in Groups: An Analysis of Women's Benevolen t Organization s i n New Yor k and Boston, 1797-1840," Journal of American History 7 1 (Decembe r 1984) : 506 , fo r th e Boston Seamen's Aid Society' s comments about wages paid to poor women. 9. McColgan , Joseph Tuckerman, 1-4 , 23-31 ; Howe , Unitarian Conscience, 3*310. Josep h Tuckerman , First Semi-Annual Report, 1830 , 23 ; idem , Second Semi-Annual Report, 1831 , 41 ; idem , Letter to the Executive Committee of the Benevolent Fraternity of Churches (Boston, 1834) , 17 ; idem, On the Elevation of the Poor, ed. Edwar d Everett Hale (Boston, 1874) , 29. 11. Josep h Tuckerman, An Essay on the Wages Paid to Females forTheir Labor (Philadelphia, 1831) , 46, 20-21 ; idem , Gleams of Truth; or, Scenes from Real Life (Boston, 1835) , 21-22 , 25 ; idem , The Principles and Results of the Ministry at Large in Boston (Boston, 1838) , 119 . On the increasing tendency towar d moral ism in the late 1810 s and early 1820s , se e Mohl, Poverty in New York, 159-70 ,

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245-54. Fo r th e rol e o f temperanc e i n bourgeoi s culture , se e Ia n R . Tyrrell , Sobering Up: From Temperance to Prohibition in Antebellum America, 1800-1860 (Westport, CT , 1979) , 70-75 ; and Norman H . Clark , Deliver Us from Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (New York , 1976) , 12-13 ; and on the role of evangelical religio n i n bourgeoi s self-identification, se e Johnson, Shopkeeper's Millennium, 8. Fo r th e relationshi p betwee n povert y an d intemperance , se e Smith Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City, 94-95 . Stanle y Schultz i s mistake n whe n h e argue s tha t Tuckerma n blame d povert y o n intemperance. Se e Culture Factory, 227 . 12. Tuckerman, Essay on Wages, 26-27; Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 51-61 ; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg , "Beauty , th e Beast , an d th e Militan t Woman : A Case Stud y i n Se x Role s an d Socia l Stres s i n Jacksonia n America, " i n he r Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York , 1985) , 109-28.

13. Tuckerman, Principles and Results, 280-81 ; idem, On the Elevation of the Poor, 68-69. 14. Tuckerman , Principles and Results, 14 , 104 . 15. Se e Tyrrell , Sobering Up, 129 , fo r reformers ' tendenc y t o ignor e eco nomic cause s o f poverty . Tuckerman, Essay on Wages, 8, 10 , 12-13 , 21 , 23 , 37-40, 42 ; idem, Principles and Results, 300-301 . Se e also the material reprinte d in On the Elevation of the Poor, 85-87. Fo r an exception t o this , se e Raymon d Mohl's discussion of Mayor Livingston in Poverty in New York, 225-36. 16. Tuckerman , Principles and Results, 80, 294 , 301 . I t i s usua l t o not e Thomas Chalmers's influence o n Tuckerman an d on the development of home visiting fo r th e poor . Se e McColgan , Joseph Tuckerman, 115-16; Huggins , Protestants against Poverty, 17—19 ; Smith Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City, 260-61 . However , Chalmer s wa s a disciple o f Malthus , a fact known widel y enoug h t o hav e Kar l Mar x refe r t o "Parso n Malthu s an d hi s pupil, th e arch-Parso n Thoma s Chalmers " in th e first volume o f Capital. See Stewart J . Brown , Thomas Chalmers and the Godly Commonwealth in Scotland (New York , 1982) , 116 . Tuckerma n ha d a copy o f An Essay on the Principle of Population i n his librar y an d eagerly visite d Malthu s o n hi s trip to Englan d i n 1833-34. Howe , i n Unitarian Conscience, 240 , seem s unawar e o f Malthus' s influence o n Tuckerman . Rothma n als o doe s no t discus s Malthu s an d thu s fails to see that Tuckerman an d the advocates of the workhouse operated fro m the sam e rathe r tha n "ver y different " assumptions . Discovery of the Asylum, I78-7917. Franci s Tiffany , Charles Francis Barnard: A Sketch of His Life and Work (Boston, 1895) , 2 3» McColgan , Joseph Tuckerman, 200-201 ; Josiah P . Quincy , Memoir of Rev. R. C. Waterston (Cambridge, MA , 1893) , 3-5 . Agai n it is worth noting tha t th e pai d minister s wh o le d th e organizatio n wer e male , whil e th e volunteers, abou t whom nothin g was written, were mostly women . Several historian s have tied "industrial morality " to the rise of manufactur -

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ing. Se e Johnson, Shopkeeper's Millennium, 137-38; Faler , Mechanics and Manufacturers, 103-4, 109-10 ; Tyrrell, Sobering Up, 97-98. Tuckerman' s wor k wa s supported b y som e o f Ne w England' s leadin g manufacturers : Patric k Trac y Jackson, Amo s Lawrence , Abbot t Lawrence , an d Nathan Appleton . Se e Hale' s introduction t o On the Elevation of the Poor, 11 . Nonetheless , give n th e socia l origins of th e ministers , i t i s a mistake t o overemphasize th e rol e of manufac turers. Se e also Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 98, 114 . 18. Tuckerman, Principles and Results, 146-49 ; Ann e M . Bo y Ian, Sunday School: The Formation of an American Institution, 1790-1880 (Ne w Haven , CT , 1988), 33. 19. Tuckerman , Second Semi-Annual Report, 1829 , 14-16 ; Massachusett s Commissioners o n th e Paupe r System , Report of the Commissioners Appointed by an Order of the House of Representatives, February 29, 1832, on the subject of the pauper system of the commonwealth of Massachusetts Hous e Doc . 6 (Boston, 1833) , 40-42; Tuckerman , On the Elevation of the Poor, 174-75 . How e argue s tha t Tuckerman's moralis m an d environmentalism wer e incompatible. Se e Unitarian Conscience, 250 . Raymon d Moh l make s a similar dichotom y betwee n mor alism an d environmentalis m i n "Humanitarianis m i n th e Preindustria l City : The Ne w Yor k Society fo r the Prevention of Pauperism , 1817-1823, " Journal of American History 57 (December 1970) : 576-09. Smith Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City, 250-60 , argue s that Rober t Hartle y an d the Ne w Yor k Association fo r Improvin g the Condition o f th e Poo r remaine d optimisti c tha t throug h characte r reformatio n the y could eliminate pauperism. Tuckerman and the Boston Society for the Prevention of Pauperis m evince d littl e optimism. Th e thrus t o f Tuckerman' s repor t to th e stat e wa s tha t th e cos t o f relie f an d th e number s o f th e poo r wer e becoming overwhelming. Charit y organization was a defensive, no t optimistic, strategy. Th e BSP P reports are in the Boston Public Library. 20. McColgan , Joseph Tuckerman, 244-53 . 21. Associatio n of Delegates from the Benevolent Societie s of Boston, First Annual Report, 1835 , 25-43 . Thes e report s ar e i n th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Li brary. 22. Tuckerman , Letter to the Executive Committee, 12 . 23. Ibid. , 15 , 17 ; Baghdadi, "Protestants , Poverty , an d Urba n Growth, " 143, 165-68 . 24. Tuckerman , Letter to the Executive Committee, 12-13 ; Boston Society fo r the Preventio n o f Pauperism , Annual Report, 1851, 27 . Baghdad i argue s tha t relief-giving becam e bureaucratize d aroun d midcentury . Se e "Protestants , Poverty, an d Urban Growth," 254-76. 25. Quote d in Tiffany, Charles Francis Barnard, 57 . 26. Rober t S . Picket t discusse s th e Ne w Yor k Societ y fo r th e Preventio n of Pauperis m bu t seem s unawar e tha t th e societ y move d fro m socia l welfar e reform t o juvenil e refor m an d wa s no t a juvenile refor m associatio n fro m it s

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inception. Se e hi s House of Refuge: Origins of Juvenile Reform in New York, 18151857 (Syracuse, NY , 1969) , 21-49 , an d compare to Mohl, "Humanitarianis m in the Preindustrial City," 593-94. Bernard Wishy , The Child and the Republic: The Dawn of Modern American Child Nurture (Philadelphia , 1968) , 17—23 , 32-33 ; Josep h F . Kett , Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (Ne w York , 1977) , 64-70 ; Daniel Walke r Howe , "Th e Socia l Scienc e o f Horac e Bushnell, " Journal of American History 70 (Septembe r 1983) : 310-13 ; Schultz , Culture Factory, 4 852; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 68-70 , 09-102 , 157-61 ; Boylan, Sunday School, 141-49; Thoma s Walte r Laqueur , Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class Culture, 1780-1850 (New Haven , CT, 1976) , 9-18 . For contemporar y accounts , se e R . C . Waterston , Thoughts on Moral and Spiritual Culture (Boston, 1842) , 23-36 ; Walte r Channing , An Address on the Prevention of Pauperism (Boston , 1843) , 66; Frederic k T . Gray , Sunday School and Other Addresses (Boston, 1852) , 113-14 . 27. Tuckerman , First Semi-Annual Report, 1830 , 9 ; idem , Second Semi-Annual Report, 1831, 20-21 . Th e mos t explicit contrast between the homes of the poor and the idea l bourgeoi s hom e i s not i n the early reports , bu t i n Principles and Results, 64-76 , publishe d i n 1838 . Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 39-40. 28. Tuckerman , First Semi-Annual Report, 1830, 19 ; idem, First Semi-Annual Report, 1831 , 14 ; idem, Second Semi-Annual Report, 1831 , 13-14 , 16 ; William Howe, Address (Boston, 1840) , 4-5; Gray, Sunday School, 113 . 29. Tuckerman , First Semi-Annual Report, 1831 , 16-17 ; Schultz , Culture Factory, 261-71; Dea n Ma y an d Mari s A . Vinovskis , U A Ra y o f Millennia l Light: Earl y Educatio n an d Socia l Refor m i n the Infan t Schoo l Movemen t i n Massachusetts, 1826-1840, " i n Family and Kin in Urban Communities, 1700ipjo, ed . Tamar a A . Hareve n (Ne w York , 1977) , 69-76 ; Boylan , Sunday School, 19-20 ; Mohl, Poverty in New York, chapter 11 ; Carl F. Kaestle , Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780-1860 (New York , 1983) , 66-73, 76-82 , 88-98 , 100-103 ; idem, The Evolution of an Urban School System: New York City, 1750-1850 (Cambridge, MA , 1973) , 112-20 . 30. SMRIP , Annual Report, 1823, 33 ; Joseph Tuckerman, A Word to Fathers and Mothers (Boston, 1828) , 2-4 ; idem, Second Semi-Annual Report, 1828, 28-29 ; idem, First Semi-Annual Report, 1831, 14 , 16-17 , 22 » idem , Second Semi-Annual Report, 1831, 31-32. Fo r New York , se e Mohl, Poverty in New York, 256-57. 31. O n "traditionalist " culture, se e Faler , "Cultura l Aspect s o f th e Indus trial Revolution, " 367-94 ; Dawle y an d Faler , "Working-Clas s Cultur e an d Politics i n the Industria l Revolution. " 466-80; Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 53-66 ; idem , " 'Nothing o n Compulsion' : Lif e Style s o f Philadelphi a Artisans, 1820-1850, " Labor History 1 5 (Summe r 1974) : 337-66 ; Gutman , "Work, Culture , an d Societ y i n Industrializin g America , 1815-1919, " in Work, Culture, and Society, 3-78.

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SMRIP, Annual Report, 1817 , 1 ; idem , Annual Report, 1822 , 13 ; idem , Annual Report, 1826 , 3 ; Michael B . Katz , Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The Illusion of Educational Change in America (New York , 1971) , 10-11 ; Davi d Nasaw, Schooled to Order: A Social History of Public Schooling in the United States (New York , 1979) , 20-22 ; Kaestle, Evolution of an Urban School System, 164-66; Schultz, Culture Factory, 264-67. For value s taugh t i n Sunda y school , se e Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 46-51; Boylan , Sunday School, 38 , 52 , 67-68 ; Ann e Scot t MacLeod , A Moral Tale: Children's Fiction and American Culture, 1820-1860 (Hamden, CT , 1975), 28-29 , 79 > 9'» IQ 8. More generally, se e Richard D . Mosier , Making the American Mind: Social and Moral Ideas in the McGuffy Readers (New York , 1947) , chapters 4 and 5 ; and Daniel T . Rodgers , The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850-1920 (Chicago , 1974) , 129-32 .

Boylan note s tha t th e Lancastria n syste m wa s eventuall y abandone d fo r smaller, mor e informa l classes , bu t thi s seem s t o have occurred a s denominational Sunda y school s caterin g t o th e childre n o f churc h member s replace d mission Sunda y school s aime d a t th e workin g class . Se e Sunday School, 135 39* i5°-5 2* '67 32. Thi s interpretation can be found i n E. P . Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Ne w York , 1963) , 375-79 ; Wallace , Rockdale, 308-12 , 318-22, 326 ; Tucker, Samuel Slater, 44, 75-76 , 166-71 ; and to a lesser degree in Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 42-43. 33. Se e Boylan, Sunday School, 37-39 ; and Laqueur, Religion and Respectability, especiall y 28-29 , 9'~92 » 94 . Laqueu r argues that Sunday schools were an integral part of working-class culture, were essential to the creation of a literate working class , an d sprea d th e religiou s cultur e an d idio m draw n upo n b y working-class trad e unionist s an d radicals . Boyla n note s tha t Sunda y school s did not become as intrinsic a part of American working-class culture as English schools did for the English working class. Se e 166-67 . 34. SMRIP , Annual Report, 1827, 22 ; Schultz, Culture Factory, 24, 26-30 ; Boylan, Sunday School, 19-20 , o n th e importanc e o f educationa l service s per formed b y th e Sunda y schools . Boye r discusse s th e numbe r o f childre n en rolled i n Sunda y school s i n Urban Masses and Moral Order, 40-41 . Fo r the rol e of th e wive s o f th e director s o f th e SMRI P i n advancin g educatio n fo r th e poor, see May and Vinovskis, " A Ray of Millennial Light, " 69-70. J. Lesli e Dunstan , A Light to the City: 150 Years of the City Missionary Society of Boston, 1816-1966 (Boston , 1066) , 165 ; an d Boylan , Sunday School, 160, mention th e les s piou s reason s wh y childre n attende d Sunda y schools . La queur, Religion and Respectability, 102-5 , I2 3» I2 ^» ! 4^» I 5°» note s th e impor tance of secular education among working-class clients of the Sunday schools. 35. Tiffany , Charles Francis Barnard, 101 - 2 1, 155-57 . 36. Ibid. , 64-67, 75-77 , 124-25 . 37. Boylan , Sunday School, 16 , 18 , 151-52 , 167 , show s th e decline i n out -

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reach and the tendency t o include the children of "middle-class" church members rather than mixe d classes . O n Barnard , se e Baghdadi, "Protestants , Pov erty, an d Urban Growth," 251-55. 2. Public Welfare and the Public Reformatory 1. Rober t A . McCaughey , Josiah Quincy, 1772-1864: The Last Federalist (Cambridge, MA , 1974) ; Roge r Lane , Policing the City: Boston, 1822-188$ (New York , 1971) , 20-25 ; Josiah Quincy, A Municipal History of the Town and City of Boston during Two Centuries (Boston, 1852) , 103 , 105 , 109 ; idem, Remarks on Some of the Provisions of the Laws of Massachusetts Affecting Poverty, Vice, and Crime (Cambridge, MA , 1822) , passim . Raymon d A . Mohl , "Humanitarian ism i n th e Preindustria l City : Th e Ne w Yor k Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Pauperism, 1817-1823, " Journal of American History 57 (December 1970) : 59495, link s the reformation of juveniles to the prevention of pauperism. 2. O n th e foundin g o f th e stat e refor m school , se e John Clark Wirkkala , "Juvenile Delinquenc y an d Refor m i n Nineteenth-Centur y Massachusetts : The Formativ e Year s i n Stat e Care , 1846-1879 " (Ph.D. diss. , Clar k Univer sity, 1973) , especially 25-38 . 3. Sea n Wilentz , Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (Ne w York , 1984) , 14-15 , 62-63 , 9 2 ~ I O 3 » 237-48; Joyce Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s (New York , 1984) , chapter 4. 4. Josia h Quincy, Report of the Committee on the Pauper Laws of This Commonwealth (Boston, 1821) , 5-6 , 8-10 ; Rober t W . Kelso , The History of Public Poor Relief in Massachusetts, 1620-1920 (Boston, 1922) , 122-25 . Joh n Alexande r ha s argued tha t punitiv e attitude s towar d th e poo r wer e presen t i n eighteenth century Philadelphia . Se e John K . Alexander , Render Them Submissive: Responses to Poverty in Philadelphia, 1760-1800 (Amherst, MA , 1980) . 5. Boston , "Repor t o f th e Committe e o n th e subjec t o f Pauperism , a t large, an d o n th e expedienc y o f erectin g a Wor k House, " Marc h 12 , 1821 , Boston Town Records 37: 188-90 ; Kelso, History of Poor Relief, 117 . 6. McCaughey , Josiah Quincy, 51-56 , 79-82 , 83-85 , 89-95 , 100-106 ; Andrew R . L . Cayton , "Th e Fragmentatio n o f * A Great Family' : Th e Pani c of 181 9 and th e Ris e of th e Middling Interes t i n Boston , 1818-1822, " Journal of the Early Republic 2 (Summer 1982) : 143-67 ; Ronald P. Formisano , "Boston , 1800-1840: Fro m Deferential-Participan t t o Part y Politics, " i n Boston, 17001980: The Evolution of Urban Politics, ed. Ronal d P . Formisan o an d Constanc e K. Burn s (Westport, CT , 1984) , 36-41 . 7. Quincy , Municipal History, 93-96, 138-43 , 170-75 ; Priso n Disciplin e Society o f Boston , Annual Report, 1834, 105 . Origina l report s ar e at the Uni versity of Delaware Library. 8. Boston , "Report of the Committee on the subject of Pauperism," 191. 9. Bosto n Societ y fo r th e Mora l an d Religiou s Instructio n o f th e Poor ,

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Annual Report, 1823, 5 , Congregationa l Library , Boston . Joseph Tuckerman , An Essay on the Wages Paid to Females for Their Labor (Philadelphia, 1830) , 4 3 49; Massachusetts Commissioner s on the Pauper System, Report of the Commissioners Appointed on Order of the House of Representatives, February 29, 1832, on the subject of the pauper system of the commonwealth of Massachusetts Hous e Doc . 6 (Boston, 1833) , 19-20 , 39 , 40-42 ; Bosto n Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Pau perism, Annual Report, 1851 , 28-30 , Bosto n Publi c Library ; Frederic k T . Gray, Sunday School and Other Essays (Boston, 1852) , 107 , 11 1 -13. M. J . Heale , "Fro m Cit y Father s t o Socia l Critics : Humanitaris m an d Government i n Ne w York , 1790-1860 , "Journal of American History 63 (Jun e 1976): 21-41 , discusse s th e relationshi p betwee n publi c an d privat e reform . On pauperism , se e Gertrud e Himmelfarb , The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York , 1984) , 163-65 , 188 , 397-99 . O n th e poor house, Brian Gratton, Urban Elders: Family, Work, and Welfare among Boston's Aged, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia , 1986) , 128-32 ; idem, "Th e Inventio n o f Socia l Work : Welfare Refor m i n th e Antebellu m City, " Urban and Social Change Review 18 (1985): 3-8 ; Michael B . Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorbouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York , 1986) , 11-13 , 15-25 ; Pau l Faler , "Cultura l Aspects o f th e Industria l Revolution : Lynn , Massachusetts , Shoemaker s an d Industrial Morality, 1826-1860, " Labor History 15 (Summer 1974) : 388-89. 10. Blanch e D. Coll , "The Baltimore Society fo r the Prevention of Pauperism, 1820-1822, " American Historical Review 6 1 (Octobe r 1955) : 81 ; Mohl , "Humanitarianism i n the Preindustrial City, " 578-84; M. J. Heale , "Human itarianism i n the Earl y Republic : The Mora l Reformer s o f Ne w York , 1776 1825," Journal of American Studies 2 (October 1068) : 171-72 ; Priscilla Ferguso n Clement, "Th e Philadelphi a Welfar e Crisi s of th e 1820s, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 10 5 (Apri l 1981) : 152-57 , 161-64 ; Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorbouse, 40-42. 11. Quincy , Municipal History, 102-5 . 12. Quincy , Remarks, 10-11 , 13 , 19-20 ; Boston, "Report of the Committee on th e subjec t o f Pauperism, " 188 ; McCaughey, Josiab Quincy, 119 . Se e als o Boston City Records 4: 46-47. 13. Davi d J. Rothman , The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston, 1971) , passim; Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A . M . Henderso n an d Talcot t Parson s (Ne w York, 1964) , 364-73 . Boston , Report of the Directors of the House for the Employment and Reformation of Juvenile Offenders (Boston , 1827) , 21-22 ; J. F . Rich mond, "Th e Hous e o f Reformation, " New-England Magazine 3 (July-December 1832) : 384. Al l document s abou t the Hous e of Reformatio n ar e located i n the Boston Public Library. Se e also John R. Sutton , Stubborn Children: Controlling Delinquency in the United States, 1640-1981 (Berkeley, CA , 1988) , 82-83 . Sutton emphasize s conflict s amon g Calvinist , Enlightenment , an d Romanti c world views a s th e sourc e o f disagreement s ove r reformator y policies . H e argues tha t Wells , alon g wit h th e superintendent s o f th e Ne w Yor k an d

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Philadelphia refuges , introduce d romanti c approache s t o th e refor m o f delin quents. I believ e h e overstate s th e similaritie s amon g th e institution s an d overemphasizes the philosophical source s of conflict . 14. Samue l Eliot , Address in Commemoration of William Appleton, the Founder, and E. M. P. Wells, the Missionary of St. Stephen's Chapel, Boston (Cambridge , MA, 1888) , 14—15 ; Orlando Lewis , The Development of American Prisons and Prison Customs, 1776-1845 (Montclair, NJ , 1967) , 302. 15. Richmond , "Hous e o f Reformation, " 384-85 ; Quincy , Municipal History, 107 . 16. G . D e Beaumon t an d A. D e Toqueville [sic] , On the Penitentiary System in the United States and Its Application in France, trans . Franci s Leibe r (Philadelphia, 1833) , 114-21 ; Richmond, "Hous e of Reformation, " 384-85 ; Robert S . Pickett, House of Refuge: Origins of JuvenileReform in New York State, 1815-1857 (Syracuse, NY , 1969) , 89-93 ; Joseph M . Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America (New York , 1971) , 40-56 . Compare t o Negley K . Teeters , "Th e Earl y Day s o f th e Philadelphi a Hous e of Refuge, " Pennsylvania History 2 8 (Apri l i960) : 165-87 , an d Steve n L . Schlossman, Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of'Progressive' Juvenile Justice, 1825-1920 (Chicago , 1977) , 28-32 . Clearly , no t all refor m efforts wer e cut from the same cloth, a s is maintained i n Rothman, Discovery of the Asylum, chapter 9. 17. Quincy , Municipal History, 108. 18. Ibid. , 108 ; Boston, "Report on Prisons," City Doc . 21 , 1838 , 26-27 . 19. Boston , Report of the Standing Committee of the Common Council on the Subject of the House of Reformation for Juvenile Offenders (Boston, 1832) ; Quincy, Municipal History, 108 ; Pickett , House of Refuge, 92-93; Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 52-53; Rober t M . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover, NH , 1973) , 24-29 . 20. Stanle y K . Schultz , The Culture Factory: Boston Public Schools, 17891860 (New York , 1973) , 292-302 . 21. Lewis , American Prisons, 319; Boston , "Repor t o f th e Committe e . . . having referenc e t o th e creatio n o f a ne w edifice, " Cit y Doc . 8 , 1834 , 2-3 ; idem, "Repor t o f th e Inspector s o f Prisons, " City Doc . 4 , 1841 , 5-6 ; idem , "Report of th e Inspector s of Prisons, " City Doc . 18 , 1841 , 39 ; idem, "Repor t of the Committee appointe d t o consider . . . tha t boys only be admitted t o the House of Reformation," City Doc . 6 , 1840 , 5. 22. Schultz , The Culture Factory, 247 , 249 ; Boston, "Report of the Committee on the Houses at South Boston," City Doc . 14 , 1841 , 3. 23. Fo r th e relativel y benig n interpretatio n o f institutiona l decline , se e Gerald N . Grob , The State and the Mentally III: A History of Worcester State Hospital in Massachusetts, 1830-1920 (Chapel Hill , NC , 1966) ; idem , Mental Institutions in America: Social Policy to 187$ (New York , 1973) ; and idem, Mental Illness and American Society, 1875-1940 (Princeton, 1983) . Rothman , Discovery of the Asylum, and idem, Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives

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in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , stresse s decision s mad e b y reformer s stemming fro m thei r fea r of socia l disorder . Fo r a persuasive critiqu e of bot h positions, se e Michae l B . Katz , "Origin s o f th e Institutiona l State, " Marxist Perspectives 1 (Winte r 1978) : 6-22 . Christophe r Lasch , i n "Origin s o f th e Asylum," i n hi s The World of Nations: Reflections on American History, Politics, and Culture (New York , 1973) , 3-17 * i s more sharply critical of reform, seein g humanitarianism as creating a new form of repressive control over the individual. Fo r a similar argument , se e Michae l Foucault , Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York , 1979) . Lasch, i n this essay and in his later work, dramatically overemphasizes the ability of institutions and reformers to control the lives of the individuals with whom they come in contact. Moreover , in this monolithic interpretation institution s have no history, fo r their functions wer e established a t thei r inception . Sutton , Stubborn Children, 87-89, take s th e Weberian positio n tha t syste m an d bureaucrac y replace s charismati c leader ship. 24. Sutton , Stubborn Children, 87, argue s tha t a Calvinist vie w o f famil y triumphed over a romantic one, whic h I find unpersuasive. 25. Boston , Report of the Committee to whom was referred the Memorial of the Directors of the House for the employment and reformation of Juvenile Offenders (Boston, 1829) , 4-5, 13 ; idem, "Hous e of Reformatio n Report, " City Doc . 8 , 1838, 7-8 . Richmond , "Hous e o f Reformation, " 382-00 , an d Beaumon t an d Tocqueville, On the Penitentiary System, 114-2 r, do not discuss the girls, while, in its most extensive report on the House of Reformation, the Prison Discipline Society o f Boston , Annual Report, 1829, 245-50 , mentione d tha t 1 0 percent of the inmates were girls, but did not devote a single line to them. 26. Beaumon t and Tocqueville, On the Penitentiary System, 123. 27. Boston , Report of the Memorial Committee, 11 ; idem, Report of the Standing Committee, appendi x A , fo r statistics; Ann Butler , Notes of Inmates in the Female Department of the House of Reformation at South Boston (Boston , 1834) , 29-30 ; Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 16-17 . 28. Boston , Report of the Memorial Committee, n , 19 ; idem , Report of the Standing Committee, 15; idem, "Repor t o f th e Committe e o n a ne w edifice, " City Doc. 8 , 1834 , 329. Boston , "Annua l Repor t o f th e Director s o f th e House s o f Industry , Correction, an d Reformation, " 1839 , 9-10; idem , "Committe e on boys only," City Doc . 6 , 184 0 8-9 ; idem , "Repor t o f th e Director s o f th e Hous e o f Reformation," City Doc . 6 , 1841 , 6. 30. Boston , "Repor t o f th e Director s o f th e Hous e o f Reformation, " Cit y Doc. 6 , 1841 , 6-8; idem , "Repor t of th e Inspector s of Prisons," City Doc . 5 , 1842, 12 .

31. Boston , "Repor t of the Inspectors of Prisons," City Doc . 21 , 1843 ,IO*» idem, "Repor t o f th e Inspector s o f Prison, " Cit y Doc . 2 , 1844 , 17 ; idem , "Annual Report of the Directors of the Houses of Industry an d Reformation, " City Doc . 27 , 1851 , 6-7 ; idem , "Repor t o f th e Inspector s o f Prisons, " Cit y

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Doc. 50 , 1851 , 21-23 ; idem, "Repor t of the Inspector s of Prisons, " City Doc . 81, 1854 , 19 . 32. Barbar a Mei l Hobson , Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York , 1987) , 117-18 , 124-25 ; Ruth H. Bloch , "American Feminin e Ideal s i n Transition : Th e Ris e o f th e Mora l Mother , 1785-1815," Feminist Studies 4 (1978): 101-26 . 33. Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 118-24 ; Christine R . Stansell , City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York , 1986) , 176-91 . The only works that deal extensively wit h female delinquents in the Unite d States are Barbara M. Brenzel , Daughters of the State: A Social Portrait of the First Reform School for Girls in North America, 1856-1905 (Cambridge, MA , 1983) , and Steve n Schlossma n an d Stephani e Wallach , "Th e Crim e o f Precociou s Sexuality: Femal e Delinquenc y i n th e Progressiv e Era, " Harvard Educational Review 48 (February 1978) : 65-94. Schlossma n an d Wallach argue that femal e delinquency wa s recognize d a s a problem onl y i n th e Progressiv e era , whil e Brenzel ignore s th e Hous e o f Reformation . He r oversigh t i s surprisin g sinc e Samuel Gridle y Howe' s experienc e wit h th e Hous e o f Reformatio n con tributed to his anti-institutionalist positio n that helped shape the history of the girls' reform school . Rober t Picket , House of Refuge, Joseph Hawes , Children in Urban Society, an d Rober t Mennel , Thorns and Thistles, discus s girls but do not use gende r i n thei r analyses , whil e Davi d Rothman , Discovery of the Asylum, ignores the existence of female delinquents altogether . 34. Boston , "Committe e o n boy s only, " 4; in 182 7 seventee n o f forty-tw o boys wer e Irish ; the shif t wa s i n perception, no t clientele . Se e Boston , Report of the Directors of the House of Reformation, 18-19 . 35. Osca r Handlin , Bostons Immigrants, 1790-1880 (Cambridge , MA , 1941) , 104-17, 243 , 250-51 , 256-57 ; Michae l P . Conze n an d Georg e K . Lewis , Boston: A Geographical Portrait (Cambridge, MA , 1976) , 25 ; Lawrence H . Fuchs , "Immigration throug h th e Por t of Boston, " in Forgotten Doors: The Other Ports of Entry to the United States, ed. M . Mar k Stolari k (Philadelphia , 1988) , 17-20 ; Theodore Lyman , Jr. , Addresses Made to the City Council of Boston (Boston , 1835), 17-24 . 36. Wirkkala , "Delinquenc y an d Reform, " 25-38 ; Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 81-83 ; Michael B . Katz , The Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts (Boston, 1968) , 164-77 ; "^ e" port an d Resolv e fo r th e Erectio n o f a Stat e Manua l Labo r School, " Senat e Doc. 86 , Marc h 27 , 1846 . Publishe d record s o f th e stat e refor m schoo l ar e located at the Massachusetts Stat e Library. 37. Second Annual Report of the Trustees and Officers of the State Reform School for Boys, 1849 , 9-10 , 28-29 . Hereafte r Stat e Refor m School , Annual Report. R. Richar d Wohl, "Th e 'Country Boy' Myth and Its Place in American Urba n Culture: The Nineteenth-Centur y Contribution, " ed. Mose s Rischin , Perspectives in American History 3 (1969) : 77-156 ; Timoth y L . Smith , "Protestan t Schooling an d America n Nationality , 1800-1850, " Journal of American History

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53 (March 1967) : 679-95; Carl F. Kaestle , Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780-1860 (Ne w York , 1983) , 76-77 , 80-83 , 00-93 ; David B . Tyack , The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, MA, 1974) , 84-86. 38. Wirkkala , "Delinquency an d Reform," 82-84. 39. Stat e Reform School , Annual Report, i860, 33. 40. Ibid. , 1858 , 51. 41. Ibid. , 1855 , 28. 42. Wirkkala , "Delinquency an d Reform," 91-92. 43. Stat e Reform School , Annual Report, 1856, 50. 44. Wirkkala , "Delinquenc y an d Reform, " 101-2 , 104-6 ; Stat e Refor m School, Annual Report, 1855, 20-21 . 45. Stat e Reform School , Annual Report, 1849, 9-10; ibid. , 1857 , 4; Wirkkala, "Delinquency an d Reform," 112-14 . 46. Stat e Refor m School , Annual Report, 1852, 41; Joseph A . Allen , Westborol* State Reform School Reminiscences (Boston, 1877) , 5-6, 38 . 47. Wirkkala , "Delinquency an d Reform," 114-17 . 48. "Record s o f th e Governor' s Council, " i860 , 184-91 , ms. , Massachu setts Stat e Archives ; Katz , Irony of Early School Reform, 198-99. Fo r simila r histories, se e Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent, 105-6; Pickett , House of Refuge, 72-75 , 81-85 , 144-49 , 158-61 ; Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 28-29, 61-62 , 107-9 ; Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 47-48 , 55-56 , 134 35; Rothman, Discovery of the Asylum, 230-34 ; idem, Conscience and Convenience, 275-82; Teeters, "Earl y Days of the Philadelphia Hous e of Refuge," 174-75 . Part 2: Domestic Reform 1. Steve n L . Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of 'Progressive* Juvenile Justice, 1825-1920 (Chicago, 1977) , 49-54; Thomas Bender, Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth-Century America (Baltimore , MD , 1975) , 4~7 ? R - Richar d Wohl , "Th e 'Countr y Boy * Myth an d It s Plac e i n America n Urba n Culture : Th e Nineteenth-Centur y Contribution," ed. Mose s Rischin, Perspectives in American History 3 (1969): 77156; John L . Thomas , "Romanti c Refor m i n America , 1815-1865, " American Quarterly 17 (Winter 1965) : 656-81; Peter L. Tyo r an d Jamil Zainaldin, "Asy lum an d Society : A n Approac h t o Institutiona l Change, " Journal of Social History 1 3 (Fall 1979) : 23-48; Susa n E . Houston , "Victoria n Origin s o f Juvenile Delinquency : A Canadia n Experience, " History of Education Quarterly 12 (Fall 1972) : 254-80 ; Mari a Kleinbar d Baghdadi , "Protestants , Poverty , an d Urban Growth : A Stud y o f th e Organizatio n o f Charit y i n Bosto n an d Ne w York, 1820-1865 " (Ph.D. diss. , Brown University , 1975) , 269* 277-78. 2. Charle s Lorin g Brace , The Dangerous Classes of New York and Twenty Years Work Among Them (New York , 1880) , 400, 06. David Rothma n declare s tha t th e "Brac e position " wa s no t idiosyncrati c

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and tha t "somethin g o f a school " forme d aroun d him , whil e dismissin g thi s position i n tw o paragraphs . Se e Davi d J . Rothman , Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston , 1971) , 259-60 . Rothma n ignores th e Massachusett s Stat e Industria l Schoo l fo r Girl s i n Discovery of the Asylum and misdate s th e ris e o f alternative s t o th e asylu m i n Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , 265. Charles Lorin g Brac e an d Samue l Gridle y How e hav e bot h bee n con sidered "anti-institutionalists, " a curious labe l fo r individual s responsibl e fo r the creation and administration of many institutions. To be sure, they opposed the congregat e institution , a s di d man y other s i n mid-nineteenth-centur y America, bu t that does not make them anti-institutionalists. Pau l Boyer argues that Brac e was suc h a n advocate of hard-boile d individualis m tha t h e though t even th e famil y place d to o man y restraint s o n th e individual . Se e Pau l S . Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge , MA , 1978), 99-101 ; Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent t 42-49 ; Bender , Toward an Urban Vision, 136 . 3. Charle s L . Brace , The Best Method of Disposing of Our Pauper and Vagrant Children (Ne w York , 1859) , 11-13 ; Bender, Toward an Urban Vision, 136-38, 142-44; Robert M. Mennel, Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover , NH , 1973) , 3 6; Danie l Walke r Howe , "Th e Social Scienc e of Horac e Bushnell, " Journal of American History 70 (September 1983): 310-13 .

4. Joh n Higham , From Boundlessness to Consolidation: The Transformation of American Culture, 1848-1860 (An n Arbor , MI , 1969) , 21-28 ; Norma n H . Clark, Deliver Us fromEvil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (New York , 1976), 11-13 ; Joh n Lukacs , "Th e Bourgeoi s Interior, " American Scholar 3 9 (August 1970) : 624-25 ; Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 83 , 85-86 ; Kathryn Kis h Sklar , Catharine Beecher: A Study in Domesticity (New York , 1976), 158-63 ; Mary P . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-186$ (Cambridge, England , 1981) , 146-85 ; Maxin e van d e Wetering , "Th e Popula r Concep t o f 'Home ' i n Nineteenth-Centur y America," Journal of American Studies 8 (1984): 5-28 ; An n Douglas , The Feminization of American Culture (Ne w York , 1977) , chapte r 2 ; Collee n Mc Dannell, The Christian Home in Victorian America, 1840-1 poo(Bloomington , IN, 1986) , 6-8 , 82-85 , 9 2~93> 11 1 —16, 128-36 ; Kathlee n D . McCarthy , Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849-1929 (Chicago, 1982) , 29-33 , 48-49 ; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg , "Beauty , th e Beast , and the Militant Woman : A Cas e Study i n Se x Role s and Social Stres s in Jacksonian America, " i n Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America, ed. Carroll Smith-Rosenber g (Ne w York , 1985) , 118-19 ; idem , "Th e Cros s an d the Pedestal : Women , Anti-Ritualism , an d th e Emergenc e o f th e America n Bourgeoisie," ibid. , 133-34 , 144-45 , 150-51 , 153-55 ; Lor i D . Ginzberg ,

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Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics and Class in the iptb-Century United States (New Haven , CT, 1990) , 119-22 . 5. Kennet h T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization oftbe United States (New York , 1985) , 48-52 , 58-61 , 69-72 ; Gwendolyn Wright , Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America (Cambridge, MA , 1981) , 75 77, 107-11 ; Clifford Edwar d Clark , Jr., The American Family Home, 1800-1960 (Chapel Hill , NC , 1986) , 29-32 , 104-7 ; McDannell , The Christian Home, chapter 2. j . Private Alternatives to the Asylum 1. Edit h Rivers , "The Young Forgers ; or, Home s an d Prisons," in Working and Trusting; or, Sketches Drawn from the Records of the Children's Mission (Boston, 1859) , 73-128 . 2. Pete r L . Tyo r an d Jami l Zainaldin , "Asylu m an d Society : A n Ap proach to Institutional Change, " Journal of Social History 13 (Fall 1979) : 23-48. Steven L. Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of 'Progressive' Juvenile Justice,182$-1920 (Chicago , 1977) , 49-54, discusse s th e cult of domesticity as one of three influences on the farm/family refor m school. The othe r tw o ar e the foreig n example s o f Mettra y an d Rauh e Hau s an d th e "anti-institutionalism" of Charles Loring Brace and Samuel Gridley Howe . A s the sectio n belo w indicates , reformer s bega n movin g i n the direction of farm / family institution s befor e th e 1850s , whe n foreig n example s becam e mor e influential. 3. Bosto n Farm School, "Repor t on the Establishment of a Farm School," 1832, 2-6 ; idem , Annual Reports oftbe Managers and Officers oftbe Boston Asylum and Farm School, 1852 , 28-29; Boston Prison Discipline Society , Annual Report, 1834, 86-87 ; Dorothea Dix , Remarks on Prisons and Prison Discipline in the United States (Philadelphia, 1845) , 92; Orlando F . Lewis , The Development of American Prisons and Prison Customs, 1776- 184s (Montclair, NJ , 1967) , 317-18 ; Rober t S. Pickett , House of Refuge: Origins of JuvenileReform in New York State, 181 s~ 1857 (Syracuse, NY , 1969) , 93-95; Raymon d W . Stanley , The Four Thompsons of Boston Harbor, 1621-196$ (Boston , 1966) , 37-43 . Th e report s of th e Bosto n Farm School ar e in the Massachusetts Stat e Library, whil e those of the Prison Discipline Societ y ar e at the University o f Delaware. 4. "Repor t on the Establishment of a Farm School," 5-6 . 5. Children' s Missio n t o th e Childre n o f th e Destitute , Annual Report, '850, 5 ; idem, Annual Report, 1853, 3-4 ; idem, Annual Report, 1863, 11 ; idem, "Account o f th e Proceeding s a t th e Dedicatio n o f th e Children' s Mission' s Home," March 17 , 1867 , 17 ; Robert M . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover, N H , 1973) , 41-42 . Th e reports refer to "hundreds" placed eac h year; in 185 8 they place d 17 5 young sters. I t is not clear whether bot h boy s an d girls wer e placed . Th e record s o f

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the Children' s Missio n ar e a t th e Parents ' an d Children' s Service s o f th e Children's Mission. 6. R . Richar d Wohl, "Th e 'Country Boy ' Myth and Its Place in American Urban Culture : Th e Nineteenth-Centur y Contribution, " ed. Mose s Rischin , Perspectives in American History 3 (1969): 117 ; Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 4 6 48; Miriam Z. Langsam , Children West: A History of the Placing Out System of the New York Children's Aid Society, 1853-1890 (Madison, WI , 1964) , chapte r 5 ; Joseph M . Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in NineteenthCentury America (New York , 1971) , 103-5 ; Thomas Bender , Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth-Century America (Baltimore, MD , 1975)1 145-47 ; Bruc e Bellingham , " 'Little Wanderers' : A Socio-Historica l Study o f th e Nineteenth-Centur y Origin s o f Chil d Fosterin g an d Adoptio n Reform, Base d o n Earl y Record s o f th e Ne w Yor k Children' s Ai d Societ y (Ph.D. diss. , Universit y of Pennsylvania, 1984) . 7. Davi d Rothma n downplay s th e importanc e o f domesti c refor m a s a rival t o th e congregat e asylu m i n Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston, 1971) , 259-60 , an d i n Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , 265.

8. Bender , Toward an Urban Vision, 126-28, fo r simila r debate s o n th e local level, i n Lowell, Massachusetts . The onl y publi c family-styl e institution , beside s th e Massachusett s Stat e Industrial Schoo l fo r Girls , whic h i s discusse d i n chapte r 4 , wa s th e Ohi o Reform Schoo l fo r Boys . Se e Rober t M . Mennel , " 'The Famil y Syste m o f Common Farmers' : Th e Origin s o f Ohio' s Refor m Farm , 1840-1858, " Ohio History 89 (Spring 1980) : 125-56 . Distinction s betwee n privat e and publi c are a little arbitrar y sinc e man y institution s tha t became publi c were starte d wit h private money . However , thes e institution s (suc h a s the Stat e Refor m Schoo l for Boy s i n Massachusetts ) alway s acte d i n a quasipublic fashion , whil e th e private institution s wer e purel y privat e i n term s o f controllin g thei r ow n funding, admissions , an d policy. 9. Bradfor d K . Pierce , "Th e Comparativ e Valu e of th e Famil y an d Congregate Syste m i n Reformator y Institution s Considered, " Proceedings of the Second Convention of Managers and Superintendents of Houses of Refuge and Schools of Reform in the United States of America (New York , i860) , 128-29 , l 31'* Charles Loring Brace , "Comments, " Proceedings of the First Convention of Managers and Superintendents of Houses of Refuge and Schools of Reform in the United States of America (New York , 1858) , 51; Bender, Toward an Urban Vision, 135-36 . 10. Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 104-8 ; Bender , Toward an Urban Vision, 144-47 ; Langsam, Children West, chapte r 5 . Fo r later critiques of Brace's placement policies, see Hastings H. Hart , "Placing-Out Children in the West," National Conference of Charities and Correction (hereafter, NCCC ) Proceedings (1884): 143-50 ; Rober t W . Hubbard , "Placin g Ou t Children : Danger s o f

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Careless Methods," NCCC Proceedings (1899): 171-77 ; Lyman P. Alden , "Th e Shady Sid e of the 'Placing Out System'," NCCC Proceedings (1885): 201-10. Bellingham foun d tha t the New Yor k Children's Aid Societ y wa s far more careful abou t placement s tha n contemporarie s (an d historians ) hav e thought , and documented children's histories. Se e "Little Wanderers," 52-53, n . 3 . 11. Pierce , "Comparativ e Value, " 129 ; Brace, "Comments, " 51; Proceedings of the Second Convention, 59 ; Proceedings of the First Convention, 16 . Schlossman is not correct when he states that Brace was "not at all identified" with the family reform school . Se e Love and the American Delinquent, 226 , n . 82 . Schlossma n argues (48-49) that Brace and Howe unintentionally pushe d the family syste m forward a s a compromise betwee n th e congregat e institutio n an d immediat e placement. Th e farm/famil y mode l emerge d a s a compromise, bu t Brace , a s the comments i n th e text show , an d Howe , a s the next chapter wil l indicate , were conscious of their parts in the process. 12. Children' s Ai d Societ y (hereafte r CAS) , Annual Report, 1876-77, 3 ; Rock Law n Record s Book, Marc h 4, 1892 , June 2 , 1893 ; CAS, Annual Report, 1885-86, 6 ; idem , Annual Report, 1878-79, 3-4 ; idem , Annual Report, 1877 78, 3 . Publishe d an d manuscrip t record s o f th e CA S ar e at the Archive s an d Special Collections, Joseph P. Heale y Library , Universit y o f Massachusetts at Boston. 13. Idem , "It s Origins and Objectives," 1. 14. Idem , Board of Directors Minutes, vol. 1 , March 27, April 3 , April 17 , May 15 , 1863 . Also, idem , Annual Report, 1865-66, 8 . Whil e 1,48 2 boy s were tried in police court, only eighty-eight were taken by the CAS. A brief history of the CAS can be found in Nathan Irving Huggins, Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870-1 poo(Westport, CT, 1970,93-103 . 15. CAS , Annual Report, 1863-65, 3 ; idem, Boar d o f Director s Minutes , vol. 1 , October 5 , 1866 ; December 7, 1866 . 16. Ann e Kuhn , The Mother's Role in Childhood Education (New Haven , CT , 1947), passim ; Ann e Scot t MacLeod , A Moral Tale: Children's Fiction and American Culture, 1820-1860 (Hamden, CT , 1975) , 29—31 ; Schlossman, Love and the American Delinquent, 49-53 . Schlossma n see s Victoria n culture as "domesticating" th e asylum ; rather , reformer s believin g i n domesti c refor m cre ated a n alternativ e t o it . Steve n Mintz , A Prison of Expectations: The Family in Victorian Culture (New York , 1983) , 27-39 ; Bernar d Wishy , The Child and the Republic: The Dawn of Modern American Child Nurture (Philadelphia, 1968) , 17 49, 98-102 ; Mar y P . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, 1790-186$ (Cambridge , England , 1981) , 157-63 . Car l N . Degler , At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (Ne w York, 1980) , 86-102 , stresse s th e continued emphasi s o n breakin g th e wil l more than these other authors, who emphasize the shift toward a more intense and long-term process of training and internalization of values. While affectionate disciplin e ma y hav e become the dominant for m of child

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rearing amon g bourgeoi s Protestan t familie s i n th e mid-nineteent h century , elements o f i t wer e presen t i n th e seventeent h an d eighteent h centuries . Se e Philip Greven , The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York , 1977) . A fascinating account of developing a superego in young children can be found in Charles Strickland, "A Transcendentalist Father : The Child-Rearing Practices of Bronson Alcott," Perspectives in American History 3 (1969): 5-73. 17. CAS , Annual Report, 1863-65,7-8, 10 ; idem, Annual Report, 1866-67, 3-4; Pine Farm Visitors Book no. 1 , November 1867 . 18. Pin e Farm Visitors Boo k no. 1 , January and June 1867 , July 1870 . 19. CAS , Annual Report, 1866-67 , 3—4 ; Pine Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 1 , November 1867 ; Roc k Law n Records , Januar y 4 , 1889 . Al l surname s ar e fictitious, a s pe r m y agreemen t wit h th e Bosto n Children' s Service s Associa tion, bu t I have attempted to preserve ethnic identity. 20. CAS , Boar d o f Director s Minutes , vol . 1 , Apri l 6 , 1866 . Th e lis t o f original founder s an d supporter s bristle s wit h Brahmins . Variou s member s of the Lowell , Lawrence , Appleton , Shaw , Wigglesworth , Bowditch , Lee , Sal tonstall, Endicott , Cabot , an d Amor y clan s (amon g others ) ar e liste d i n th e first volum e o f th e Boar d o f Directors . Suppor t suc h a s thi s ensure d th e financial bas e of the CAS. 21. Fo r a similar point , se e Davi d J. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience, especially 419-21. 22. Pin e Far m Intak e no . 523 ; Roc k Law n Records , Ma y 3 , 1897 ; Pin e Farm Visitors Book no. 6, Octobe r 1892 , January and February 1893 . 23. Pin e Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 4 , Novembe r 1884 ; Book no. 3 , Septem ber 1879 ; Book no. 4, January 1885 ; Book no. 6, Octobe r 1893 . 24. 3 0 percen t ha d onl y mother s living , 1 7 percen t ha d onl y fathers , 6 percent wer e orphaned , 6 percen t ha d parent s wh o wer e separated , an d an other 6 percent lived wit h a biological paren t and a stepparent. Th e remainin g 35 percent lived with two parents. Bellingham, "Littl e Wanderers," chapter 5 , als o found tha t placement wit h the NY C AS wa s a matte r o f famil y strategy . H e foun d 2 0 percen t o f hi s sampled children were orphaned (322). The statistic s ar e compile d fro m a systemati c sampl e ( n = 354 ) o f boy s accepted a t Pine Farm between 186 4 and 1895 . I recorded every other record, but thi s i s slightl y mor e tha n hal f th e tota l population , sinc e boy s wh o wer e readmitted ha d thei r record s combine d an d wer e counte d a s only on e case . I compiled a separate sampl e o f Roc k Law n inmate s ( n = 83 ) but limite d mos t discussions, excep t wher e indicated , t o th e Pin e Far m sampl e becaus e th e records were far superior. 25. Thi s i s base d o n m y sampl e o f 35 4 Pin e Far m boys ; th e percentage s may not add up to a hundred becaus e of rounding. 26. Pin e Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 4 , Februar y 1883 , Marc h 1885 . Fo r a complaint o f il l treatment , se e Boo k no . 3 , Decembe r 1875 ; for recognition o f

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the problem , Boo k no . 2 , Augus t 1872 . A genera l discussio n o f placemen t problems ca n b e foun d i n Hasting s H . Hart , "Placing-Ou t Childre n i n th e West," NCCC Proceedings (1884): 143-50 . The degree of movement meant that many boys disappeared from the records. 27. Committe e on Pin e Farm, Februar y 3 , 1892 ; Pine Farm Visitor s Boo k no. 5 , April 1888 ; Intake no. 11 ; CAS, Annual Report, 1889-90, 11 ; Committee on Placin g Out , Minutes , Augus t 5 , 1806 , 182 . Statistic s ar e base d o n com bined systemati c sample s o f Pin e Far m an d Roc k Law n boys . Roc k Law n i s discussed below . 28. Roc k Law n Records , Decembe r 2 , 1892 , Apri l 5 , 1896 . Ther e i s n o evidence of discrimination within the institution. 29. Jame s Olive r Horto n an d Loi s E . Horton , Black Bostonians: Family Life and Community Struggle in the Antebellum North (New York , 1979) , 9-12 , 18 19, 35 ; Elizabeth Hafki n Pleck , Black Migration and Poverty: Boston, 1865-1900 (New York , 1979) , 163-66 , 178 , 187-92 . Ther e wer e sixtee n black s amon g 437 inmate s in my combined Pin e Farm-Rock Lawn sample. Pleck maintains that blacks were not overrepresented i n public institution s (189-90), bu t he r dat a ar e scattere d an d contradicte d b y othe r sources . Se e Horton an d Horton, Black Bostonians, 35 ; Peter C. Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services for Homeless Children, 1830-1930 (Rutherford, NJ , 1989) , 142, 150 .

30. Roc k Law n Records , Marc h 6 , 1891 ; Rock Law n Intak e no . 77 ; and Pine Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 2 , July 1873 . Se e Pin e Far m Intak e nos . 148 , 189, 206 , an d 475 fo r othe r examples . Bellingham , "Littl e Wanderers, " 236 43 and 335 , found that kin retrieved 1 1 percent of the children in places. 31. CAS , Annual Report, 1884-85, 15 . The numbe r o f boy s i n the sampl e with crimina l charge s agains t the m droppe d fro m 2 7 percen t i n 1880-8 4 t o 7 percent in 1885-89 . 32. Pin e Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 4 , committee s fo r Jul y 1882 , Octobe r 1885. 33. Pin e Farm Intake no. 457. 34. CAS , Annual Report, 1888-89, 12-13 ; Pine Farm Visitors Boo k no. 4 , March 1886 ; Boo k no . 5 , Jul y 1888 ; Committee o n Pin e Farm , January 22 , 1894. 35. CAS , Boar d o f Director s Minutes , vol . 1 , Januar y 5 , 1894 ; idem , Annual Report, 1893-94, 16-17 . 36. Idem , Boar d of Directors Minutes, vol . 1 , October 5, 1866 ; October 4, 1867; Pine Far m Visitor s Boo k no . 2 , Decembe r 187 0 and Apri l 1872 ; CAS, Annual Report, 1872-73,6. 37. CAS , Annual Report, 1879-80, 4-5; idem, Annual Report, 1884-85, 8 . 38. Huggins , Protestants against Poverty, 102-3 ; Ro y Lubove , The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880-1930 (Ne w York , 1965), 43-45; F. M . Greg , "Placin g Out Children," NCCC Proceedings (1892): 415; Sophie E. Minton, "Famil y Life versus Institution Life," in NCCC Report

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of the Committee on the History of Child-Saving Work (1893), 37 ; J. M . Mulry , "The Car e o f Destitut e an d Neglecte d Children, " NCC C Proceedings (1898) : 168; Byro n C . Mathews , "Th e Dut y o f th e Stat e t o Dependen t Children, " NCCC Proceedings (1898): 371; Galen A. Merrill , "Some Recent Development s in Child-Saving," NCCC Proceedings (1900): 227; Hastings H . Hart , "Commo n Sense and Cooperation in Child Saving, " NCCC Proceedings (1003): 181. Pine Farm Visitors Boo k no. 6 , Decembe r 1893 ; Committee on Pine Farm, March 15 , 1800 ; February 28 , Apri l 29 , 1896 ; CAS, Annual Report, 1895-96, 21; Rock Lawn Records, June 6, 1898 . 39. LeRo y Ashby , Saving the Waifs: Reformers and Dependent Children, 18901917 (Philadelphia , 1984) , 1 0 - n , 13-14 , 18-31 , 226 , n . 30 ; Rothman , Conscience and Convenience, 261-62 ; Susa n Tiffin , In Whose Best Interest? Child Welfare Reform in the Progressive Era. (Westport, CT , 1982) , 61-64, 72-76 , 9 2 10-6; Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 109-14 , 121 ; Michael B . Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York , 1986) , 118 21.

40. Pin e Farm Visitors Boo k no . 4, Februar y 1883 , November 1885 , March 1886; CAS, Annual Report, 1886-87, n - 1 2 ; idem , Annual Report, 1888-89,9; idem, Annual Report, 1889-90 , 6 . Als o Huggins , Protestants against Poverty, 117-18; Home r Folks , The Care of Destitute, Neglected, and Delinquent Children (New York , 1911) , 183 ; Henry W . Thurston , The Dependent Child (New York , 1930), 201 .

41. Charle s W . Birtwell , "Comments, " in The Care of Dependent, Neglected, and Wayward Children, ed. Ann a Garli n Spence r an d Charle s Birtwel l (Chi cago, 1893) , 124 . 42. W . P . Lynde , "Preventio n i n Som e of It s Aspects," NCCC Proceedings (1879): 162-70 ; Clara T. Leonard , "Family Home s fo r Pauper and Dependen t Children," NCC C Proceedings (1879) : 170-78 ; Mulry, "Car e of Destitut e an d Neglected Children, " 168 ; Mathews , "Dut y o f th e State, " 371 ; William P . Letchworth, "Childre n of th e State, " NCCC Proceedings (1886): 142-43 ; Homer Folks, "Th e Care of Delinquen t Children," NCCC Proceedings (1891): 137-38 ; Tiffin, In Whose Best Interest?, 92-94 . 43. Tiffin , In Whose Best Interest?, 94. 44. Huggins , Protestants against Poverty, 09-103 , m , 130-31 ; CAS, Annual Report, 1889-00 , 6 ; idem , Annual Report, 1890-91 , 13 ; idem , Annual Report, 1891-93, 6 ; idem, "Illustrativ e Cases and Forms," 1809 , n -P-; Gary R . Anderson, "Charle s Birtwell, " Biographical Dictionary of Social Welfare in America, ed . Walte r I. Trattner (Westport, CT , 1986) , 95-97. 45. Bellingham , "Littl e Wanderers, " chapter 9 , foun d tha t abou t 2 0 per cent of placed children were, i n effect, adopte d by their families. 46. Mintz , Prison of Expectations, 14-16 , 18-19 ; Pau l E . Johnson, A Shopkeepers Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 181 s~ 1837 (New York, 1978) , 43-48; Joseph F . Kett , Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (New York , 1977) , 100-102 , 114-15 , 144-62 , 168-70 ; Paul a

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Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s (New York , 77)> 59—71 ; Michael Katz , The People of Hamilton, Canada West (Cambridge, MA, 1975) , 303-5 ; Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 155-56, 165-73 , '77-7° ; Degler, At Odds, 180-86. Viviana A . Zelizer , Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York , 1985) , 170-95 , discusses the shift i n foster care. A s child labor becam e define d a s illegitimat e an d childre n becam e value d fo r thei r emotional appeal, families took infants rather than older children. Maria Kleinburd Baghdad i note s th e iron y tha t reformer s wer e placin g childre n ou t a t a time when the family wa s becoming smaller and more intimate. However , this occurs muc h late r tha n i n th e perio d sh e covers . Se e "Protestants , Poverty , and Urba n Growth : A Stud y o f th e Organizatio n o f Charit y i n Bosto n an d New York , 1820-1865 " (Ph.D. diss. , Brow n University , 1975) , 279. I0

4. Domestic Reform and the Delinquent Girl 1. Barbar a Welter, "Th e Cult o f True Womanhood : 1820-1860, " American Quarterly 1 8 (Summer 1966) : 151-74 ; Gerda Lerner , "Th e Lad y an d th e Mill Girl : Changes i n th e Statu s of Wome n i n the Ag e of Jackson," Midcontinent American Studies Journal10 (Spring 1969) : 5-14; Nancy R . Cott , The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-183$ (New Haven , CT , 1977). An illuminatin g recent discussion of the doctrine of spheres is Linda K . Kerber, "Separat e Spheres , Femal e Worlds , Woman' s Place: The Rhetori c o f Women's History,"Journal of American History 75 (June 1988) : 9-39. On femal e criminalit y an d arres t statistics , Estell e B . Freedman , Their Sisters' Keepers: Women's Prison Reform in America, 1830-1930 (An n Arbor , MI , 1981), 10-15 ; Barbar a Mei l Hobson , Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York , 1987) , 115-17 . O n th e redefini tion of the streets and public space , Christin e Stansell , City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York , 1986) , 190-94 ; Gunther Barth , City People: The Rise of Modern City Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York , 1980), 28-29 , 129-30 , 146-47 ; Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 31-36; Kerr y Wims hurst, "Control and Resistance: Reformatory Schoo l Girls in Late NineteenthCentury Sout h Australia," Journal of Social History 18 (Winter 1984) : 275. Perry R. Duis , The Saloon: Public Drinking in Chicago and Boston, 1880-1920 (Urbana, IL, 1983) , 204-29 , 234-40 , discusse s th e effor t t o segregat e publi c drinkin g and vice to specific areas of the city. On increasing orderliness, Theodor e Ferdinand , "Th e Criminal Pattern s of Boston sinc e 1849, " American Journal of Sociology 7 3 (July 1967) : 84-99; Roge r Lane, "Urbanizatio n an d Crimina l Violenc e i n th e Nineteent h Century, " Journal of Social History 2 (December 1968) : 156-63. 2. Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Beauty , th e Beast , an d the Militant Woman : A Cas e Stud y i n Se x Role s an d Socia l Stres s i n Jacksonia n America, " i n Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America, ed. Carrol l Smith -

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Rosenberg (New York , 1985) , 109-28 ; Freedman, Their Sisters' Keepers, 28-35 , 40-47; Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 49-60 , 66-68 , 124-30 ; Margare t Wyman , "The Ris e of th e Falle n Woman, " American Quarterly 3 (Summer 1951) : 167 77; W. Davi d Lewis , From Newgate to Dannemora: The Rise of the Penitentiary in New York, 1796-184.8 (Ithaca, NY , 1965) , 224-25 ; Lor i D . Ginzberg , Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the ipth-Century United States (New Haven , CT , 1990) , 119-23 ; Nicol e Hah n Rafter , Partial Justice: Women in State Prisons 1800-ipjj (Boston , 1985) . On th e different stream s of women' s reform , se e Nanc y A . Hewitt , Women's Activism and Social Change: Rochester, New York, 1822-1872 (Ithaca, NY , 1984), an d Ann e M . Bo y Ian, "Wome n i n Groups : A n Analysi s o f Women' s Benevolent Organization s i n Ne w Yor k an d Boston , 1797-1840, " Journal of American History 7 1 (Decembe r 1984) : 497-523 ; an d idem , "Timi d Girls , Venerable Women , an d Dignifie d Matrons : Life Cycle Pattern s amon g Organized Wome n i n Ne w Yor k an d Boston , 1797-1840, " American Quarterly 38 (Winter 1986) : 779-97. 3. Eighth Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Industrial School for Girls, Doc. 24 , 1864 , 3-4 ; Tenth Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Industrial School for Girls, Doc. 21,1866 , 4 . Hereafte r cite d a s Lancaster, Annual Report. These report s discuss th e absenc e of prope r famil y an d home lif e i n working class neighborhoods. Publishe d record s of the State Industrial Schoo l for Girls are a t th e Massachusett s Stat e Library , whil e manuscrip t record s ar e a t th e Schlesinger Library , Radcliff e College . Charles Lorin g Brace , The Dangerous Classes of New York and Twenty Years Work among Them (Ne w York , 1880) , 116 , fo r a typical comment abou t stree t girls. Stansell , City of Women, 172-92, 193-97 , 203-9 . "Report o f th e Commissioner s fo r th e Establishmen t o f a Stat e Refor m School for Girls, under the Resolves of April 12 , 1854, " House Doc. 43 , 1855 , 23. Acts and Resolves, 1855, chapter 442, sec. 4, 838 . 4. Stansell , City of Women, 180-85; Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Pubert y to Menopause: The Cycl e of Femininit y i n Nineteenth-Century America, " in Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America, ed. Carrol l Smith Rosenberg (Ne w York , 1985) , especiall y 182-91 ; Charles E . Rosenber g an d Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "Th e Female Animal: Medical and Biological View s of Women, " i n No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought, ed. Charles E. Rosenber g (Baltimore, MD , 1976) , 54-61 . 5. Children' s Aid Society , Annual Report, 1865-66, 10 ; Lancaster, Annual Report, 1879 , 19 ; idem, Annual Report, 1858, 9 . CA S record s ar e availabl e a t the Archives and Special Collections, Joseph P. Heale y Library , Universit y o f Massachusetts at Boston. 6. Freedman , Their Sisters1 Keepers, 15-17 ; Wimshurst, "Contro l and Resistance," 277-78. 7. Fo r the argument about separatism, see Freedman, Their Sisters' Keepers,

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2I

passim. O n th e incorporatio n o f femal e refor m int o th e large r culture , se e Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct, 173-76 . 8. Joh n Clar k Wirkkala , "Juvenil e Delinquenc y an d Refor m i n Nine teenth-Century Massachusetts : Th e Formativ e Year s i n Stat e Care , 1846 1879" (Ph.d. diss., Clark University, 1973) , 44-50. 9. Wirkkala , "Delinquenc y an d Reform, " 50-53 . Curiously , Barbar a Brenzel, i n he r history o f th e Lancaste r School , ignore s th e firs t commission . See Barbar a M . Brenzel , Daughters of the State: A Social Portrait of the First Reform School forGirls in North America, 1856-190$ (Cambridge, MA, 1983) . 10. Harol d Schwartz , Samuel Gridley Howe: Social Reformer, 1801-1876 (Cambridge, MA , 1956) ; Samue l G . Howe , "Lette r t o Willia m Appleton, " December 25 , 1850 , 21 , 22 , 25 , 27 . How e als o noted tha t the type of institu tion h e propose d coul d b e manage d exclusivel y b y women . Thi s lette r wa s published togethe r wit h a late r on e t o th e secon d stat e commission , whic h examined th e issu e agai n i n 1854 . Se e Samue l G . Howe , A letter to J. H. Wilkins, //. B, Rogers , and F. B. Fay, Commissioners of Massachusetts for the State Reform School for Girls (Boston, 1854) . Se e als o Joseph M . Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America (New York ,

1970,84-85.

11. Se e Wirkkala , "Delinquenc y an d Reform, " 53-72 , fo r a discussion o f the Lancaster School' s founding . A n extensive discussion of the Fay Commission ca n b e foun d i n Brenzel , Daughters of the State, chapte r 3 . Ther e i s n o direct evidenc e tha t th e legislatur e wa s fearfu l o f placin g sexuall y activ e girl s in families, bu t the issue was addressed by Samue l Gridley How e and later by the Lancaste r administration . Se e Howe , "Lette r t o Appleton," 31 ; and Lan caster, Annual Report, 1857, 21. 12. Thi s i s not to gainsay Europea n influence s o r to make an argument fo r American exceptionalism . Certainl y tha t par t o f Davi d Rothman' s thesi s i n The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston, 1971) ca n b e dismissed . Steve n L . Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of 'Progressive* Juvenile Justice, 1825-1920 (Chicago, 1977), 50 , exaggerate s b y callin g th e famil y mode l a "foreign import. " Whil e aware o f Europea n efforts , th e commissioner s foun d thei r mode l literall y a t home. O n th e Fa y Commission' s analysi s of foreign refor m schools, se e Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 50-64 . Ther e i s als o a general discussio n i n Rober t M. Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825— 1940 (Hanover , N H , 1973) , 5 2~54* anc * m Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 78-80. Fo r the home in American culture, se e Maxine van de Wetering, "Th e Popular Concept of 'Home* in Nineteenth-Century America , "Journal of American Studies 1 8 (April 1984) : 5-28. 13. Cas e no . 268 . A s pe r m y agreemen t wit h th e Divisio n o f Yout h Ser vices, Commonwealt h o f Massachusetts, al l names are pseudonyms bu t ethnic identity i s preserved.

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14. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1857 , 6 , 31-32 , 35 ; idem , Annual Report, 1864, 3-4 ; Account of the Proceedings at the Inauguration of the State Industrial School for Girls, at Lancaster, Aug. 27 , 1856 (Boston, 1856) , 19 , 48 ; Brenzel , Daughters of the State, 66-75. 15. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1857, 24 , 35 . The schedul e i s similar to that about a decade later , whic h specificall y allowe d one hour and twenty minute s for reces s durin g th e day . Se e Lancaster , Annual Report, 1868 , 13 . Fo r th e contrast with a private asylum, se e Susan L. Porter , "The Benevolent Asylu m —Image an d Reality : Th e Car e and Trainin g o f Femal e Orphan s i n Boston , 1800-1840" (Ph.D. diss., Bosto n University, 1984) . 16. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1857,12. 17. "Repor t of the Commissioners fo r the Establishment o f a State Refor m School fo r Girls," House Doc . 43 , 1855 , appendix, 29-48 . 18. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1857 , 61 ; idem , Annual Report, 1858 , 10 ; idem, Annual Report, 1864, 18 ; idem, Annual Report, 1865, 19 ; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 47-48. Barbar a Brenzel argues that reformers confused povert y with criminality, a s evidenced b y their failure to distinguish between criminals and simpl e statu s offenders. Se e Daughters of the State, 70 . Thi s i s true, bu t i t misses an important point. Th e emphasis on distinguishing betwee n "wanton" girls an d al l others , wit h onl y th e forme r bein g exclude d fro m Lancaster , reemphasizes tha t th e Victoria n definitio n o f devianc e focuse d exclusivel y o n sex. Al l others could b e saved and their inclusion in Lancaster should b e taken as evidence of clarity of purpose. 19. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1857, 15-16 ; idem, Annual Report, i860, 11 ; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 76-80 . 20. Brenze l note s this i n Daughters of the State, 77 . Fo r the attitudes o f on e family towar d a prostitute daughter, se e Ruth Rose n and Su e Davidson , eds. , The Mamie Papers (Old Westbury , NY , 1977) , xxii-xxiv . Stansell , City of Women, 179-85, argue s tha t prostitutio n wa s a n economi c an d socia l choic e working-class wome n mad e tha t turne d a n exploitativ e relationshi p int o a potentially reciproca l one. 21. Hasi a R . Diner , Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, MD, 1983) , 19-21 , 46-48 . Dine r argues that Irish women s o internalized codes against sexual activity tha t they neede d fe w external constraint s (22) . Tha t s o man y o f th e girl s i n Lancaste r wer e Iris h proves otherwise. Dine r als o comes t o the curious conclusion tha t fe w forme r domestic servant s wer e t o b e foun d amon g prostitute s (82) . I n fact , domesti c service wa s th e majo r prio r occupatio n liste d i n Willia m Sanger' s surve y o f prostitution. Se e Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 96 . 22. Diner , Erin's Daughters, 12 , 17 , 21-22 ; Lancaster, Annual Report, 1857, 21.

23. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1859 , 8 ; idem , Annual Report, 1861 , 5 , 16 ; Case nos. 2690 , 2864 , an d 1933 . Brenzel , Daughters of the State, 142-43 . Bruc e

4- DOMESTI C REFOR M AN D TH E DELINQUEN T GIR L 22

3

Bellingham argue s that it i s no t fai r t o judge "foster families " by standard s o f present-day affectionat e families . However , thi s wa s th e mode l official s hel d up i n thei r pronouncements . Se e " *Little Wanderers' : A Socio-Historica l Study o f th e Nineteenth-Centur y Origins o f Chil d Fosterin g an d Adoptio n Reform, Base d o n Earl y Record s o f th e Ne w Yor k Children' s Ai d Society " (Ph.D. diss. , Universit y of Pennsylvania, 1984) , 308-9 . 24. Thes e percentage s ar e base d o n th e table s i n Carrol l D . Wright , The Working Girls of Boston (Boston, 1889) , 6-11. 25. Se e Davi d M . Katzman , Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic Service in Industrializing America (New York , 1978) , chapter 2 ; Lynn Y . Weiner , From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1980 (Chape l Hill , NC , 1985) , 64-67 ; Virgini a Yans-McLaughlin , Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-ipjo (Ithaca , NY , 1971) , 53, 170 , 203;Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 114-17 , 138-41 ; Lancaster, Annual Report, 1875, 8. Information abou t Lancaster' s placement s i s base d o n a sampl e o f 41 7 inmate case s originatin g i n Bosto n betwee n 187 0 an d 1939 , ou t o f a tota l Boston caseload o f 1,529 . Italia n an d Jewish girl s comprised 9 an d 7 percent, respectively, o f th e sample , wit h ethnicit y determine d b y havin g a foreign born father, unless the mother was foreign born and the father native. 26. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1868, 6 ; idem , Annual Report, 1874, 17 ; see also idem, Annual Report, 1862, 14 ; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 96-97; Freedman , Their Sisters' Keepers, 94. 27. Katzman , Seven Days a Week, 108-17; Lancaster , Annual Report, 1884, 22-24, fo r rules regulating girls in placement; idem, Annual Report, 1861, 14 15; Case no. 6976. 2 8. Brenzel , Daughters of the State, 143 . 29. Cas e no. 970. 30. Cas e no. 951; Case no. 979; Lancaster, Annual Report, 1875, 6; "Report of th e Commissioners, " 23 ; Brenzel , Daughters of the State, 124-26 . Barbar a Brenzel argue s tha t parent s manipulate d th e entranc e procedure s t o obtai n a free, saf e home for their daughters (135). I t is doubtful tha t Lancaster official s felt themselve s manipulated—the y cooperate d i n the scheme. Thei r coopera tion wa s du e t o thei r lo w opinion s o f working-clas s famil y life ; thes e wer e precisely the reformable girls they hoped to get. 31. Cas e no. 866. 32. Cas e no. 1521 . 33. Thes e conclusion s ar e base d o n m y sampl e o f cas e record s an d o n comments b y Lancaste r officials , suc h a s this one: "the number o f those wh o had bee n guilt y o f actua l immoralit y an d o f thos e wh o wer e i n dange r o f becoming immoral seems to have increased, though the real facts in these cases must b e sough t fro m othe r source s tha n fro m th e mittimu s committin g the m to the school." See Lancaster, Annual Report, 1884, 15 .

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34. Davi d J. Pivar , Purity Crusade: Sexual Morality and Social Control, 1868ipoo (Westport, CT , 1973) , 50-66, 99-117 , 139-43 ; Freedman , Their Sisters* Keepers, 38-45 . 35. Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 124-27 ; Smith-Rosenberg , Disorderly Conduct, 173-75; Freedman , Their Sisters' Keepers, 46 ; Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence, 203-6 . 36. Boar d of Stat e Charities, Annual Report, 1865, xlvi , Ixiv , lxxviii ; idem, Annual Report, 1867 , xx ; idem , Annual Report, 1868 , xxxi , xxxviii , xli-xlii . Board of State Charities reports are in the Massachusetts Stat e Library. 37. Mennel , Thorns and Thistles, 91 ; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 90-92 ; Michael B . Katz , The Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in MidNineteenth-Century Massachusetts (Boston, 1968) , 180-81 . 38. Boar d o f Stat e Charities , Annual Report, 1865, xxiii, xxxvii ; Wirkkala , "Delinquency an d Reform, " 195-96 . 39. Wirkkala , "Delinquenc y an d Reform, " 191-212 , appendi x D , appen dix F ; Gardne r Tufts , "Th e Massachusett s Statute s Relatin g t o Juvenile Of fenders an d th e Method s o f Dealin g wit h Them, " Nationa l Conferenc e o f Charities and Corrections Proceedings (1880): 200-209; Board of State Charities, Annual Report, 1879, 55-56 . 40. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1870, 18-19 ; idem , Annual Report, 1872, 4 , 12; idem , Annual Report, 1874 , 6 , 7-9 ; idem , Annual Report, 1875 , 13 , 15 ; idem, Annual Report, 1876, 3. 41. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1874, 6; idem, Annual Report, 1875, 5 ; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 131-32 . Th e informatio n o n lengt h o f sta y i s based on m y sample . Whe n thes e record s ar e stratifie d b y decade , the y sho w a n increased lengt h o f sta y beginnin g i n th e 1800s , bu t no t unti l afte r 19 1 o di d the mean length of stay increas e to over two years. 42. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1879, 15-16 ; idem, Annual Report, 1883, 14 , 16, 17-18 , 19-20 ; idem, Annual Report, 1889, 92 ; idem, Annual Report, 1892, 25; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 154-55 . 43. Schwartz , Samuel Gridley Howe, 137-47 , 275—76 , for Howe's contribution t o the institutionalizatio n o f th e retarded . Se e als o Peter L . Tyor , " d e nied the Power to Choose the Good*: Sexuality and Mental Defect in American Medical Practice , 1850-1920, " Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977) : 472-89; Peter L . Tyo r an d Leland V . Bell , Caring for the Retarded in America: A History (Westport, CT, 1984) , 60-61, 68-69 , 71-73 , 80-84; Mark H. Haller , Eugenics: Heriditarian Attitudes in American Thought (New Brunswick , NJ , 1063 ) 22-24 , 26-28, 33-36 . 44. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1878 , 7-8 , 16 ; Wimshurst , "Contro l an d Resistance," 279. 45. Lancaster , Annual Report, 1872, 10 ; idem, Annual Report, 1875, 8; idem, Annual Report, 1892, 20; Brenzel, Daughters of the State, 138-42 .

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5. Domestic Reform and the State Reform School for Boys 1. Allen' s memoirs , upo n whic h muc h o f th e followin g sectio n i s based , were publishe d t o coincid e wit h a n 187 7 investigatio n o f th e refor m school , which migh t sugges t tha t the y wer e self-serving . However , compariso n wit h the annua l report s Alle n wrot e a t th e tim e o f hi s superintendenc y indicate s their overal l reliability . Se e Josep h A . Allen , Westboro* State Reform School Reminiscences (Boston, 1877) . See als o th e extensiv e revie w i n Boar d o f Stat e Charities , Annual Report, 1864, 168-200 . Boar d of Stat e Charities reports are in the Massachusetts Stat e Library. Alie n i s mentione d i n Michae l B . Katz' s The Irony of Early School Reform (Boston , 1968) , 188 , 192-93 , 198-09 , bu t Kat z misses th e rea l impac t of "family-style" reform. 2. Allen , Westboro* Reminiscences, 9-10 , 13-14 , 16 , 17 , 19 , 20-21 , 35 , 43-443. Ibid. , 36-38,45 , 81 . 4. Ibid. , 65-67 . 5. Ibid. , 49-50. John Clark Wirkkala, "Juvenile Delinquency an d Refor m in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts : The Formativ e Era in State Care, 1846 1879" (Ph.D. diss. , Clar k University , 1973) , chapter 4. Thi s poin t i s made in David J. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , 6. Lette r fro m Willia m Alle n t o th e Governo r an d Council , Ma y 16 , 1861, "Publi c Crimina l Institutions, " Massachusett s Executiv e Departmen t Letters, vol . 22 , no . 72 , Massachusett s Stat e Archives ; Wirkkala , "Delin quency an d Reform," 118-19 , 126-30 . 7. Ibid. , 163-68 , 174-80 , 188-00 . 8. Ibid. , 138-50 . 9. Ibid. , 123-24 , 131-32 . 10. Boar d o f Stat e Charities , Annual Report, 1872, 36-39 . Wirkkala , "De linquency an d Reform, " 158-59 . Se e th e discussion i n Boar d of Stat e Chari ties, Annual Report, 1865, lxxxii-lxxxv . 11. Boar d of State Charities, Annual Report, 1865, xliv-xlvii; idem, Annual Report, 1868, xxxii; idem, Annual Report, 1864, 175 , 199 ; idem, Annual Report, 1867, 09-100. 12. Car l Siracusa , A Mechanical People: Perceptions of the Industrial Order in Massachusetts, 18is-1880 (Middletown , CT , 1979) , 22, 31. 13. Marvi n Lazerson , Origins of the Urban School: Public Education in Massachusetts, 1870-ipij (Cambridge , MA , 1975) , 75-76 , 81-83 , 92-96 , i n , 133 36; David B. Tyack, The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, MA , 1974) , 188-91 ; Davi d Nasaw , Schooled to Order: A Social History of Public Schooling in the United States (Ne w York , 1979) , 116-17 . Lazerson argue s tha t manua l trainin g ha d t o b e divorce d fro m it s origin s a s training for defective or delinquent children before it became widely accepted .

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However, manua l trainin g appeare d a t Pin e Farm , Lancaster , an d Westbor ough a t abou t th e sam e tim e a s h e show s it s adoptio n i n publi c schools . O n manual trainin g i n reform schools , se e Robert M . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover , NH , 1973) , 102-5.

14. Lazerson , Origins of the Urban School, 101-3 ; Susan Tiffin, In Whose Best Interest? Child Welfare Reform in the Progressive Era (Westport, CT , 1982) , 67 72; State Refor m School , Annual Report, 1800, 10 ; idem, Annual Report, 1895, 19; idem, Annual Report, 1889, 9 ; idem , Annual Report, 1891, 59 . Report s o f the state reform school are in the Massachusetts Stat e Library. 15. Gardne r Tufts , "Th e Massachusett s Statute s Relatin g t o Juvenile Of fenders an d th e Method s o f Dealin g wit h Them, " Nationa l Conferenc e o f Charities an d Correction s Proceedings (1880) : 200-9 ; Boar d o f Stat e Charities , Annual Report, 1869, 30 ; idem, Annual Report, 1879, 55-56. 16. Boar d of Stat e Charities, Annual Report, 1872, lv; idem, Annual Report, 1868, xcix. 17. Second A nnual Report of the Trustees of the State Primary and Reform Schools, 1880, 82-84 . Thes e reports are in the Massachusetts Stat e Library. 18. Boar d of State Charities, Annual Report, 1878, 162 ; Second Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Primary and Reform Schools, 1880 , 82 . Th e percentage s are derived fro m Stat e Refor m Schoo l fo r Boys , Annual Report, 1865, 30 , 37 ; and Second Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Primary and Reform Schools, 1880, 75 , 84. 19. Fo r a similar process in Wisconsin, se e Steven L . Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of 'Progressive* Juvenile Justice, 1825-1920 (Chicago, 1977) , 99-123, an d fo r Ohio, Rober t M . Mennel , " 'The Family Syste m o f Commo n Farmers* : Th e Earl y Year s o f Ohio' s Refor m Farm, 1858-1884, " Ohio History 8 9 (Fal l 1980) : 312-21 . Kerr y Wimshurs t argues i n "Contro l an d Resistance : Reformator y Schoo l Girl s i n Lat e Nine teenth-Century Sout h Australia, " Journal of Social History 1 8 (Winte r 1984) : 281-82, tha t girl s resiste d reformator y disciplin e mor e extensivel y tha n di d boys, bu t my data indicate the opposite. 20. Stat e Refor m School , Annual Report, 1872, 3-4 ; Letter fro m Elizabet h Putnam t o Governo r Long , Februar y 26 , 1881 , "Stat e Institutions, " Massa chusetts Executiv e Departmen t Letters , vol . 211 , no. 50 , Massachusett s Stat e Archives. 21. Rober t V. Bruce , 1877: Year of Violence (Indianapolis, 1959) . 22. Worceste r Gazette, newspaper clipping, Stat e Reform Schoo l Case Records, n.d . Th e cas e records ar e at Schlesinger Library , Radcliff e College . Se e also th e Bosto n Sunday Herald, January 14 , 187 7 an d th e Bosto n Daily Globe, January 15 , 1877 . 23. Massachusett s Genera l Court , "Repor t o f th e Committe e o n Publi c Charitable Institution s regardin g th e disciplin e o f th e Stat e Refor m School, " House Doc . 285 , 1877 , 147-48 , 250 . Hereafte r cited a s 187 7 Hearing .

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227

24. 187 7 Hearing, 582-83 , 635, 66$. Se e also 450; 501-3. 25. Ibid. , 18 , 75 , 223-24 , 232 , 249 . Se e als o the testimony o f th e forme r assistant superintendent, Willia m Phillips, 141-45 . 26. Ibid. , 19 . 27. Ibid. , 77 , 33.

28. Ibid. , 655 , 538 , 403 . Se e Cliffor d R . Shaw , Tbe Jack-Roller, A Delinquent Boy's Own Story (Chicago , 1930) , 67 , o n othe r delinquents ' reactio n t o trust boys, and 69, on sexual exploitation. 29. 187 7 Hearing, 470, 6$$. 30. Ibid. , 655 , 475-76. 31. Ibid. , 1-6 . 32. Stat e Refor m School , Annual Report, 1883 , 9-11 , 80 ; idem , Annual Report, 1884, 8. 33. Stat e Reform School , Annual Report, 1884, 7934. O n hereditarianis m an d crim e i n th e lat e nineteent h century , se e Ar thur E . Fink , Causes of Crime (Philadelphia, 1938) , 108-33 ; Schlossman, Love and the American Delinquent, 107-8 ; Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 83-92 ; Joseph M. Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America (New York , 1971) , 191-98 , 208-20 ; Anthon y M . Piatt , The Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency (Chicago, 1969) , 18-36 . 35. Sixth Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Primary and Reform Schools, 1884, 7~8 ; Seventh Annual Report of the Trustees of the State Primary and Reform Schools, 1885 , 12-13 ; Elizabeth Glendower Evans , "Statement from the Trustees o f th e Stat e Primar y an d Refor m Schools, " i n Nationa l Conferenc e o f Charities an d Corrections, Report of the Committee on the History of Child-Saving Work (1893), 227-61 . Th e quotation is from 239 . Se e also Rothman, Conscience and Convenience, 282-84 . Part 3: The Organization of Welfare 1. Marti n H . Slobodkin , "Th e Fort the Brahmins Built," Boston Magazine 68 (Februar y 1976) : 134 , 118-19 ; Rober t M . Fogelson , Americas Armories: Architecture, Society, and Public Order (Cambridge, MA , 1989) . 6. Catholic Welfare: Between Separatism and Accommodation 1. Anonymous , "Brand s fro m th e Burning, " in Light Dawning; or, Fruits of the Children's Mission (Boston, 1856) , 26-48 . Th e quotations ar e from 3 4 and 40-41. 2. Rober t H . Lord , John E . Sexton , an d Edwar d T . Harrington , History of the Archdiocese of Boston, 3 vols. (Boston , 1945) , 1 : 761-80, 2:357-58 ; Donn a Merwick, Boston Priests, 1848-1910: A Study of Social and Intellectual Change (Cambridge, MA, 1973) , 3~4* 3. Fitzpatric k wen t t o schoo l wit h tw o mayor s o f Boston , Nathania l

228

6. CATHOLI C WELFAR E

Shurtleff an d Frederi c Prince , edito r Thoma s Brewe r o f th e Boston Atlas, minister Henr y War d Beecher , th e merchant-reforme r Lewi s Tappan , th e author-reformer Edwar d Everet t Hale , an d the merchant George Cabot. Oscar Handlin , Boston's Immigrants: A Study in Acculturation (Ne w York , 1971), 180-84 ; Merwick, Boston Priests, 1-10; Thoma s O'Connor , Fitzpatrick's Boston, 1846-1866 (Boston, 1984) , 7-8, 24 , 49, 60-61 . 4. Ja y Dolan , The Immigrant Church: New York's Irish and German Catholics, 1815-1865 (Notre Dame , IN , 1983) , 3-4 ; Merwick , Boston Priests, 8-10, fo r the reactio n t o Iris h immigrants . Fo r Iris h religiou s practices , se e Davi d Miller, "Iris h Catholicis m an d th e Grea t Famine, " Journal of Social History 9 (Fall 1975) : 81-98 ; an d Sherida n Gilley , "Th e Roma n Catholi c Churc h an d the Nineteenth-Centur y Iris h Diaspora, " Journal of Ecclesiastical History 3 5 (April 1984) : 188-207 . O n t n e I" s n clergy , se e Emme t Larkin , "Th e Devo tional Revolutio n i n Ireland , 1850-1875, " American Historical Review 77 (Jun e 1972): 6 2 7 - 3 5 .

Here th e ter m "assimilation " i s use d t o mea n th e integratio n o f Boston' s leading Catholics int o the established socia l structure , whil e "acculturation" is used t o mea n th e adoptio n o f a new cultur e b y Iris h immigrants . Se e Milto n M. Gordon, Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins (New York , 1964) , 60-83. 5. Handlin , Boston's Immigrants, 161-62 ; O'Connor , Fitzpatrick's Boston, 102-4. 6. Pilot, Ma y 19 , May 26 , June 2 , 1849 . 7. Joh n Higha m draw s th e distinctio n betwee n Catholic-Protestan t ten sion, whic h wa s mor e o r les s constant , an d nativism , whic h aros e whe n Catholics seeme d "dangerousl y foreig n agent s i n national life. " Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New York , 1970) , 5 . How ever, th e evidenc e fro m Bosto n suggest s tha t Catholic-Protestan t tensio n ha d diminished i n the early nineteenth century . 8. Fo r a general history , se e Timoth y L . Smith , Revivalism and Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (New York , 1975) , chapter 9. On Boston , se e Willia m B . Whiteside , The Boston Y.M.C.A. and Community Need (New York , 1951) , 9-10, 19 , 23. 9. Children' s Missio n t o th e Childre n o f th e Destitute , Annual Report, 1850, 6-7 . Th e report s ar e a t th e Parents ' an d Children' s Service s o f th e Children's Mission. 10. Ra y Alle n Billington , The Protestant Crusade: 1800-1860 (New York , 1952) 275-76 ; Pilot, Augus t 6 , 1853 ; Dolan, Immigrant Church, 129-39; Gai l Fan* Casterline, "St . Joseph's and St . Mary's : The Origin s of Catholic Hospi tals i n Philadelphia, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 10 8 (Jul y 1984): 289-314. 11. Mission s wer e no t a n exclusivel y America n phenomenon—simila r re vivals i n postfamin e Irelan d sparke d a n upswellin g o f devotiona l ism. Ja y P . Dolan, Catholic Revivalism: The American Experience, 1830-ipoo (Notr e Dame ,

6. CATHOLI C WELFAR E

229

IN, 1978) , 22-24 , 40-44 , 60-62 , 73-77 , 105-8 ; Larkin, "Devotiona l Revolu tion," 644-49; Lord , e t ah , History of the Archdiocese 2:307 , 749 ; Dolan, Immigrant Church, 54-55 , 118-19 . 12. Collee n McDannell , The Christian Home in Victorian America, 1840-1poo (Bloomington, IN , 1986 ) 120-21 , 123-25 ; Dolan , Catholic Revivalism, 42-43, 62-64, 156-61 , 175-79 , 189-91 ; idem, Immigrant Church, 52-63 . 13. Thoma s McAvo y argue s tha t th e Catholi c clerg y sough t t o keep their parishoners isolate d fro m Protestan t cultur e i n orde r t o protec t the m an d preserve thei r religion . Se e Thoma s T . McAvoy , "Th e Formatio n o f th e Catholic Minorit y i n th e Unite d States , 1820-1860, " Review of Politics 1 0 (January 1948) : 13-34 . However , a s note d above , Iris h immigrant s wer e a t best onl y nominall y Catholi c whil e th e Churc h leadershi p ha d stron g tie s t o Brahmin Bosto n an d respecte d it s culture . Osca r Handlin , b y overlookin g ethnic difference s amon g Catholic s an d ignorin g th e ke y role s playe d b y assimilationists, als o overemphasize s th e separatis t inten t o f Catholi c institu tions. Se e Boston's Immigrants, 161-70. Fo r a fine essay explorin g th e tensio n between assimilatio n an d separatism , se e Susa n S . Walton , "T o Preserv e th e Faith: Catholic Charitie s i n Boston , 1870-1930, " i n Catholic Boston: Studies in Religion and Community, 1870-1970, ed . Rober t E . Sulliva n an d Jame s M . OToole (Boston , 1985) , 67-119. Michael B . Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York , 1986) , 61-62 , adopt s th e positio n tha t Catholi c socia l welfare was more interested i n relieving the poor than in reforming them. Thi s is als o th e positio n o f Jay Dolan , Immigrant Church, 122-28, bu t I think i t i s mistaken. Se e the discussion below . On Iris h Catholics' upward mobility, se e Dennis P . Ryan , Beyond the Ballot Box: A Social History of the Boston Irish, 184s-1917 (Rutherford , NJ , 1983) , chapter 4. 14. Georg e F. Haskins, Report Historical, Statistical, and Financial of the House of the Angel Guardian (Boston , 1864) , 7-8 . Se e A Frien d o f th e Hous e o f th e Angel Guardia n [Willia m D . Kelly] , The Life of Father Haskins (Boston, 1809) , 70-80, fo r the founding of the HAG . 15. Haskins , Report, 49-51 . 16. Ibid. , 21. 17. Ibid. , 37-41 . 18. Lawrenc e J . McCaffrey , The Irish Diaspora in America (Bloomington, IN, 1976) , 63-66 ; Maldwy n Alle n Jones , American Immmigration (Chicago , i960), 121-23 , 210-12 . A n exception to this was Boston's Home for Destitut e Catholic Children, whic h did place children i n foster homes. Se e Walton, "T o Preserve the Faith," 70-71. Jay Dola n argues that a rural or pastoral ideal was part o f Catholi c refor m afte r midcentury , bu t hi s evidenc e i s wea k an d h e admits tha t fe w childre n wer e place d i n rura l settings , tha t fe w childre n accepted these types of placements, and that the rural ideal was "more symbol than reality. " Se e Immigrant Church, 138-39. O n th e Hous e o f th e Ange l

230

6. CATHOLI C WELFAR E

Guardian, se e Pete r C . Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services for Homeless Children, 1830-1930 (Rutherford, NJ , 1989) , 86-91 . 19. Th e HA G eventuall y becam e an orphanage, bu t the transition to longterm care occurred i n the twentieth century . Th e sampl e i s from the Registe r of th e Hous e o f th e Ange l Guardian , Chancer y o f th e Archdioces e o f Bosto n Archives. Unfortunatel y th e record s contai n ver y littl e informatio n abou t individual cases. A similar independence toward private institutions was found by Bruc e Bellingham , " 'Little Wanderers' : A Socio-Historica l Stud y o f th e Nineteenth-Century Origin s of Child Fosterin g and Adoption Reform , Base d on Earl y Record s o f th e Ne w Yor k Children' s Ai d Society " (Ph.D . diss. , University o f Pennsylvania , 1984) . Se e Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children, 90.

20. Se e Timoth y L . Smith , "Protestan t Schoolin g an d America n Nation al \ty " Journal of American History 53 (March 1967) : 679-95, fo r the identifica tion between Protestantism and nationality . 21. Dian e Ravitch , The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805-1973 (Ne w York, 1974) , 3-84 ; an d Michae l Feldberg , The Philadelphia Riots of 1844: A Study of Ethnic Conflict (Westport, CT , 1975) , 89-96 . 22. Fo r a discussion o f the case, se e Lord, et al., History of the Archdiocese of Boston 2:587-96 ; Richar d J. Quinlan , "Growt h an d Developmen t o f Catholi c Education in the Archdiocese of Boston," Catholic Historical Review XXII (April 1963): 34 . Th e cas e i s discusse d briefl y i n Stanle y K . Schultz , The Culture Factory: Boston Public Schools, 1789-1860 (New York , 1973) , 3°7-8 , wh o quotes both Wal l an d Philbrick . Se e als o O'Connor , Fitzpatrick's Boston, 110-16 . O'Connor mistakenl y call s th e respons e o f th e childre n i n th e Elio t Schoo l "spontaneous" (115) and he overlooks Wiget's involvement entirely . 23. Lord , e t al. , Boston Archdiocese 2:596-601 ; O'Connor , Fitzpatrick's Boston, 115-16 . 24. O n Chicago schools in this period, see James W. Sanders , The Education of an Urban Minority: Catholics in Chicago, 1833-1965 (New York , 1977) , 24 29. Sander s als o studied Bosto n parochia l schools , an d h e argues tha t Bosto n Catholics built churches rather than schools in order to compete with Brahmi n culture. Se e James W . Sanders , "Nineteenth-Centur y Bosto n Catholic s an d the School Question, " University o f Notre Dame , Workin g Paper Series, No . 2 (Fall 1977) . While mixed feeling s of competition an d inferiority ar e certainly apparent, th e unwillingnes s o f th e leadershi p t o buil d schools , particularl y i n the fac e o f criticis m b y som e paris h priests , i s bette r explaine d b y th e large r context of desire for Irish acculturation. Se e O'Connor, Fitzpatrick's Boston, 49 ; and Merwick , Boston Priests, 64-73. Fo r a similar phenomenon , se e Timoth y J. Meagher , " 'Irish Al l th e Time' : Ethni c Consciousnes s amon g th e Iris h i n Worcester, Massachusetts , 1880-1005, " Journal of Social History 1 9 (Winte r 1985): 277-78. 25. O'Connor , Fitzpatrick's Boston, 117-18; Merwick, Boston Priests, 70-73, 87-89, 111-16 . Scull y i s quoted on 72.

6. CATHOLI C WELFAR E

231

26. Handlin , Boston's Immigrants, 209-12; Higham , Strangers in the Land,

12-13.

27. Sa m Bas s Warner , Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870-1900 (Cambridge, MA , 1962) , 6$-66; Stepha n Thernstrom , The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880-1970, (Cambridge, MA , 1973 ) 131-33 ; James Bernar d Cullen , The Story of the Irish in Boston (Boston , 1889) , 425-27 ; Denni s Clark , The Irish in Philadelphia: Ten Generations of Urban Experience (Philadelphia, 1973) , 104 , 144 , 170 ; idem, "Th e Irish Catholics: A Postpone d Perspective, " in Immigrants and Religion in Urban America ed. Randal l M . Mille r an d Thoma s D . Marzi k (Philadelphia , 1977) , 58-60. 28. McCaffrey , The Irish Diaspora, 80, 138-40 ; Richar d D . Cross , "Th e Irish," i n Ethnic Leadership in America, ed . Joh n Higha m (Baltimore , MD , 1978), 182 , 184 , 189 ; James R . Gree n an d Hug h Carte r Donahue , Boston's Workers: A Labor History (Boston, 1979) , 72-74, 78-87 , 91-93; Meagher, "Irish All the Time," 280. On the conservatism o f Bosto n Iris h Catholic leaders , particularl y after th e death of John Boyl e O'Reilly , se e Arthu r Mann, Yankee Reformers in an Urban Age: Social Reform in Boston, 1880-1900 (New York , 1954) , chapter 2. 29. McDannell , The Christian Home, 58-68 , 118-21 , 138-42 . 30. Larkin , "Devotional Revolution, " 636, 639, 644, 648-49, 651-52; Robert D . Cross , The Emergence of Liberal Catholicism in America (Cambridge, MA , 1958), 1-8 ; Miller , "Iris h Catholicism and the Great Famine," 91; McCaffery , Irish Diaspora, 72-77 . The Iris h constitute d abou t one-thir d o f th e immigrant s enterin g th e por t of Boston between 187 1 and 188 0 and it seems reasonable to conclude that the new Iris h ha d a majo r impac t o n Boston' s Iris h community . Se e Handlin , Bostons Immigrants, 264 . 31. Fo r a histor y o f th e Society , se e Danie l T . McColgan , A Century of Charity: The First One Hundred Years of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul in the United States, 2 vols. (Milwaukee , WI , 1951) ; for a similar interpretation of the St. Vincen t d e Pau l Society , se e Walton , "T o Preserv e the Faith, " especially 83-84. 32. St . Vincen t d e Pau l Society , Annual Report, 1886, 6-8 ; Walton , "T o Preserve the Faith, " 67-68, 84-85 . Anothe r notabl e difference betwee n Prot estant an d Catholi c charitabl e effort s wa s th e emphasi s o n male , rathe r tha n female, visitin g amon g Catholics . St . Vincen t d e Pau l Societ y record s ar e at the St. Vincen t de Paul Society, Boston . 33. St . Vincen t de Paul Society, Annual Report, 1869, 3. 34. Ibid. , 1886 , 8; Walton, "T o Preserve the Faith," 82-84; Pilot, Novem ber 27, 1880 , a s quoted i n Mann, Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age, 26 . Alon g similar lines, see George J. Gillespie , " A Plea for the Boys' Clubs," St. Vincent de Paul Quarterly 9 (November 1004) : 309-14. 35. Thoma s M. Mulry , "The Society of St. Vincen t de Paul in the Charity

*3 2

7. TH E CHARIT Y NETWOR K

Organization Movement, " i n American Catholic Thought on Social Questions, ed . Aaron I . Abel l (Indianapolis , IN , 1968) , 178 , 180-81 ; St . Vincen t d e Pau l Society, Annual Report, 1870, 5 ; Walton, "T o Preserv e th e Faith, " 88; Aaron 1. Abell, American Catholicism and Social Action: A Search for Social Justice, 186s19SO (Garden City, NY , i960) , 125-26 . 36. St . Vincen t d e Pau l Society , Annual Report, 1887 , 5 » idem , Annual Report, 1888 , 5-6 ; idem , Annual Report, 1891, 10 ; Walton, "T o Preserv e th e Faith," 87; McColgan, Century of Charity 1:334. 37. Higham , Strangers in the Land, 86-87 ; Donal d L . Kinzer , An Episode in Anti-Catholicism: The American Protective Association (Seattle, WA , 1964) , 186-87. 7. The Charity Network 1. Anonymous , Boston By-Ways to Hell: A Visit to the Dens of North Street (Boston, 1867) , 5-18 . Th e quotation is from 16-17 . 2. Hanove r Stree t Hom e Mission , Recor d Boo k 1 , n.d. , Jun e 14 , 1865 , May 20 , 1867 , Apri l 13 , 1868 , January 25 , 1869 , March 9, 1871 ; Record Book 2, January 14 , 1878 . The records of the Hanover Street Mission and the North End Missio n ar e i n th e Archive s an d Specia l Collections , Josep h P . Heale y Library, Universit y o f Massachusetts at Boston. 3. "Th e Nort h En d Mission, " North End Mission Magazine 1 (April 1872) : 2. O n th e rol e o f wome n an d charity , se e Susa n Porte r Benson , "Busines s Heads and Sympathizing Hearts: The Women of the Providence Employmen t Society, 1837-1858, " Journal of Social History 1 2 (Winter 1978) : 302-12 ; John T. Cumbler , "Th e Politic s of Charity: Gender an d Class i n Lat e Nineteenth Century Charit y Policy, " Journal of Social History 1 4 (Fal l 1980) : 09-111 ; William Leach , True Love and Perfect Union: The Feminist Reform of Sex and Society (New York , 1980) , 298-09, 320-21 , 343-44 . 4. Kathlee n D . McCarthy , i n Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849-1929 (Chicago , 1982) , 20-32 , argue s tha t i n the Gilde d Age hom e visitin g wa s discouraged . Patronesse s becam e boar d member s an d disengaged fro m th e day-to-da y wor k o f thei r organizations . Th e Missio n seems to have been an exception to this. See "Th e Nort h En d Mission, " North End Mission Magazine 1 (Januar y 1872): 16-17 ; "The Portuguese i n Boston," North End Mission Magazines (Jul y 1873): 57-70; North End Mission, The North Street Beacon Light, (Boston, 1874) , 3; idem , Annual Report, 1870 , 18 ; idem , Annual Report, 1876 , 8 , 12-13 , 16 ; idem, Annual Report, 1878, 11 ; newspaper clipping, Boston Post, n.d. 5. "Th e Nort h En d Mission, " North End Mission Magazine 1 (April 1872) : 2; North End Mission, North Street Beacon Light 3; "The Portuguese in Boston," 65; "The Nort h En d Mission, " North End Mission Magazine 1 (January 1872) : 17; North En d Mission, Annual Report, 1003, 11.

7- TH E CHARIT Y NETWOR K

2

33

6. Aaro n I . Abell , The Urban Impact on American Protestantism, 186S-1900 (Hamden, England , 1962) , 71—75 , 97 , 139 , 147-61 ; Arthu r Mann , Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age: Social Reform in Boston, 1880-1900 (Cambridge, MA , 1954), 75-77 ; Henr y F . May , Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York, 1949) , 91-111 , 163-66 , 170-81 ; Robert H . Bremner , From the Depths: The Discovery of Poverty in the United States (New York , 1956) , 57-60 . Paul Boyer , i n Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cam bridge, MA, 1978) , 134-39 , contrast s the urban missions with the institutional churches. A s th e Nort h En d Missio n shows , th e tw o approache s wer e b y n o means exclusiv e and , a s Nathan Huggin s show s i n Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870-1900 (Westport, CT , 1971) , 48-51 , th e Nort h En d Mission wa s onl y on e of severa l religiou s agencie s tha t adopted a social ethic . Boyer overlook s th e tren d towar d th e deliver y o f socia l services . Fo r a work that emphasizes th e shif t towar d socia l servic e i n a slightly earlie r period , se e Carroll Smith-Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City: The New York City Mission Movement, 1812-1870 (Ithaca, NY, 1971) . 7. O n the struggle to control popular recreation, see Stephen Hardy, How Boston Played: Sport, Recreation, and Community, 1865-191$ (Boston , 1982) , chapter 3 ; and Ro y Rosenzweig , Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge, England , 1983) , chap ter 5. 8. Children' s Ai d Society , Annual Report, 1885-86, 8-10 ; idem , Annual Report, 1886-87 , 11-12 ; idem , Annual Report, 1887-88, 4 , 14 ; idem, Annual Report, 1889-90, 11-12 ; idem, Annual Report, 1891-93, 6; Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 98-102 . CA S report s ar e in th e Archive s an d Specia l Collec tions, Joseph P. Heale y Library , Universit y of Massachusetts at Boston. 9. Charle s W . Birtwell , "Hom e Libraries " (reprint fro m th e Proceeding s of th e Internationa l Congres s o f Charities , Corrections , an d Philanthropy , Chicago, June 15 , 1893) , 4-8. O n the expansion of work with children in their homes, se e Huggins , Protestants against Poverty, 102-3 ; an d LeRo y Ashby , Saving the Waifs: Reformers and Dependent Children, 1890-1917 (Philadelphia , 1984), chapter 2. 10. Thi s i n fac t wa s th e criticism mounte d agains t manua l educatio n afte r 1900. Se e Marvi n Lazerson , Origins of the Urban School: Public Education in Massachusetts, 1870-1915 (Cambridge, MA , 1971) , chapter 5. On th e theor y o f manua l trainin g an d physica l exercise , se e Dominic k Cavallo, Muscles and Morals: Organized Playgrounds and Urban Reform, 1880-1920 (Philadelphia, 1981) , 50-51 , 55-72 , 76-81 ; Lazerson, Urban School, 76 , 95-96; David Nasaw , Schooled to Order: A Social History of Public Schooling in the United States (New York , 1979) , 115-17 . Se e also David I. Macleod, Building Character in the American Boy: The Boy Scouts, YMCA, and Their Forerunners (Madison , WI, 1983) , 44-50, 63 , 70-71 . Macleo d note s that concerns abou t masculinit y led to increased emphasis on physical activity among the middle class.

2

34

7. TH E CHARIT Y NETWOR K

11. Nort h Benne t Stree t Industria l Schoo l (NBIS) , Annual Report, 188081, 10-12 , 14—16 , 17 , 20 ; Lazerson, Urban School, 116-18 . NBI S record s are at Schlesinger Library , Radcliff e College . 12. NBIS , Annual Report, 1880-81, 22-23 ; idem, Annual Report, 1881-87, 5-6, 8-9 , 11 . Lazerson, Urban School, 118-24 , discusses the relationship to the school system . 13. NBIS , Annual Report, 1887-88, 5 ; Maria n Lawrenc e Peabody , To Be Young Was Very Heaven (Boston, 1967) , 147 ; NBIS , Annual Report, 1888-89, 22, 23-24 ; idem, Annual Report, 1897-98, 11 . 14. Willia m Jewett Tucker , "Th e Andove r Hous e i n Boston, " in The Poor in Great Cities, ed. Rober t A . Wood s (Ne w York , 1895 ; re P- e d * Ne w York , 1971), 186 ; Andove r Hous e Association , Annual Report, 1894 , 2 ; Rober t A . Woods an d Alber t J . Kennedy , The Settlement Horizon: A National Estimate (New York , 1922) , 67 ; Sout h En d House , Annual Report, 1907, 10 . Andove r House and South En d House reports are in the Boston Public Library. 15. Birtwell , "Hom e Libraries," 8; South End House, Annual Report, 1900 , 10; CAS, Annual Report, 1887-88, 14 ; idem, Annual Report, 1893-94, 28 . Fo r further evidenc e fro m a slightl y late r period , se e CAS , Centra l Committe e Minutes, vol . 4, Ma y 7 , 1912 , 25-26 . Coercive refor m an d voluntar y refor m wer e linke d organizationally. Charle s Birtwell (Children' s Ai d Society) , Rober t Trea t Pain e (Associate d Charitie s and the Children's Aid Society) , Rober t Woods and William Cole (South En d House), G. Stanle y Hall , (president of Clark University an d father of the child study movement) , and Edward E . Hal e (founder of Lend a Hand societies and prolific author) , were all prominent members of the Watch and Ward Society , which, togethe r wit h th e La w an d Orde r League , sough t t o secur e enforce ment o f liquor , gambling , an d vic e laws . Se e Roge r Lane , Policing the City: Boston, 1822-1885 (New York , 1971) , 214-17 . 16. O n boxin g an d Sullivan' s career , se e Hardy , How Boston Played, 16979; Michael T . Isenberg , John L. Sullivan and His America (Urbana, IL , 1988) , especially 226-36 ; and James J. Corbett' s amusin g autobiography, The Roar of the Crowd (London, 1925 ; repr. Arno , 1976) . My genera l interpretatio n o f crim e a s a n avenu e o f mobilit y come s fro m Daniel Bell , "Crim e as an American Wa y of Life, " Antioch Review XIII (Sum mer 1953) : 131-54 . O n th e ties between sports , politics , an d the underworld , see Mark H. Haller , "Urba n Crime and Criminal Justice: The Chicago Case," Journal of American History 57 (December 1970) : 619-35; and idem, "Organize d Crime in Urba n Society : Chicago in the Twentieth Century," Journal of Social History 5 (Winter 1971-72) : 210-34 ; a n d Davi d R . Johnson, Policing the Urban Underworld: The Impact of Crime on the Development of the American Police, 18001887 (Philadelphia, 1979) , chapter 6. 17. Thi s accoun t o f Id a Eldridg e an d th e foundin g o f th e Elli s Cente r i s taken fro m a n anonymous , handwritten , undated , unpaginate d manuscrip t history i n the Ellis Center files, Ellis Memorial Center, Boston .

J. TH E CHARIT Y NETWOR K

235

18. Macleod , Building Character, 65-68; Elli s Memoria l Center , Report, 1896-97, 19 ; idem, Report, 1906-07 , n ; Richar d C . Edwards, Contested Terrain: The Transformation of the Workplace in the Twentieth Century (Ne w York, 1979) . 19. Georg e M . Fredrickson , The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (New York , 1965) , 104-12 , 162-65 , 211-15 ; Lor i D . Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the i^th-Century United States (New Haven , CT , 1090) , 172-73 , 192-200 ; Mc Carthy, Noblesse Oblige, 61-71 . O n th e heightene d consciousnes s of the urba n poor in the Gilded Age, se e Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 1 24-31. 20. Se e Fran k D . Watson , The Charity Organization Society Movement in the United States (New York , 1922) , 72-76 , 178-79 , fo r th e backgroun d t o th e Associated Charitie s i n Bosto n an d thei r deb t t o Tuckerman . Se e als o Mrs . James T . Fields , How to Help the Poor (Boston , 1883) , 15-18 ; Associate d Charities, "Constitution " (Boston, 1879) , 6-7; idem , Annual Report, 1889, 17 20; Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 60-62, 70-79 . Fo r the classification o f the poor , se e Associate d Charities , "Hint s t o a Conference" (February 1880) , 2-3. Associate d Charitie s reports are at the Boston Public Library. 21. Ro y Lubove , The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880-1930 (Ne w York , 1975) , 1-21 , Rober t Bremner , From the Depths: The Discovery of Poverty in the United States (New York , 1956) , 46-85 , an d Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 57-79 , examin e th e CO S t o trac e th e emergence o f moder n socia l welfare . Thi s interpretatio n overemphasize s th e admittedly moder n organizationa l aspec t o f th e CO S a t th e expens e o f it s traditional ideology . Thi s i s als o the case i n Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence, 197 . Kennet h L . Kusmer , "Th e Function s o f Organize d Charit y in th e Progressiv e Era : Chicago a s a Case Study, " Journal of American History 60 (Decembe r 1973) , m a n otherwis e acut e analysis , write s tha t th e charit y workers i n th e COS di d no t distinguis h betwee n worth y an d unworth y poo r (661-62) but his evidence is thin and contradicted by other studies. McCarthy, . Noblesse Oblige, 67-71, studie s th e Chicag o COS , whic h wa s no t organize d until 1883 , D U t deemphasize s th e importanc e of friendl y visitin g an d persona l contact between wealthy an d poor. My interpretatio n i s most similar to those of Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 143-61 , an d Michae l B . Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York , 1986) , 66-84 , wh o focu s o n th e contradictions betwee n visitin g an d investigatin g th e poo r an d discus s th e ultimate failur e o f the movement. M y interpretatio n i s influenced b y Thoma s L. Haskell , The Emergence of Professional Social Science: The American Social Science Association and the Nineteenth-Century Crisis of Authority (Urbana , IL , 1977) , 27-47It i s wort h notin g tha t Edwar d Everet t Hale , on e o f th e founder s o f th e Associated Charities , republishe d som e o f Joseph Tuckerman' s essay s i n On the Elevation of the Poor (1874 ) i n a n effor t t o spar k charit y organization .

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However, Hale , wh o intende d th e essays t o be a handbook fo r charity work ers, excluded mos t of Tucker man's essays that were sympathetic to the poor. 22. O f course , th e Associate d Charitie s itsel f di d no t provid e assistance , but coordinated th e visiting and almsgiving of others. Fields, How to Help the Poor, 23-25; Gareth Stedma n Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Harmondsworth , England, 1976) , 251-58 ; Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 70-71 ; Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 149-5 3. Lubove, Professional Altruist, 12-16 ; Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order, 148-52; McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige, 67-71 ; an d Bremner , From the Depths, 5 1 57, overloo k th e relationshi p betwee n th e restrictio n of outdoo r relie f an d th e rise of organized charity. 23. Associate d Charities , "Circula r Lette r t o Sewin g Societies, " Octobe r 1879, n.p. ; idem, "Rule s and Suggestion s fo r Visitor s of the Associated Charities," 2-5; idem, "Constitution" (Boston, 1879) , 3-4 ; Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 146-47. 24. Richar d Harmond , "Rober t Trea t Paine, " i n Biographical Dictionary of Social Welfare in America, ed. Walte r I . Trattne r (Westport , CT , 1986) , 583 85; Sam B. Warner , Jr., Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870ipoo (Cambridge, MA , 1962) , 101-6 ; Robert Treat Paine , "Addres s to Workingmen's Clubs, " Ma y 28 , 1889 , 2-3 , 6 , Bo x 9 , Rober t Trea t Pain e Papers , Massachusetts Historica l Society . 25. Lowel l i s quote d i n Fields , How to Help the Poor, 44 ; Rober t Trea t Paine, "Address, " February 26 , 1879 , 8 , Rober t Trea t Pain e Papers , Massa chusetts Historical Society ; Octavia Hill, " A Few Words to Volunteer Visitor s among th e Poor, " i n Essays by Octavia Hill ed . Associate d Charitie s (Boston , 1880), 13 ; Fields, How to Help the Poor, 102-3. For the attack on outdoor relief, see Raymon d A . Mohl , "Th e Abolitio n o f Publi c Relief , 1870-1900 : A Cri tique of th e Piven-Clowar d Thesis, " i n Social Welfare or Social Control?, ed. Walter I . Trattne r (Knoxville, T N , 1983) , 35-50 . Ironically , expenditure s o n outdoor relie f i n Bosto n increase d eve n a s th e numbe r o f relie f recipient s declined. Se e Amo s G . Warner , American Charities, rev. ed . (Ne w York , 1908), 238 .

26. Rober t Trea t Paine , "Address, " Februar y 26 , 1879 , 6 , Rober t Trea t Paine Papers, Massachusetts Historica l Society ; Paine to Frothingham, quote d in Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 65; Fields, How to Help the Poor, 63-64; Associated Charities, "Investigation," February 1895 , 4. 27. Jan e Addams , Democracy and Social Ethics (Ne w York , 1902) , 27-28 ; Lubove, Professional Altruist, 16-20 , 23 . 28. Lubove , Professional Altruist, 40-43 , 49-52 , 158-59 ; Kusmer , "Func tions of Organized Charity, " 671-72; McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige, 136; Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 164-66 ; Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 15458; Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 148-49 . O n the impact of the 1893-9 7 depression i n creatin g a constituenc y fo r reform , se e Davi d P . Thelan , The

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New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin , 188$-1900 (Columbia , MO, 1972) , particularly chapter 6. 29. Fo r evidence o f immigrant s discriminatin g amon g socia l welfar e agen cies, se e Olivier Zunz , The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago, 1982) , 270-79 . On us e o f settlement s b y differen t type s o f neighborhoo d adolescents , se e William Foot e Whyte , Street Corner Society (Chicago , 1943) , 25-27 , 98-100 . Most immigrant s an d working-clas s peopl e forme d alternativ e cultures rathe r than oppositional ones . Tha t is , the y di d no t choose to oppose the hegemoni c culture but to find a place within it for the expression of alternative values. Fo r the discussion of alternative and oppositional cultures , see Raymond Williams, "Base an d Superstructur e i n Marxis t Cultura l Theory, " New Left Review 82 (December 1973) : 3-16 . Fo r a stud y usin g thi s distinction , se e Rosenzweig , Eight Hours for What We Will. 30. Edwar d E. Hale , If Jesus Came to Boston (Boston, 1894) , s ee chapte r 2. 31. B . O . Flower , Civilization's Inferno; or, Studies in the Social Cellar (Boston, 1893) , 36-37 , 107-8 , 201-2 . 32. Jea n Holloway , Edward Everett Hale: A Biography (Austin, TX , 1956) , 115, fo r hi s earl y charit y refor m efforts . Mann , Yankee Reformers, 163-71 , discusses Flower .

Part 4: Expertise and Scientific Reform 1. LeRo y Ashby , Saving the Waifs: Reformers and Dependent Children, i8poipiy (Philadelphia , 1984) , 11-13 ; Susa n Tiffin , In Whose Best Interest? Child Welfare Reform in the Progressive Era (Westport , CT , 1982) , 7-8 ; Michae l B . Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York, 1986) , 113-29 ; David J. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , 206-10 . 2. M y interpretatio n of Progressivism i s indebted t o Clyde Griffen, "Th e Progressive Ethos, " i n The Development of an American Culture, ed . Stanle y Coben an d Lorma n Ratne r (Ne w York , 1983) , 144-80 ; Stanle y P . Caine , "The Origin s o f Progressivism, " i n The Progressive Era, ed . Lewi s L . Goul d (Syracuse, NY , 1974) , 11-34 ; and Norman H. Clark , Deliver Us From Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (New York , 1976) . On th e sentimentalizatio n o f children , se e Vivian a A . Zelizer , Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York , 1985) . Zelize r argues that sentimentalizatio n occurre d b y th e mid-nineteenth centur y i n the middle class , whil e working-clas s childre n actuall y becam e mor e valuabl e a s opportunities fo r industria l employmen t expande d afte r th e 1870s . B y th e 1930s, sentimental , rathe r than monetary , valuatio n o f children characterize d all classes. Zelizer's discussion of causation is inadequate, however . Sh e argues that attitudina l chang e wa s th e produc t o f "sacralization " i n whic h childre n

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became investe d wit h "sentimenta l o r religiou s meaning " ( n ) . Thi s simpl y begs the question. On declining opportunities fo r child labor , se e Alba Edwards , Comparative Occupation Statistics for the United States, 1870-1940 (Washington, DC , 1943) , 92; Pau l Osterman , "Educatio n an d Labo r Market s a t th e Tur n o f th e Cen tury," Politics and Society IX (1979) : 103-22 ; an d Selwy n K . Troen , "Th e Discovery of the Adolescent b y American Educational Reformers , 1000-1920 : An Economi c Perspective, " i n Schooling and Society: Studies in the History of Education, ed . Lawrenc e Ston e (Baltimore, MD , 1976) , 239-51 . Davi d Nasa w argues tha t stree t tradin g wa s economicall y unnecessar y fo r working-clas s families, an d h e see s th e struggl e ove r stree t tradin g a s both a conflict withi n the famil y ove r youthfu l independenc e an d betwee n working-clas s childre n and reformer s wh o wer e concerne d abou t thei r precocity . Se e Children of the City: At Work and At Play (New York , 1985) , 42-47, 126-27 , 130-37 . On th e impac t of hereditaria n an d environmental though t on criminology , see Anthon y M . Piatt , The Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency (Chicago , 1969), 18-36 ; an d Elle n Ryerson , The Best-Laid Plans: America's Juvenile Court Experiment (New York , 1978) , 21-27 . The standard work on Hall is Dorothy Ross , G. Stanley Hall: The Psychologist as Prophet (Chicago, 1972) . 3. O n effort s t o cur b chil d labor , se e Walte r I . Trattner , Crusade for the Children: A History of the National Child Labor Committee and Child Labor Reform in America (Chicago, 1970) ; and Jeremy P . Felt , Hostages of Fortune: Child Labor Reform in New York State (Syracuse , NY , 1965) . O n mothers ' pensions , se e Mark H . Leff , "Consensu s fo r Reform : Th e Mothers ' Pensio n Campaig n i n the Progressiv e Era, " Social Service Review 47 (Septembe r 1973) : 397-417 . O n the rol e o f socia l welfar e agencie s i n creatin g a constituency fo r reform , se e John R . Sutton , Stubborn Children: Controlling Delinquency in the United States, 1640-1981 (Berkeley , CA , 1988) , 133-44 . On th e rol e o f th e state , se e Katz , In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 121-24 . Katz (124 ) ask s ho w reformer s manage d t o retai n thei r belie f i n th e benig n state, but this is the wrong question. I n the Progressive era reformers captured the state , o r a t leas t mad e i t responsiv e t o thei r concerns . Questionin g th e benevolence o f th e stat e woul d hav e mean t questionin g th e validit y o f thei r entire endeavor. Se e Rothman, Conscience and Convenience, 43-54 . While I emphasize stat e activity i n reform, i t should no t b e concluded tha t state efforts replace d voluntary reform . Se e Ashby, Saving the Waifs, passim . 8. The Juvenile Court: Triumph of Progressivism 1. O n th e difference betwee n socia l and structural reform , se e Melvin G . Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (New York , 1969) , 157-8,. 2. Fo r a largel y exaggerate d vie w o f th e powe r o f th e cour t (an d th e

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therapeutic stat e i n general ) t o contro l families , se e Christophe r Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (Ne w York, 1979) , 271-75 . David J. Rothma n argue s i n Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980 ) that reformers revolutionize d social polic y betwee n 100 0 an d 192 0 wit h instrument s suc h a s th e juvenil e court. Thi s i s tru e fo r th e Sout h an d th e Wes t bu t a n exaggeration fo r olde r urban areas. Rothma n i s right i n notin g tha t ther e were many juvenil e courts and i n directin g attentio n awa y fro m th e Chicag o cour t an d fro m Denver' s Ben Lindsey . Anthon y M . Piatt , The Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency (Chicago, 1069) , 139 , and Ellen Ryerson, The Best-Laid Plans: America's Juvenile Court Experiment (New York , 1978) , 43-44, se e the court as a successful effor t to brin g int o official revie w conduc t tha t ha d previousl y bee n handle d infor mally. However , th e whol e basi s of th e antebellu m refuge/asylu m movemen t was to bring noncriminal behavio r unde r adul t supervisio n an d to incarcerat e children who had the potential to become criminals. Appraisals o f th e cour t arguin g fo r continuit y i n practic e ca n b e foun d i n Robert M. Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-194.0 (Hanover , N H , 1973) , 144 ; Sanfor d J . Fox , "Juvenil e Justice Re form: A n Historica l Perspective, " Stanford Law Review 22 (June 1970) : 1221 22; J. Lawrenc e Schultz , "Th e Cycl e o f Juvenile Cour t History, " Crime and Delinquency 1 9 (October 1973) : 468-69; and John R . Sutton , Stubborn Children: Controlling Delinquency in the United States, 1640-1981 (Berkeley , CA , 1988), 122 .

3. Fo r separate trials and the procedures established in 186 9 a nd 1870 , see Gardiner Tufts , "Th e Massachusett s Statute s Relatin g t o Juvenile Offender s and th e Method s o f Dealin g wit h Them, " Nationa l Conferenc e o f Charitie s and Corrections (hereafter NCCC ) Proceedings (1880): 200-209; a nd John Clark Wirkkala, "Juvenil e Delinquenc y an d Refor m i n Nineteenth-Centur y Massa chusetts: Th e Formativ e Er a i n Stat e Care , 1846-1896 " (Ph.D . diss. , Clar k University, 1973) , 213-21 . O n probation , se e Nationa l Probatio n Asso ciation, John Augustus, First Probation Officer (New York , 1939) , 13—14 , 33-35 ; and N. S . Timasheff , One Hundred Years of Probation, 1841-1941, 2 parts (Ne w York, 1941) , 1 : 7-10. A convenien t collectio n o f juvenil e cour t legislatio n i s Hastings H . Hart, Juvenile Court Laws in the United States (New York , 1910) . See also Peter C. Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services forHomeless Children, 1830-1930 (Rutherford, NJ , 1989) , 197-09 . 4. Man y historian s hav e note d tha t socia l welfar e agencie s playe d a ke y role in the passage of juvenil e cour t legislation, bu t only Davi d Rothma n an d Sanford Fo x hav e looked a t their institutional interes t i n advancing the court . See Piatt , Child Savers, 75-100 ; Ryerson , Best-Laid Plans, 31-33 ; Mennel , Thorns and Thistles, 130-35; Joseph M . Hawes , Children in Urban Society: Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America (New York , 1971) , 163-68 , 177 78; Davi d Joh n Hogan , Class and Reform: School and Society in Chicago, 1880-

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ipjo (Philadelphia , 1985) , 60-62 . I n contrast , se e Rothman , Conscience and Convenience, 225-28 ; and Fox, "Juvenil e Justice Reform, " 1225-28 . Sutton , i n Stubborn Children, 133-44, s e e s t n e charit y organizatio n movemen t a s creating an ideological climate within which the juvenile court could be adopted. Steven L . Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent: The Theory and Practice of 'Progressive' Juvenile Justice (Chicago , 1977) , 69-78 , afte r dismissin g the usua l interpretatio n o f th e cour t a s a produc t o f new , environmentalis t social-scientific thought , argue s that the court must be seen in the context of a new appreciatio n of the sanctity o f the family an d the necessity fo r preservin g it. Progressive s certainl y advance d reform s designe d t o preserv e th e family , the juvenil e cour t amon g them , bu t thi s i s no t a sufficient explanatio n fo r it s adoption. Both Piat t an d Fo x agre e tha t th e juvenil e cour t bil l i n Illinoi s entrenche d sectarian agencie s i n th e justic e syste m an d the y se e thi s a s part of the essentially conservative natur e of the court. However , this ignores the point that in the nineteenth century "public " institutions wer e largely Protestan t i n character an d tha t Catholi c welfar e institution s wer e develope d t o defen d Catholi c children from Protestant proselytism. I n Massachusetts, th e agreement to send Catholic children to Catholic institution s and Catholic foster families, i n so far as i t wa s possible , wa s a majo r advanc e whe n considere d fro m a religiousl y pluralistic perspective. St. Vincen t d e Pau l Society , Annual Report, 1888, 6 ; idem, Annual Report, 1891, 10 ; idem, Annual Report, 1903, 8 ; idem, Annual Report, 1004, n ; idem , Annual Report, 1907, 12 . These records are at the St. Vincen t de Paul Society , Boston. Children' s Ai d Society , Annual Report, 1889-00, 11-12 ; idem , "Re port o f th e Committe e o n Probatio n Agency , Octobe r 1st , 190 3 t o Octobe r 1st, 1004, " 3-4 ; idem , "Children' s Ai d Societ y Notes, " 1005 , 4-5 ; idem , Annual Report, 1004-05, 16 ; idem, Central Committee Minutes, vol. 3 , August 27, 1907 , 15 . These records are at the Archives and Special Collections, Joseph P. Heale y Library , Universit y o f Massachusetts a t Boston. Carleto n J. Lewis , "The Probation System," NCCC Proceedings (1897): 38-46. Judge Baker Foundation, Harvey Humphrey Baker: Upbuilder of the Juvenile Court (Boston, 1920) , 415. Schlossman , Love and the American Delinquent, 8-17; an d Rober t M . Mennel, "Origin s o f th e Juvenile Court : Changing Perspective s o n th e Lega l Rights of Juvenile Delinquents, " Crime and Delinquency 1 8 (January 1972) : 6878. Ryerson , i n Best-Laid Plans, 64-68, an d Hogan, i n Class and Reform, 62-63 , maintain that the extension of parens patriae to delinquents in the juvenile court acts removed a whole class of offenders fro m criminal process. Thi s i s correct, but the whole trend in nineteenth-century la w and practice was to blur distinctions betwee n delinquen t an d dependen t children . Th e juvenil e cour t bill s were simply the last step in the process. 6. Hart , Juvenile Court Laws, 47-50; Joseph Lee, "Repor t from Massachu-

8. TH E JUVENILE COUR T

24I

setts," NCC C Proceedings (1905) : 57 ; idem , "Repor t fro m Massachusetts, " NCCC Proceedings (1906): 36-37 . 7. Intervie w wit h Le e M . Friedman , Miria m Va n Water s Papers , Har vard Law School Library , Bo x 8, Fil e 2. Mr. Friedma n lobbied for and helped draft the juvenile court legislation. Hereafte r th e collection is cited as MVWP, HLSL. Constanc e K . Burns , "Th e Iron y o f Progressiv e Reform : Boston , 1898-1910," i n Boston, ijoo-1980: The Evolution of Urban Politics, ed. Ronal d P. Formisan o an d Constanc e K . Burn s (Westport , CT , 1984) , 133-64 ; an d Charles H. Trout , "Curle y of Boston: The Search for Irish Legitimacy," ibid., 165-95; Holloran, Boston's Wayward Children, 224-25 . 8. Joh n C . Burnham , "Ora l Histor y Interview s o f Willia m Heal y an d Augusta Bronner, " Houghton Library , Harvar d Universit y (i960 , 1961) , 63; Baker Foundation, Baker, 32, 91; Herbert H . Lou , Juvenile Courts in the United States (Chapel Hill , NC , 1927) , 155 . 9. Lou , Juvenile Courts, 118. 10. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 109, 110-11 , 114 , 115 . Katherine F. Lenroo t and Emm a O . Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work: A Study of the Organization and Methods of Ten Courts, Children's Bureau Publication No. 14 1 (Washington, DC, 1925) , 28 . Hanna h Ken t Schoff , The Wayward Child: A Study of the Causes of Crime (Indianapolis, IN , 1915) , 215 . Miria m Va n Waters , "Th e Juvenil e Court fro m the Child's Viewpoint : A Glimps e int o the Future," in The Child, the Clinic, and the Court, ed. Jane Addams (New York , 1925) , 223-24 ; Charles W. Hoffman , "Organizatio n o f Famil y Courts , wit h Specia l Referenc e t o th e Juvenile Court," ibid., 258 , 262 ; Ben B. Lindsey , "Colorado' s Contribution t o the Juvenile Court," ibid., 285-86 . Piatt , Child Savers, 142-43. O n th e role of science an d medicin e i n Progressivism , se e John C . Burnham , "Th e Cultura l Interpretation o f th e Progressiv e Movement, " i n Paths into American Culture: Psychology, Medicine, and Morals, ed. Joh n C . Burnha m (Philadelphia , 1988) , 223-24. 11. Pau l Starr , The Social Transformation of American Medicine (Ne w York , 1982), 189-94 ; Christopher Lasch , The New Radicalism in America, 1889-1963: The Intellectual as Social Type (New York , 1965) , 155-62 ; and John Chynowet h Burnham, "Th e Ne w Psychology : Fro m Narcissis m t o Socia l Control, " i n Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920s, ed . John Brae man, Rober t H . Bremner , an d David Brod y (Columbus, OH , 1968) , 392-97 . Holloran relates the use of the medical mode l t o the greater prestige accorde d medicine. Tha t ma y b e tru e bu t i t ignore s th e ideologica l implication s o f th e analogy. Se e Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children, 223. Fo r evidenc e o n th e juvenile court and adjustment, se e Miriam Van Waters, Youth in Conflict (New York, 1926) . 12. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 114-15 ; Lou , Juvenile Courts, 113-14 , 116-18. 13. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 2-4; on Cabot, se e Who Was Who in America:

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A Companion Volume to Who's Who in America (1897-1942 ) (Chicago , 1942) , 1 : 181.

The comment s o n ethnicit y ar e base d o n m y sampl e o f juvenil e cour t records. Th e sampl e consist s o f 45 0 probatio n investigation s fro m th e year s 1007, 1917 , 1927 , an d 1937 . Ever y tent h cas e wa s selecte d fro m 100 7 ( n = 130) and 191 7 (n = 120) ; in order to produce a useful sampl e size for 192 7 and 1937, a hundred cases were read for each year, representin g a sample of every seventh cas e fo r 192 7 an d ever y sixt h cas e fo r 1937 . Whil e this overweight s the latte r tw o years , th e record s ar e use d fo r illustrativ e rathe r statistica l purposes. Th e tabl e o f rando m number s wa s use d t o selec t docke t number s within eac h year . However , no t ever y cas e receivin g a docket numbe r ha d a probation investigation . Furthermore , man y record s wer e missing . Whe n a selected docket number could no t be found, th e next available one was substituted. Al l probation records are located at the Boston Juvenile Court. Ethnicity wa s determine d b y father' s birthplace , unles s th e mothe r wa s foreign born and the father native. The leadin g ethnic groups were Italians (31 percent), American-bor n white s (1 8 percent) , Jew s (1 5 percent) , Iris h (1 1 percent), Canadian s ( 7 percent) , African-American s ( 3 percent) , an d Pole s (3 percent). Th e remainin g 1 2 percen t cam e fro m variou s group s bu t n o grou p equaled 3 percent. 14. Bake r Foundation , Baker , 51-54 ; Lenroo t an d Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work, 43-44. 15. Lenroo t and Lundberg, Juvenile Courts at Work, 58-62, 80-83 . 16. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 109-11. 17. Ibid. , 111-14 . The figures on pleas and convictions are my calculations based o n the tables entitled "Bosto n Juvenile Court," in Massachusetts, Prison Commissioners' Report, 1907, 112-13 ; 1008 , 142-43 ; 1909 , 136-37 ; 1910 , 144 45; 1911 , 138-39 ; 1912 , 134-35 ; •9"3 » »4&-49 ; ! 9H» ! 4 6 ~47; ! 9i5* ! 4 8 - 4 9 ; and Burea u of Prisons , Criminal Prosecutions, 1916 , 138-39 . Thes e report s are in th e Bosto n Publi c Library . Lenroo t an d Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work, 134. Cabot's methods wer e very simila r to Baker's. Se e Frederic k P . Cabot , The Juvenile Delinquent (Boston, 1918) , 2-5 ; an d M . A . D e Wolf e Howe , The Children's Judge: Frederick Pickering Cabot (Boston, 1932) , 64. 18. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 32, 39-40 ; Lenroo t an d Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work, 90-91 , 96 , 09-103 ; Lou , Juvenile Courts, 150-51 ; Mennel , Thorns and Thistles, 162-67; Hawes , Children in Urban Society, 250-56. Th e statistics on probation and informal supervision are based on the Massachusetts Prison Commissioners' Report and th e Burea u o f Prison s Criminal Prosecutions, cited above. 19. Cas e nos. 10373 , I O 3 2 I » 10658 , 10609 . A s pe r my agreemen t wit h th e Boston Juvenile Court, al l names are pseudonyms. 20. Cas e no. 10369 . 21. Cas e no. 670.

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22. Cas e no. 10080 . 23. Cas e no. 10202 . 24. Cas e nos. 1008 0 and 10669 . 25. Lenroo t and Lundberg, Juvenile Courts at Work, 173, 175-78 , 185 , 193 . 26. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience, 251-52 , 257 , argue s tha t proba tion extended th e reac h of th e court, bu t h e does not go as far as Christopher Lasch, wh o state s i n The Culture of Narcissism tha t probatio n extende d th e power of th e stat e into "every corne r of society " (273). Piat t also concludes i n Child Savers that th e cour t brough t int o governmen t contro l behavio r tha t earlier had been ignored. Piat t does not discuss the eighty years of child-saving before 190 0 in which reformers sough t throug h both public and private means to control th e non-crimina l bu t culturall y offensiv e behavio r o f working-clas s children. I n 1907 , a staff of three probation officers di d pretria l investigation s for approximately thirtee n hundred cases besides supervising delinquents placed on probatio n durin g tha t an d th e previou s year . No t al l o f thes e wer e ne w offenders, bu t still the caseload was unmanageable; hence, th e ten-minute-perweek visit . Holloran , Boston's Wayward Children, 226-27, note s th e declinin g status o f probatio n officer s an d th e difficult y i n attractin g traine d individual s for the job, which became a political sinecure . 27. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience, 238-43 . Rothma n entitle s hi s chapter "Th e Cul t o f Judicial Personality. " Whil e h e i s righ t i n pointin g ou t the celebrity status of judges such as Ben Lindsey, th e figure of the charismatic reformer i s a s old a s th e reformator y itself . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles, 135, mentions bu t doe s no t explor e th e rol e o f masculinit y i n th e court . Fo r evidence of the latter, se e Richard S . Tuthill , "Histor y of the Children's Court in Chicago," in Children's Courts in the United States: Their Origin, Development, and Results, ed . Samue l J. Barrows , Hous e o f Representative s Doc . No . 70 1 (Washington, DC , 1904) , 3 ; Ben B . Lindsey , "Additiona l Repor t on Method s and Results, " ibid. , 107-9 ; Georg e W . Stubbs , "Th e Missio n o f th e Juve nile Cour t o f Indianapolis, " ibid. , 150-51 , 153 ; Bake r Foundation , Baker, IIO-II.

28. Judg e Be n B . Lindse y an d Wainwrigh t Evans , The Revolt of Modern Youth (Garden City, NY , 1925) , 39 , 40-41, 115-16 . 29. Bake r Foundation , Baker, 118 . "H e Understand s Boys, " newspape r clipping, Cabo t File , Bosto n Juvenil e Court . Ro y Cushman , th e probatio n officer wh o wrot e th e introductio n t o th e Bake r Foundatio n publicatio n o n Baker, claim s tha t Bake r wa s effectiv e wit h girl s (5) , bu t doe s no t offe r an y evidence fo r th e claim . Th e evidenc e i n th e cour t record s suggest s Bake r shared Cabot's discomfort. Se e Holloran, Boston's Wayward Children, 219 . 30. Lenroo t an d Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work, 58 , 61-62 , 96 , 103 , 153; Holloran, Bostons Wayward Children, 217 . 31. Ther e were seventy-two girls' cases in a sample of 450, bu t in five cases the charges were missing. 32. Cas e no. 306 .

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8. TH E JUVENILE COUR T

33. Cas e no. 10503 . Only 2 percent of 378 boys in the sample were charged with lewdness or fornication, 3 percent with stubbornness, an d 3 percent with running away. These same offenses constituted 47 percent of the girls' charges. 34. Steve n Schlossma n an d Stephani e Wallach , "Th e Crime of Precociou s Sexuality: Femal e Juvenil e Delinquenc y i n th e Progressiv e Era, " Harvard Educational Review 48 (February 1978) : 71-75; Sophonisba P . Breckinridg e and Edith Abbott , The Delinquent Child and the Home (New York , 1912) , 35-41 ; Barbara Meil Hobson , Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York , 1987) , 193-09 . Lenroot an d Lundberg , Juvenile Courts at Work, 153 , give s comparativ e incarceration rates . Th e rate s differe d tremendousl y amon g th e courts , de pending o n th e numbe r o f case s deal t wit h informally . A court , suc h a s Boston's, tha t handle d fe w case s informall y woul d naturall y incarcerat e a much smalle r percentag e o f th e defendants appearin g befor e i t because of th e large numbe r o f trivia l cases . Whe n th e Harvar d Crim e Surve y studie d th e juvenile cour t i n 1927-28 , i t foun d tha t 2 0 percent o f th e femal e delinquent s and 4 percent of the males were committed. Harvar d Crim e Survey , "Prelim inary Report, " 51-52, MVWP , HLSL , Bo x 1 , File 1. 35. Se e chapte r 4 an d Barbar a M . Brenzel , Daughters of the State: A Social Portrait of the First Reform School for Girls in North America, 1856-190$ (Cambridge, MA , 1983) , fo r a discussio n o f th e us e o f stat e facilitie s b y parent s seeking t o contro l thei r daughters . O n attitude s towar d wome n i n Italia n culture, se e Virgini a Yans-McLaughlin , Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY , 1971) , 170-73 , 202-7 . 36. Cas e no. 25786 . 37. Hobson , Uneasy Virtue, 139-41 ; Lind a Gordon , Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, Boston, 1880-1960 (Ne w York , 1988), 102-8 , 136-41 , 187-92 ; Lynn Y. Weiner , From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1980 (Chapel Hill , NC, 1985) , 92-93; Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community, 189-92; Selwyn K. Troen , "Th e Discover y o f th e Adolescen t b y America n Educationa l Re formers, 1900-1920 : An Economic Perspective," in Schooling and Society: Studies in the History of Education, ed . Lawrenc e Ston e (Baltimore , MD , 1976) , 239 51; Davi d Nasaw , Children of the City: At Work and at Play (New York , 1985) , 113-14, 132-37 ; Nanc y J . Tomes , "Dynami c Psychiatr y an d th e Femal e Delinquent," pape r delivere d a t th e Annua l Meetin g o f th e Organizatio n o f American Historians , 1983 , 21-28 . 38. Jame s R . McGovern , "Th e America n Woman' s Pre-Worl d Wa r I Freedom i n Manner s an d Morals, " Journal of American History 55 (Septembe r 1968): 315-33. McGovern' s view of a sexual revolution has been challenged b y Daniel Scot t Smith , "Th e Datin g o f th e America n Sexua l Revolution : Evi dence and Interpretation," in The American Family in SociaUHistorical Perspective, ed. Michae l Gordo n (New York , 1973) , 321-35 . Smit h argues that the change occurred gradually an d that middle-class women were catching up with work -

8. TH E JUVENILE COUR T

MS

ing-class ones in their sexual practices (332). Kath y Peiss, in Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia, 1986) , argues tha t a new heterosexua l cultur e emerge d amon g working-clas s wome n and forced the middle class to respond to it. On th e challeng e t o traditiona l cultur e offere d b y bourgeoi s youth , se e Paula S . Fass , The Damned and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s (New York, 1977) ; John Kasson , Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century (New York , 1978) ; and Lewis Erenberg , Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, i8po-ipjo (Westport , CT , 1981).

39. Cas e no. 10782 . 40. Cas e nos. 657 and 10424 . 41. Alexande r Keyssar , Out of Work: The First Century of Unemployment in Massachusetts (Cambridge, England , 1986) , appendix A . 42. Phili p Davis, Street-land: Its Little People and Big Problems (Boston, 1915) , 72-7443. Bot h th e Harvar d Crim e Surve y an d th e Children' s Burea u investiga tors found 4 percen t o f the boys an d 2 0 percent an d 1 4 percent, respectively , of th e girl s wer e incarcerated . I foun d a highe r percentag e o f delinquent s incarcerated becaus e o f th e natur e of m y sample . Th e record s availabl e wer e those of probation officers' investigations of the home rather than records of all children appearin g befor e th e court . I n addition , an y folde r wit h a missin g record wa s skippe d fo r the nex t availabl e one, an d together thi s weighte d th e sample towar d case s handle d formall y an d considere d seriou s enoug h t o b e investigated. 44. Lindsey , "Additiona l Repor t o n Method s an d Results, " 71 ; Davi d Nasaw, Children of the City, passim ; Vivian a A . Zelizer , Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (Ne w York , 1985) , 32-52 ; Joseph F. Kett , Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (Ne w York , 1977), 226-27 . 45. Bake r Foundation, Baker, 22-23 . The categories of truancy, ordinance, and statutory violations, an d gambling were considered together . 46. Ibid. , 100-101 .

47. Weiner , From Working Girl to Working Mother, 92-93 ; Stephen Hardy , How Boston Played: Sport, Recreation, and Community, 1865-191$ (Boston, 1982) , 97-98, 101-104 ; Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child, 32-35, 39-43 ; Paul Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA , 1978) , 243-50; Nasaw , Children of the City, 152-57 , 187-94 ; P au^ Osterman, "Edu cation an d Labo r Markets a t the Tur n o f th e Century," Politics and Society I X (1979): 103-22 ; Selwy n K . Troen , "Th e Discover y o f th e Adolescen t b y American Educational Reformers, " 239-51. On Boston, see Davis, Street-land, 210-20. I t i s interestin g t o note tha t Joseph Le e an d th e Massachusetts Civi c League wer e lobbyist s fo r bot h th e playgroun d movemen t an d th e juvenil e court.

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9- CHIL D GUIDANC E AN D TH E COUR T

48. Cas e no. 596 . 49. See , for example, case nos. 563 , 653, 10202 . 9. Child Guidance and the Court 1. Willia m Healy , August a F . Bronner , an d Myr a E . Shimberg , "Th e Close of Anothe r Chapte r i n Criminology," Mental Hygiene XI X (Apri l 1935) : 208-22; John J. Perkins , Common Sense and Bad Boys and Other Essays (Boston , 1946), 19-20 . 2. Joh n Chynoweth Burnham , "Psychiatry, Psychology , an d the Progressive Movement," American Quarterly 1 2 (i960): 457-65; and idem , "Th e Ne w Psychology: Fro m Narcissis m t o Socia l Control, " in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920s, ed . John Braeman , Rober t H . Bremner , and David Brod y (Columbus, OH , 1968) , 351-98 ; Margo Horn, Before Its Too Late: The Child Guidance Movement in the United States, 1922-194$ (Philadelphia, 1989), 19-22 , 29-30 ; Theres a R . Richardson , The Century of the Child: The Mental Hygiene Movement and Social Policy in the United States and Canada (Al bany, NY , 1989) . 3. Massachusett s Industria l Schoo l fo r Boys , Annual Report, 1924 , 14 ; Trustees of the Massachusetts Training Schools, Annual Report, 1927, 6; idem, Annual Report, 1933, 22 ; State Refor m Schoo l fo r Boys , Annual Report, 1939, 5. Thes e report s ar e in th e Massachusett s Stat e Library . Willia m Healy , The Practical Value of Scientific Study of JuvenileDelinquents, Children' s Burea u Pub lication No. 9 6 (Washington, DC , 1922) , 9-13. Davi d Rothman , Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980) , 231-34,267-68,274-75. 4. Willia m Heal y an d Augusta F . Bronner , "Th e Child Guidanc e ClinicBirth an d Growt h o f a n Idea, " i n Orthopsychiatry, 1923-194.8: Retrospect and Prospect, ed . Lawso n G. Lowre y (Menosha , WI , 1948) , 20-24 , 33~34 » George S. Stevenso n an d Gedde s Smith , Child Guidance Clinics: A Quarter-Century of Development (Ne w York , 1934) , 20-23 ; Margo Horn , "Th e Mora l Messag e o f Child Guidance , 1925-1945, " Journal of Social History 1 8 (Fall 1984) : 25-26 ; Richardson, Century of the Child, chapte r 7. 5. Kathlee n W. Jones, "Willia m Healy, " in Biographical Dictionary of Social Welfare in America, ed . Walte r I . Trattne r (Westport , CT , 1986) , 364-69 ; Rothman, Conscience and Convenience, 54-56 , 307 , 311 ; Rober t M . Mennel , Thorns and Thistles: Juvenile Delinquents in the United States, 1825-1940 (Hanover, N H , 1973) , 158-61 ; Jon Snodgrass , "Th e American Criminological Tra dition: Portrait s o f th e Me n an d Ideolog y i n a Discipline" (Ph.D. diss. , Uni versity o f Pennsylvania , 1972) , 58-61 . Heal y wa s als o influence d b y Adol f Meyer, wh o emphasize d th e interactio n o f min d an d bod y an d rejecte d th e overly physiologica l approac h t o menta l disorde r traditiona l amon g neurolo gists. Se e Conscience and Convenience, 302-6 . 6. Joh n C. Burnham , "Augusta Fox Bronner," in Notable American Women:

9 . CHIL D GUIDANC E AN D TH E COUR T

247

The Modern Period, ed . Barbar a Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge, MA, 1980) , 108-9 . August a Bronner' s approac h t o delinquency, no t surpris ingly, wa s ver y simila r t o Healy's . See , fo r example , August a F . Bronner , "The Contributio n o f Scienc e t o a Program fo r Treatmen t o f Juvenile Delin quency," in The Child, the Clinic, and the Court, ed. Jane Addams (Ne w York , '925)> 75-92 . 7. Heal y an d Bronner, "Th e Child Guidanc e Clinic," 16 , 19 , 27-28 ; and William Healy , The Individual Delinquent: A Textbook of Diagnosis and Prognosis for All Concerned in Understanding Offenders (Boston , 1915) , 22 . T o se e th e progression i n Healy' s work , compar e The Individual Delinquent wit h Mental Conflicts and Misconduct (Boston, 1917) . 8. Bronner , "Contributio n of Science," 77-79, 83. 9. Willia m Heal y an d August a F . Bronner , New Light on Delinquency and Its Treatment (New Haven , CT , 1936) , 147-50 ; Bronner , "Contributio n o f Science," 83-84. 10. Horn , Before It's Too Late, 136-45 . 11. Cas e no . 10122 . Th e Brenna n case was no t unique . Se e als o case nos. 10202, 10731 , and 10788 . Thes e case s are from the 191 7 subse t of m y sampl e of juvenile court cases described i n note 13 , 24 2 and are located i n the Bosto n Juvenile Court. 12. Healy , The Individual Delinquent, 188-89 . 13. Lind a Gordon , Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, Boston, 1880-1960 (New York , 1988) , 124-27 , 152-55 ; Men nel, Thorns and Thistles, 166-67; Snodgrass , "America n Criminological Tradi tion," 104-8 . 14. Fo r a n exampl e o f ho w cultura l biase s shape d socia l science , se e Mi chael B . Katz' s reanalysis o f surve y dat a about almshous e user s in Poverty and Policy in American History (New York , 1983) , 90-133. 15. Judg e Bake r Foundation , Case Study Number Seven, Serie s 1 (Bos ton, 1922) . 16. Snodgrass , "American Criminological Tradition, " 60, on Freud's influence on Healy . 17. Nanc y Tome s discovere d tha t whil e 8 6 percen t o f th e boy s i n he r sample arrived via public authorities, only 3 5 percent of the girls did so. Fifty six percen t o f th e girl s wer e referre d b y privat e socia l welfar e agencie s a s compared to 9 percent of the boys. Familie s brought 7 percent of the girls and 5 percen t o f th e boys . Se e Nanc y J . Tomes , "Dynami c Psychiatr y an d th e Female Delinquent, " paper delivered a t the Annual Meetin g of th e Organiza tion of American Historians , 1983 , 28a, table 2. 18. Judg e Bake r Foundation, Case Study Number 9, Serie s 1 (Boston , 1922) , quotations from 13 , 14 , 19 , 21, 25. 19. Barbar a Mei l Hobson , Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York , 1987) , 184-89 ; Paula Fass , The Damned and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s (New York , 1977) , 260-76 ; Joan

248

9. CHIL D GUIDANC E AN D TH E COUR T

Jacobs Brumberg , " Ruined* Girls : Changing Communit y Response s t o Ille gitimacy i n Upstat e Ne w York , 1890-1920, " Journal ofSocial History 18 (Winter 1984) : 249-50. 20. Ro y Lubove , The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career; 1880-1930 (New York , 1975) , 76-89 ; Stevenso n an d Smith , Child Guidance Clinics, 12-13; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 187. 21. Horn , Before It's Too Late, 149-53 ; Stevenson and Smith, Child Guidance Clinics, 89 ; Samue l W . Hartwell , Fifty-five "Bad" Boys (New York , 1931) , 14-22.

22. Hartwell , Fifty-five "Bad" Boys, 136-42. 23. Ibid. , 356 . 24. Gordon , Heroes, 159-60 , 221-22 , 240-49 . 25. Se e Horn , Before It's Too Late, 169-71 , fo r th e declinin g lengt h an d effectiveness o f treatment . O f th e one thousan d delinquent s studie d b y Shel don Glueck and Eleanor Glueck, 8 0 percent had a single diagnostic visit to the clinic. Se e One Thousand JuvenileDelinquents: Their Treatment by Court and Clinic (Cambridge, MA , 1934) , i n . 26. Willia m Heal y an d August a F . Bronner , Delinquents and Criminals: Their Making and Unmaking, Studies in Two American Cities (New York , 1926) , 28-29, 61 , 188-90 , 203-4 . 27. Willia m Healy , August a F . Bronner , Edit h M . H . Baylor , an d J . Prentice Murphy , Reconstructing Behavior in Youth: A Study of Problem Children in Foster Families (New York , 1929) , 232-33 , 245 , 253. 28. Bell a Boon e Beard , Juvenile Probation: An Analysis of the Case Records of Five Hundred Children Studied at the Judge Baker Guidance Clinic and Placed on Probation in the Juvenile Court of Boston (Ne w York , 1934) , 4 2» 5 7 *IQ 8> n i , 131-32,147,157.

29. Gluec k an d Glueck , One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents, 66, 69 , 79 , 85 , 86-87, 88 , 102 . 30. Ibid. , 151-52 . Fo r th e implicatio n tha t th e cour t coul d b e abolished , see Richar d C . Cabot , "100 0 Delinquen t Boys : First Finding s of th e Harvar d Law School's Survey of Crime," Survey (February 15 , 1934) : 38-40. 31. Gluec k an d Glueck, One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents, 119-25 , 133-45 . 32. Fo r a differen t poin t o f view , se e Christophe r Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York , 1979) , especially 271-75 ; an d Jacque s Donzelot , The Policing of Families (Ne w York, 1979) . 33. Gluec k an d Glueck, One Thousand JuvenileDelinquents, 171 , 174. 34. Ibid. , 241-79 ; Cabot, "100 0 Delinquent Boys, " 38-40. 35. Harr y L . Eastman , "100 0 Delinquen t Boys, " Survey (June 15 , 1934) : 199-200, as well as other correspondence in the same issue. 36. Thoma s D . Eliot , "Suppresse d Premise s Underlyin g th e Glueck Con troversy," Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 2 6 (1935): 22-33.

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37. Healy , Bronner , an d Shimberg , "Th e Clos e o f Anothe r Chapte r i n Criminology," 217, 220 , 221. Conclusion: The Failure of Cultural Reform 1. Th e Bosto n Foundation, In the Midst of Plenty: A Profile of Boston and Its Poor (Boston, 1989) , 39-48 .

'Index

Abbott, Edith , 16 2 Acculturation, 115 , 119 , 121 , 123 ; defined, 22 8 n 4 Adjustment: ne w psychologica l idiom , 171 Adolescence, 146 , 16 6 Affectionate discipline : an d domestic re form, 59-60 , 215-1 6 nl 6 African-Americans, 45 , 63-64 , 71 , 217 n2 9 Age-of-consent campaigns , 8 6 Allen, Joseph, 91 , 96, 100 ; criticism o f and resignatio n unde r pressure , 97 ; as domestic reformer , 92-93 ; recall t o position, 105 ; reform ambitions , 92-94 , 106; sympathetic relationshi p wit h ju venile inmates , 92-9 4 Almshouses, 16 , 34 . See also Bosto n almshouse Alternative culture , 23 7 n29 ; defined, 195 n5 American Breeders * Association, 17 5 American Bibl e Society , 11 4 American Hom e Missionar y Society , 11 4 American Protectiv e Association , 12 6 American Trac t Society , 11 4 Ames, Marcus , 8 9 Andover Hous e (South En d House) , 13 6 Anti-institutionalism, 51 , 21 2 n 2 Arlington Stree t Armory , 10 9 251

Assimilation: defined, 22 8 n 4 Associated Charities . See Boston Associ ated Charitie s Association o f Delegate s fro m th e Benevolent Societie s o f Boston , 24-2 5 Augustus, John, 14 9 Baker, Harvey : advocates probation , 151 , 152; biography, 154 ; compared wit h Progressives, 153 ; courtroom tech nique, 155-56 , 157 ; Judge Bake r Foundation, 157 ; presides a s first juvenile court judge , 151 ; uneasy wit h delinquent girls , 16 0 Barnard, Charle s Francis , 19 , 110 ; as charismatic reformer , 30 ; biography, 22; disillusion, 26 ; Ministry t o th e Poor and wor k wit h children, 22 , 2 9 Barnett, Josephine: case histor y a t Lancaster School , 84-8 5 Beacon Hill , 109 , 13 6 Beard, Bell a Boone , 18 3 Beaumont, Gustav e de, 38 , 39 , 4 2 Beggary. See Pauperism Benevolent Fraternit y o f Churches, 29 30, 11 4 Birtwell, Charles : critic of famil y far m school, 69 ; exemplifies shif t towar d professional socia l welfare , 69-70 ; probation work , 132-3 3

2

52

INDEX

Board of Stat e Charities. See Massachu setts Boar d o f Stat e Charitie s Boston, 2 , 16 , 38 , 45 , 94 , 127 , 150 , 162 ; city envisione d b y Josiah Quincy , 32 ; city government , 39 , 41, 114 ; delinquents compared wit h Chicago , 182 ; fear of workin g class , 109 ; fictional de scriptions, 142-43 ; prominent refor m experiments, 2 , 54 , 57 ; public schools , 119; women's employment , 82 . See also individual agencie s an d institution s Boston almshouse , 16 ; neither reform s nor deters, 34 ; reorganized, 34-35 ; refuge fo r th e poor , 3 6 Boston Andove r House , 13 6 Boston Associate d Charities , 125 , 136 , 140, 152 , 174 ; coordinates relief-giv ing, 129 , 138 ; lobbies fo r juvenil e court, 150 ; moves fro m uplif t t o social welfare model , 141 ; promotes accep tance of bourgeoi s values , 138 ; provides detentio n home s fo r court, 155 ; resembles welfar e bureaucracy , 138 39, 14 1 Boston Children' s Ai d Society , 59 , 60 64, 67 , 74 , 94 , 136 ; accused o f Protes tant bias , 62-63 ; and African-Ameri cans, 63 ; bureaucratized, 70 ; class strategies, 57-58 ; hom e librar y pro gram, 133 ; illustrates histor y o f domestic reform , 57-58 , 68 , 93 ; innovator i n probation, 132-33 , 149 ; nationwide model fo r child-saving agencies , 54 ; move toward s placement , 69 ; policies toward delinquents , 60-64 , 68 , 139 ; provides detentio n home s fo r court, 155 Boston Far m School : advantage s ove r municipal reformatory , 54 ; and domestic reform , 55-56 ; history, 5 4 Boston Hous e o f Correction , 32 , 36 , 37 ; inmate composition, 4 5 Boston Hous e o f Industr y (workhouse) , 12, 32 , 37 , 114 ; inmate composition , 45; partial conversio n t o girls' reformatory, 43-4 4 Boston Hous e of Reformation , 12 , 27 , 45, 46 , 47 , 50 , 67 , 75 , 76 , 113 , 114 ,

117, 118 , 190 ; alternatives develope d to, 54-55 ; compared t o Pine Farm , 59 ; daily schedule , 38 ; decline, 41 ; first Massachusetts reformatory , 32 ; houses more seriou s criminals, 41 ; principles of organization, 28 , 37-39 ; treatmen t of girls versu s boys , 41-42 , 4 3 Boston Juvenile Court, 148 , 167 , 170 ; reflects image of presidin g judge , 151 , 154; as Progressive institution , 151-53 ; reputation, 168 ; shaped b y compro mise, 150-51 . See also Juvenile cour t Boston Lying-in-Hospital , 7 5 Boston Overseer s o f th e Poor , 36 , 126 , 138; distribution o f relie f a s patronage, 16, 35 ; resistance t o Josiah Quincy , 3 5 Boston Peniten t Females ' Refuge, 4 4 Boston Providen t Association , 12 5 Boston Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Pauperism, 25 , 27 , 7 5 Boston Stamp-Saving s Society , 13 3 Bourgeois culture , 20 , 180 ; and Catholi cism, 121 , 123 ; consequences o f failur e to adopt, 34 ; domestic reform , 79 ; emphasizes famil y an d domesticity, 50 , 52, 54 , 81 ; and Irish-Americans , 122 ; needed b y th e poor , 32 ; and Protes tantism, 92 , 126 ; redefined fo r workin g class, 67 , 90 , 97-99 , 107 , 110 , 117-18 , 133; transmission of , 30 , 39 , 79 , 115 , 116; values defined, 19 5 n5 Bourgeois values , 26 ; instructing th e poo r in, 22 , 33 , 125 ; and Catholi c revivals , 115; internalization of , 51 , 96, 13 3 Boxing, 13 7 Boylston School , 11 4 Boys, 44-50 , 94-97 , 135-38 , 155 , 164 69; court charges against , 164 , 165 ; domestic refor m scaled-dow n for , 91 , 101; illegal activities , 164-68 ; refor m stress on far m labo r and rura l living , 51; studied i n Harvar d Crim e Survey , 184; success, 181 ; treatment compare d to girls, 44, 51 , 142 , 155 , 160-61 , 177 , 181, 184 ; treatment i n court system , 160, 161-6 4 Boys' club (Ellis Memoria l Center) , 136 37

INDEX Brace, Charle s Loring , 56 ; criticized fo r immediate placemen t project , 56-57 ; as domestic reformer , 5 2 "Brands fro m th e Burning " (Children's Mission t o the Children of th e Desti tute), 11 1 Breckinrige, Sophonisba , 16 2 Brennan, Patrick , an d Heal y an d Bron ner treatment, 174-7 5 Bridgewater (workhouse) , 8 9 Bronner, Augusta , 157 , 170 ; biography, 172; comparison o f Heal y an d Bronne r with other treatmen t methods , 182 ; culture an d heredity , 175 ; criticism of , 183; focus o n sexuality , 178 , 181 ; influences an d theories , 172-88 ; political interpretations, 187 , 188 ; study results , 182-83 Brookline Friendl y Society , 4 Bushnell, Horace , 5 2 Cabot, Frederic k Pickering , 151 , 185 ; background, 154 ; uneasy wit h delin quent girls, 16 0 Cabot, Richard , 18 6 Catholic refor m agencies : versus Protes tant agencies, 112 , 114 ; cooperation with Protestan t agencies , 13 , 109 , 125-26, 12 9 Catholics, 111 , 114 ; accommodation an d separatism, 115-21 ; children, 116 , 119, 125 , 155 ; thought o f a s deviant, 112, 119 ; establishment o f schools , 119-21; hostilit y t o Protestant author ity, 50 , 113 ; increased devotionalis m i n Ireland an d i n Unite d States , 123 ; leadership, 113 , 115 , 116 , 121 ; nonIrish leadership, 113 , 121 ; prejudice against, 116 ; revivals, 115 ; ties wit h Protestant leaders , 112 , 113 , 121 ; versus Protestants, 112 , 115 , 122 , 12 6 Channing, Willia m Ellery , 19 , 2 2 Character reform . See Poo r Charismatic reformer , 41 ; Allen as , 9 2 93; Barnar d as, 29-30 ; i n juvenil e court, 159-60 , Well s as , 38 , 20 8 n23 , 243 n2 7 Charities, 23 , 132 ; failure o f effort s t o or-

253

ganize, 25-26 ; transition t o neighbor hood socia l service, 128 , 138-39 . See also Catholic refor m agencies ; Protestant refor m agencie s Charity organizers , 138-4 2 Charles Stree t Jail, 15 4 Chervus, Jean Louis , 11 2 Chicago, 120 ; delinquents compare d wit h Boston delinquents , 18 2 Chicago Juvenile Psychopathi c Institute , 172 Child guidanc e clinic , 171-72 , 18 6 Children, 26-31 , 46 , 110 , 140 , 141 , 182 , 190; alternatives t o th e street for , 132 ; immigrant, 46 , 55 , 115 ; incarceration, 58; placement i n families , 66-67 , 71 ; symbol o f reform , 145 ; reformability, 26, 37 ; reformers' views of , 26-27 , 30 , 45, 87 , 114 ; schools, 27 , 40 , 98 ; those in institution s compare d t o those i n street, 114 ; working class, 6 , 55 , 73 , 98, 132 , 163 , 166 , 167-6 8 Children's Ai d Association , 6 , 7 , 9 "Children's Church," 3 0 Children's Missio n t o the Children o f th e Destitute, 111 , 114 ; support fo r imme diate placement , 55-56 City: downtown busines s district a s preserve of bourgeoi s decorum , 7 3 Civil War , 95, 116 , 118 , 12 2 Class: experience of , 11 , 13-14 , 28-29 , 36, 50,90 , 107 , 125-26 , 13 3 Concord Reformatory , 10 6 Confidential Exchange , 15 2 Congregate asylums , 37 , 48, 51 , 59 , 69 , 98; compared wit h schoo l ships , 96 ; criticized a s artificial, 56-5 7 Convict leasing , 38 , 40 , 47-48 , 98 , 10 1 Cook, Rufus , 58 , 7 4 Crime, a s social mobility , 23 4 n 16 Cullen, Pau l Cardinal , 12 3 Cultural transmission , 23 , 52 ; delinquent girls traine d in , 72-74 , 81 ; in domestic reform , 93 ; in outreach programs , 135 Daley Industria l Schoo l fo r Girls, 9 Denison House , 15 8

254

INDEX

Dependence, 69 ; fear of, 32-33 ; redefined by mora l entrepreneurs , 3 3 Deviance. See Femal e delinquency; He reditarianism; Moral entrepreneurs ; Poverty; Psychologica l approache s t o delinquency Domestic reform , 51-90 , 117-18 , 133 , 179, 21 4 n7; abandoned a s refor m model, 107 ; advantages fo r boys fro m 'superior parentage, ' 106 ; concludes with stat e welfare bureaucracy , 91 ; criticism o f congregate asylums , 56 57; defined, 51 , 56 ; evolution of , 54 56; failures wit h African-American s and Catholics, 62-64 , 71 ; manual o r vocational trainin g a s alternative, 95 , 96-99; pastora l ideal , 51-52 ; placement policy , 62 , 68-71 , 86-87 ; produces theor y fo r reforming girls , 74 , 79; put i n brie f practic e at Westbor ough School , 91-94 , 101 , 10 7 Domestic service : for Lancaste r girls, 8 1 84; Lancaster truste e view s toward , 90 ; sexual exploitation , 8 2 Domesticity, 83 ; among Catholics, 80 81, 123 ; brought int o public realm , 86 ; defined, 7 3 Dominant culture : defined, 19 5 n5 Eiler, Herbert , cas e of, 180-8 1 Eldridge, Ida , 136-3 7 Eliot School , 12 0 Eliot, Thomas , 18 6 Ellis Memorial Cente r (boys' club), 136 37 Emerson, George , 9 1 Ex parte Crouse, 15 0 Family: entry int o b y reformers , 135-36 , 140-41, 185 , 187 ; and domesticity , 73 ; locus of women' s activity , 73 ; negotiations wit h agencies , 137 ; Lancaster School a s substitute, 74 , 77-78 ; see n as source fo r juvenil e misconduct , 74 , 80, 173-81 , 187 ; resistance t o reform , 8-11, 18 , 64 , 137-38 , 148 , 165 , 169 ; smaller an d mor e intimate , 70-71 ;

working-class famil y lif e described , 27 , 45, 14 2 Family economy , 11 , 80, 147 , 164-65 , 166 Family styl e institutions , 53 , 71 , 118 ; criticized a s artificial, 69-70 ; as "dangerous and pernicious, " 86-87; histor y and aims , 52-54 ; Lancaste r Schoo l a s architectural an d organizationa l model , 76; part of priso n system , 106-7 ; undermined b y immediat e placement , 53 , 66-67, 88-89 , 100-101 , 105 ; versus congregate asylum , 56-5 7 Family Welfar e Society , 3 , 6, 7 Fay, Francis , 75 , 7 6 Fay Commission, 7 6 Feeble mindedness . See Hereditarianism Female delinquency, 43 , 73-74 , 79-80 , 163; creation o f separat e incarcera l sys tem, 73 , 88-89 , 90 ; defined a s sexual activity, 8 , 85 , 161-63 , 177-79 ; and institutional fea r of "mora l contagion, " 43-44, 67-68 , 72 ; notion o f "falle n woman," 73; reformers vie w of , 73 74, 160 , 163 . See also Stat e Industria l School fo r Girls (Lancaster ) Fenwick, Benedict , 11 3 Fields, Annie , 140 ; How to Help the Poor, 141 Fitzpatrick, John, 113 , 119-2 1 Flower, Benjami n (Civilization's Inferno), 142-43 Freud, Sigmund , 17 2 Gender, 42 ; and juvenil e court , 158-59 ; reform, 20 0 n5 , 20 0 nl7 , 21 0 n33, 231 n3 2 George Junior Republic , 5 , 7 , 10 , I I Girls, 8 , 41-42 , 142 ; agents fo r cultural transmission, 59-60 , 72-74 ; court charges against, 73 , 162-63 ; influenc e on delinquents , 43 ; institutional ar rangements for , 43-45 , 67-68 , 76-80 , 130; left vulnerabl e b y family , 74 , 80 ; "saving one a s worth savin g te n boys, " 74; placement i n domestic service, 8 1 84; reform stres s upo n domesti c rou -

INDEX

tine and feminin e influences , 51 , 72; reformers vie w of , 73 , 74 , 84-85 , 90 ; sexual activit y a s moral criterion, 8 , 11, 42-44 , 67 , 79-80 , 84-86 , 90 , 177 ; treatment compared wit h boys , 44 , 51 , 142, 155 , 160-61 , 177 , 181 , 184 ; treatment i n court system , 160 , 161-64 . See also Female delinquenc y Glueck, Sheldo n an d Eleanor , 183-88 ; Harvard La w Schoo l Crim e Survey , 184, 188 ; recommendations, 186 ; study Judge Bake r Foundatio n records , 184 86 Grant, Moses , 7 5 Gray, Frederick , 2 2 Great Depression , 187 , 18 9 Greenleaf, Simon , 7 5 Hale, Edwar d Everett , 142-143 ; If Jesus Came to Boston, 142 Hall, G . Stanley , 14 6 Hartwell, Samuel : patient-therapis t rela tions, 179-80 ; success wit h boys , 18 1 Harvard La w Schoo l Crim e Survey , 2 , 10, 18 4 Haskins, George , 113 , 120 ; as Catholic leader wh o support s stat e refor m schools, 114 ; opens Hous e o f th e An gel Guardian , 116-19 ; opposes Protes tant missionaries , 116 , 11 9 Healy, William , 157 , 170 ; biography, 172; comparison o f Heal y an d Bronne r with other treatment methods , 182 ; culture and heredity , 175 ; criticism of , 183; focus o n sexuality , 178 , 181 ; influence and theories, 172-88 ; political interpretations, 187 , 188 ; study results , 182-83 Hegemony, 146 ; defined, 19 3 n l Hereditarianism, 8 , 87 , 89 , 105-6 , 129 ; elements i n Heal y an d Bronner , 174 75 Hill, Octavia , 14 0 Hollis Stree t Church , 2 9 Home fo r Destitut e Catholi c Children , 126 Home librar y program , 133-3 4

2

55

Home visiting , 18 , 19 , 21-22 , 24-25 , 124-25, 139 , 174 ; by probatio n offi cers, 157-5 8 House o f Correction. See Bosto n Hous e of Correctio n House o f Industry . See Boston Hous e o f Reformation House o f the Ange l Guardian : compare d with domesti c reform , 117-18 ; daily schedule, 117 ; inmate sample, 118 ; protects and isolate s Catholic children , 116-19 House o f th e Goo d Shepherd , 9 , 16 2 Housing reform , 14 0 Howe, Samue l Gridley , 75 , 101 ; advocates immediat e placement , 76 , 86 , 96 , 100; against Lancaste r school, 87 ; background, 75 ; opposes institutions , 76, 86-87 , 97 , 10 0 Immediate placement , 52 ; aims, 70-71 ; and Children's Ai d Society , 69-70 ; debate over, 56-57 ; effect o n Lancaste r School, 88-89 ; and Lancaste r School , 86-87; leave s older, mor e delinquen t boys i n institution , 66-67 , 91 , 100 , 105; not accepte d a t mid-century , 72 ; proposed fo r delinquent girls , 76 ; success, 67 ; urged b y Samue l How e an d Franklin Sanborn , 96 ; versus family style institution , 53 ; and Westborough , 100-101 Immigrants, 115 , 132 , 142 , 153 , 184 ; assimilation, 146 ; children, 55 ; Irish, 45 , 113, 118 , 121-23 ; present opportunit y for Progressive s t o reform, 146 , 153 ; create ne w situation , 4 5 Incarceration, 89 , 94 , 154 ; segregated be tween me n and women , 86 ; segregated between childre n an d adults , 150 , 15 5 Industrial Ai d Society , 13 9 Industrial education , 9 8 Industrial morality : discussed, 20 2 nl 7 Industrial Schoo l fo r Crippled an d De formed Children , 16 8 Inspector of Stat e Charities, 13 8 "institutional church " movement, 13 2

256

INDEX

Irish-Americans, 46 , 50 , 113 , 150 ; clashes with Protestants , 112 ; girls committed t o publi c institutions , 80 81; increasing acceptanc e afte r servic e in Civil War , 122 ; linked t o pauperism, 32 ; new kin d of immigran t afte r 1870, 123 ; overrepresented i n refor m institutions, 45 , 47 , 95 ; in schoo l sys tem, 120-21 ; sever connection betwee n Catholicism an d poverty , 126 ; social mobility, 12 2 Italian-Americans, 82 , 129 , 16 2 Jenks, Samuel , 1 8 Judge Bake r Foundation , 2 , 6 , 8 , 10 ; cases referre d t o by court , 157 , 161 ; Harvard Crim e Survey , 184-85 ; Heal y and Bronnerat , 157 , 173 , 177 , 182 83; Samuel Hartwel l wor k with , 180 ; study o f children treate d a t Founda tion, 182-8 3 Jung, Carl , 17 3 Juvenile court , 4-5 , 8 , 143 , 145-88 , 189 ; criticized, 184-86 , 187 ; delinquency, 148; described wit h medical/therapeu tic metaphors , 152-53 ; development, 150-51; entry into , 11 , 154-55 ; epitomizes individua l approac h t o deviance, 153; interview proces s wit h delin quents, 155-56 ; legacy, 168-69 ; legal authority, 149-50 ; opposition t o mas s culture, 159 ; probation system , 156 57, 158 , 159 ; probation officers , 151 52, 157 , 159 ; as Progressiv e institution , 151-53, 168 ; recidivism, 184 , 185-86 ; treatment o f delinquen t boys , 164-69 ; treatment o f delinquen t girls , 160-64 , 177 Kern, Abby , cas e of, 5- 8 Kern, Gerald , cas e of, 5 , 7 , 11-1 3 Kern, Harriet , cas e of, 4-5 , 7 Kern, Lena , cas e of, 5-6 , 8,1 1 Kern, Margaret , cas e history , 2-13 ; distrusts socia l welfar e agencies , 10 , 190 ; family, 3-4 , 10 , 13 ; involved wit h so cial welfar e agencies , 3-4 , 8-1 1 Kern, Millicent , cas e of, 9-1 0

Kern family , cas e of, 2-1 3 Know Nothings , 119 , 12 2 Lancaster School . See Stat e Industria l School fo r Girl s Lancastrian system : defined, 28-2 9 Law an d Orde r League , 13 6 "Less eligibility," 24 , 41 , 54 , 60 , 190 ; constrains refor m projects , 54 , 71 , 90, 91; defined, 1 ; established a s doctrine, 15; underscores messag e of self-help , 140 Lindsey, Ben , 151 , 160 ; as "child-saver, " 166 Lou, Herbert , 15 1 Lowell, Josephine Shaw , 14 0 Lyman, Theodore , 32 , 45, 112 ; creates Westborough, 33 ; reform ambitions , 45-46 Mack, Julian, 15 1 Malthus, Thomas , 15 , 16 ; influence o n Joseph Tuckerman , 20 2 nl 6 Malthusian welfar e reform , 23 , 26 , 32 , 36; defined, 15-16 ; updated, 13 9 Manual training , 106 , 110 , 118 , 135 ; aims contrasted wit h domesti c reform , 133; described, 98-99 ; displaces domestic reform , 101 ; prescribed fo r working clas s children, 9 8 Mardon, Tillie : an d Heal y an d Bronne r treatment, 177-7 8 Marketplace: controlling metapho r fo r moral entrepreneurs , 24 , 32 , 36 , 13 1 Massachusetts, 15 , 23 , 34 , 39 , 86 , 106 , 149; Board o f Health , 136 ; constitution, 112 ; governor, 76 , 94 , 150 ; state legislature, 75-76 , 150 ; second mos t urbanized state , 9 7 Massachusetts Bibl e Society , 7 5 Massachusetts Boar d of Stat e Charities, 76, 86 , 87 , 94 , 10 0 Massachusetts Commissioner s o n th e Pauper System , 2 3 Massachusetts Societ y fo r th e Preventio n of Cruelt y t o Children, 3 , 9, 136 , 14 1 May, Mary , 7 5 May, Samuel , 75 , 91

INDEX Medical model : and juvenil e court , 152 53 Mental healt h clinic, 146 , 168 . See also Judge Bake r Foundatio n Metcalf, Theodore , 11 3 Military drill : as development, 67 , 92 , 95, 110 ; older boy s like , 13 5 Milwaukee Juvenile Court, 16 2 Ministry t o the Poor , 19 , 22 , 2 9 Missionaries, 17-23 , 116 ; found Nort h End Mission , 129 ; turn fro m prosely tizing t o complex arra y of services , 131-32; views o n city, 128-2 9 Moral entrepreneurs , 190 ; confronted with increasin g destitution, 17 ; defined, 17 , 19 9 n2; invent reformabl e child, 31 ; and marketplace model , 33 , 36; organize socia l welfar e bureau cracy, 17 , 19 , 23 , 24 ; stress individua l moral flaws, 17 , 3 2 Moral Instructio n Society . See Societ y fo r the Religiou s an d Mora l Instructio n o f the Poo r Moral reform , 17 , 19 , 27 , 50 , 51 , 75 , 18 7 Mulry, Thomas , 12 5 Mutiny, 9 4 Nativism, 114 , 119 , 126 , 22 8 n 7 Nautical training : reform practice , 9 4 96, 10 0 Neighborhood socia l servic e agencies, 129 New Bedford , 94 , 9 5 Newsboys' Trial Board , 16 7 New Yor k Charity Organizatio n Society , 140 North Benne t Stree t Industria l School , 158; aims and history , 135 ; competition wit h stree t culture, 13 5 North En d Mission : reform aim s and history, 129-31 , 13 5 North Street, 128 , 14 2 O'Connell, Mary , 79 , 84 , 85 ; Lancaster case history, 77-7 8 Ontewicz, Ignos : case history, 16 8 Outdoor relief , 15 , 23-24 , 34 , 35-36 , 139

257

Overseers of the Poor . See Bosto n Over seers of the Poo r Ozanam, Fredric , 12 4 Paine, Rober t Treat, 141 ; advocate hous ing reform , 140 ; biography, 139 ; selfhelp, 139-4 0 Parental School , 16 7 Parents, 28 , 54 , 118 , 164 ; blamed fo r delinquency o f child, 45 , 173 ; bring complaints agains t girls, 43 , 77-78 , 80-81, 162 ; manipulate child agencies , 64, 118 ; oppose court findings , 165 66, 169 , 185 , 187 ; and reformers , 81 , 187; reject court claim s t o scientific ex pertise, 148 ; transmit cultural values , 52; use institution s i n times o f famil y crisis, 47 , 60 , 11 6 Pastoral ideal , 51-5 2 Patronage, 16 , 3 5 Pauperism, 17 , 20 , 24 , 34 , 40 , 97 , 125 , 131; as explanatory concept , 25-26 ; reported o n by Josiah Quincy , 35 ; caused b y relief , 23 , 34 , 139 , 17 5 Paupers, 23 , 33 , 35 , 39 ; segregated i n institutions, 36-3 7 Peirce, Bradford , 79 , 8 4 Pennsylvania Supreme Court, 15 0 Perfectionism, 5 1 Perkins Institut e fo r th e Blind , 7 6 Philadelphia Hous e o f Refuge , 15 0 Philbrick, John, 12 0 Pilot (Catholic newspaper) , 92 , 113 , 11 4 Pine Farm , 63 , 68 , 132 ; avoids effects o f "less eligibility," 60; daily schedule , 65-66; depend s fo r succes s on publi c reformatory, 60 , 94 ; discipline, 60-61 , 65; and domestic reform , 57 , 58 ; inmate composition, 61-62 ; older, mor e delinquent boy s remain , 64-65 , 70 ; organization, 58-59 ; placement program , 62, 65, 69 ; impact of shif t t o immedi ate placement, 64 , 6 6 Placement, 39 , 48 , 95 ; domestic service , 81-84, 90 ; limitations, 82-84 , 88 ; at Pine Farm , 62 ; problems with , 63-64 ; reformers' view of , 81-82 ; supervisio n afterwards, 88 , 9 0

258

INDEX

Poor: adult poor , 26 , 30-31 , 37 ; criteria of "worth y an d unworthy, " 4, 23 , 25 , 30, 45 , 106 , 190 ; considered wit h sus picion, 18 , 128 ; home visitor s uplift , 23; instructing i n bourgeoi s values , 21-22, 33 ; reform of , 36 , 110 , 112 , 130-31, 189 , 191 ; reformers'view of , 19-20, 32 , 45 ; relief sustain s artifi cially, 15 , 34 ; wary o f contact with so cial welfar e agencies , 10 , 136 , 19 0 Poor Laws, 1 5 Portuguese-Americans, 129 , 13 1 Poverty, 36 , 63 , 126 , 138 , 140 ; drives in dividuals t o the marketplace , 140 ; linked wit h dependence , 34 , 35 ; and individual mora l failure , 128 , 175 ; placed on pa r with criminality, 3 2 Prison, 86 , 9 4 Prisoners' Friend Society , 7 5 Private institution : defined, 21 4 n8 Probation, 58 , 132 , 149 , 152 ; in reform , 156-59. See also Juvenile cour t Probation officers, 151-52 , 157 , 15 9 Progressives, 190 ; children an d reform , 145-47; create juvenil e court system , 146, 153 ; education, 146 , 153 ; focus o n individual, 153 ; mental healt h clinic , 146 Progressivism, 127 , 16 8 Proselytism, 12 , 18 , 47, 50 , 62-63 , 111 , 114, 115 ; shift from , 131-3 2 Protestantism: 46 , 92 , 11 4 Protestant refor m agencies , 114 , 116 , 118, 119 ; cooperation wit h Catholi c agencies, 109 , 125-26 ; versus Catholic, 13, 109 , 124 . See also Nort h En d Mis sion Protestants, 47 , 111 ; compared wit h Catholics, 123 ; see Catholics a s menacing American liberty , 112 ; ties wit h Catholic leaders , 112 , 113 , 121 ; versus Catholics, 112 , 115 , 122 , 12 6 Prostitutes, 20 , 42 , 45 , 83 , 84-86 , 129 ; views of , 20 ; women evangelical s ef forts t o redeem, 7 3 Provident Society , 14 1 Psychiatry. See Psychologica l approache s to delinquenc y

Psychological approache s t o delinquency , 170-88, 190 ; debt t o cultural refor m tradition, 175-76 , 179 ; expressed i n child guidanc e clinics, 171-72 ; femal e deviance, 177-79 ; history, 170-71 ; influence, 174-75 ; and science , 179 , 181 , 186. See also Bronner , Augusta ; Hart well, Samuel ; Healy , Willia m Public institution : defined, 21 4 n 8 Punishment; described , 103-4 ; employe e dismissal for , 103 ; in refor m institu tions, 49 , 59 , 92 , 94 , 10 6 Purity crusaders , 8 6 Quincy, Josiah, 22 , 40 ; defines devianc e through institutions , 36-37 ; and mora l entrepreneurs, 33 , 36 ; reform ambi tions, 32-38 ; transform s almshouse s into houses o f industry , 34-35 ; reorganization o f Bosto n jails , 3 7 Rainer, Tom : an d Heal y an d Bronne r treatment, 176-7 7 Red Cross , 4 Reformable child : invented , 26 , 3 1 Reformatories: separate d fro m othe r institutions, 33 ; public versu s private , 59, 60 , 71 . See also Hous e o f th e Ange l Guardian, Pin e Farm , Roc k Lawn , State Industria l Schoo l fo r Girls, Stat e Reform Schoo l fo r Boy s Religious leaders , 112-1 6 Republican ideology , 3 3 Ring, Thomas , 12 5 Rock Lawn , 59 , 132 ; compared t o Pin e Farm, 64-65 ; closed, 68 ; and domesti c reform, 5 7 Romantic reform , 5 1 Roxbury Neighborhoo d House , 5- 6 Rural life , 52 , 5 5 St. Vincen t d e Pau l Society : cooperatio n with Protestan t agencies , 125 ; methods, 124-25 ; origin, 12 4 St. Vincent' s Femal e Orpha n Asylum , 113 Sanborn, Franklin , 94 , 101 ; critic o f re-

INDEX formatories, 97 , 100 ; report fo r Stat e Board of Charities, 87 ; urges immedi ate placement, 86-87 , 9 6 Sargent, John, 2 2 School attendance , 4 0 School Department , 16 7 School Ships , 94 ; grounds fo r incarcera tion, 95 ; inmate composition, 95 ; methods, 9 6 Separatism, 115-16 , 11 9 Settlement houses , 6 , 136 , 141 , 158 , 15 9 Sherborn Women' s Reformatory , 8 9 Smith, Adam , 1 5 Society fo r Moral an d Religiou s Instruc tion of th e Poo r (Moral Instructio n So ciety), 123 , 128 ; campaign t o conver t Catholics, 114 ; failure, 18-19 ; first urban missionary i n Boston , 17-18 ; reform practices , 18 ; supports publi c schools, 27-2 9 Society fo r the Preventio n o f Cruelt y t o Children. See Massachusetts Societ y for the Prevention of Cruelty t o Children South En d Hous e (Andove r House) , 13 6 Stanford-Binet I Q test , 18 4 State Industria l Schoo l fo r Girls (Lancaster), 8 , 68 , 162 ; begins t o admit sex ually activ e girls, 84-86 ; daily sched ule, 79 ; and domestic reform , 72 , 74 , 75, 90 , 93 ; influence o f Europea n reformatories, 76 ; inmate composition , 80; female superintenden t (1885) , 74 ; fits traditional Iris h culture, 81 ; grounds fo r incarceration , 73-74 ; history, 75-76 , 106 ; issue of "mora l con tagion," 79-80; placement after , 82 84, 88 , 90; reform aims , 76-79 ; as substitute family, 73 , 74 , 7 7 State Refor m Schoo l fo r Boy s (Westbor ough), 33 , 96, 100 , 113 , 114 ; arson, 49; Catholic inmates , 47 ; discipline, 48, 102-4 ; and domestic reform , 91 , 92, 101 ; history, 91 ; interaction be tween superintenden t an d inmates , 92-93; origins, 46 ; riot at, 102 ; subculture of violence , 48 , 103-4 ; trust boys , 104-5

259

State Superintendent s o f Indoo r and Outdoor Poor , 13 8 Stead, Willia m T . (If Christ Came to Chicago), 142 Suffolk Count y Jail, 58 , 7 4 Sullivan, John L. , 13 7 Sunday Schools : enroll students , 28-30 ; transmit cultura l values , 22-23 ; proselytism, 11 6 Survey (journal), 18 6 Temperance, 34 ; as indicator of character, 20 ; part of dominant culture , 195 n5 Temporary Hom e fo r Falle n Women , 4 4 Tewksbury almshouse , 8 9 Therapeutic: appea l of , 187-88 ; as model, 187 ; and ne w languag e of re form, 171 ; therapeutic state , 149 , 153 , 159, 169 , 18 6 Thomas, W . I. , 17 3 Thorndike, Edward , 17 2 Tocqueville, Alexi s de, 38 , 39 , 4 2 Trust boys , 104- 5 Tuckerman, Joseph, 30 , 114 , 129 , 130 , 138, 142 ; analysis of poverty , 21-22 ; attempt t o organize charity , 24-25 ; background, 19 ; focus o n poo r children, 26-27 , 28 ; and mora l reform , 19, 36 ; organizes Ministr y t o the poor , 22-23; views o n pauperism , 23-24 ; views on poor , 19-21 , 26-2 7 Tucker, William , 135-3 6 Tuthill, Richard , 16 0 Ursuline Conven t School , 112 ; burned by nativists , 4 5 Visiting Agency , 88 , 10 0 Vocational training , 65, 131 , 135 ; alternative t o domestic reform , 95-96 ; displaces domestic reform , 90 , 101 , 110 . See also Manual trainin g Voluntary societies , 6 , 30 , 52 ; inadequate to solve social problem , 143 ; linked t o coercive institution , 23 4 nl 5

260

INDEX

Wall, Thomas : beaten , 12 0 Warren Stree t Church , 2 9 Washburn, Emory, 7 6 Waterston, Robert , 2 2 Wells, E.M.P . (Eleazar) , 39 , 40 , 47 , 54 , 118; background an d views , 38 ; exercises educationa l philosoph y a t Bosto n Farm School , 54-55 ; criticized fo r overgenerous reform , 4 0 Westborough. See Stat e Refor m Schoo l for Boy s Williams, John, 113 , 119 ; on accommo dation, 120-2 1 Women a s reformers, 44-45 , 58 , 68 , 73 , 75, 86 , 130-31 ; in Catholic domesti c culture, 123 ; class difference s among , 81-82, 131 ; refining influence , 59 ; transmission o f values , 5 2

Worchester Chil d Guidanc e Clinic , 17 9 Workhouses, 31 , 41; deterrent, 32 , 36 ; and eliminatio n o f publi c relief , 23-24 ; site fo r girls' reformatory, 4 3 Working class, 73 , 190 ; children, 93 , 99 , 107, 110 , 118 , 132 , 133 , 146 , 158 , 163 , 166; families, 77 , 165 , 185 ; fear of, 57 , 109, 125 ; limited choice s fo r women , 82,130- 31, 175 ; periodic unemploy ment, 13-14 , 21 , 25 , 166 , 175 , 19 0 Wright, Carroll , 8 2 Yankee far m families , 55 , 62 , 76 ; boys' experience in , 6 5 YMCA, 9 6 "The Youn g Forgers ; or, Home s an d Prisons," 53 YWCA, 8 6

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