Ideology, meaning and myth : Marx, Weber and Durkheim on the three dimensions of sacred symbolism and their uses in society

Citation preview

Order Number 9111880

‘Ideology’, ‘m eaning’, and ‘m y th ’: M arx, W eber, and D urkheim on th e three dim ensions o f sacred sym bolism and th eir uses in society Ganowicz,' Jacek, Ph.D. Syracuse University, 1990

Copyright © 1991 by Ganowicz, Jacek. All rights reserved.

UMI

300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

•IDEOLOGY', 'MEANING', AND 'MYTH': MARX, WEBER, AND DURKHEIM ON THE THREE DIMENSIONS OF SACRED SYMBOLISM AND THEIR USES IN SOCIETY. by Jacek Ganowicz M.A. in Sociology, Warsaw University M.A. in Economics, The Main School for Planning and Statistics, Warsaw

A Dissertation Abstract Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School Syracuse University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy June, 1990

Approved by

VAA/Ht*

Date

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

The of

works

religion

of

Marx,

are

put

relationship

between

argued

each

that

different

between

to

as

sacred

beliefs

design

the

that

dimension

individual

existence,

salvation,

for

explanation they

as

envelop

meaning. career between group

the

And to

the in

here The

insights seminal

as the central into

umbrella. in

the

A

social

stresses

'meaning'

in

in

religion:

of

offer

an

as

These the

beliefs

purpose self

in

in

and

his

'myth' of of

be

this

and of

course

depict

and

life

the web

the

beliefs

of

of

that

self

can

turn,

referred

promises

workings

sociologists

is

the

hypothesis

the

symbolism

such

These

dimension

societal

of

self

between the

relations

the

society

a

probl e m s

beliefs

society.

is

focuses

sacred

in

comes

individual

conceptual religion

on

It

the

individual

focus

the

primarily

is

Durkheim

relationship to

what

Marx

up

of

macro

of

example.

to

make

Weber,

area

as

theories.

that depicts the that

the

as well

beliefs.

of

address

in

writers emphasizes

dimension

'ideology'.

analyses

light

respective

symbolism

the

Durkheim

classical

particular

'frames'

and

new

these

of

the

This

here

his

a

hierarchical groups

realm. that

on

in

of the

type

primarily

Weber,

the

of

his

reference

'frame'

society are in

sacred

encounter

or her

that

thus

the

referred

religion.

work

is

that

these

religion by

the

three

brought together

three-dimensional setting

is

under one model

proposed

of that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

incorporates and

'myth'.

traditional and

the

dimensions

According

religious

Durkheim,

such

ascetic

Protestantism,

beliefs

that

well

as

reference with

the

Augustine,

'frame'

and

systems as

The

this studied

to

totemism,

the

Puritan

Marx,

all

the

the

tests

the

doctrine of

the the

society,

self

chapter

system

Weber,

encompass

macro

between

last

by

,

the

Christianity,

totemism, self,

'meaning'

hypothesis,

medieval

and the

'ideology',

to

relationship

group.

respect

of

William

and

as the

this

claim

of

Saint

Perkins.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

•IDEOLOGY', ’MEANING', AND 'MYTH': MARX, WEBER, AND DURKHEIM ON THE THREE DIMENSIONS OF SACRED SYMBOLISM AND THEIR USES IN SOCIETY. by Jacek Ganowicz M.A. in Sociology, Warsaw University M.A. in Economics, The Main School for Planning and Statistics, Warsaw

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School Syracuse University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy June, 1990

IvvHif Date

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- PREFACE -

As I have come to realize now, looking in retrospect, this dissertation is a product of my intellectual anguish over the

vexing

country,

problems

Poland.

that

have

Poland

has

been

plaguing

always

been

my

a

home

devoutly

Catholic country, many of its people proud of their role as the

last bastion

Europe. raised

of Western Christianity in the East

I, personally, in

sentiment.

a

liberal

However,

symbolic system.

of

have never shared this mythology, family,

with

little

nationalistic

I have been vastly exposed to another

After WWII,

Poland found itself in the

orbit of the Marxist-Leninist ideology, along with several other Central European countries drawn into the so-called Soviet

sphere

of

influence.

The

Leninist

doctrine

of

communist party hegemony became the national ideology in my country,

propagated

through

the

media

and

taught

at

in a country torn between

its

schools. I have been allegiance

growing

to the

old

up

Christian roots

and the

vision of a new society of universal justice. both

and

beliefs,

not

particularly

attracted

to

grandiose Exposed to

either

set

of

I was like several other of my friends raised in

liberal families with no strong ideological affiliations. But I could not help being curious about what was going on. i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

I guess,

the particular circumstances of my country gave

rise to my interest in the sociology of beliefs.

I wanted

to understand how the great totalizing symbolic systems can operate

in society,

influence

its members

and

shape the

of

religion,

course of history. So

I

set

especially

out

to

study

the

sociology

impressed by the vast learning and historical

erudition of Max Weber.

But I also had been influenced by

the readings of Karl Marx, whose perspective on history, although somewhat excessively sweeping, merits.

And

then

Poland,

I found

came

little

my

is not without its

Durkheimian

interest

encounter.

in that

latter

In

scholar,

perhaps because his works challenge Marx's interpretation of history, or so it has been conceived by those in charge of educational curricula.

At any rate,

readings

only

of

Durkheim

came

after

my first serious I

arrived

in

the

United States, the country where the research following in the footsteps of the great French scholar has found a very congenial home. Basically, this study arises from my dissatisfaction with each of the three sociological perspectives on religion. All the three writers discussed in this dissertation have provided

very

religion

and

society.

interesting the

effects

insights sacred

into

beliefs

the can

origins

of

create

in

They illuminate us with respect to the possible

causes and functions of religion,

in their wide variety,

ii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

ranging

between

class

conflict,

providing the motivation to work.

social

solidarity

or

I believe that all these

effects associated with religion are indeed very important. However, my interest was more in what I would refer to as the mechanics of religious world-views.

Rather than break

religions down into a bundle of various causes and effects, as the great sociologists have done, I was searching for a way

to

comprehend

conceives

of

the

a

religious

world,

mind

especially

and of

explain

how

society.

I

it was

groping for a hermeneutics of religion. But the such

as

existing hermeneutical

the

perspective

approaches

developed

by

Paul

example, were not appropriate for my goal.

to

religion,

Ricoeur,

for

Stemming from a

different social context than my interests, Ricoeur offers little help in terms of

understanding of the historical

dynamics of religions and their entanglement in society.

I

found the classical hermeneutical perspective on religion to

be

essentially

private

religious

static

and

experience

focussed of

the

primarily

on

individual.

the I

discovered a more stimulating approach in the fascinating work of Mircea

Eliade.

I take his perspective to be a

paradigm of a hermeneutic of the religious mind for this study.

However, I could not follow in Eliade's footsteps,

either. either

His work focusses almost entirely in the area of Eastern

stressing

or

largely

the the

so-called

relationship

primitive between

religions,

humanity

and

iii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

nature.

I was

interaction

interested much more at that time in the

between

the

religious

mind

and

its

social

setting.

Here the only ally I could find turned out to be

the work

of

Peter

Berger

and

the

religion, such as Joachim Wach.

older

sociologists

This, however, brought me

back immediately to the sociological classics. Berger

both

draw

very

of

heavily

on

Wach and

that whole

tradition,

including Weber, Durkheim, and Marx. I realized that there was no going around the powerful formulations

of

the

three

classics

when

one

wants

to

understand how the religious mind operates in the social setting.

Once

synthesis.

It

this

was

appeared

theories of Marx, Weber,

clear,

to me

came

that

I

the

idea

could

recast

and Durkheim, so that

be rendered compatible with one another.

of

a the

they will

This

is how I

arrived at the idea of a three-dimensional model of sacred symbolism in its relationship to society.

I believe, now,

that each of the three classical authors has focussed on one dimension of sacred symbolism, that

fitted

religion.

his

preferred

image

of

social

life

and

They did a great analytical job in extricating

these dimensions of 'ideology',

'myth', and 'meaning', from

the web of sacred beliefs and,

also,

various consequences for society. been

selecting the beliefs

achieved,

these

different

in discussing their

However, after this has dimensions

can

be

put

together now, to convey a more complete picture of how the iv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

religious

mind

operates

in

society.

This

dissertation

tries to develop such an understanding when it argues that the traditional religions have created the image of living in three-dimensional 'holographic' sacred spaces, for their followers. It

would

project

not

have

been

possible

without

the

help

of

to

several

institutional support I was offered. home,

in

Poland,

where

I was

accomplish people

this

and

the

It all started back

not

only

initiated

as

a

sociologist during my Master's study at Warsaw University. I was also offered a unique opportunity of devoting myself almost exclusively to an extensive study of Max Weber.

For

over a year I held an assistantship at the Department of Theoretical The

time

Sociology so

at

the

generously

invaluable asset devoted to Weber.

Polish Academy

afforded

me

in writing the part

there

of

Science.

proved

an

of my dissertation

At any point I could go back to the old

notes and sketches I had written at that time.

Without

hesitation, I daresay that insofar as I have drawn on Weber in

my

work,

this

project

would

not

have

without the support I was given in Poland.

been

Among the many

learned people I got to know and respect there, like

to

express

special

thanks

Although herself a skeptic, interest all

in sociological

skepticism.

to

possible

Helena

I would

Kozakiewicz.

she successfully nourished my

theory and sustained it against

Helena's

influence

in

stimulating

my

v

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

intellectual

curipsity

at

that

early

stage

can

only

compared with the role played by Jadwiga Staniszkis, flamboyant

first

lady

of

Polish

Sovietology

be the

whose

intellectual breadth and penetrating insight I have always admired. In

talking

parents.

about my

home

country,

I cannot

forget my

After all, this intellectual enterprise of mine

would not have been possible if it were not for them.

They

have always looked very sympathetically upon my scholarly ambitions, my mother was actually always encouraging me in this respect.

At times, my parents would furnish resources

to sustain their son in need.

I thank my father and mother

for their help and contributions to my work. In

1985

I

came

to

the

United

States

doctoral study at Syracuse University.

and

started

my

The Department of

Sociology there offered me financial support in the form of successive assistantships

and teaching assignments,

going

beyond what I could have reasonably expected, as it appears to me now.

Many thanks for this generous lengthy support

to everyone involved in making those decisions, to

my

knowledge,

Barry

Glassner,

Susan

including,

Borker,

Hal

Mizruchi, and Gunter Remmling. There is a large number of people at Syracuse to whom I owe a debt of gratitude for their intellectual support and stimulation. dissertation

First

of all,

director

and

I would

like

intellectual

to mention my mentor,

Gunter

vi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Remmling.

Gunter's excellent scholarship and expertise in

the sociology of knowledge, the resources from which I was fortunate to draw during his seminars, go without saying. However, Gunter also has a keen interest in the sociology of

religion

qualities

and

as an

secularization.

I

believe

that

his

intellectual have greatly contributed to

this dissertation,

especially during the formative stages

of my project, where he provided a guiding influence, held a compass so that I would not lose a sense of direction and the

necessary confidence as to where I was going.

I must

also not forget the other contribution of my director, the

form

of

seeing

administrative stages,

my

project

through

all

in the

from the beginning until the day of

the defence. Ernest Wallwork represented the department of religion on my

committee.

I

have

taken

a

seminar

with

Professor

Wallwork during my first semester at Syracuse and to this day

I

remember

exposed

to.

Troeltsch.

We

it

for the

were

breadth

discussing

of

learning we

Augustine,

Calvin,

were and

I returned to all these readings in writing my

thesis.

But first of all, Ernest is an eminent Durkheimian

to me.

And, his interpretation of the great sociologist's

works on religion has been one of the most reliable sources in writing of this dissertation.

Many thanks.

I also need to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to Julia Loughlin.

Without her contribution my project would have vii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

lost

Immensely.

More

than

any

other

scholar

on

my

committee, Julia is an empirical researcher rather than an •armchair theorist'.

Combined with her essential openness

to new ideas and directions in thinking, orientation

proved

dissertation.

a

tremendous

asset

this empiricist in

writing

this

In reading through my lengthy manuscripts,

Julia would immediately nail down spurious logic or shifts in

the

meaning

of

indiscriminately. opposite

of

concepts

At

what

I

would

the same time,

C.

'abstract empiricist'.

Wright

Mills

sometimes

Julia

apply

is the exact

referred

to

as

the

As I have learned in her seminar,

she has a deep understanding of what a theoretical paradigm means.

But I must not forget her personal qualities.

has always been there,

She

whenever her help was needed.

To

me, Julia has always been a friend. Arthur Paris came to out department too late for me to be able to appreciate his seminars. student

when

he

agreed

to

But I became Dr.

join my

committee.

Paris' His

own

former work was in the sociology of religion; we also share an

interest

some

in culture

penetrating

sociology.

criticisms

of

my

Arthur writing

also provided style,

and,

hopefully, this becomes evident that I took him seriously, as the dissertation progresses.

I also have to mention his

outstanding personal qualities; despite numerous duties he has taken on himself at this department and at home, would always

be

on time,

eventually.

he

I appreciate that

viii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

very much, indeed. And last but not the least, I wish to thank Jean Howard for her part on my committee.

Jean is a feminist scholar

and a student of the culture of English Renaissance.

But

she also has a strong interest in Marxism and the logic of explanation in the social sciences.

Her critical comments

bore the mark of a truly philosophical mind, always

been

a great pleasure to try to

and it has

respond to her.

Above the critic part, Jean has also volunteered to assume another role,

for what I can only express my admiration, t

knowing

how

busy

she

is.

She

edited most

of my work,

trying to pick out those stubborn indefinite and definite articles errors

that that

have

been

remain,

are

eluding only

me.

my

Of

course,

those

responsibility.

But

imagine what this thesis would have looked like if it were not for Jean. Beside

my

1 committee

acknowledge the people.

members,

intellectual

I

would

contributions

also of

like

some

to

other

I thank Ephraim Mizruchi for a stimulating seminar

on Durkheim, of which I was fortunate to be a participant. It was my Durkheimian primer, and I hope a lesson has been learned. been

Barry

Another

Durkheimian

Glassner,

whose

influence

classes

and

at

Syracuse has

seminars

I have

found very illuminating, combining empirical problems with good grasp of theory and philosophical issues. Syracuse community,

Outside of

I was greatly aided by Stephen Turner ix

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

whom I not only frequently quote in this work but who also has been so kind as to agree to comment on my papers on Durkheim and Weber. It would have been very forgetful of me not to mention the institutional help and support I was offered in my new workplace, Morehead State University.

My department chair,

David Rudy, has patiently sheltered me from administrative duties during my first year, thesis.

so that I could work on my

I have found a very friendly working environment

at Morehead State,

including virtually all my colleagues.

I would like to express my special thanks to Karl Kunkel and Donna Phillips.

They were both willing to share their

invaluable time and expertise when it came to Word Perfect. Most likely, I would have still been typing my thesis away in my office, if it had not been for Karl and Donna. It is extremely hard to give proper recognition to all these wonderful people who have helped me along in writing this dissertation. But there is one very special person who made my work possible and my life bearable, was getting miserable at times.

even when it

My gratitude to Jola far

exceeds anything that can be possibly said. I dedicate this dissertation to her.

x

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE........................................................

I

INTRODUCTION..................................................

1

CHAPTER: I.THE FRAME PRINCIPLE................................ 11. RELIGION AS IDEOLOGY: MARX, ENGELS, AND WEBER III.WEBER ON THE DIMENSION OF 'MEANING' IN RELIGION... IV.DURKHEIM ON 'MEANING',

'IDEOLOGY', AND 'MYTH'

18 51 93 161

V.TOWARDS SYNTHESIS: A THREE-DIMENSIONAL MODEL OF RELIGION IN THE SOCIAL SETTING....................

205

VI.THREE CASE STUDIES: TOTEMISM, AUGUSTINISM, AND THE PURITAN THEOLOGY OF WILLIAM PERKINS...........

248

VI I. CONCLUSION.........................................

323

BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................

xi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

358

- INTRODUCTION -

Sociologists reductionism Their

in

frequently

their

treatment

1969: 15).

a science which

a

Sociology is often portrayed as

fails to approach religion as a meaningful

a symbolic

interpreted,

its

system which needs to be decoded or

symbolic

significance

sociology explains the sacred

reality

more

mundane— the

socio-psychological realm. what,

widely

beliefs.

its own

Instead,

one

religious

for

explain the sacred away rather than deal with it in

phenomenon,

invoke

of

assailed

critic,

(Eliade,

to

been

recognized

terms

analyses,

have

I

believe,

understood.

as an expression of

socio-economic

or

the

In this study I want to propose

is a more balanced view of sociology's

contribution to the

study of sacred symbolism.

In no way

do I intend to deny various

attempts made by sociologists

to

quite

explain

religion

reductionistic terms. proponent religion

of

this

in, Marx,

trend,

straightforwardly,

to take the most almost

conspicuous

self-evidently

treats

as manifestation of conflicts between classes

alienation from

the production process.

not

from

shy

away

pointing

to

Also Durkheim does social-psychological

phenomena as the causes of religion; at its root, collective

effervescence,

upon

self

the

(Remmling,

the

impact

1967:

12).

or

of

group

he sees

gatherings

The existence of

reductionistic explanations as part and parcel

of religious

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

sociology cannot be gainsaid.

But neither do they exhaust

the whole of sociological enterprise. I want to demonstrate that there model

of

society model,

the

in

relationship

the

also

between

sociologists'

sacred

works.

sacred symbols and beliefs

exists

another

symbolism

and

According to this

perform an independent

role in social life, exert their influence by virtue of what they mean.

I will show this recognition of the independent

significance of religious symbolism based on the works of Marx, their

Weber,

and Durkheim.

Each of these writers,

reductionistic hypotheses, proposes a model which, in

its general terms,

reminds of certain hypotheses put forth

by Mircea Eliade, the

distinguished religionist.

According

to

Eliade,

one

interpretation

of

religion

is

grounding

the

symbolism

sacred

beside

for

symbol

refers

to

we

some

of

the

to

find

seek

to

steps a

in

morphological

explain.

situations

the

in

Each

human

life,

'...a symbol always aims at something real or at the very situation of

human existence as such'

(Eliade, 1978: IX).

In his prolific work, Eliade discusses numerous examples of such

existential situations, experiences characteristic for

human life. above

our

Among them are the encounter of the open skies heads,

space and time all

of

sun,

(Rasmussen,

these phenomena

earth, 1974:

in course

vegetation,

30).

of their

fertility,

People experience lives.

Another

category which makes up the morphological basis of religious

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

symbolism are the cyclical Birth,

growing

up,

maturing,

familiar to all of

Reli g i o n s

bestow

a

existential

situation.

They of

are

life, of

Most commonly,

transition

from

(1958)

discusses

130-131), these

to

such

the

ordinary

by

special

exemplify the

such

stages

of

adulthood 'puberty

or

adolescence.

rites'

in

various

including the earliest beliefs of

but underneath of

these

rites are performed upon

initiation rites

festivals

events

upon

off

punctuating

humanity and subsequent religions. in

from

marked

these

childhood

societies and traditions,

patterns

are

meaning

initiation

celebrations

maturing.

Eliade

special

distinguished

Rites

festivities,

dying,

encounters inherent in the human

everyday

celebrations.

aging,

life.

us, part and parcel of human existence.

experiences,

routines

events associated with

is

The great diversity of apparent

(Eliade,

1958:

a common thread prevails in all

maturity,

'a

dimension

metacultural and transhistorical' (Eliade, 1958:

that 130).

is All

initiation into adulthood implies the same experience to be lived through: disclosure of the society's ways, its culture and

traditions,

initiated

as

(Eliade,

they become 1958:

puberty bestow a sacred picture

society's

customs

3,

revealed

130-131).

to those being The

rituals

of

significance to this revelation, and

traditions

making, the creation of a Supernatural Being

as

the

divine

(Eliade, 1958:

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

131).

Eliade

encounters

and

existential with

a

demonstrates concerns

sacred

pattern of

for

other

human

life,

Religions endow these experiences significance.

experience of the rhythm of symbolism.

same

characteristic

experiences.

special

the

For

example,

life can be couched in sacred

"Through the myths and symbols of

the Moon man

grasps the mysterious solidarity among temporality, death

and

resurrection,

vegetation,

and

so

sexuality,

on..."

(Eliade,

endless cycle of birth, growth, reemergence

the

of a new life,

birth,

fertility, 1963a

rain,

: 141).

The

decline and resumption, the

is depicted by

corresponding

lunar symbolism in various myths and religions. Eliade's model for explaining religion is very complex. It does not end the

existential

with the quest to show the situations

or

events,

basis of religion, and the corresponding (Allen,

1978:

argument,

'fit' between

the morphological sacred symbolism

138 ff.) But for the purpose of the

present

this part of his model is of primary import— the

analysis how hierophanies emerge,

the special combinations

of sacred

symbols and corresponding objects or situations,

events

existential

of

import.

Eliade

never

tries

to

stipulate which situations in human existence can give rise to

hierophanies,

contrary,

he

ever handled,

sacred symbols attached to them.

clearly stresses felt,

come into

become a hierophany "(Eliade,

that

To the

"...anything man has

contact with or loved CAN 1963b:

38).

Sacred meaning

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

can

become

existential

attached

to

any

significance,

salient for the

people.

anything

his

research;

symbols

it

or

that

situations becomes

of

somehow

This explanation, needless to say,

is very abstract, devoid of fills in his model with

objects

nearly any substance.

specific content in the

demonstrates

what

Eliade

course of

particular

sacred

'reveal1, what corresponding objects or situations

are connected to them and in which What

Eliade

does,

explanation of how

The

essence,

is

to

sacred symbolism works.

that a similar model Durkheim.

in

religions. propose

I argue here

is also traceable in Marx, Weber, and

three

seminal

analyses of religion, have each

sociologists,

in

their

brought out sacred beliefs

which bestow special significance upon certain associated with

an

life in society.

In this,

experiences

each of these

three writers focussed on experiences of a different type, and, Marx

consequently, stressed

sacred

beliefs

the

on different corresponding symbolism. dimension

which

of

depict

'ideology' the

experience

making up the macro society and the relations Weber,

in his turn,

in

religion: of

groups

between them.

emphasized the dimension of

'meaning':

sacred interpretations of the individual self, primarily the promises

of

salvation.

As

considerable attention to the 'ideology',

for

Durkheim,

dimensions of

stressed by the other two

he

devotes

'meaning' and

authors.

the main stress in Durkheim's analyses, particularly

However, in his

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

later works, falls upon the dimension of 'myth' in religion: beliefs

in

relationship

terms

of

three

people

interpret

their

with the reference groups in society.The three

paradigmatic writers religion,

which

of

sociology,

have elicited

experiences

in their

the beliefs which

pivotal

for

social

analyses of

correspond to life

from

the

perspective of the individual: the experience of the self, of groups in

society, and of the encounter between self and

the group. Seen

in

religion

this

light,

of

these

them.

writers

stressed

Totemism,

Protestantism, Weber's belief

the

one dimension

medieval

key

systems

cases

provides

groups in society,

this analysis,

sacred

in

Christianity, Durkheim's,

Marx's,

and and

each one of these

interpretations of the self,

and the

'Ideology',

of

religions comprise all three

respective studies of religion,

society.

of

with one another but complementary.

symbolism, whereas traditional of

interpretations

put forth by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim appear not

only to be compatible Each

sociological

the

relationship between self and

'meaning',

and

'myth',

as seen in

represent three dimensions in the symbolism

of traditional religions.

In the first chapter,

I discuss the 'frame' concept, and

explicate how it will be applied in this present analysis. Goffman's concept will provide a yardstick, a measuring rod

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

necessary to compare various theories of social life. its underlying assumptions, Kant's

idea

thinker,

of

the

categories.

'frame* According

In

theory reminds of to

that

latter

categories are symbolic images which organize our

experience of the natural world, render scientific knowledge possible

(Remmling,

1967:

56-60).

existence of such symbolic

If it were not for the

'frames', our experience of the

world would be limited to an amorphous flow of sense data, in itself chaotic and meaningless. Goffman's theory expands the idea of categories far beyond Kant's original usage of the term.

Our sensory experience

involves most diverse angles of perception; moreover, these perceptions of the world may vary for different people as well as interculturally. no

means

implies. too.

limited

to

Also, the flow of sense data is by

images

of

nature,

as

Kant's

theory

Social life is a source of sensory impressions,

According to Goffman, the reality of human experience

of the world is virtually infinite, and so are the symbolic concepts by the means of which we sort out our perceptions. Some 'frames' are very abstract, all-encompassing, like, for example, the concept of natural objects as opposed to human agency and society.

But Goffman also brings out examples of

'frames' that are very specific and concrete.

While playing

checkers, we await the opponents move, and culture provides a

fitting concept that depicts this particular experience

one has while observing the other player consider his next

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

move.

Virtually any aspect of the human experience of the

world can be 'framed' by the means of the fitting symbolism. Even falling in love is not merely emotional but involves also an appropriate concept. Goffman

only

hints

at

the

possibility

that

sacred

symbols also serve as 'frames', to order human experience of reality.

But Eliade provides an instant application of this

idea, in his analysis of hierophanies, sacred objects in the world whose experience becomes delineated and

fixiated

people's minds by the means of religious symbolism. Peter Berger's

(1967)

phenomenological

reminds one of

'frame' analysis.

in

Also

study of religion

Partly drawing on Eliade,

Berger demonstrates that people impart special significance to various

aspects

appears

sense

in

of

their

experience,

perceptions.

geographical places,

Thus,

buildings,

the world there

as

it

are various

individual people,

as well

as whole societies, that have been endowed with sacredness. Historically, aspects

of

people the

have

world

evinced

and

couch

a

tendency

these

to

select

experiences

in

religious symbolism. Following exposition of the

'frame' theory,

I proceed to

discuss the ideas of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. these writers,

I ask what beliefs they stressed

interpretations

of

consistency

this

in

Of each of

religion respect

and in

whether their

there

works.

juncture, the 'frame' becomes instrumental,

in their is At

any this

in my analysis.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

I try to ascertain what type of objects or experiences are 'framed' by the beliefs that have been emphasized by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, respectively. The

second

chapter

is

an

analysis

of

Marx's

views.

Undoubtedly, the main thrust of his approach goes towards a reductionistic explanation of religion.

In this,

one can

distinguish two types of reductionism in his theories.

On

the

of

one

hand,

alienation,

he

in

views

terms

religion of

a

as

an

expression

psychological

compensatory

mechanism that reduces the level of frustration.

But on the

other hand, Marx, and even more so Engels, view religion as a tool of political

contestation,

special idiom in which

mundane interests are disguised (Turner,

1983).

Both these

paradigms on religion traceable in Marx consider religion in reductionistic terms, search for its underlying causes from which

it sprang

discernible making

this

of

But there

in the materialist'

independent impact

forth.

latter

causal

serve

between

the

as

upon

Marx

classes

in

to

society.

'ideology',

another

strand

accounts of religion.

significance

beliefs

symbols

point

is yet

and

Engels

religion, In

this

discuss view,

to perpetuate

society.

grant

the

Religions

In an the

sacred

relations

portray

the

status quo prevalent in the society at a given time as a result of divine will, universe,

etc.

The

reflection of the hierarchy of the

beliefs

Marx

elicits

from

religions

'frame' the design of macro society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

The third chapter discusses Weber's view of religion. This perspective stresses the dimension of 'meaning' rather than

'ideology'.

Its proponent gives only a very slight

attention to the beliefs that depict the macro society; but he focuses mainly on the sacred symbolism that refers to the individual

self.

Hence,

Weber's

special

devotes to the promises of salvation. salvation as

life's ultimate goal,

attention

he

These beliefs posit

the

end of

existence.

Their impact in society gets played out through the emphasis on certain behavior patterns that are conceived to be the means to salvation.

Salvation promises,

foster these behavior practices. Protestantism motivated its followers

regarded

a

in Weber's view,

For example,

the ascetic

followers to work because

success

in

one's

occupation,

its the

'calling', to be a proof that one person is predestined to be

saved.

Buddhism represents the other pole of Weber's

classification

of

religions:

meditation

be

an

thereby,

to it

belief

appropriate

fosters

system

path

contemplative

to

that

conjures

salvation,

behavior

and,

patterns.

Throughout his religious sociology,

Weber demonstrates how

various

individual

religions

'frame'

the

self

and,

consequently, prod their followers in different directions.

Durkheim's work

on

religion,

discussed

in

the

fourth

chapter,

is not so clearly focussed as the ideas put forth

by

and

Marx

Weber.

There

is

a

visible

shift

in

his

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

emphasis. Labor

In the early works,

in

Society1

(henceforth

religious beliefs that of conduct.

DoL),

'The Division of

he

focuses

on

the

sanction moral norms and precepts

Religions tell people what course they ought to

follow in their actions, (Wallwork, 1985: 212). beliefs

including

that

'frame'

macro society.

supported by the authority of God In this case, Durkheim stresses the

the

self

rather

than the design of

His analysis reminds of Weber's emphasis on

salvation promises religions make goad them in a certain direction.

individuals

in order to

However, there is another

strand in Durkheim's early works, particularly in DoL. shows

there

that

religion and totemism, sacred

symbols

and

or

by

of

Marx's

to

the

of

fit

between

In the early religions,

groups whole

a

or

ancient

in

society;

tribal

deities

Judaism, clans,

confederacy, or

totemic

are signs

This Durkheim's explanation reminds one

emphasis

According

for

figures

(Wallwork, 1984).

exists,

Roman beliefs,

stand

gens,

represented

correspondence

social structure.

Greek

phratries,

a

He

both

on

the

dimension

writers,

of

'ideology'.

religion

provides

an

interpretation of the design of macro society. In

Durkheim's

dimension

of

later

sacred

works,

symbolism

a

comes

Elementary Forms of Religious Life' the

essay

'Individualism

and

shift into

occurs. focus,

A In

new 'The

(henceforth EF), and in

Intellectuals'

(Durkheim,

1973: 43-57), Durkheim brings out beliefs which 'frame' the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

relationship between self and society. dimension of religion as

'myth'

I will refer to this

in order to distinguish it

from both 'meaning' and 'ideology', beliefs focussing on the self and society, respectively. form

a

link

symbolically groups.

between

self

people's

The 'mythological' beliefs

and

society,

relationships

Durkheim's

prime

with

example

dimension of religion is totemism.

in

they

represent

their

reference

discussing

this

In totemic symbolism, he

elicits beliefs which convey to the clan members the idea that

they

partake

of

the

totemic

animal

or

plant.

For

example, people conceive of themselves as being related to a kangaroo.

Also the other members of the kangaroo clan think

of themselves relatives.

in the same terms; Thus,

the

totemic

they,

too,

symbolism

are kangaroo

gives

people

a

concept of relationship to their reference group; they are a family of kangaroos.

In strikingly similar terms Durkheim

explains the role played by modern universalism 1985:

212).

The

symbolism

of

humanity

brings

(Wallwork, about

a

concept of universalist social relations in people's minds. In

each

Durkheim

case,

discussing

stresses

symbols

totemism which

and

'frame'

modern the

beliefs,

relationship

between individuals and their reference groups, connect the self and society. In the fifth chapter,

I develop an argument that it is

possible to synthesize the three sociological perspectives on religion.

The theories of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

often

pictured

instance,

as

antithetical

or

contradictory.

For

it has been stressed that Marx considers religion

to be a mere reflex of the relations of production, whereas Weber unequivocally grants religious beliefs an independent causal significance in society.

There is a logical either-

or between these two perspectives. concept provides juxtapose

the

However,

a different vantage point

three

sociological

theories

Viewed in this perspective, Marx, Weber,

the

'frame'

from which to of

religion.

and Durkheim have

each stressed a different dimension in religious symbolism; in their theories,

they

focussed on beliefs

that

'frame'

three different aspects of social reality: the society, the self, and the relationship between self and society.

These

differences in emphasis, reflect the divergent values of the three

sociologists.

Based

relevance',

I

paradigms

religious

on

conceptions

of

briefly

human

on

trace

Weber's

of

'value-

the

three

sociologists'

to

their

respective

symbolism

nature

idea

and

society.

For

example,

Durkheim's emphasis on the ’mythological' symbolism reflects his growing concern with social bonds, his view of society as a community of rites and beliefs. emphasis on

'meaning'

And similarly, Weber's

and Marx's portrayal of religion as

'ideology' also can be traced back to their values.

Each of

the three classical sociologists has stressed the dimension of

religious

symbolism

anthropological assumptions,

that

corresponded

to

their

the image of what social life

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

14 is

primarily

about.

However,

their

ideas

do

not

seem

incompatible with each other, when viewed in this light. the

contrary,

they

Perhaps traditional dimensions that

appear

to

largely

complementary.

sacred systems comprise all the three

stressed by Marx,

'frame'

be

To

society,

self,

individual and society.

Weber,

and Durkheim:

beliefs

relationship

between

and the

To test that claim,

I propose a

three-dimensional model of religious symbolism in the social setting,

which

incorporates

the dimensions

of

'ideology',

'myth', and 'meaning'. In the

sixth

and

final

chapter,

I apply this

three-

dimensional model of sacred symbolism to case studies. propose

to

medieval

approach

Catholic

doctrine,

theology.

Durkheim

'...system

of

themselves the

totemism,

ideas

and

(1965:

257)

with

which

Saint

Augustine's

William

Perkins'

I

early Puritan

argued that totemism is a individuals

represent

society of which they are members

to

and the

obscure but intimate relations they have with it." In other words,

Durkheim's

'ideology' and that

that

theory

'myth'

latter

stressed

in totemism.

symbolic

system

the

However, also

dimensions

of

I demonstrate

comprises

beliefs

which provide an interpretation of the self? the individual totem performs that role, largely neglected in the analysis in

EF.

Totemism

'ideology',

'myth',

comprises and

all

'meaning'.

three

dimensions

For the member

of

of a

totemic tribe, he conceives of his social existence on these

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

three dimensions.

The totemic 'ideology' depicts the macro

social context in vhich one is placed: clans and phratries. totemism.

a constellation of

This represents the social universe of

However, this universe is like an outer cast for

the people; a vast social system in which an individual is like a speck.

'Ideology1, as presented in this study, does

not create a sense of attachment to society.

That latter

role is performed by the totemic 'myth': the belief that one belongs to a family of pelicans or kangaroos-together with the

other

members

of

the

clan.

The

clan

forms

one

compartment in the larger car of the totemic tribe; and one feels

attached

to

reference group 'ideology'.

cast

And

dimension of

this

compartment,

amid the

lastly,

'meaning'.

being

part

of

one's

larger society depicted

totemism

comprises

also

in the

The individual not only conceives

of himself as part of a totemic clan,

and visualizes that

clan as part of the social universe of totemism, but he also perceives his individual existence as enveloped with a web of symbolic 'meaning'.

Imagining that one lives within the

social contexts of 'ideology' and 'myth', the macro society and the reference group, neednot preclude one from imagining that one's own self has a transcendental dimension, too. Following the analysis of totemism, I apply the same model to

Augustinism.

'ideology'

Marx

in medieval

had

focussed

Christianity,

on

the

dimension

of

beliefs which depict

the macro society, render its design inevitably,

shaped by

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

16 the ineluctable force of God.

And Augustinism did indeed

perform that latter role, portrayed the macro social context in fatalistic(terms, as the universe totally controlled by i

God,

into

which

individual

was

cast

like a

speck.

This

outer cast of society is the 'City ofEarth' in Augustine's system.

However,

comprised

the

beliefs in

the

I

show further that

dimensions 'City

of

of

'myth'

God'

this and

and

which

Saint

Christianity totemism. Perkins.

Augustine

comprised And

cast

also

'meaning',

the

the

predestination, both neglected by Marx. into

system

of

The symbolic space the

three-dimensions,

lastly,

doctrine

I discuss the

Weber emphasizedthe dimension

followers

of

similarly

to

Puritan of

system

of

'meaning'

in

that latter religion: belief that salvation is the goal of individual existence and that the way towards that end leads through work.

Following David Little's (1969) illuminating

study,

I argue that Weber failed to see a larger symbolic

space

in

which

symbolism

of

elaborated

the

this

individual

Puritanism. contexts

self

Also that of

reference

was

cast

latter group

by

the

religion and

macro

society, the dimensions of 'myth' and 'ideology'. In

conclusion,

I develop a theoretical model

of three-

dimensional

'stereoscopic' sacred space created by religion

in society,

in contrast to one dimensional models put forth

by Marx, Weber and Durkheim. three-dimensional

model

I also discuss what light this

throws

on

secularization

and

the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

symbolism of postmodern cultures of the present.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- CHAPTER I THE 'FRAME* PRINCIPLE

This study aims at a juxtaposition, ideas

put

forth

juxtaposition

by

Marx,

requires

Weber, some

a comparison of the ancl

Durkheim.

yardstick,

a

Such common

denominator. The idea of the frame, elaborated by Goffman, will

serve

meeting

as

such

grounds

a

yardstick

for the

here.

interpretations

It

will

provide

of

religion

set

forth by the three seminal writers of sociology. But it is by

no

means

obvious

understanding analysis.

of

that

the

sociological

frame

theories,

can

enhance

facilitate

our their

It is much more readily seen as a tool in the

analysis of social life. Frames are the symbols or concepts which order people's experience of the world, our encounter with reality. For example, the concept of the natural world as

opposed

to

society

Goffman (1974: the

world

as

antithetical. ideas

serves

a

frame,

according

to

22) . In modern culture, people conceive of divided A bird minds

into

in the

in

our

associate

the

latter

with

whereas

the

former

design,

is

than

those

two

realms,

mutually

skies evokes very different

the

sight

of

conscious is

an

airplane;

we

human

effort

and

perceived

as

something

pre-existent, devoid of consciousness, even numb (Goffman, 1974:

22).

'framed'

as

Whether romanticized or denigrated, something

clearly

distinct

from

nature

is

society,

at

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

least by the modern culture. Also the concept of an event as fortuitous is a frame; if the delay that just occurred is

'due to unforeseen circumstances', we immediately know

what is going on, culture provides us with a 'pigeon hole' where this delay can be fitted in comfortably, otherwise,

its

inconvenience.

Examples

of

whatever,

frames

can be

multiplied almost with no end. Symbols and concepts people apply to sort out in their minds what goes on in the world display an almost miraculous diversity, as shown by Goffman (Collins, 1985).

But

I propose to put the

frame to

another use. I will show in this chapter that it represents a meta-theoretical caps a certain

principle,

a common denominator which

line of development in social

theory.

In

this capacity, the frame will be applied to the theories of religion put forth by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. Of each of these

authors,

I

ask

what

beliefs

he

focuses

upon

in

religions, whether there is any consistency in that regard in their theories. I will also ask what are the particular aspects

of

the

social

respective beliefs

world

emphasized

that

are

ordered

in the works

by

these

of the

three

theorists. As will be shown, each of these authors stresses a different type of beliefs in religions, corresponding to different experiences . Weber focusses in his models on the beliefs

which

beliefs which

'frame*

the

self,

Marx

brings

out

the

order the experience of groups in society,

and Durkheim comes

in the course of his

career to place

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

20 emphasis on the beliefs which order the encounter between the self and society.

Each writer stresses symbols which

•frame* a different facet of social reality: the self, the macro society, society.

I

religion

and the relationship between the self and

demonstrate

advanced

by

a

fit

the

between

three

the

theories

founders

of

of

modern

sociology, based on an analysis of their works. But before embarking upon this project, the very principle upon which it rests must be explicated first. I show in this chapter in what sense Goffman's

frame sums up a certain line of

development in social theory and how, by this very token, it can be turned upon this theory itself.

Classic

formulation

of

the

frame

principle:

Kant

and

Durkheim In modern thought,

the

experience

world,

reality,

of

goes

the

back as

idea

that

symbols

'structure'

far as

our

organize human encounter

Kant.1 He postulated

of

that

causality is an intellectual shorthand, a category of mind, whose role is to order our perceptions. If it were not for causality

and other preconceived

symbolic notions,

which we impose upon the world, so to speak,

ideas

our encounter

^•Before Kant symbols were either conceived as literal renderings, copies of the world or as a realm sufficient unto itself, unrelated to the objects given through senses. The significance of Kant's overthrow, the so-called Copernican revolution in philosophy, is discussed in Remmling (1967: 56ff).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

21 of reality would be data,

limited to an endless

amorphous and meaningless images.

flow of sense

In thus arguing,

Kant became the first thinker to suggest the existence of frames:

symbolic

shorthands

which

envelope

our

sense

perceptions, visual images of what goes on in the world. Durkheim followed the path opened up by Kant, times

acknowledging

philosopher, views.

his

indebtedness

to

the

several great

as well as the necessary departures from his

In rejecting the existence of some forever fixed,

ahistorical

concepts,

Durkheim gave up on

one

aspect

of

Kant's theory (Mestrovic, 1985: 209). But in another sense, he

effected

a very

bold

extrapolation

of

the

ideas put

forth by his philosophical mentor. His extension of Kant's original

theory

of

knowledge

is

twofold.

First,

he

extrapolated this epistemological project so that it would apply

also

to

religion.

Kant

confined

his

analysis

to

empirical knowledge, the symbolism of science. In contrast, Durkheim proposed that also sacred symbols are capable of organizing our experiences.

By means of symbolism of the

totemic religion, members of the native tribes of Australia and

America

societies. totemic

To

depict

various

vindicate

symbolism,

his

groups

point,

in its ordering,

making

Durkheim

up

their

showed that

actually mirrors the

hierarchy of totemic clans and phratries (Durkheim, 1965). Natives of the totemic tribes apply totemic signs to label various groups

in their societies.

This first point also

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

illustrates Durkheim's second departure from Kant. For the latter

thinker,

experience was regard

to

the

role

circumscribed social

Enlightment's

of

peers,

symbols

to

the

life, Kant, was

in

natural

in

organizing world.

With

with

his

keeping

stressing

will

and

freedom.

Durkheim challenged Kant on this latter point. In his view, people

cannot

dispense

with

some

preconceived

symbolic

frameworks also in experiencing life in society. Just like physicists studying nature in their labs, also in everyday life

in

society,

paradigmatic

people

principles

apply

that

some

guide

taken-for-granted

their

perceptions

of

reality. Durkheim

buttressed

his claims with

the

analysis

of

totemism and, less systematically, with the studies of some other religions, (Durkheim and

primarily Greek

Mauss,

1963) . In

and each

Chinese mythologies case,

he

sought to

document that religion is "...a system of ideas with which the

individuals

represent

to

themselves

the

society..."

(Durkheim, 1965: 257): sacred symbols depict social groups, the

features

of

the

macro

social setting.

modern age,people avail themselves

Also

in

the

of symbolic shorthands

in this context, to guide their perceptions of society. In this role, Durkheim envisaged sociology. In addition to its professional status, being expert knowledge, social science provides concepts ordering people's everyday experience of society

(Durkheim,

1965:

477-478).

In

a

new

guise,

the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

23 symbolism

of

science

performs

the

same

cognitive

role

previously fulfilled by religions (Giddens, 1978: 99-100).

Proliferation of research on frame Durkheim’s postulated that the experience of social life, in

spite

possible

of

its

seeming

through

the

naturalness,

intermediary

is

of

some

beliefs and ideas,

symbolic shorthands.

rise

tradition

to

embraced time,

a

whole

of

particular

up

with

symbolic

their

own

frameworks

only

preconceived

Its

while,

ideas

are

fact

This insight gave

research.

Durkheim's basic hypothesis,

coming

in

as

which

followers

at the to

order

what

same the

people's

experiences. Mary Douglas is one of the prominent representatives of this

Durkheimian

tradition.

In

her

work,

she

has

been

critical of Durkheim for his excessively narrow and rigid understanding of social life. ''It is

easy now to see that

Durkheim advocated an altogether too unitary view of the social community.

We should start by recognizing communal

life for a much more complex experience than he allowed" (Douglas,

1966:

22) .

This

being

so,

inevitably,

the

symbolism that orders the experience of communal life must also

be

more

complex

than

Durkheim

had

allowed.

This

contention is the main rationale behind Douglas' research. She has been attempting, in her prolific work, to bring out

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

24 symbols

and

concepts

people

apply

in

most

diverse

circumstances and contexts of social life. For example, Douglas invokes the experience of disorder in social life, an anomalous occurrence like the birth of a deformed child.

Such disruptive events must also

somehow

fit into 'the order of things', find some coherent meaning. Therefore, Douglas shows, among the Nuer tribe in Africa, deformed children are treated as "...baby hippopotamuses, accidentally born to humans and , with this labelling, the appropriate action is clear.

They gently lay them in the

river where they belong " (Douglas, 1966: 39). The birth of a deformed child

represents

an acute departure

from the

norm, break in the routines of life. Yet, such departures are

themselves

part

and

remain unaccounted for, of

them

in

parcel

of

society.

They

cannot

some understanding must be formed

people's

'baby-hippopotamus1 performs

minds. this

The role.

category

of

'frames'

the

It

experience of an anomalous birth, the coming of a deformed child into the world, depicts it in some familiar terms. Douglas' work epitomizes a whole tradition of research. Its representatives have been tracing symbolic frameworks people apply in the most diverse social contexts, such as, for example, scientists,

early tribal societies or the labs of modern studied

by

Evans-Pritchard

and

David

Bloor

respectively. The particular conceptualizations brought out within these settings vary greatly from case to case.

In

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Douglas'

work,

for

instance,

several

hypotheses

are put

forth reminiscent of the one discussed above, the case of anomalous

birth

among

the

Nuer.

The

label

of

the

child-hippopotamus, applied by members of the tribe, serves to deal with a singular experience, an event taken out of the

larger

structure

of

their

society.

The

focus

is on

concepts which 'frame' micro events in society. However, in Douglas' more, recent works a shift has occurred. begun

concentrating

structural

on

concepts

features of societies.

which

She has

correspond

For example,

she

to

the

links

certain religious beliefs and philosophies to high barriers separating social groups and the lack of negotiating room regarding the norms of behavior.

People live in groups or

classes

one

tightly

insulated

from

another,

and

their

actions are minutely regulated. Such conditions, related to the macro structure of society, must be accounted for on a symbolic level;

people strive to make sense of the macro

settings

shape

which

Douglas hypothesizes, characterized as

their people

life

experiences.

Therefore,

living under the

conditions

'high grid/high group' come up with ideas

and concepts of a certain type. — the group here survives not only by justifying its boundary against outsiders....but also by justifying its separate graded compartments... and their relations as part of a whole...So here one should expect an intellectual effort to elaborate a transcendental metaphysics which seeks to make an explicit match between civilization and the purposes of God and nature. Synecdoche in metaphors of society and nature shows their isomorphic structure and expounds their reciprocal support. Nature especially in its symmetries and regularities is conceived to be one side of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

26 good s o c i e t y ... The uses of nature in moral justifications are all-pervasive in the C group. Going against nature means a threat of failure, unnatural vice is condemned. This is the context in which theories of Natural Law flourish...(Douglas, 1978: 23). Douglas

discusses

several

concepts

experiences related to the Beside

frequent

naturalness, and

resort

suited

to

interpret

'high grid/high group1 context. to

analogies

with

nature

also special perspectives on time,

social behavior can be traced,

and

humanity,

each serving to make

sense of life experiences in the insulated group, regulated by strict behavioral codes

(Douglas, 1978: 22ff.). Douglas

also sets forth similar hypotheses for groups of some other types. But there is no room to follow her ideas any further here. Her prolific work illustrates the fate of Durkheim's hypothesis

on

symbolism.

followers,

his

original

exist

some

experiences almost

symbolic

In

the

idea— the frameworks

supple

hands

postulate which

of

that

infinite

number

of

directions.

there

organize

related to life in society— exploded Douglas

his

the

into an herself

elicits a very broad spectrum of symbols in her analyses. But there are several other scholars who belong to the same symbolist lineage in the Durkheimian tradition,

including

the original circle of the old master's students associated with

the

journal

anthropologists

L'Annee

David

social

like Radcliffe-Brown and Evans-Pritchard,

as well as other writers, Bellah,

Sociologique,

Bloor,

or

for example Guy Swanson, Robert Basil

Bernstein.

Each

of

these

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

) can be seen as

authors

testament?

in

their

27

executor of

research,

Durkheim's

they

bring

scholarly

out

various

concepts and ideas which illustrate the same basic process whereby

symbolic

frameworks

order

people's

experiences

associated with life in society. The

immense potency of Durkheim's hypothesis has also

been attested to by developments outside of the Durkheimian tradition. this

Two tendencies stand out most conspicuously in

respect.

Marxism.

First,

Originated

there by

is

the

Lukacs'

(1971)

'History and Class Consciousness', under various cloaks:

culturalist

shift

heretical

in

book

it has been spreading

as the linguistic Marxism advocated

by Bachtin, cultural criticism of the Frankfurt School, as I

well

as

the

recent

interpretations

drawing

on

Gramsci.

While maintaining the traditional Marxist focus on social conflict, Marxists' namely,

power

and

analyses

they

principle by-product,

come

of

class

square to

social

relations,

with

Durkheim

understand life,

epiphenomenon.2

the

culture

rather

as

than

Irrespective

view can be traced already in Marx,

in

of

culturalist one respect, an

ordering

merely

its

whether

this

as most commentators

claim (Marcuse, 1960; Fromm, 1966; Lukacs, 1971; Alexander, 1982),

or

hardly

so

(Turner,

1983)

culturalist

Marxism

2For example, Habermas' (1987) understanding of symbolic culture as a source of transcendent ideas, irreducible to the relations of production, becomes very clear when he brings in the concept of the Lifeworld, appropriated by him from phenomenology.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

spells

an

endorsement

of

Durkheim's

hypothesis.

The

strength of this proposition is also vindicated by another vigorous tradition Stone some

and of

in social research. As pointed out by

Fabermann

its

basic

(1967),

symbolic

premises,

reminds

interactionism, one

of

in

Durkheim's

approach. Like that latter author, Mead, too, stresses the significance of symbols in the encounter of social reality; society does not merely impress itself upon people, in the interactionists' view, but our experiences with the others are

always

ideas.

filtered,

mediated

An example of such

through

frameworks,

some

concepts

and

symbolism ordering

people's encounter of reality, is what Mead (1934: 152-164) depicts as the

'generalized other':

the ideas,

stored in

our minds, concerning the hierarchy of roles and statuses, as it operates in society. Mead's

theorizing is rather abstract,

formulated on a

very general level, but other authors have translated his broad

categories

research,

into

more

concrete

terms.

Among

such

inspired by symbolic interactionism, the work of

Anselm Strauss and Erving Goffman is especially instructive from the point of view of this present analysis. Both these authors,

in

their

studies,

bring

out

numerous

symbolic

devices people make avail of in various contexts of social life.

On

the

frontstage, numerous

beach,

in

the

office,

under duress and facing death,

other

situations

and

backstage

and

as well as in

circumstances,

we

put

on

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

29 various

masks

(Goffman,

and

1959;

design

Strauss,

our

surroundings

1969).

These

accordingly

symbolic

acts not

only aid people in shaping their identity or uphold their sense of self. Moreover, this very same symbolism, studied by Goffman and Strauss, is interpreted by the other people, those with whom we interact; it enables them to understand us and act accordingly (Goffman, 1959; 2ff.; Strauss, 1969: 44ff.) One can only know we are in grief if we put on a special mask, one that conveys this very meaning. In clear contrast

to

the

Marxists,

stressing

primarily

the

experience o f .macro groups in society, the interactionists focus

almost

exclusively

individual

people.3

neatly

one

in

existence

of

But

basic

some

on

the

symbols two

respect;

cultural

referring

traditions they

both

categories,

to

square

the quite

recognize

concepts,

the

which

envelope our 'raw' experiences. Durkheim's

hypothesis,

extrapolating

Kant's

idea

upon

social life, has proven extremely fertile. There can be no doubt about it. What is less clear, however, is a peculiar impasse in social theory caused by this fertility. In its original formulation, to

serve the

symbolism,

Durkheim's hypothesis was

establishment of some

integrated

theory of

discovery of the basic concepts which organize

30ne can see this tendency as a reflection of individualism, charact e r i s t i c for the American cultural scene, where interactionism was born. Alexander (1987; 215-237) suggests this interpretation in his reading of Blumer and Goffman.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

experiences related to life in society. With this end in view, the

Durkheim postulated,

tacitly assumed

experience of groups

basic

encounter,

concepts

fact

correspond

to

foundational significance would, very special

that

in society represents the most

primordial

which

in fact,

of

social

social

life.

The

of

such

facts

naturally,

rank among other symbolism.

also occupy a

In this central

i

role,

Durkheim

saw

the

logical

classifications

and

principles, from the earliest totemic systems to the modern scientific ones.

The study of these symbolic systems and

classifications,

it

concepts,

principles

basic

society

in

their

devoted

to

this

(Durkheim basic

and

minds. task

Mauss,

concepts

was

and

hoped,

people

The are

1963),

would

turn

apply

prime

to

example

'Primitive a

native American and Chinese cultures.

in

the

key

relate of

to

research

Classifications'

comparative

classifications

up

study

the

of

the

Australian,

Durkheim sought to

bring out such symbolism in the course of research pursued by the group he founded, Sociologique.

the renowned circle of L'Annee

This Durkheimian study of symbolic forms as i

they

relate

to

experiences

in

society

has

never

been

abandoned, although, following its founders untimely death and the havoc of the first world war, the original impetus waned considerably in France. Scholars in other corners of the world have taken up attempts to bring out symbols which regulate life in society,

including representatives of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

31 traditions

directly

unrelated

to

Durkheim,

symbolic interactionists and Marxists. thus

occurred

institutional

spelled

more

than

a

such

as

the

But the shift which mere

change

affiliation of the scholars.

in

the

The nature of

the whole pursuit underwent a profound transformation, when contrasted with the original point of departure. Durkheim and his immediate disciples conceived of their research as gathering data to support their general theory, fit into the general

framework supplied by Durkheim.

The

original members of the L'Annee circle were thus seeking to elicit the symbols and concepts which they thought were of foundational subsequent thrown

significance

progress

this very

terms,

the

made

neo-Durkheimians, I interactionists has shaken

Durkheim,

that

social

by

life.

However,

the

on

symbolism

has

research

idea into serious doubt.

abundance

profoundly

for

of

insights

culturalist shattered,

the one

or,

in simple

generated

Marxism,

conviction, can

Put

to

say

still

pinpoint

by and

the

quite

some

the the

least, firm

in

symbolism

as

foundational for social life. Rather, the situation appears now that

wherever we

look

in

research we

disclose

some

concepts and symbolism which organize people's experiences. The

new

research

on

symbolism

Durkheim's original theory,

not

as Douglas

only

transcended

(1966: 22)

argues,

but it broke out of all frameworks. The symbolic realm has turned out to be much more multi-faceted and unruly than it

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

32 had originally been expected. Facing this enormous medley, prospects

for

some

unified

theory,

accommodating ;within

one

framework

neo-Durkheimians,

culturalist

one

the

capable

insights

Marxists

of

of

the

and

the

interactionists, seem rather bleak.

The frame: Goff man's meta-theoretical solution Goffman

not

only

contributed,

through

his

prolific

research, to the problem thus described. He also found an ingenious way out of this predicament, the peculiar crisis of overabundance plaguing social frame

serves

Bateson

this

(1972:

Originally

177-193),

Goffman's theory. •framing'

end.

it became

received

inattention' reticence,

formulated

by Gregory

a pivotal

concept

in

rather

scant

attention.

for the most part, have chosen to focus

on other Goffman's ideas, 'fr o n t s t a g e ',

The idea of the

Despite this central role the frame and

activity have

The commentators,

theory.

concepts such as,

'backstage', (Alexander,

'guided 1987;

for example,

doings',

Giddens,

1987).

'civil This

minimal attention devoted to the frame,4 does

not come as a surprise in fact. For a founding theoretical concept, All

it

the idea of the frame is excruciatingly simple. entails

is

that

there

are

some

'frameworks

of

4Giddens (1987: 115ff.) analysis is very symptomatic for this reticence; in a subchapter of his article titled 'Encounters, framing and co-presence', any finds hardly any explanation as to what the 'frame' and 'framing' actually is about.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

33 understanding... for making sense out of events1' (Goffman, 1974:

10).

perceive, of

These

identify,

concrete

1974:

frameworks

serve

people

'to

locate,

and label a seemingly infinite number

occurrences

defined

in

its

terms'(Goffman,

21).5 This austere formulation practically exhausts

all what

Goffman

ever says with

theoretical

terms.

beginning

each

of

Rephrased

chapter

in

regard to the and

frame

reiterated

'Frame Analysis',

in

at

the

the

key

concept of his theory is elucidated primarily by means of examples. For instance, Goffman proposes that in perceiving an aspect of the world, an object or happening, as part of nature, we attribute it such features as being "undirected, unoriented, (Goffman,

unanimated,

1974:

22).

unguided,

Entirely

'purely

different

physical"'

attributes

we

impart to objects or events perceived as part and parcel of society. aim,

and

These are events which "...incorporate the will, controlling

effort

of

an

intelligence,

a

live

agency, the chief one being the human being. Such an agency is anything but

implacable;

it can be coaxed,

flattered,

affronted,a nd threatened. What it does can be described as 'guided doings'" (Goffman, 1974: 22). Goffman's point may appear self-evident, if not outright trivial.

Concepts depicting social and natural

contrasting

terms

are

readily

identifiable

events in

in

modern

5Characteristically, also Strauss (1969: 19-20) refers to 'locating' objects by means of concepts, thus displaying a theoretical affinity with Goffman.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

culture,

everyone

is

aware

of

these

polar

opposites.

However, these two categories form but one example of what Goffman means by frame. There are numerous other frames he brings

out

throughout

his

analysis,

concepts

applicable only to very specific activities,

sometimes

like playing

checkers, in other cases infinitely more abstract. Goffman moves in 'Frame Analysis' between planes and dimensions so different, even discrepant, as the concept of awaiting the opponents'

move

in a game

'numbness'

of nature,

social or natural

of checkers,

experiencing the

fortuitousness of an event, whether

(Goffman, 1974: 33). Basically, any idea

or concept constitutes a frame, if only people apply it to account for their experiences. Frames form part and parcel of the cultural stock of society.

I

Apart

from this

minuscule,

Goffman never comes

up with

truly austere any theoretical

definition, ordering of

frames; for example, he makes no attempt to determine what frames, applied to which events, objects, or behavior, are pivotal

for social

life.

At one point,

he does refer to

primary frameworks, and even lists, in this connection, the concepts

of social and

fundamental, However,

character;

categories

this remark

significance swiftly

key

of

natural

the

is

very

(Goffman, delusive.

society/nature

moves on

to

pinpoint

there

is

nothing

realms

its

As

as

somehow

1974:

21-22).

for

distinction, culturally

universal,

the

key

Goffman relative

cross-culturally

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

35 valid,

regarding

this

prominence

of

the

categories

'society' and 'nature'; they are so conspicuous only in the modern

societies

notion

of

(goffman,

the

primary

1974:

21).

framework,

on

As

for

the

the

other

very hand,

Goffman's definition turns out to be purely formalistic; it does

not

provide

any

criteria

as

to which

concepts

are

primary. Any symbolism can be deemed a primary framework, as

long

as

it

self-sufficient, activity

provides

the

need

(Goffman,

to

fall

is

back

on

additional

1974: 21). Any concept, idea, or

explanation is a primary framework,

as long as people are

satisfied with the meaning it provides, minds,

which

enables one to make sense of an event or

without

interpretations

interpretation

'aha' clicks in our

rather than being stricken by some sudden sense of

ignorance, loss in the face of what is going on. The frame theory can be seen as a plea for thoroughgoing empiricism

in the

study of symbolism.

There

is no basic

classification or ordering of frames to be determined once and for all. Each culture operates with its own codes. The only way,

then,

is to continue on the research path. This

will enable the students of social life to unravel frames applied in various the most

diverse

cultures,

contexts

by different people,

of their lives.®

Thus

and in stated,

®Goffman himself saw his own research as analysis of frames characteristic for the middle-class American culture, sometimes referred to more broadly as the Western culture (Goffman, 1974: 21ff.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Goffman's Douglas

agenda

speaks

does

in

not

quite

strike

the

one

same

as

vein

unique.

Mary

in 'Purity

and

•J

Danger',

to

which

book,

incidentally,

Goffman

makes

occasional references. Also numerous other anthropologists and

symbolist micro-sociologists

would

embrace

program of essentially open-ended research, by

any

fixed

theoretical

boundaries,

postulates,

grant

attempts

primary

Goffman's

unconstrained

to impose

significance

to

some

certain

types of symbolism as fundamental for social life (Denzin, 1970).

Yet,

Goffman

pleas

for

inductivism.

rationale

for

goes

such

one

step

His

frame

an

further, beyond

such

theory provides

approach,

a

meta-theoretical

presuppositions. A strictly inductive inquiry is called for in

the

study

definitively

of

fixed

symbolism

because

in any way.

Basically,

human encounter of the world can be any

fitting

symbolism.

This,

frames

are

any aspect

not of

'framed', by means of

in the

light

of

Goffman's

theory, reflects the very nature of the 'framing' activity. It simply is not bound by any fixed structures, entities, or categories, neither in the symbolic,

nor in the 'real*

world. The social world appears to be constructed from within the context of face-to-face Goffman's

theory.

This model

interaction, of

in the light of

reality might

convey

an

impression of certain arbitrariness; as if society's fabric was whimsical.

Some readers must have concluded thus, as

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

demonstrated in the tendency, noted by Giddens (1977: 109), to

diminish

Goffman's

rank

as

a

contributor

to

social

theory.^ His works are often treated as a set of esoteric insights

rather than point to

any essential

features

of

social reality. Giddens challenges this image by proposing '...that Goffman should be indeed ranked as a major social theorist1(Giddens, Giddens works,

aptly ideas

doings',

people, level

elicits such

'civil

describe

how

1987:

109). some

as

key

world

interaction.

All

in

social these

this

from

at

claim,

Goffman's

management',

'turns

emerges

the construction of of

concepts

'impression

inattention',

social

To buttress

'guided

talk',

encounters

reality at

which between

its

interactionist

micro

concepts

developed by Goffman are very useful for sociology;

they

capture some essential and lasting properties of the social world, Giddens argues. I believe that the same is also very true

of

the

'frame'

concept.

It

is

not

so

completely

open-ended and esoteric as it might appear at first glance. True, any idea, concept or symbol can serve as frame. But there is one stipulation, theoretical postulate, time and again reiterated by Goffman, perhaps most eloquently put in the following paragraph. Frameworks are not merely a matter of mind but correspond in some sense to the way in which an aspect 7Recently, there seems to be more appreciation of Goffman's stature as a first rank contributor to social theory, as indicated by some commentators (cf. Alexander, 1987; Collins, 1987; Giddens, 1987).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

38

of the activity itself is organized— especially activity directly involving social agents. Organizational premises are involved, and these are something cognition somehow arrives at, not something cognition creates or generates. Given their understanding of what it is that is going on, individuals fit their actions to this understanding and ordinarily find that the ongoing world supports this fitting. These organizational premises— sustained both in mind and in activity— I call the frame of activity. (Goffman, 1974: 247). The condition is spelled out here under which a concept, an idea, or an explanation becomes a frame. For this to be the case, symbolism operative in people's minds must correspond with what goes on in the world around us; these two realms, symbols we apply and images we perceive, must somehow match each other. For example, when one conceives of an activity as

a

game

of

chess,

respective behavior

this

only

concept

if what

is

will

'frame'

the

actually happening,

goes on in the world, fits the definition of this game. As soon as one of the participants boldly advances his pion right across the board,

thus breaking all rules of chess,

for his opponent "...what was real a moment ago is now seen as

a

deception

and

is totally

destroyed" (Goffman,

1974:

84-85) . The activity can no longer be framed' as a game of chess,

this

particular

frame

has

been

'broken

out

of'.

Perhaps another frame will emerge in its place, give us an idea

of

concept defiance

what of of

goes

on,

a playful all

rules.

something game But

of

like,

chess,

anyhow,

for example, one

this

carried new

on

the in

frame will

again match what one perceives as taking place. Whether an

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

39 action is conceived as play, an event deemed natural, or an occurrence

fortuitous,

each time the

frame of mind must

find support in the course of events. Goffman's stipulation reveals one dimension in the frame which

is

not

contingent

displayed by any definition,

one

or

of them.

encompasses

both

whimsical Every

but

frame,

symbols

and

necessary, by

the

its very slices

of

reality, aspects of the surrounding world, whatever people perceive

there to be taking place.Frame combines

symbols

and the respective strips of the world 'framed' by means of that

symbolism.

This

structure

represents

the

Kantian/Durkheimian kernel of Goffman's theory.8 Like that latter author, his two predecessors also linked symbolism, ideas and concepts operative in people's minds, with some aspects

of

the

non-symbolic

'external'

world

in

their

theories.

For Kant the notion of causality and the whole

language

of

natural

science

must

be

with sense impressions, t these concepts are applied

viewed

conjunction

perceived

which

by

symbolic and the layers

of

philosophical

'real'

reality, analysis

in

direct

images

scientists,

the

world are treated as overlapping

put

apart

(Remmling,

only 1967:

artificially, 58-60).

of totemism can be properly understood

in

Durkheim

argued the same with respect to religious symbolism. language

to

only

The in

8Goffman even resorts occasionally to Kant's special technical term 's c h e m a t a ', using it interchangeably with 'frameworks' (Goffman, 1974: 21).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

40

correspondence with the actual distribution of the groups in society,

each totem linked to the clan it represents.9

Among the more recent authors drawing on Durkheim and Kant, Claude Levi-Strauss follows the same path. He explains the early symbolic systems by showing their correspondence with the relations between various objects in the world, such as for example different culinary products (Levi-Strauss,1966; Leach, 1970: 25-32). There is a whole lineage of Goffman's predecessors the

in social

workings

of

theory-authors

symbolism

in

seeking

to explain

conjunction

with

the

respective slices of reality represented by that symbolism.

But frame, ideas

there

is

a special of

the

theoretical Goffman's contents.

also

unique

about

Goffman's

feature which distinguishes it from the

other

devices frame

something

aforementioned of

is

Kant, devoid

authors.

Durkheim, of

any

or

Unlike

the

Levi-Strauss,

fixed

substantive

Any

strip of the world can be 'framed' by any I fitting symbolism. Goffman does not stipulate what symbols

are foundational, particular

type

central for social life, of

experiences.

simply,

to determine which

Various

cultures

and

frames

individuals

There

'framing' what

are

no

are primary may

operate

grounds, or basic. with

most

9Paul Bohannan (1960: 78-80), in his perceptive analysis, emphasizes that Durkheim meant by representations not just ideas, the linguistic component, but also perceptual images represented by that symbolism. Also Lukes (1985: 437ff.) makes some overtures in this direction.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

41 diverse

concepts

in

their

minds.

This

openness

makes

Goffman's frame into the principle which is so unique. It disposes of all the substantive contents, while preserving the structure implicit in Kant's and Durkheim's theories. This original

structure

is

all

projects

in

light

research, Kant's

the

and

symbolism,

progress

could

of

the

spurred,

Durkheim's carried

that

within

several

saved

enormous

from

the

advances

in

other

factors,

by

Empirical

studies

on

among

theories.

be

different

schools

and

traditions, have turned up an enormous variety of concepts and

ideas

'framing'

diversity.

This

a

range

unprecedented

of

experiences

accumulation

of

of

equal

insights,

advances of empirical knowledge, have undermined Kant's and Durkheim's postulates as to what symbols are foundational. I

The realm of symbolism turned out to be much more complex and

multi-dimensional

than

they

were

assuming.

However,

there remained the structure inherent in Kant's ingenious proposition, reality,

the idea that human perceptual

in all its

encounter of

multifarious aspects and dimensions,

is guided by some cultural symbolism.

This very structure

is preserved in Goffman's frame theory. As

Randall

intended

(1985)

its

representatives,

led a

program

of

the

was

Originally goaded by phenomenology, Harold

to

frame

ethnomethodology.

by

response

suggested,

of

upon

Goffman's

has

challenge

embarked

as

Collins

Garfinkel

(1967),

ultra-detailed

have

empirical

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

research, study of concepts and ideas people apply in every day life. In this intent, ethnomethodological research runs exactly parallel to Goffman's work. However, there is one crucial difference between these two schools. As noted by some

authors

(Baumann,

ethnomethodology focuses realm

of

human

1972;

Gellner,

exclusively

symbolism.

1979:

upon

Reminiscent

of

41-46),

language, the

the

linguistic

turn in philosophy, the move associated with Wittgenstein, Garfinkel

and his

followers

have attacked their problem

via the most direct route: by stripping themselves of all theoretical presuppositions,

asking directly what notions,

concepts,

assumptions

operate

in

not

far

his

Goffman

and would

go

so

empiricism.

He also

espoused by

the people,

minds.

But the

searches wants

in for

people's

minds.

inductivism

ideas

or

and

concepts

is

on their

to know what

frame theory does entail one stipulation,

!

postulate assiduously affirmed and upheld by Goffman. Among the

endless chains of symbolic signs,

words,

assumptions

and utterances people make, there are some constellations which the

'frame'

aspects of the

contents

sensitizes elements

one

in

of to

our the

perceptions. persistence

our perceptions;

recommendations,

'real1, non-symbolic world,

of

The

frame

these

in the light

theory

non-symbolic

of

Goffman's

it is researchers' task to seek concepts

and ideas that envelope these perceptions of reality.

In

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

43

thus proceeding,

one can elicit some meaningful units or

dimensions of symbolism form cultures. Of

itself,

research. As

the

frame

does

'structure pure',

not

guide

any

specific

it provides no information

as to what the particular experiences are, characteristic for social life, and what the respective symbols are which 'frame'

these

concrete

experiences.

hypotheses

are

For

research

indispensable,

purposes,

like

for

some

example

Marxists' emphasis on the experience of social classes and the

respective

symbolism.

The

frame

entails

no

such

research hypotheses. Therefore, it is more accurately seen as

a

meta-theoretical

principle of this kind,

principle

than

a

theory.

As

a

the frame can be put to several

uses.

First,

as suggested in the above paragraph,

guide

attempts to elicit some coherent,

it can

meaningful units

from the unruly realm of human symbolism. Amid the endless chains of concepts,

ideas,

and signs,

one must search for

notions which refer to particular experiences related to social life. If an utterance during the climatic phase of a sexual act appears meaningless, perhaps the whole act ought to be

considered as an experience,

turn

it

takes.

demonstrated Taking

That

such

in Foucault's

rather than a single

strategy

'History of

may

pay

Sexuality

off

is

(1985).

sexuality as a complex social phenomenon, including

its physical aspects as well as particular social relations and

roles

it

involves,

Foucault

comes

up

with

several

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

conceptsby

means

different

times,

'regulated' principle,

of

which,

in

various cultures

the experienceof

(Foucault,

1985:

sexuality

249).

Based

and at

has

on

been

the

frame

one can elicit concepts which render people's

experiences

meaningful;

if

such

located,

perhaps our units

people's

actions and utterances

differently.

As

a

of

symbolism

analysis

are

should be

meta-theoretical

cannot

be

inadequate, broken

principle,

the

down frame

alerts one to seek for different units of analysis rather than

quickly

resign

oneself

to

lack

of

any

coherent

patterns in cultures, human symbolism. Frame symbolism

can

also

which

serve

has

to

already

evaluate proven

the

research

successful.

on

Numerous

studies can be deemed as such. A long line of Durkheimians, Marxists, easily

interactionists,

identifiable

and

other

affiliations,

scholars,

all

have

with

less

brought

out

concepts which render various human experiences meaningful. t

All these researchers can be seen as practitioners of frame analysis; which

in their studies

'frame'

various

symbols have been pin-pointed

'strips'

of

human

experience.

The

frame principle, in all this, enables one to see what these 'strips' and respective symbols are, brought out by various hypotheses. The frame, applied in this capacity, provides a yardstick

for

comparisons

among

different

hypotheses

on

symbolism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

45

Applying

the

frame

to

Marx's,

Weber's,

applies

the

and

Durkheim1s

theories This

present

study

frame

principle

to

Marx's, Weber's, and Durkheim's ideas on religion. Of each of these writers,

I ask what beliefs he brought

religions,

'framing'

what

experiences.

demonstrates

a fit between the

theories

This

out

of

analysis

of religion put

forth by the three seminal authors of sociology, which so far

has

by

and

large

escaped

the

attention

of

the

commentators.10 Attempts to juxtapose the theories of Marx, Weber,

and

Durkheim are like the daily bread of sociology. Results of these undertakings

in comparative

depending on the vantage point

analysis vary greatly,

taken.

There are

several

different yardsticks we can apply to juxtapose sociological theories. Alexander (1982) has recently elaborated a whole list

of

included

criteria are

the

useful methods,

in

this

regard.

Among

conceptualizations,

those

models

of

social life,

assumptions about the nature of social order

and

All

action.

these

elements

go

into the theories

of

social life, and, consequently, each one of them can serve as

a

yardstick

for

comparisons.

For

example,

one

can

1° Berger's (1967) analysis seems a noteworthy exception here, at least regarding the relationship between Weber and Marx. Although never explicitly stated, Berger does, in fact, indicate that the ideas put forth by these two writers are complementary along the lines stressed here: Weber’s emphasis on the symbolism of theodicies is matched by Marx's focus on ideology.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

juxtapose Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, regarding their models of

social

life.

From

this

standpoint,

Durkheim's

theory

represents organicism, and is thus opposed to the theories of Marx and Weber: the two classic examples of the conflict view of social

life.

Regarding the assumptions about the

nature of social order,

for a change, Durkheim falls into

the same category with Marx.

Both these authors advocate

holism— the view that society precedes individuals, be

reduced

to

their

sum.

On

this

issue,

cannot

Durkheim's

and

Marx's views contrast with those of Weber: one of the chief proponents of methodological individualism, position which recognizes society for an aggregate of individual people. Yet

another

dimension

for

comparisons

represents

the

materialist/idealist split. Viewed from this vantage point, classical

theories

are put again in a new light.

Marx's

materialism contrasts with views of Weber and Durkheim: the two

proponents

of

a

more

idealistically

inclined

perspectives on society. Clearly, there is no such thing as the

one

vantage

point

theories.

As Alexander

represent

complex,

from

which

to

compare

different

(1982) points out, social theories multidimensional

phenomena,

each

comprising several different layers. Depending on which of these

layers

one

chooses

to

emphasize,

the

outcome

of

comparisons will differ inevitably. Also

in

interpretations

juxtaposing of

religion,

different several

sociological

yardsticks

can

be

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

47

applied. this

One standard way of contrasting Marx and Weber on

issue

lines.

divides

Marx

them

explains

along

religion

the

materialist/idealist

primarily

in

terms

of

alienation and class conflicts. This contrasts sharply with Weber's

idealism,

for whom religious beliefs

represent a

force in their own right in social life, irreducible to the material conditions of existence. In this view, reminiscent of the position recently elaborated by Habermas,11 the beliefs and ideas, symbolic factors operate in society hand

in

hand

'material'

with

the

factors.

institutional

Durkheim's

materialist/idealist lines, On

the

one

hand,

he

position,

constraints, seen

the

along

the

falls between Marx and Weber.

accounts

for religion's

origins

in

naturalistic terms, akin to Marx's materialism. He sees the basis

for

religion

relations

between

(Remmling,

1973a),

in

social

groups as

well

morphology,

making as

in

up

patterns

society

collective

of

Remmling psychology

(Douglas, 1966: 20). But, on the other hand, Durkheim, not unlike Weber,

insists that religious beliefs

of their own',

display a measure of autonomy;

dynamics,

once unleashed,

of

forces

the

'live a life

which

their own

influences society independently originally

brought

them

about

(Durkheim, 1965: 471). 11 Collins (1972: 259-260) points to this affinity between Habermas and Weber, the sign of the former author's actual break with the mainstream Marxism, the tradition clearly stressing the primacy of the material factors over the symbolic.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Hypotheses religion, another

which

its

concern

consequences

vantage

point

the

functions

for

social

from

which

performed

by

life,

represent

can

scrutinize

one

classical sociological theories. Marx sees religion's role chiefly

in

maintains

supporting the

the

prevailing

status

quo

in

hierarchies

society;

of

it

power

and

domination, consecrates them with a divine halo. Weber, in turn, views religion as a source of special motivation, the extra spur which goads people to pursue their actions with particular zeal. As for Durkheim, he emphasizes religion's role in supporting the social bonds, ties among the members of

a community.

three

writers

Another point concerns

the

of difference among these conceptual

frameworks

they

apply, their definitions of religion. In particular, it had been

argued

essential regard.

by Reinhard

difference In

Elementary

between

Durkheim's Forms

of

Bendix

(1971)

Weber

theory,

Religious

that there

and

Durkheim

particularly

Life"

and

in

is an

in this in

"The

"Primitive

Classifications", there is a tendency to identify religion with

typologies:

society 293)

and nature.

argues,

West,

symbolic

of

This Durkheim's model,

objects

Bendix

in

(1971:

poorly fits the monotheistic beliefs of the

focussed

supernatural.

classifications

In

primarily this,

on

the

Durkheim's

experience conceptual

of

the

approach

contrasts strongly with that of Weber's. That latter author defined

religion

primarily

in

terms

of

the

beliefs

in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

49

salvation and,

thus,

came up with conceptualization well

suited to capture the Indisputably,

monotheistic belief systems.

there are numerous criteria in the light

of which Marx's, Durkheim's and Weber's views on religion can

be

juxtaposed,

theories

are

compared

indeed

Alexander emphasizes.

very

with

one

another.

multi-faceted

Social

phenomena,

In the following chapters,

as

I elicit

another dimension making up this complexity. I demonstrate that

Marx,

religion, social

each

life.

Marx's

Weber,

and

Durkheim,

emphasize

certain

Weber focuses

preoccupies

in

their

beliefs

theories

of

pivotal

for

as

on the promises of salvation,

himself

chiefly

with

beliefs

legitimating the status quo, and Durkheim devotes his main study

to

discussing

the

totemic

classifications

of

the

universe. These contrasts are not merely coincidental, of

some

arbitrary

choices

of

topics

for

reflection

analysis.

In

focussing on particular beliefs the three seminal writers of sociology have simultaneously emphasized a certain type of experience characteristic for social life, the 'strips' of

reality

promises Weber, provide

of

'framed'

by

salvation,

explain

for

primarily

interpretation

these

example,

one's of

respective beliefs

fate

in

individual

beliefs which serve as ideology,

beliefs.

The

stressed by

the

afterlife,

self.

Religious

on the other hand, refer

to groups making up the macro society.

And the primitive

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

classifications, two

primary

the symbolism stressed by Durkheim,

referents,

relationship

between

i.e.

the

they

social

account

groups

and

simultaneously depict the self and society.

for

have the

members,

In eliciting

certain beliefs from religions, each of the three classical authors focussed, by the very same token, on a certain type of experiences: Marx focussed on the encounter of groups in society, Weber stressed the experience of individual self, and

Durkheim

attributed

primary

encounter between self and society, In

their

interpretations

of

significance

to

the

the reference groups.

religion,

Marx,

Weber,

and

Durkheim each set forth a hypothesis as to what experiences are 'framed' by sacred beliefs. These hypotheses constitute a dimension other

of

their

propositions

theories,

going hand

discernible

there,

in hand with assumptions

concerning the nature of social order and action, models of social

life,

etc.

these hypotheses

In the following chapters, as to what

experiences

are

I bring out 1framed' by

sacred symbolism, as they were set forth by Marx, Durkheim and Weber.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- CHAPTER II RELIGION AS IDEOLOGY: MARX, ENGELS, AND WEBER

Whatever

Marx's

precisely for its

anti-religious sake,

the

Enlightenment,

religion

remained

to consider its part in society, it romanticized,

Enlightenment's

Both

immediate

a

phenomenon

If somebody did try

was not explained but

successors,

Hegel

and

Comte,

Of course, religion is

left out of consideration in their theories.

Hegel and Comte unquestionably grant sacred beliefs

quite a prominent

place in history. Yet, the same cannot

be said with regard to

their explanations. There, religion

figures as a subcategory of other, phenomena, opinions'

such as

'Geist'

(Comte, 1974: 521-522). It

rather

than

focus

larger, more compact

or systems of ideas,

latter, highly abstract categories, study,

maybe

as in Rousseau or Saint-Simon. Also

never attack this problem head on. by no means

or

religion plays in society.

essentially extraneous to social life.

rather

was,

his work is a real watershed in

our understanding of the role For

zeal

'human

is the role of these that Comte and

specifically

on

Hegel

religion.1

A

recognition of religion's singular significance for social life does not come until Marx.

"...criticism of religion

1S . Turner (1986: 15) and N. Birnbaum (1973: 7) make this point regarding Comte and Hegel, respectively. They note that the totalizing conceptualizations of ideas barred Hegel and Comte from effectively engaging with religion.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

52

is the 41),

premise of all criticism "(Marx and Engels, 1957:

he argues

in his critique of Hegel,

thus

breaking

off with the Enlightenment's neglect of the topic.

Marx on the relationship between religion and society What type of a relationship between religion and society Marx tried to

establish is by no means readily answered.

Analytical clarity agenda. that

Anyone familiar with Marx's work must indeed grant

the

whether

reader the

functional, who

of arguments was never very high on his

is

sometimes

relationship

never

there

are

explanation Fortunately, the bulk

he

is

clear

to is

decide causal,

Even among the writers

acknowledge as

hypothesizing"

to

that Marx was

"...what

(Cohen,

1978:

kind

of

278).

it has long been recognized now, at least by

of commentators, that we do not have to establish

what he really meant.

Rather than continue the exegetical

efforts to elicit 'the whole truth' come to realize his works;

out of Marx, we have

that there is a genuine overabundance in

in the claims he advances a multiplicity of

hypotheses is involved, paths.2

put

consider it the key to social

authors who

sufficiently

hard

postulates

or maybe dialectical.

openly favor Marxism,

life,

he

very

Particularly

sometimes traversing most diverse

regarding

the

relationship

between

2For a thorough and balanced discussion which avoids forcing some kind of artificial unity upon Marx, and instead simply discerns all the various strands implicit in his works, see

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

social

structure

superstructure

and

consciousness,

equation,

renowned

materialist

emphasized in Althusser's

(1969)

base

and

determinism,

so

interpretation, competes

with a functionalist view of consciousness, culture,

the symbolic realm,

goes hand in hand with the

material structures,

there is

them

but

(Cohen,

challenge

of

feedback,

a

1978); the loop

an inner affinity between

both these perspectives

dialectical in

which

reading,

society's

(Berger,

however

1967).

the

face a

idea

of

institutions

cultural preconceptions circle around, other

the idea that

a

and

one modifying the

Marx's interpretation of

religion,

little space he accorded this topic within

the

corpus of his works, may spark similar diversity; in this case,

too,

the hypotheses he puts

forth often straddle

I

several different paths.

We

find

Marx's

theoretical statement on religion in 'Theses on The

views

springboard many

ways

of

a

for Marx's own understanding of religion.

In

was

latter

Feurbach

watershed on this topic.

philosopher

Feurbach'. like

it

that

main

whose

were

thought

was

He was the first to

a

true

break off

with the Hegelian metaphysics; instead of positing Geist as the explanans of religion, for it 1973:

Feuerbach proposed to account

in naturalistic terms (Garaudy, 1967:28; Remmling, 137).

in

this,

he

traced

religion

back

to

the

Alexander (1982).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

54

•religious

sentiment1 conceived

trait;

religion,

human

nature,

as

an

anthropological

for Feurbach, expressed something in the and,

explained within the

hence,

it

was

to

be

grasped

and

empirical world.

Marx wholeheartedly embraced Feurbach's repudiation of idealism.

Yet,

for

him,

it

did

not

go

far

enough.

Feuerbach's ... work consists in the dissolution of the religious world into its secular basis. He overlooks the fact that after this work is completed the chief thing still remains to be done. For the fact that the secular foundation detaches itself from itself and establishes itself in the clouds as an independent realm is really only to be explained by the self-cleavage and self-contradictoriness of this secular basis (Marx and Engels, 1964: 170). In tracing religion back to human nature, Feurbach brought it down to a

secular basis; the explanation he proposed

was couched in non-metaphysical terms. Endorsing this, Marx simultaneously what this nature

challenges

Feuerbach's

of

'secular basis' of religion is. It is not human

that

religion

manifests

but

contradictions in the womb of society. not see that

cleavage,

Feuerbach "...does

abstract individual whom he analyzes

belongs in reality to a particular Engels,

some

the 'religious sentiment' is itself a SOCIAL

PRODUCT, and that the

and

understanding

1964:

71)

This

form of society." (Marx

is the main

stricture

Marx

makes of Feuerbach: it is class tensions and conflicts that account

for religion, rather than any inherent traits of

humanity, anthropology.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

55

The

argument

reductionistic; down

to

in

'Theses

on Feuerbach'

sacred symbols are explained away, brought

worldly

causes

from

which

they

epiphenomenal view of religion, as product between classes,

contributes

clearly

which give rise

rank.

religion

Analysis

the logic of the class

place,

the

matter,

political

is

relegated to a

the

secular

relations

economy

increasingly

displaces

of

an offshoot of

of

in the market

capitalist

prominent

in

society,

Marx's

works;

the earlier analysis of religion or,

the

causes

to it must come into the forefront. And

indeed,

becomes

such

little to our understanding

of production,

secondary

issue,

of the conflict

of religion's role in social life. Seen as the relations

is explicitly

other

superstructural

it

for that

phenomena

(Marcuse,

1960; Althusser, 1969). But there is more to Marx's thought on religion than the reductionistic appears

as

explanation

if

hypothesis. In 'Theses on Feurbach' it bringing

implied

that

class the

relations

anthropological

into

component

I

must

drop

**

out

of

the

equation;

class

supplants human nature as the explanans of put

succinctly,

Feuerbach

is

(Garaudy,

the

meaning

1967:

of

piece:

"Contribution

29; Remmling,

Philosophy of Right".

to

the

conflict

simply

religion. This,

Marx's

partial truth of this critique is revealed early

the

1973:

critique 137).

of The

in Marx's other

Critique

of

In that article, he realizes

Hegel's that,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

56

in coming to terms with religion, be

taken

into

classes.

account

Rather

status:

"Religious

alongside

than

epiphenomenon of class

the human factor has to

treat

the

relations

religion

between

solely

as

struggle, Marx points to its double

distress

is

at

the

same

time

EXPRESSION of real distress and the PROTEST against distress"

an

(Marx and Engels,

1964:

the real

42). A product of the

social world, religion simultaneously acts upon this world; an

expression of class conflicts,

states

in

people,

which,

operative in society. 23-24),

in

it also evokes certain

turn,

themselves

become

As noted by Alexander

(1982:

in the article preceding

'Theses on

Feuerbach'

Marx grants religion some independent significance, it this

capable of influencing social life. imply

a

reluctance

manifestation of conflicts

to

explain

in society.

In no way does religion

time,

"...once

But,

a

this

at the

he leans towards acknowledging that religion

created,

(Alexander,

as

If anything,

relationship is assiduously affirmed by Marx. same

deems

1982:

will

follow

24)— will

a

logic

itself

of

its

produce

own" some

consequences in the society.3 To assess what, exactly, this

3Some writers interpret this dualism in Marx— simultaneously viewing religion as a product of social relations and as an influence on society— as a dialectical understanding of the relationship between base and superstructure (Berger, 1967: 41-42).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

57

bearing of religion is, Marx

presents his readers with a

whole long list. For the social world, Religion is the general theory of that world, its encyclopedic compendium, its logic in a popular form, its spiritualistic POINT D'HONNEUR, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn completion, its universal ground for consolation and justification. It is the FANTASTIC REALIZATION of the human essence because the HUMAN ESSENCE has no true reality' (Marx and Engels, 1964: 41-42). Marx enumerates a whole vast array of influences religion is capable of mere

shopping

refers

exerting. list of

But this passage is more than a religion's

uses.

At

the

to religion as the 'realization of human

end,

it

essence',

fantastic, but what other can there be. Religion is deemed somehow

ineluctable.

It

appears

demands a general theory,

that

"...social

life

a metaphysical rationalization"

(Alexander, 1982: 23). Marx portrays religion as functional in

a

strong,

contingent its

own

cause,

if

rather,

teleological

it

factor

happens

religion

sense:

it

is

not

merely

a

which produces consequences of to

appears

occur

in

necessary

society; there,

but,

much

inevitable.4

Religion cannot fail to obtain if considered a realization of the human

essence. Among Marxists, Gramsci has seized

on this idea most it.

In

the

necessary

earnestly,

traditional

and

inevitable

in various ways elaborating

societies, force,

he

sees

one which

religion

as

warrants the

4For an in-depth discussion of the strong functionalist explanation as opposed to causal argument, see Turner (1986: 120ff.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

58

integrity of the macro social groups, blocks, cements them and unifies (Gramsci, 1971: 328). This integrative function cannot be Gramsci world, taking

jettisoned also in modernity. But, in this case,

(1971:

266),

sees an

'active'

conception of the

a lay ideology of social change over

equivalent,

'...a

Providence 33 6) .

from

of

Marx

religion, substitute

confessional intends,

it

and progress,

becoming for

the

functional

Predestination

religions' would

its

as

(Gramsci,

appear,

a

understanding while referring to religion as the

or

1971: similar

fantastic

realization of the human essence. However, unlike Gramsci, he is not consistent with regard to that issue; in fact, beyond

that

seriously

one

the

short

reference,

teleological

he

conception

never of

ponders

religion

or

ideology.5 However, the paragraph

there is another crucial point Marx makes in adduced above. Namely, he

recognizes that

religion, once present in society, becomes a causal factor, an

influence

operative

there.

Whether

it

is a necessary

5Actually, the remark which views religion as 'realization of human nature' seems more like a passage from Feurbach than Marx. And indeed, as pointed out by Alexander (1982: 21), Marx's article was written directly after he had first encountered Feuerbach. At that time he was still trying to dissociate himself from Hegel's idealism, and in this he must have embraced Feurbach as an important ally. But soon thereafter came the critique of Feuerbach's interpretation of religion in anthropological terms, and, consequently, Marx abandoned the strong functionalist position; religion is no more seen by him as part and parcel of human nature, an ineradicable component of social life.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

59

prop or not, Marx realizes religion's

capacity to produce

consequences in social life. This position, at

several

other

junctures,

approach, however little

remains

expressed also stable

in

his

time he spends elaborating what,

exactly, is this religion's bearing.6 The paucity of statements is, indeed, in

interpreting

religion's

role

simply

back

go

religion's uses, not

gain

much

what, in to

precisely,

society. his

Marx

For

one

flamboyant

the main problem conceived

to be

thing,

cannot

we

shopping

list

of

however fitting this would seem. We would insight,

it appears,

by

rephrasing the

claims about religion as the world's theory, logic,

or, to

invoke Marx's other famous line, the opium of the people. Very

imaginative and appealing,

anywhere near

these

the

do not come

to theoretical propositions. For one thing,

they are nearly all-inclusive; hardly life

ideas

any aspect of social

is left out which religion would not encompass. It is blinder which prevents people from seeing things as

6This position does not seem contradicted by Marx's reductionistic statements, even the most blatant ones, like his reference to religion as the 'reflex of the real world1 in Capital. (Marx, Moscow ed. 1954, p.80) Marx could have held onto that latter view as an account of religions origins, what did not prevent him from acknowledging that religion does produce consequences of its own, once relations in the society bring it forth. Such was roughly the position of Weber's in his later works, where he traced 'both end of the causal chain' (Gerth and Mills, 1958). Especially in his works on China and India, Weber investigates both conditions in the social structure which underlie the origins of religious beliefs , as well as the impact of the latter factors, the effects which these beliefs produced in societies.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

60

they are, a source

of special solace, as well as a compass

to be followed. And indeed, all

these interpretations of

religion have actually been

pursued in reference to Marx.

Catholic

Emmanuel

personalism

liberation theology,

of

Mounier

as well as the atheistic

(1952), philosophy

of Leninism, all have drawn on his ideas.

Martin Seliger's methodology for reading Marx Interpretation seems.

of

Marx

poses

an

excruciating

task,

A considerable

amount

of

indeterminacy

is built

into his theory, is

more

than

incompatible tendency

as it were; ample

it

at various junctures, there

room

for

alternative,

often

views and readings. One vivid example of this

is,

of

course,

relationship between social

Marx's

explanation

the

structure and consciousness.

As pointed out above, a host of different

interpretations

have been proposed with regard to this problem, quite divergent, but each

of

sometimes

vindicated by the works of the

original writer. To

facilitate my

Seliger's to Marx,

reading,

(1977) study. He sets

I take a clue from Martin orth an original approach

a methodology of interpretation which allows us

to circumvent some of his ambiguities. The focal point

in

Seliger's analysis are equivocations in the meaning of the term

'ideology', as it is used by various Marxist writers,

primarily Marx

himself and Engels. At some junctures in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

their works,

ideology

appears to be

coterminous with

false consciousness, ideas which obfuscate and distort

the

true nature of social relations. On this assumption Engels based

his

renowned

explanation

obscura1 (Marx and Engels, are

other

ideas

'ideology'

assumes

inclusive. or,

in

ideology

as

'camera

1927-1932, vol.V: 15) But there

Marx's a

of

works,

broader

passages

meaning,

in

which

becomes

more

It appears as if ideology comprised two forms,

perhaps more aptly put, two stages. Beside ideas and

beliefs

which

obfuscate

thereby safeguarding the

the

existing

class

relations,

status quo, ideology may also aim

at overthrowing the existing

society.

assumes two meanings

it appears;

it refers not

but

revolutionary

only

to

false

in Marx,

consciousness

also

which

challenge

58ff.).

This

ambiguity or dualism did not pass without

In particular,

distinction

between

consciousness. equivalent

of

status

to

beliefs

notice.

the

The terms ideology

Lukacs

(1971:

'subjective'

Somewhat ideology

crudely as

(Seliger,

50ff.)

and put,

false

which obfuscate and protect

quo

1977:

proposed a

'objective' the

former

consciousness,

the status quo,

latter term epitomizes the revolutionary

class is

an

beliefs

whereas the

beliefs,

ideas

which impel social change, usher in new historical forms. Seliger conceptions Marx’s texts.

shows,

in

his

of ideology are,

analysis, in fact,

that

these

two

both supported by

The most original contribution

of Seliger's

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

62

study

is

his

proposed

resolution

of

this

ambiguity,

t,

settling the dispute between different interpretations

of

'ideology' implicit in Marx. The bulk of other commentators proceed in a more or less arbitrary fashion here; for

a

certain

primarily on Marx

conception

the overall

of

'ideology',

perspective

they opt depending

in which they view

(Seliger, 1977: 2-3). To support their readings, they

select

appropriate

consequently,

close

statements

from

the hermeneutical

interpretation of 'ideology'

Marx,

circle:

and,

preferred

is corroborated by preferred

fragments from Marx.7 Seliger's

approach

empiricist

bent;

possible,

the

assumptions,

is he

unique tries

hermeneutical

for

to

its

minimize, problem

content analysis,

step-by-step,

data are applied accounts,

Based

Marx's

a

priori

into Marx.

'inductivist'

reading of

of Seliger's

'case studies' of ideology,

discussion

of

the

English working classes

on these accounts,

the notion of

of

as

embarks upon something like a

the classical Marxist works. The main source

French and

insofar

reading one's own predilections

With that end in view, he

example,

specifically

consciousness (Seliger,

of

1977:

for the 66).

Seliger tries to establish how

'ideology' performed in Marx's thought, what

7Gadamer (1975) argues that all interpretation proceeds in circle; an understanding of a text is made possible, in fact, by the very baggage of preconceptions we carry in our minds, values, cultural tradition etc.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

63

meaning it

took on in confrontation with empirical data.

This approach brings him to conclude that term

considerably

theoretical

more

inclusive

claims of Marx's

encompasses not relations;

than

the

explicitely

and Engels' would allow.

It

only ideas which distort and conceal class

beside

such

obfuscatory

beliefs,

comprises

some empirically verifiable

world,

well as adimension of motives

as

'ideology' is a

'ideology'

statements about the (Seliger; 1977;

75-77; Thompson, 1984; 76-83). Seliger's study provides a special vantage point from which to read

Marx's theory of ideology, a hermeneutical

approach closely guided a

similar

religion.

route

with

by empirical data. I will follow regard

to Marx's

understanding

There are but a few commentators who focus

of on

this aspect of his heritage. Among those authors, the view predominates

that

religion.

particularly clear terms this point is made

by

John

(1973).

In

Plamenatz They

Marx

attributes

(1975;

two

227-248) and

functions

Clifford

to

Green

both argue that Marx viewed religion as

a

source of psychological compensation and as a conservative ideology.

The 'opium* thesis First,

I

look at

the

claim

which finds

compensatory

psychological mechanism at work in religion. This idea goes back to

the passage in "Contribution to the Critique of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Hegel's Philosophy of

Right" in which Marx points out that

"Religion is the sigh of the of the heartless world,

oppressed creature, the heart

just as it is

the spirit of a

spiritless situation. It is the OPIUM of the people" and Engels, for

1964:

departure

(Marx

42). Based on this statement, taking it point,

respective analyses,

Green

and

Plamenatz,

in

their

argue that religion, in Marx's view,

provides psychological compensation. Religious imagery provides compensation for the intolerable conditions of the worker's life. He anticipates redress in the heavenly world after death. In that blessed state there will be no pain, misery and suffering; poverty will be replaced by an extravagant abundance of mansions and golden streets; eternal rest will replace ceaseless labor; man will no longer oppress his fellows as inferiors, but, as Wilberforce put it "all human distinction will ...be done away' when all men are "children of the same Father." Under the influence of religious opium the proletarian enters the sleep in which present misery is forgotten, and he dreams of the heavenly world in which he will be vindicated and fulfilled. He thereby gains a fantasy compensation and consolation (Green, 1973: 158) . Sacred

belief is, promises

of

coming

of

allay

a

millennium,

disprivileged,

a heavenly the

propertyless classes,

vent of sorts. In pointing

paradise

or

the

frustrations

of

the

serve as a symbolic

to this role of religion, Marx

appears to b e 1a forerunner of

the contemporary 'relative

deprivation' thesis (Glock, 1964: 24-36). However,

this

analogy is rather weak if based solely

on Marx's juxtaposition of opium and religion. some

more

substance

to

buttress

this

It requires

interpretation,

concrete examples are indispensable, specific applications

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

of the when

'opium' thesis; one must see what Marx makes of it he

confronts

particular

the

sacred

symbols

Plamenatz realize this hence,

they grope

support

actual and

beliefs.

of

religions,

Both

Green

and

need for empirical grounding, and,

for some concrete instances.

is extremely scanty.

reference to

'stuff'

St. Augustine

Marx fails to ground his

Except

However,

for one very loose

(Marx and Engels,

1957:

35),

'opium' thesis in any specific

analysis. Nor does Engels, to turn to the other founder of historical

materialism,

ever

adduce

which assuage people's frustration, psychological compensation. Marx

How can one claim, then, that

(1983)

point.

has come out

He

argues

that

religion's

compensation,

alienation,

represents a very marginal,

in Marxist

theory.

of

Turner

stresses

any

considers

Not

psychological

only,

substantive yet

Namely,

conspicuously cofounder

social

as

role

relief

in

from

superfluous theme

shown above,

does Marx

this aspect of religion in very abstract terms,

devoid

telling.

out the

very forcefully on

providing

refer to

beliefs

religion?

Brian Turner latter

of

serve as a source of

or Engels were concerned to bring

narcotic role of

that

examples

of

another

it

absent

turns from

historical

reference. fact, out the

On

top

perhaps that

writings

materialism.

of

this,

even

such of

more

idea

is

the

other

Engels

never

that religion can bring consequences similar to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

66 narcotic, Claims

provide

a

temporary

to this effect,

have not been

from

life's

even most abstractly put,

toil. simply

propounded by him. Based on this, plus the

vagueness of Marx's own endorse

escape

Turner's

remarks,

point.

it seems safe enough to

Religious

promises,

beliefs

offering hope for a better lot in the afterlife, and thus providing psychological compensation for the deprived, of a very marginal

stature

are

in the materialist theory of

religion.

Marx on religion as ideology In his abstract claims about religion's role, particularly in

"Contribution

entertains

to

quite

Hegel's a

Critique

wide

and

possibilities. However, this breadth substantive

analyses.

In those

of

Right",

diverse

range

indelible

mark

of

between

fatalism,

accounts

one particular

society's thus

of

is not upheld in his

aspect of religion is consistently pointed out: which mark relations

Marx

beliefs

classes with an

protecting

the

status

quo.8 Although questions have been raised sometimes as to whether perhaps,

Marx

actually

means

only Christianity

religion

(Plamenatz,

in

1975:

general 238;

or,

Ling,

8The following pronouncement on Christianity illustrates how religion performs the conservative role. Christianity does not decide on the CORRECTNESS of the institutions, for it knows no distinction between constitutions, it teaches, as religion must: Submit to the authority, for ALL AUTHORITY is ordained by God (Marx and Engels, 1964: 37).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

67

1980:

16),

this

Christianity religions

last

ordains

deem

hierarchies

authority

the

and

paragraph

seems 'as

prevailing dominant

explicit

religion societal

classes,

enough.

m u s t 1. design,

as

All its

something

inevitable— preconceived and consecrated by the God.9 This religion's role remains ineluctably the same, whatever the

actual social relations are.

The social principles of Christianity justified the slavery of Antiquity, glorified the serfdom of the Middle Ages and equally know, when necessary, how to defend the oppression of the proletariat, although they make a pitiful face over it. The social principles of Christianity preach the necessity of a ruling and an oppressed class, and all they have for the latter is the pious wish the former will be charitable (Marx and Engels, 1964: 83). With the same equanimity feudalism,

and capitalism

Viewed in this light,

Christianity portrays as necessary,

slavery,

decreed by God.

religion appears like a fatalistic

theory explaining the status quo.

The explanandum of this

theory, the very fact it purports to account for, are the relations between classes; the notion of the divine will, on

the

other hand,

constitutes

rationale

for

what

comprises

two

elements:

justify the status

is

quo,

the

the explanans:

case.

first,

Religious

there

and second,

are

gives

a

symbolism

ideas

which

there are concepts

9A1 s o Plamenatz (1975: 238) comes to a similar conclusion; he sees no attempt on Marx's side to qualify his ideas about religion, circumscribe their relevance to only certain beliefs.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

68 which render this status

quo intelligible, define what is

being accounted for (Berger, 1967: 29). This dualism comes to the fore in considering

social

change. Then it assumes paramount importance that religion not

only

comprises

symbolism,

but

it

the also

empirical society, need

ask,

what

transformed, patterns. contents

of

divine

sanction,

includes

some

'rubber

rendering

portrayal of the status quo.

happens

when

when

change

the

slips

Obviously,

this

religion.

Virtues

social into

implies

stamp1

the

some

of king's

of

the

Now,

we

world

gets

established

shift

in

the

rule cannot be

extolled after the monarchy was abolished. Marx takes very little notice of that latter problem. For the of

most part, he proceeds as if changes in the forms

social

life

were

of

no significance

for religion's

role.

It simply consecrates all societies with the same

divine

halo.

historically

It

is

conscious

Engels in

who

this

written independently of Marx,

turns

out

regard.

In

to

be

his

more works

Engels quite unequivocally

recognizes the need for religions'

adjustment

to changes

in the forms of social life.

Engels on the historicity of religious ideology Several writers have been referring to Engels' from Marx in Plamenatz,

the treatment of religion.

1975:

235ff.;

Turner,

departures

(Green, 1973: 171;

1983:

63ff.;

Yinger,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

1970: 511). A few issues have

been raised in this context,

on which the two founders of historical materialism differ. From our

perspective here,

regarding the

role

religion

performs in society, the major difference has been pointed out by

Bryan Turner.

religion's role interests

He

suggests that Engels

as a vehicle for the

of various

classes

emphasized

expression of the

(Turner,

1983:

Rather than legitimate the existing society, conservative differences

sees religion as

over the

as stressed by Marx,

Engels

a tool which enables the articulation of

conflicting interests. exemplifies

ff.).

serve as a

ideology justifying and plastering between classes,

73

how

this

His discussion of the Reformation articulation

actually

takes place

(Marx and Engels, 1964: 97-118). Religious disputes of that era,

manifest

in

Lutherans, and the as

Thomas

the

conflicts

between

most radical, maverick reformers, such

Muenzer,

Engels

transposes

between different classes making up the society. hierarchy

Catholicism

stands

the

conflicts

medieval German interests

of

the

Lutheranism

middle classes; and the radical millenarism

of Muenzer is traced back to peasant

for

upon

of the church and the aristocracy;

represents the

Catholics,

classes.

the militant plebeian and

Theological disputes of the Reformation

are presented by Engels as the 1outer garment', 'cloak1, or 'shroud1, under

whose

guise

the

political

battles

various classes

were fought (Turner, 1983: 74).

among

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Turner proposes Engels,

that

religious beliefs,

seen

by

served as an idiom in which mundane interests of

various

classes were

demands. Thus, for

couched,

of

an

primarily

their economic

example, "..the opposition of the urban

burghers to the wealth and terms

as

ideal

of

luxury of celibate clergy in

religious

simplicity

taken

from

primitive Christianity has to be seen as a manifestation of the

economic struggle

(Turner,

1983:

medium in which Middle

Ages,

(Turner,

between the

74).

towns

Religion was

and the church"

practically

the

only

abstract ideas could be couched during the

"Church

1983:

73).

monopolized

mental

Self-evidently,

production..."

political discourse,

too, was carried on in religious terms. No wonder that when conflicting

interests

surfaced,

they too were couched

in

religious idiom. Turner does that

religion

'interests, secular.

not is

demands

err in ascribing to Engels the view the

medium

which,

In particular,

at

of

expression

the

bottom,

Christianity

medieval period constituted,

at

in Engels'

the eyes,

ideas where various classes could find the

of

class

were

quite

end

of

the

a pool of

symbolism best

suited to express their interests. The middle classes,

to

invoke Turner's example, drew upon the ideal of the simple early

church

in

order

incurred by the vast Espousal

of

the

to

trim

economic

burdens

hierarchy of the medieval

church.

millenaristic

the

strands

of

early

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

71

Christianity society

is

phenomenon

by

the

another

propertyless instance

where

classes Engels

of

medieval

saw

the

same

manifest.

At that time the plebeians were the only class that stood outside the existing official society. They stood outside both the feudal and the burgher associations. They had neither privileges nor property; they did not even have the kind of property the peasant or petty burgher had, weighed down as it was with burdensome taxes. They were unpropertied and rightless in every respect; their living conditions never even brought them into direct contact with the existing institutions, which ignored them completely. They were a living symptom of the decay of the feudal and guild-burgher society and at the same time the first precursors of the modern bourgeois society. This explains why the plebeian opposition even then could not confine itself to fighting only feudalism and the privileged burghers, why, in fantasy at least, it reached beyond the then scarcely dawning modern bourgeois society; why, an absolutely propertyless group, it questioned the institutions, views, and conceptions common to all societies based on class antagonism. In this respect, the chiliastic dream visions of early Christianity offered a very convenient starting point (Marx and Engels, 1964: 102 ). Unlike

the

middle

satisfied by the

classes,

plebeians

ideal of a simple

could

church,

not

be

which would

allow some people to keep more wealth in their hands. The propertyless

had

redistribution

of

nothing

to

society's

keep

riches

and,

therefore,

demanded

by

the

them was

much more radical. Thomas Muenzer became a

spokesman for

the

millenaristic

propertyless

strands

of

early

class.

Drawing

Christianity,

he

on

the

formulated

a

program

which ...demanded the immediate establishment of the kingdom of God, of its prophesied millennium, by restoring the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

72

Church to its original condition and abolishing all the institutions that conflicted with this allegedly early-Christian, but, in fact, very novel church. By the kingdom of God Muenzer understood a society in which there would be no class differences or private property and no state authority independent of or foreign to the members of society. All the existing authorities, insofar as they refused to submit and join the revolution, were to be overthrown, all work and all property shared in common, and complete equality introduced. A union was to be established to implement all this, not only throughout Germany, but throughout Christianity. Princes and lords were to be invited to join, and should they refuse, the union was to take up arms and overthrow or kill them at first opportunity (Marx and Engels, 1964: 112-113). Couched in religious terms, Muenzer's program addressed the

people

1in

understand'

the

only

language

they

could

then

(Marx and Engels, 1964: 117). But beside

medium,

there

Engels'

eyes, was very clear and unequivocal. By espousing

millenarism,

was

also

Muenzer

Muenzer's

message.

And

the

this,

addressed himself to the

worldly interests of the plebeian

in

immediate

underclass?

they wera

the ones to benefit most from the abrogation of

private

property and class-based authority. Engels does attribute to religion the role of an idiom in which

mundane

interests were

spelled

out.

In this,

religion is seen as a tool of

contestation and expression

of particularistic

The

interests.

contrast

seems

clear

with Marx, for whom religion's primary role was

to promote

consensus in society, justify the status quo.

Conversely

for Engels,

in whose eyes

religion

is

a medium

for the

articulation of group demands. This Turner's interpretation of

Engels'

position

is

put

into

question

by

John

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

73

Plamenatz. Ini his commentary, by

several years preceding

Turner's analysis, he points out that ... Engels, when he suggests that some class or group adhered to some form of religion because itwas its interest to do so, usually does so in a way which does not imply , that the religion contained beliefs peculiarly suited to promoting its interests. For example, he suggests in 'The Peasant War in Germany' that certain conservative groups who wanted to preserve the existing social and political order therefore adhered to 'the old religion', Catholicism. His words suggest that they remained true to the old faith merely because it was old, and not because it contained beliefs or ideas which in themselves were specially favorable to their interests....This situation, as seen by Engels, would be better described as one in which these conservative groups had interests in common with the Catholic church than as one in which the Catholic faith served their interests (Plamenatz, 1975: 241-242). Plamenatz

stresses

Catholicism,

in

particularistic. and

it was

that

the

Engels'

view,

Catholicism

the

status

were

represented

adhered to by all

maintaining

interests

the groups

quo:

the

expressed not the

exactly

old

faith,

interested

church

by

in

hierarchy,

aristocracy, some members of the middle classes, as well as the

other

conservatives.

Ages, Catholicism upheld pillar

of

the

expression of group.

In

At

the twilight of the Middle

the whole feudal order; it was a

established

society

rather

than

the

particularistic interests of any one special

this

instance,

Engels

finds

nearest vicinity of Marx: he envisages

himself

in

the

Catholicism as a

conservative ideology par excellance. We are clearly facing a dilemma here regarding Engels' relationship to

Marx.

One solution to this puzzle is to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

propose that unlike the

latter author, Engels attributes a

double role to religion. Christianity, referred al.,

as

1980).

As

of

warranted classes, social

the

’dominant

such,

society,

relations

between by

classes

at

religion,

Lutheranism

and

demands

different Engels,

the

status

interests

apex

quo

is

which

mechanisms

a

of

adhered

to

of by

Catholicism

role

creed.

In

to

these

to express the particularistic

challenge to

the be

status

at

work,

quo.

as

seen

Two by

whereby religion influences social life.10 Sacred

symbolism can either justify relations between classes,

dominant

different

millenaristic

seem

the

to the existing patterns of

attributes

Muenzer's

in

inevitable,

groups. As dominant ideology,

Engels

prevalent

of the hierarchy

nonetheless,

two cases, religion serves class

(Abercrombie et.

something

the

fostered universal allegiance life.

the

as

the

recently been

buttresses

legitimates

located

members of all

ideology'

religion

God. Securing

those life,

social

cases, such as medieval

religion represents what has

to

design

In some

buttress

the

status

quo,

or

serve

society's

to

express

particularistic class demands. That latter role of religion, distinguished by Engels, Turner

presents

in

sharp

contradistinction

to

Marx's

10Plamenatz (1975: 242) sees this double role in both Engels and Marx. However, I am very hard put to find any overtures to religion's role in promoting group challenges in Marx.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

explanation.

Such

radical

contrast

does

justified. There surely is a difference between role

in

promoting

group

challenges

stressed by Engels, and its part in

and

not

seem

religion's demands,

as

supporting the status

quo, pointed out by Marx. However, before

a final judgment

can be made, I want to ask what kind of mechanism

Engels

sees operative whereby religious symbolism promotes special group

interests.

Turner does not dwell on this question

long enough but we can

pursue it somewhat further. For the

bourgeoisie, in Engels' view, the early Christian idea of a simple church

served primarily to wrestle some economic

benefits away from the out,

"...the

medieval church. As Turner points

opposition

of

the

urban

burghers

wealth and luxury of celibate clergy in terms of an

to

the

ideal

of religious simplicity taken from primitive Christianity

1

has to

be seen as manifestation of the economic struggle

between the towns

and

the church"(Turner,

Engels own words, the same

1983:

74)

In

explanation reads as follows:

The town heresy— and that was the actual official heresy of the Middle Ages— was directed primarily against the clergy, whose wealth and political importance it attacked. Just as the present-day bourgeoisie demands a "gouvernement a bon marche" (cheap government), the medieval burghers chiefly demanded an "eglise a bon marche" (cheap church). Reactionary in form, like any heresy that sees only degeneration in the further development of church and dogma, the burgher heresy demanded the revival of the simple Early Christian Church constitution and abolition of exclusive priesthood. This cheap arrangement would have eliminated monks, prelates, and the Roman court, in short, everything in Church that was expensive. The towns, republics themselves, albeit under the protection of monarchs, first enunciated in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

76

general terms through their attacks upon the Papacy that a republic was the normal form of bourgeoisie rule (Marx apd Engels, 1964: 100). No doubt, the early Christian ideas, as seen by Engels, did serve the

articulation of the middle class demands.

this understanding,

of

itself, does not yet clarify what

mechanism Engels postulates

in this

instance.

First

all, one needs to ask what, in fact, these demands expressed by the middle classes. struggle over taxes or church to town,

or,

But

of

were,

Was it merely economic

redistribution of some goods from

perhaps,

something

more fundamental

was being contested. On this point Engels is quite

clear.

I

Burghers'

craving

for

a

change

in

the

whole

society was expressed by early Christianity. of feudal monarchy a republic was to be

instituted, better

religious beliefs served to express burghers' society .of a new type,

rather than

particularistic interests within

of

In the place

suited to the interests of the middle classes.

to a

form

In

this,

aspirations promote their

the existing social form.

This casts a different light upon

the role of religion

discussed

by! Turner. If sacred beliefs serve the \' expression of class interests, in Engels' view, this goal is

realized

through

promoting

new

ideals

of

class

relations, alternative to the prevailing ones. This role of religion becomes particularly important during periods of upheaval

and transition, when the established social forms

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

are in decay and

attendant struggles are fought over the

new shape of social

life.

One

such period discussed by

Engels was the late medieval epoch, the era cracks

appeared

context,

on

the

edifice

Engels points to

establishing a new form of

of

when severe

feudalism.

Lutheranism's

In

this

role

in

social life.

The war cry raised against the Church by Luther was responded to by two insurrections of a political nature: first, that of the lower nobility under Franz von Sickingen (1523), then the great Peasants' war, 1525. Both were defeated... .From that moment the struggle degenerated into a fight between the local princes and the central power, and ended up by blotting out Germany, for two hundred years, from the politically active nations of Europe. The Lutheran Reformation produced a new creed, indeed, a religion adapted to absolute monarchy. No sooner were the p eas a n t s of North-East Germany converted to Lutheranism :than they were from freemen reduced to serfs (Marx and Engels, 1964: 300). Disintegration of the old feudalism in Central and Eastern Europe

resulted

political

in

the

establishment

structures there.

afflicted by this trend. rebelliousness,

they

Peasants

Subdued

were

of

were

most severely

and punished

deprived

freedom they enjoyed previously,

of

autocratic

for their

whatever

little

during the bulk of the

medieval period. "The Absolutist State in the East...was a repressive machine of a feudal class that had just erased the traditional device 195).

communal

freedoms of the poor.

for the consolidation of serfdom With

themselves developments,

the very

imposition near

of

a

(Anderson,

1979:

peasants

found

serfdom,

slavery.

It was

Engels

the deterioration of peasants'

links status,

these with

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

!

78

the rise of Lutheranism. Several German principalities, the tiny

feudal

states,

notion of the

adopted

this

religion

stressing the

'calling', god-ordered duty to fulfill one's

obligations in. society.

Lutheranism,

in Engels'

best suited to uphold the authoritarian absolutist state.

eyes, was

structure of the

It sanctioned the status quo

with the

rubber stamp of God-ordered duty. In similar terms Engels explains the role Calvinism at the dawn of the modern era. with the rise of absolutism, another to

take

shape

in

Europe,

played by

Almost parallel

form of society began

particularly

in

the

countries

where monarchy and aristocracy were relatively weak, their power curtailed by the (Anderson,

1979:

law,

113-143).

all across Western Europe, were

assuming

agent

of

social

Splitting and the

an

ever life.

as was the

case

In this country,

in England

and gradually

impersonal forces of the market

growing

stature

Capitalism

as

was

a at

controlling its

the populations between the enterprenuer

dawn. class

working folk, this new social pattern was not well

accounted for by

Lutheran creed. And for this reason,

in

Engels' view, ....Calvin won the day. Calvin's creed was one fit for the boldest! of the bourgeoisie of his time. His predestination doctrine was the religious expression of the fact that in the commercial world of competition success or failure does not depend upon a man's activity or cleverness, but upon circumstances uncontrollable by him. It is not of him that willeth or of him that runneth, but of the mercy of unknown superior economic powers: and this was especially true at a period of economic revolution, when all old

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

commercial routes and centers were replaced by new ones, when India and America were opened to the world, and when even the most sacred economic articles of faith— the value of gold and silver— began to totter and break down. Calvin's church constitution was thoroughly democratic and republican; and where the kingdom of God was republicanized, could the kingdoms of this world remain subjects to monarchs, bishops and lords? While German Lutheranism became a willing tool in the hands of princes, Calvinism founded a republic in Holland, and active republican parties in England, and, above all, in Scotland. In Calvinism, the second great bourgeoisie upheaval found its doctrine ready cut and dried (Marx and Engels, 1964: 300-301). At

the

threshold

countries

of

modernity,

place,

class

began to overshadow the conditions,

several

European

republican society was in the making,

primarily along property market

in

in Engels'

divided

lines. Hierarchy dictated by the

position proper

in Weber's

inherited status rank.

terms,

Under such

eyes, Calvinism was best fitted to

account for the status quo, explain social relations. Blind predestination,

accordingly,

decides

who

gets

succeeds in life. This belief corresponds so well patterns of modern life, growing eminence of the

ahead, with the

invisible

market hand in shaping society. In light of Engels' analysis, Calvinism and Lutheranism were

both

status quo.

belief systems well

Each for its respective original setting, they

portray the design inevitable,

suited to legitimate the

of society in terms which render it

fated by God.

Thus seen, Engels'

of religion's role does not depart so views as Turner is implying.

explanation

much from Marx's

Both proponents of the

new

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

80

materialism

espouse

a

'total*

conception

of

ideology

I

1

(Remmling,

1973: 142). Religion dominates the outlook of

the whole society; it

explains the design of the world to

members of all social groups, each class,

legitimates the position of

those at the bottom as well as those at the

top.11 If there is a difference between

Marx's and Engels'

explanations of religion's role, it concerns

primarily the

particular moments in history where they trace the mechanism.

Marx's

the times when

focuses

same

on stable periods in history,

status quo in the relations between classes

was firm and well

secured. In these circumstances, at the

height of the medieval era

for example, also religion was

uncontested then, well suited to account for the status j quo. Engels, however, pictures in his analyses moments in history very different from those selected by Marx. Unlike his

collaborator,

religions,

Engels

in

his

focuses

social transformations, when

ventures upon

into

the

the

stormy

domain

of

periods

of

new balance of forces was in

the making. Attendant upon such

circumstances are shifts

IIt o be sure, in no way am I denying that religion, according to Marx and Engels, favors the interests of dominant groups. The upper classes, naturally, have a larger stake in maintaining the status quo. For this reason, too, they may be considered the key purveyors of the dominant ideology. However, once this ideology comes to monopolize society's outlook, it is adhered to by the upper and the lower classes likewise. In this sense, Marx 'fused the particular and total conceptions of ideology' (Remmling, 1973: 142).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

81

in religions;. beliefs

better suited to account for the

;i

new

status

accounts

quo

for

come

the

decline of the

to

the

emergence

fore. of

This

is

how

Christianity

Engels

during

the

Roman Empire (Marx and Engels, 1964: 264),

as well as the ascent of Lutheranism and Calvinism.

Each

of these creeds stamps the emerging pattern of society with the same mark of the inevitable. At the bottom line, Marx and Engels both see the same mechanism operative

in

religion.

thinker more discerning introduced

a

However,

and analytical

dimension

of

historical

Engels,

(Collins,

keep

up with

patterns emerge, religion

the

changes

in

a

1985),

differentiation.

Unlike Marx, he took note of the fact that must

as

sacred beliefs

social

life.

If new

class relations assume a different form,

provides

arrangements are

explanations

inevitable;

as

it

to

'frames'

why

these

new

anew the status

quo.

Weber on religion as ideology As

ideology,

religion plays an essentially passive role.

History is driven by changes in the social structure while religion certainly

attempts not

the

to

keep

up.

aspect

of

Thus

religion

emphasized. In contrast to Marxism, by numerous

commentators, he

seen,

ideology

that

Max

is

Weber

as has been brought up

saw religion

as a dynamic,

active force. Clearly and emphatically rejecting

idealism,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

82

as equally one-sided as materialism nonetheless operative

kept

insisting

in 'society,

(Weber, 1956: 183), he

that,

among

religious beliefs

other

factors

can exercise

a

pull of their own, influence the course of society. But Weber was a very empirically-minded writer, a 'fox' stressing

the pluralism and multiplicity of causes, rather

than a •hedgehog',

like Marx seeking some unitary formula

of history.12 Implications of this stance can also be seen in

Weber's

writings

on

religion.

summary essay on this topic, (Weber, what

1964a), role

sweeping

Particularly

'The

his

Sociology of Religion'

he demonstrates a very open view as to

sacred beliefs perform

form

in

he

surveys

the

in social history

of

starting with the simple

animistic beliefs,

reader

stages

through

various

of

life.

In a

religions, leading his

polytheism,

and

concluding with an analysis of the monotheistic

religions.

Along this path, Weber discusses most diverse

aspects of

religious

symbolism.

religious

and

natural

events,

for

droughts

or

floodings

practices, used

to

In the

magical

early

symbolism example

stages, in

attempts

weather

(Weber,

people to

patterns,

1964a:

2).

including manipulation of symbols,

induce

ecstasy

(Weber,

another context where sacred

1964a:

3-4).

apply control such

as

Magical are also Death

is

symbolism, the notions of the

12Randall Collins used this Platonic metaphor to juxtapose Marx and Weber.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

83

soul, demons, and the like, are instrumental some

explanation,

phenomenon cultural human

(Weber,

1964a:

for

4-7).

this

most

a

certain

At

evolution it turns out that

activity were

symbolism" people

accounting

(Weber,

relate

to

drawn

into

in providing

this

unsettling stage

"... all areas of circle

of magical

1964a: 7). By means of sacred the

whole

range

of

in

their

symbols

actions

in

society. For example, before fighting battles

"...the war

dance,

sympathetic

magic,

in

the

patterns

of

manipulations

by

mimetically anticipates victory and sets to insure

it.." (Weber, 1964a: 9). In a like manner, also

political,

economic or sexual behavior can be interpreted in terms of sacred beliefs (Gerth and Mills, 1958: 323-359). religion Weber,

represents

an

extremely

variegated

Clearly, realm

for

who, not unlike Eliade, realizes that most diverse

objects and

phenomena can be 'framed* by sacred symbolism.

In pointing out this multidimensionality of religious symbolism, Weber's

prime emphasis is on its 'active' role.

People resort to magic and the course of events, not

oblivious

to

religion in order to influence

'manipulate'

the

other,

the world. But Weber is

more

'passive'

facet

of

religion. In fact, he stresses that The first and fundamental effect of religious views upon the conduct of life and therefore upon economic activity was generally stereotyping. The alteration of any practice which is somehow executed under the protection of supernatural forces may affect the interests of spirits and gods. To the natural

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

84

uncertainties and resistances of every innovator, religion thus adds powerful impediments of its own. The sacred is the uniquely unalterable (Weber, 1964a: 9). As

noted

by

Parsons

(1949:

565),

Weber

religious symbols can act as blinders: patterns,

delineate order

and

recognizes

that

impose some fixed

firm boundaries

amid the

contingencies and

uncertainty, volatility inherent in our

encounter

world.13

of

the

Beside

attempts to mold the course of

active

manipulation,

events, Weber also refers

to religion's conservative role. However, his remarks about the context of

early magical symbolism. These comments can

only be treated of the first

'stereotyping' are made in

cursorily, since such is Weber's treatment beliefs. His survey of the early religions,

densely punctuated with remarks like any

additional

represents only in-depth

details

here'

a prolegomena,

researches.

theoretical essays,

'we cannot go

(Weber,

1964a:

into 8-9),

brief introduction to his

Throughout

the

bulk

of

his

as well as in his monograph studies,

Weber focuses on the historical 'world-religions': Judaism, Christianity, Beside

their

civilizations,

Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, obviously their

role

major as

impact

belief

and Confucianism. on

systems

the

world's

capable

of

bringing under their sway great human masses, sometimes of 13Peter Berger (1967) refers to this uncertainty as terror', potential for the unknown and incomprehensible, in the world as it is given to us.

'anomic latent

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

85

; diverse cultural

very

background

and

ethnicity,

stresses their another characteristic feature. to

the

other

belief

systems,

Weber

In contrast

'world-religions'

have

evolved some theodicies.14 Every one of them contains some unitary concept which accounts the

world,

phenomena

inequalities, Abrahamic Judaism, life's

etc.

as

suffering,

1964a:

'world

138-139).

religions’

death, In

stemming

the from

the idea of monotheistic god enables one to bring adversities

contrasts

with

immanentist force or

such

(Weber,

religions,

for the imperfections of

under

religions

unitary

explanation.

originated

beliefs where the

concept

in of

the

This Orient,

an underlying

self-contained, all-embracing realm, provide the

chief

explanatory vehicle.

In either case, Weber's focus

is on

'world religions', belief systems

crowned with some

unitary concept. This special

focus of Weber's seems to downplay

significance of his remarks about 'stereotyping'; the context of the early magical address

'world-religions1.

symbolism,

the

made in

they do not

But Weber does find some room

to discuss the conservative role also

for the later, more

14In fact, the meaning of this term is very ambiguous, as it appears in the literature. For a history of the term, see Bryan Turner's (1981: 142-176) essay. One example of how its usage varies is the meaning Berger (1967: 53-80) attaches to it. In clear contrast to Weber, he does not circumscribe 'theodicy' to the 'world-religions', extends it upon all belief systems.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

complex

beliefs.

Islam,

he

refers

In

his

to

analyses

these

of

Confucianism

beliefs

as

adjustment1 or 'religions of accommodation' 9).

Brian Turner clarified the

category.

Islam

and

and

’religions

of

(Weber, 1964a:

meaning of this Weber's

Confucianism

are

distinguished

as

'religions of accommodation' based on the content of their theodicies, Faced

explanations

with

the

of

the

shortcomings

inequalities and injustices,

world's of

imperfections.

mundane

existence,

Islam and Confucianism merely

legitimate the status quo. Rather than promise salvation in any form, betterment in the afterlife, they project current relations

in the society

into indefinite

future,

depict

the status quo as eternal and forever immutable. With this in

view,

Turner

(1981:

163)

Confucianism as 'theodicies of

refers

to

such terms exactly Weber depicts the mainstream

religion

of

objective. In

workings of Islam as

the

Arab

societies.

Appropriated and controlled by the warrior classes, represents a

afterlife,

Islam

'heroic religion'; it assures the warriors of

the righteousness of their peoples,

and

legitimation'. Perpetuation

of the status quo appears to be their main

the

Islam

carrying

the

same

domination over the subjugated inequality

over

into

the

where it is believed to continue— the earthly

masters' rule is to be perpetuated. There was nothing in ancient Islam like an individual quest for salvation, nor was there any mysticism. The religious promises in the earliest period of Islam pertained to this world. Wealth, power, and glory were

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

87

all martial promises, and even the world beyond is pictured in Islam as a soldier's sensual paradise....An essentially political character marked all the chief ordinances of Islam: the elimination of private feuds in the interest of increasing the group's striking power against external foes; the proscription of illegitimate forms of sexual behavior and the regulation of legitimate sexual relations along strongly patriarchal lines (actually creating sexual privileges only for the wealthy, in view of the facility of divorce and the maintenance of concubinage with female slaves); the prohibition of usury; the prescription of taxes for war; and the injunction to support the poor. Equally political in character is the distinctive religious obligation in Islam, its only required dogma: the recognition of Allah as the one god and of Muhammad as his prophet (Weber, 1964a: 263-264). There Islam.

is one As

underlying role which Weber attributes to

'warrior

religion',

it

sanctions

interests and lifestyles of the ruling

class, perpetuates

the status quo. In similar terms, Weber influence

of

religion to

Confucianism.

He

even

worldly

depicts also the

likens

the

Chinese

Islam at some junctures, as in the following

passage, where he points out

that in Confucianism...

In contrast to the passion and ostentation of the feudal warrior in ancient Islam we find watchful self-control, self-observation, and reserve. Above all, we find repression of all forms of passion, including that of joy, for passion disturbs the equilibrium and the harmony of the soul. The latter is the root of all good. However, detachment does not, as in Buddhism, extend to all desire but to all irrational desire, and it is not practiced as in Buddhism for the sake of salvation from the world but for the sake of integration into the world. Confucian ethics, of course, had no idea of salvation. The Confucian had no desire to be "saved" either from the migration of souls or from punishment in the beyond. Both ideas were unknown to Confucianism. The Confucian wished neither for salvation from life, which was affirmed, nor salvation from the social world, which was accepted as given. He thought of prudently mastering the opportunities of this world through self-control.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

88 He desired neither to be saved from evil nor from a fall of man,, which he knew not. He desired to be saved from nothing, except perhaps the undignified barbarism of social rudeness, only the infraction of piety, the one basic social duty, could constitute "sin" for the Confucian (Weber, 1964b: 156-157). Starkly

contrasting

behavior the

with

precepts,

latter

Instead

in that

of

Islam

Confucianism, it

making

is

not

promises

prospects

for

future

sanctions

the

day-by-day

maintenance

regarding

the

content

nonetheless,

a

religion

to

of

resembles salvation.

believers,

betterment,

offering

Confucian

routines

and

as life's uppermost end.

of

theodicy

treats

their

Everyday harmony

in

relations with the surrounding world is presented as the highest

task dictated by the heavens.

The cosmic orders of the world were considered fixed and inviolate and the orders of society were but a special case of this. The great spirits of the cosmic orders obviously desired only the happiness of the world and especially the happiness of man. The same applied to the orders of society. The "happy" tranquility of the empire and the equilibrium of the soul should and could be attained only if man fitted himself into the internally harmonious cosmos (Weber, 1964b: 152-153). According

to

Confucian cosmology,

life

on

Earth

is

presented as a direct extension of the heavenly realm. The same laws and'principles which govern the divine universe obtain

also

microcosm

in

relations

ofthe

universe.

prefigures the cosmology.

One

between

position of can

patterns; to defy

only fit

This an

people,

society

symbolic individual

oneself into

is

a

setting in

the

Chinese existing

the orders of society is an impossible

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

89

task, equivalent to the

working

of

certainly not about

challenging the universe. In depicting

Confucianism

in

such

terms,

Weber

was

oblivious to its role as ideology. His ideas

Islam and Confucianism square quite well, in fact,

with the accounts of religion put forth by Marx and Engels, as

some

commentators have hinted

(Marshall,

1982:

154;

B.Turner, 1981: 25ff.). But

the

analogy

explanation studies

breaks

between down

Weber

quickly

once

of Judaism, Christianity,

Weber presents

these

contradistinction

to

and

the

materialist

we move

Hinduism,

onto his

or Buddhism.

'theodicies of salvation' the

'theodicies

of

in sharp

legitimation'.

Unlike Islam and Confucianism, the other 'world-religions' operate than

primarily through promises

focus

on

the

prevailing

affirm the status and Buddhism,

quo,

Judaism,

'theodicies

1981:

these

163).

Christianity,

It

of

two

status quo,

legitimation'. types

appears,

of

to

from

his

operate

with

sharp

theory of bureaucracy.

contrasts with

Weber

analysis,

distinguishes

as

(Turner, if

W e b e r

typological

has provoked frequent criticisms, to his

forever

Hinduism,

'world-religions'

different principles were involved. tendency

patterns,

the believers. This offering of salvation,

the actual overcoming of the

between

social

Rather

all hold promises of a change, a chance of

betterment for

the

of salvation.

two 1 s

distinctions

particularly in respect

In his study of religions,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

90

the same tendency, as it seems,

resulted in the clear-cut

bifurcation

of the 'world-religions*. Wolfgang Schluchter

(1981:

.challenges Weber on this issue,

159)

the one-sidedness of his

interpretation of Confucianism as

'religion of legitimation'. quo,

pointing to

Beside its focus on the status

Chinese religion contains also certain salvational

strands,

promises made the individual,

in however

alien

terms they are couched for somebody whose imagination was shaped

by

between

Christianity.

Confucianism

matter,

any

other

The

and

sharp typological

Protestantism,

'theodicy

of

contrast

or,

for

salvation',

that

should

be

moderated, if not abandoned altogether.15 In

fact

Weber

himself

made

overtures

in

the

same

direction,

towards easing his classification, making the

categories

less rigid.

In particular,

in

the course of

his analysis of Islam, Weber recognizes its role in promises

of

salvation

to

believers,

in

making

addition

depicting the status quo as sanctioned by God. That

to

latter

role is only predominant when Islam is used as a tool of domination by the ruling classes

(Weber,

similar practice cannot be precluded other

than

Islam and

Confucianism;

1964: 262).

also for religions they

too may

ideologies, perpetuate the status quo. And, is not

15I chapter.

But

act

as

indeed, Weber

completely blind to such scenarios. Following his

return

to

Schluchter's

criticism

in

the

following

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

discussion of bent

Islam as an example of 'warrior religion',

primarily

on

legitimating

the

domination

knightly class, he invokes other religions play

a

similar

religion

role.

of the

One

medieval

of

the

the

which used to

examples

Christian

of

is

order of

"..the

celibate

knights, particularly the Templars, which was first called into

being during the Crusades against Islam and which

corresponded to 1964a:

88).

the

This

indicates,

Islamic

warrior

juxtaposition,

nonetheless,

that

orders..."

however Weber

was

(Weber,

brief not

it

is,

entirely

oblivious to Christianity's potential to act as ideology. Following the example of medieval Christianity, remarks that Hinduism and Buddhism,

too,

Weber

may evince that

latter aspect, perform the role of ideology. In fact, this possibility has been attested by the history of these two religions

(Weber,

1964a:

88) .

The

contrast

'theodicies of legitimation' and 'theodicies of

between

salvation'

appears to be less sharp, more relative than implied by I their respective definitions. Weber does realize, however faintly

he

systems

aspire to grasp and explain the design of society.

In

this,

expresses

every

it,

religion

that

has

a

most

established

potential

belief

for mystifying

social relations, immunizing them to change and criticism, the

concern

with

regard

to

Christianity

so

powerfully

voiced by Reinhold Niebuhr (1960).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

The

main ;difference,

then,

between

Weber

and

the

Marxist perspective does not consist in the denial, by the former

author,

that religion serves as

ideology.

rather it seems a matter of emphasis. For Marx religion's

capacity

to

'frame'

society's

Much

and Engels,

macro

design,

relations between classes, appears as its foremost feature. Weber also recognizes

that

aspect

However,

deem

it very

he

does

not

of

sacred

symbolism.

significant.

characterizing 'warrior religions', when he refers as beliefs of Weber views

'dubious genuineness'

the

dimension

of

(Weber,

ideology

almost accidental attribute of religion. assumes

a

emphasizes

key

role

'frame'

in

his

primarily

analysis. the self,

as

As

in

to them

1964a:

88),

a secondary,

Its other aspect The

beliefs

he

endow individual

life with 'meaning'.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- CHAPTER III WEBER ON THE DIMENSION OF 'MEANING' IN RELIGION The discussion of the back

to

"The

Capitalism"

'meaning' aspect of religion goes

Protestant

Ethic

(henceforth PE)— the

and

the

Spirit

of

first and also the most

controversial volume in Weber's religious

sociology.

range of problems involved in that essay is truly

The

awesome,

as can be seen from the polemics and disputes with which PE is so pregnant. It borders on the impossible simply to list all

the related

explanation,

the

issues. Materialism versus the idealist role

of

general

laws

specificity of modern Western capitalism, between

church

Reformation, Christianity, and numerous

the

and

sect,

contrast

modernity

between

versus

its

the distinction patterns

medieval

in

and

the

reformed

traditionalism— all

these

seminal essay is like a Pandora

of problems that have been

since

the

other questions have cropped up in the course

of the PE debate. Weber's box

different

in history,

inception.

For

haunting social

all their great

most of these issues are not directly

science

significance,

relevant for our

topic here. It would be best, then, if I could

simply skip

all these side-issues and proceed right to the

heart of

the matter:

'meaning'

in

PE.

could Collins,

Weber's understanding

Unfortunately,

such

a

straight-forward

also be very treacherous. 1986; Marshall,

of religious

approach

As several writers

(cf.

1982; Poggi, 1983) have realized,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

94

the

PE

essay

contains

several

different

hypotheses,

always well differentiated by the original author. this

entanglement

is

the

dimension of Protestantism.

analysis

of

In fact,

the

this

not

Part of 'meaning'

hypothesis of

Weber's is almost inextricably intertwined with

another of

his

these

explanations.

hypotheses, about

Unless

can

disentangle

two

extricate them from each other, Weber's point

Protestantism's

obscured

we

in

PE.

role

as

'meaning'

Therefore,

round-about route.

I

will

propose

a

remain somewhat

Before addressing the main question,

some other layers of the PE essay need to be peeled off first.1

The core and periphery

of the PEessay

To begin with, it will

be handyto distinguish between

central

question

of

PE

addressed there only PE

reads

like

an

and

the

which,

in

inquiry

into

due

how

necessary

cause, prop,

have

been

course,

religion

religion

remolded

Protestantism is seen as a stimulated, upheld,

fostered the growth of capitalism. sufficient

that

tangentially. In a bird eye's view,

traditional medieval society. factor

issues

the

is

indispensable

If not

itself

a

PE

as

a

emergence

of

the

presented for

the

in

and

in

R a n d a l l Collins (1986: 61) has come up with this very cogent metaphor. He likens Weber's work to an onion: 'Discovering his theories is like peeling an onion...'.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

modern

market

society.

This

understanding

argument sparked a charge of PE.

Th e

tw o

fiercest

idealism,

of

Weber's

levelled against

polemicists

among

Weber's

contemporaries, Rachfahl (1968) and Fischer (1968), blasted PE for

attempting to trace the origins of capitalism to a

religious belief.

In

trying to refute Marx, Rachfahl and

particularly Fischer claimed, other

extreme,

interpretation (1982:

58

and of

came

history.

ff.)

this

misinterpretation

of

Weber up As

with

a

pointed

criticism

Weber's

went too far to the

stems,

argument.

never intended to turn Marx upon his reintroduce

Hegelian-like

'spiritualist' out

by

Marshall

mainly, In

from

fact,

Weber

head and, thus,

idealism.

The

a

charges

to of

idealism resulted from the critics' failure to take note of the

subtleties

of

between Protestantism

Weber's

argument.

discerning

relationship

and the rise of capitalism sums up

the gist of PE. But in his actual more

The

and specific;

analysis Weber is much

in particular,

he

breaks

down his argument into two hypotheses, one central and the other

peripheral.

With regard to the above confusion, Weber himself must take part of the spelling

out

addressing

blame. He was never sufficiently clear in

the

two

two

hypotheses

distinct

empirical

implicit

in

relationships.

lucidly, these two hypotheses are brought out by (1982,

57-59).

Based

on

his

PE,

analysis,

the

as Most

Marshall

relationship

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

96

between

Protestantism and Capitalism,

graphically presented as links.

The

ascetic

first

is

a chain which consists of two

link

orientation

as seen in PE,

connects

in

Protestantism

everyday

business

to

the

activities;

religious beliefs are seen as a cause of worldly attitudes and

behaviors.

attitudes

The

and

second

behaviors

capitalist society. The

link to

connects

the

origins

these of

ascetic

the

modern

relationship between Protestantism

and Capitalism is indirect in PE;

the two are connected

through the intermediary of people's worldly

attitudes.

The chain is made of two links. Now, it must be stressed

that these two links are not

both equally treated by Weber.

The

Protestantism and ascetic attitudes deterministic main

terms;

Protestant

relationship between is seen in

religion

represents

the

cause which had brought about asceticism in one's

worldly

occupation,

according to Weber.

impact of this worldly

much

weaker

terms.

In contrast,

the

asceticism upon the emergence of

capitalism, the second link in Weber's in

strongly

Ascetic

chain, is presented

attitudes

gave

birth

to

capitalism only in conjunction with several other causes, operative

hand

in

hand

with

them.

Among these various

causes, Weber discusses the role

of rational contractual

law,

other

book-keeping

and

some

administrative

techniques, as well as the centralized absolutist These and some other

factors,

state.

as they have been brought

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

97

out by with

Collins the

(1986:

ascetic

89), have

attitudes,

all contributed, to

capitalism.2 The role of people's

the

along

emergence

attitudes

of

in producing

capitalism is thus seen in a conditional and relative form in

PE

(Schluchter,

relativism

1981: 142-143). If

certainly

offsets

levelled against Weber. The

the

anything,

charges

of

this

idealism

impact of Protestant beliefs

is only seen as decisive in the first

link discerned in

his argument:

Protestantism and

the relationship between

ascetic attitudes. ascetic

As

Therelationship of the

cause. between

ascetic

attitudes

in the opening and closing

Weber's analysis. Only

chapters of PE, there are some

hints that ascetic attitudes represented necessary for capitalism to occur.

'carried

the

form in PE. This hypothesis is

also accorded very marginal room in

the

and

capitalist society is not only seen in a

relative and conditional

connects

the role of

attitudes is better seen as a midwife ushering in

capitalism than its

origins

for the second link,

'spirit'

to

the

PE. It represents the

The hypothesis

'system'

largely by assumption'

one of the causes

of

(Marshall,

which

capitalism 1982:

58)

is in

periphery of Weber's essay.

2To be sure, in PE Weber only refers to these other, non-attitudinal factors which contributed their share to the emergence of capitalism in general terms, as 'social conditions' (Weber, 1956: 183). The elaboration of these conditions comes later, summed up in the lectures on General Economic History.(Weber, 1961)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

98

The core of the argument laid down in PE represents the nexus

between

Protestantism

and

attitudes. Even the very title of this:

he

refers

there

to

the

worldly

ascetic

Weber's work attests to

the

relationship

between

Protestantism and the 'Geist' of capitalism. Clearly, it is the spirit

that is his main concern— the origins of the

capitalistic attitudes.

These attitudes he traces back to

Calvin

and the early Protestant

cause.

On this relationship I will focus now, in an effort

to

demonstrate

that,

in

beliefs,

fact,

it

seen as their

comprises

two

major

hypotheses.

Calvin's doctrine-Weber's departure point Weber

never

clearly

differentiated

these

two

hypotheses

which make up the

core of his argument in PE. Also the

commentators

have,

by

explanations

I i

and

large,

am concerned

to

collapsed

bring

out,

or,

the

two

at best,

they have elicited only one of them, as in Turner (1986) . Trying to make

up for those shortcomings, to propose a new

angle

exegesis

in

the

starting point, Virtually

of

all

analysis.

commentators

I

need

some

At the root

Calvin,

agree

that

Calvin's

represents a departure point for

mentality and attitudes enunciated by

text,

a foundation on which to build my case.

predestinarian doctrine Weber's

Weber's

of the modern capitalist

stands the religious

the

teachings

of

one

revelation of the most

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

99

prominent

founders

represent

something

analysis,

the

of

the of

initial

Reformed a

cause

'prime from

church. mover'

which

the

Calvinism in

Weber's

spirit

of

capitalism issued. Parsons must be credited with eliciting most

lucidly the essence of Calvin's

were discussed in

teachings,

as they

PE:

1.There is a single, absolutely transcendental God, creator and governor of the world, whose attributes and grounds of action are, apart from Revelation, completely beyond the reach of finite human understanding. 2.This God has predestined all human souls, for reasons totally beyond possible human comprehension, either to eternal salvation or to "eternal sin and death". This decree stands from and for eternity and human will or faith can have no influence on it. 3.God for his own inscrutable reasons has created the world and placed man in it solely for the increase of his glory. 4.To this end He has decreed that man, regardless of whether predestined to salvation or damnation, shall labor to establish the kingdom of god on Earth, and shall be subject to his revealed law in doing so. 5.The things of this world, human nature and flesh, are, left to themselves, irreparably lost in "sin and death" from which there is no escape except by divine grace (Parsons, 1949: 522) . The

critical

Calvin's

question,

link with

now,

is

attitudes

how

Weber

'spirit of capitalism'. As noted by

these

beliefs

referred to

of

as the

Poggi, 1983: 52), this

relationship is by no means obvious or trivial, bordering, in

fact,

represent

on

paradoxical.

Calvin's

teachings

relevant for bringing about 'calling': utter

The

above Weber

five

propositions

considered

most

the modern conception of the

the absolute significance of salvation and the

irrelevance of worldly life, combined with the total

unknowability

of whether one is predestined to be saved.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

100 Taken at beliefs,

face value, there is nothing encouraging in these let alone

stimulating to any worldly activity,

business thrift, rational management,

or any other type of

entrepreneurial

Weber

initiative.

combination of beliefs is

Yet,

argues,

this

the original point of departure

which stands at the root of the modern

ascetic business

mentality. The impact of Calvinism is to be accounted for in terms of the psychological pressure Calvin, in his teachings, helpless undertaking. as

this doctrine put on people.

presented life as an essentially

Salvation in the afterlife was set

the only worthy end,

yet no means were available to

attain it. Whether

one were to be saved or not depended

entirely

arbitrary

on

aggravate

God's

things

even

judgments.

further,

there

was

ascertain what these judgments were, i.e., predestined

to

be

damned

or

saved.

Moreover, no

Belief

(poggi,

1983:

Weber's analysis; how, induced by From

given

an

according

lies also the key to

in his view,

logical to

point

this

232f.66). Reasoning from be

Here

blind

this tension,

anxiety

religion, was played out in society.

a

resolution

70).

in

'cranked up'

enormous psychological tension in the faithful, Weber

to

whether one was

predestination, so central for Calvinism,

to

way

to

up,

of

view,

tension:

there

fatalism

is

only

(Weber,

one

1956:

Calvin's premises, all hope must

predestination

must

lead

to

resignation,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

101 passive surrender to God's inscrutable judgments. this is not

what the Calvinists did. Instead

renunciation

of

resorted the

all

worldly

life

and

However, of passive

activity,

they

to hard work. Success in the worldly occupation,

'calling',

came

to

be

predestination for salvation,

regarded

as

a

sign

being God's elect.

of

Concern

over salvation and the fear of predestination were balanced out

by the belief

'horrible

in

'calling'.

decree',

the

The burden of Calvin's

psychological

predestination, was eased by a chance to

tension

of

prove oneself in

work, an opportunity eagerly seized by believers. Trying

to

convey

several writers,

the

essence

'psychological

'sanction to

the

premium'

Calvinism is presented (Poggi,

1983:

63),

a

which operates to compel the faithful to adhere'

ascetic work

summary reading, this

ethic

(Marshall,

1982:

70).

As

a

'psychological sanction' hypothesis

stands uncontested in the

literature, incontrovertible. It

seems well suited to convey the gist However,

argument,

sophisticated commentaries on PE, have

embraced the above interpretation. a

Weber's

including Marshall and Poggi, the authors

of two of the most

as

of

of Weber's thesis.

this interpretation is what I purport to

throw

into doubt in this analysis. I want to argue that, in fact, this

summary reading of PE represents a shortcut which is

illegitimate,

a

leap which skips entirely the first step

in Weber's argument: the link

between Calvin's teachings

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

102 and

the

beliefs

neo-Calvinists, 'history of Calvin's

of

the

Pietists,

later or

Protestants:

Methodists.

This

the is

the

ideas' hypothesis in PE: an explanation of how

predestinarian

reinterpretation,

doctrine gave rise,

to the subsequent

through its

belief in the modern

'calling'. Once we recover this part of Weber's

analysis,

also the 'psychological sanction' argument is cast in a new light. The idea of the modern 'calling' is the belief which puts

a

premium

relationship behavior

on

ascetic

between

practices

the

behavior

in

'calling'

represents

the

and

Weber's

world. the

The

ascetic

'behavioral'

hypothesis, the second link in his argument.

Weber's 'history of ideas' hypothesis I start by bringing out the first link in Weber's analysis: an

explanation of how Calvin's original teachings brought

about the idea of

the modern 'calling'. Calvin himself did

not attach any special,

providential meaning to work; the

radical predestinarian doctrine his

beliefs,

salvation.3

barring

Desperately

appear, perhaps ruthless

any

stands

chance

hopeless

as

on its own among of this

hope,

sign

doctrine

of must

even, Calvin was not horrified by

3There is some reflection of the traditionalistic, Lutheran 'calling' in Calvin, as it was noted by Weber, who sees that Calvin 'like the Lutherans, considered them (works-J.G.) the fruit of belief...' (Weber 1956: 228) However, this interpretation of work is very removed from what it came to be regarded in the later Protestant beliefs, the sign of grace.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

103

it. In fact, he had a quite

prominent and reassuring role

in the scheme of things, believing that

God entrusted him

with the task of spreading the message of relaying His Word to the people of

predestination,

(Swatos, 1986: 76). A man

prophetic convictions, Calvin '...felt himself to be a

chosen agent of

God',

as Weber

assured him of his own

(1956: 110) put it. This

salvation, being among the elect.

Enunciating the message of

predestination, Calvin himself

was immune to its fatalism.

He needed not

principle of good works for assurance,

resort to the

seek an outlet in

the worldly 'calling'. This denial of work's special worth was also reflected in

Calvin's

teachings,

the

official

doctrine

he

elaborated. The orthodox Calvinist doctrine referred to faith and the consciousness of community with God in the sacraments, and mentioned the "other fruits of the Spirit only incidentally... Calvin himself most emphatically denied that works were indications of favor before God...(Weber, 1956: 228). Calvinist

orthodoxy

uncompromising

belief.

judgments, the terrifying believers were accept

faith:

staunch,

In the face of God's inscrutable pressure of predestination, the

to bow in deference to God's will, blindly

whatever

stresses the

emphasized

iron,

judgement paralyzing

was

passed

logic

on

them.

Weber

of Calvin's design.

"The combination of faith in absolutely valid norms

with

absolute determinism and the complete transcendentality of God was

in

its way a product of great genius"

(Weber,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

104

1956:

126).

To

surrendered',

this

genius

people

a

' whole

spellbound

by

generation

the

had

'magnificent

consistency' of Calvin's doctrine (Weber, 1956: 104). Weber refers thus to the impact of Calvin's orthodoxy on the generation came under

the

of the immediate followers, people who

direct

personal

influence

of

reformer. There is no mention of any special work in this account. of Calvin's Swatos

incentive to

Instead, Weber points to the aspect

story recently brought into focus by William

(1986).

self-evidently, beliefs.

the great

Calvin a

Most

was

a

charismatic palpably,

charismatic aura

this

reflected in the life of Geneva,

leader,

and,

also

surrounded

his

magical

influence

was

the main stronghold of

the new creed. According to Robbins, the citizens

of this

city looked upon Calvin's arrival there as "...a special token

of the

favor of God..."( Swatos,

1986:

79). As a

measure of Calvin's

popularity among Genevans, he was able

to

the

remold

entirely

g overn m e n t . influence

Without and

the

city's

politics,

violence, power

of

its

system of

exercising

personal

his

persuasion,

he

"...overthrew the established leaders and substituted his own

'ruling

elders'

This charismatic

as magistrates"

1986:

76).

influence extended beyond the domain of

power and politics. Calvin

enjoyed the absolute allegiance

of his followers also with regard to theological

(Swatos,

matters

of

faith.

His

biblical doctrines, word,

on

all

these

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

105

issues,

was

nearly

interpretation

of

equated

the

with

Scriptures

that

of

God,

considered

his

a mark

of

divine inspiration. Opposition to him is opposition to God and His Word. It was not permissible to doubt that his interpretation of the Word as preacher and theologian was inerrant and must be received as the truth of God. This implied belief in himself was an indispensable adjunct of his mission (MacKinnon, 1962: 93). As manifestations of God's grace, Calvin's teachings could not be

contested,

change.

His

criticized,

reading of

definitive

allowing no

(1956:

104)

Calvin's

people

humbly

room for doubt or skepticism.

Weber

refers doctrine

consistency'. prophet's

in any way subject to

the Bible carried the weight of

statements,

defer,

or

beliefs

to

this

as

to

which

uncritical

'surrender

attitude

to

its

towards

magnificent

The people living under Calvin's spell, the

'charismatic band'

(Swatos, 1986: 76),

received

his orthodoxy at face value; struck by its fatalism,

they

unconditionally accepted it. As

pointed

Calvin's

times

out

by

was

a

Parsons

(1949:

theocracy,

531),

society

religious concerns, living its beliefs

intense,

dominated

by

religion and

This extended also upon the economy. emotionally

prophet and socialist

in

through. All other

aspects of social life were instrumental to its needs.

Geneva

charged

his followers,

commune

(Parsons,

relationship

In the

between

Geneva somewhat resembled 1949:

531).

the a

Individualistic

work practices, ascetic worldly attitudes reflected in

the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

106

belief in modern 'calling', were not represented yet among the

Calvinists,

circumscribed"

"...economic activity was quite seriously (Robertson,

1970:

too concerned with their newly

175).

The people were

founded beliefs,

Calvin's

fatalistic message, to devote themselves to cultivating the innerworldly economic asceticism. fervor would not

last forever.

became more settled, itself

to

the

needs

However, this

As time went

religious

by, Calvinism

the newly born creed had to of more

ordinary

people

apostles and their prophet. As any other set

adjust

than

the

of prophetic

teachings, Calvinism underwent routinization.4 At that time also, off,

after the spell of Calvin's charisma started to wear Calvinism gave rise to the modern 'calling'.

As has been pointed out recently by Malcolm MacKinnon (1988:

151),

in the light of

of routinization

of Calvin's

of a theological crisis in

Weber's argument, the onset charisma provoked something

Calvinism.5 To the surface came

4A s noted by Swatos (1986: 211), Mommsen (1965) believes that Weber's research on Puritanism was a departure point from which the theory of charisma was developed. 5Meant as a final death blow to Weber, MacKinnon's article actually reveals several important facts which render the PE analysis more subtle and accurate, rather than refute it. MacKinnon's major corrective to Weber's essay concerns the agencies which provided a way of settling the theological crisis in Calvinism. According to Weber, the crisis was tackled by the neo-Calvinist clergy by way of pastoral advice. These were ad hoc practical solutions, bypassing the official doctrine. MacKinnon, in contrast, shows that the crisis was actually dealt with by the key neo-Calvinist theologians who implemented changes in the official doctrine, sanctioned by the synods of Dort and Westminster (MacKinnon, 1988: 155-158). This observation

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

107

the

harshness

predestinarian

doctrine,

previously hushed up by the power of Calvin's

mystical

convictions spell

of

the

radical

and his personal charisma.

was broken,

the imminent process of routinization

set in, people found

themselves in the grim predicament

procured for them by Calvin's

doctrine. Cut off from any

means to attain salvation or even to thereof, worthy

Once this magical

gain any knowledge

and at the same time craving it as life's

goal,

the

followers

of

Calvinism

were

only

put

in

a

terrible psychological deadlock (Weber, 1956: 104, 110-111; Parsons, the

1949: 524-525). To break this impasse, to prevent

psychologically unbearable

teachings, original

a

de

facto

doctrine

had

to

110-112, 155 ff) argues, doctrine,

his successors,

theologians, with

a

people

way

concerning

of

like

reinterpretation take

place.

to ease the

As

Theodore Beza, diminishing

Calvin's

routine

more

life

suggests, the

attuned

in society.

to

the

Calvin's

of

Calvin's

Weber

(1956:

pastors

the

uncertainty had

to

be

tenable for the

psychological

At this point,

and

had to come up

beliefs

reinterpreted in order to render them more believers,

of

fatalism of Calvin's

the neo-Calvinist

somehow

salvation.

consequences

needs

Weber's

of

account

interpreters of Calvin's creed all followed

represents an important corrective to Weber. But rather than a death blow, it can be incorporated into Weber's explanation, as was actually done by Marshall (1980: 105).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

108

roughly

the

same

predestination salvation

doctrinal

and

were

generations of

the

left

route.

fatalism intact,

The

of

at

idea

God's

least

of

blind

choice

for

by

the

first

followers and the members of the churches

directly affected by

Calvin.6 But they tried to ease the

consequences of the predestinarian beliefs by the means of an additional postulate— the idea reminiscent of an ad hoc hypothesis

in

science,

body of knowledge an

ad

hoc

doctrine,

to

salvage

the

existing

by invoking additional hypotheses. Such

hypothesis,

in its

intended

invoked

to

salvage

Calvin's

original shape untenable, was the

idea

that the uncertainty of salvation is in fact lesser than it had

originally

appeared

predetermined by God,

to

Calvin.

Although

itself

one's predestination for salvation

is not as impervious to human insight

as Calvin suggested.

There is a way of ascertaining whether

one is predestined

to be saved. Towards that end "...intense worldly

activity

is recommended as the most suitable means. It and it alone disperses grace"

religious

doubts

and

gives

the

certainty

of

(Weber, 1956: 112).7

6The Baptists break away from this principle, since they question the significance of predestination in their doctrine. But their example is not relevant for Weber's 'history of ideas' hypothesis, as I will clarify during the following discussion. 7MacKinnon's critique seems most incisive with regard to this latter point of Weber's, although, again, not as unequivocally damaging as he claims it to be, but rather as an important factual corrective. Only some neo-Calvinists, such as Puritan Baxter for example, conceived of worldly activity as the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

109

Neo-Calvinist theologians found a way out of the dilemma bequeathed

by

the

founder

of

salvation remained a matter of so to speak,

their

church.

Although

predestination, God's whim

it became possible,

on the other

hand,

to

gain some sign of whether one would be saved. In the light of

neo-Calvinist theology,

worldly

occupation,

intense preoccupation in one's

crowned

regarded as a mark of

with

idea

of

the

came

to

be

predestination for salvation. This

belief, according to Weber, blew the

success,

an entirely new life into

'calling1. Known

'calling1, in his theology,

served

already

to

Luther,

primarily to sanction

the traditional division of labor in society; it

performed

a

to

largely

conservative

occupations,

stations

role.

in life,

People were

tied

their

with the argument that it

sole means to ascertain salvation. As for the majority of the neo-Calvinist theologians, they recommended also otherworldly works, penance or meditation, in addition to good works in this world, as the means of assuaging the longing for salvation (MacKinnon, 1988: 167-169). Neo-Calvinism was not as exclusively innerworldly as Weber portrayed it, in the light of MacKinnon's evidence. Now, there are at least two reasons why this evidence is not as damaging to Weber as MacKinnon suggests. First, the stark emphasis on worldly activity in connection with salvation is still unique for neo-Calvinism as a whole, and in contrast to Catholicism and Lutheranism— which was Weber's main point. Second, Weber himself realized that otherworldly works may go hand in hand with the worldly activity as a kind of a parallel route, an additional lane leading to salvation. Such dualism characterizes Baptists' beliefs, in the light of Weber's account; and this notwithstanding he considers Baptist thought to be conducive to worldly asceticism just as much as neo-Calvinism, although, perhaps, with more equivocation. What MacKinnon demonstrates is that, in fact, such equivocation between the inner and other-worldly works was also part and parcel of neo-Calvinism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

110 represented 1956:

their

'calling'— god

85-86). A shift in the

ordered

(Weber,

meaning of 'calling' comes

when the neo-calvinists attempted to find a impasse of predestination.

duty

way out of the

It is at that point that the

Lutheran notion of the 'calling' was picked up and endowed with a new 'calling' salvation.

meaning.8 For the neo-Calvinists, the work in

came to represent a chance No

wonder

neo-Calvinists the duty

(Weber,

that,

'calling'

1956:

as

Weber

put

it,

for

the

became a task rather than a

85-86).

their occupations, the

to earn a sign of

Rather

than hold people

in

'calling' became a source of never

ebbing motivation to do better. This,

in brief overview,

emergence of powerful

is how Weber explains

emphasis upon work in one's worldly

occupation— the idea represented

in the modern 'calling'.

Once the original spell of Calvin's charisma his

teachings

had

insoluble riddle

to

be

reinterpreted.

'calling'

as

was broken,

Faced with the

regarding one's fate in the afterlife,

neo-Calvinist ministers and in

the

an

theologians posited the work

appropriate

path

in

dispelling the

uncertainties of future existence. The special

injunctions

to work hard, the modern 'calling', emerged as a result of this reinterpretation of Calvin's original doctrine.

8Weber (1956: 85) speaks of a new emphasis in this context.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Ill Some writers have made overtures to the relationship between these two idea

of

the

belief sets, Calvin's teachings and the

modern

'calling1, as

part

and

Weber's analysis in PE. For example, Parsons notes that the worldly Calvin's

radical

'calling'

otherworldly

exclusively with salvation

evolved

to

economic

(1949:

one

of

531)

over time

doctrine,

from

concerned

and relationship to God. Also

Marshall (1982: 58) refers to the orientation

parcel

'origins of a particular

activities

...in...an

earlier

belief system'.9 However, neither Parsons nor Marshall have extricated this part of strands

traceable

sanction' the

in PE,

argument.

'history

distinctive

of

Weber's analysis from the other especially

the

'psychological

The only author who clearly elicited

ideas'

explanation

hypothesis, implicit

presented

in

Weber's

it

as

essay,

a is

Steven Turner. Turner analysis,

stresses "...a

that

study

of

PE

is

certain

a

piece cultural

in

cultural

effects

of

9Poggi's position seems most perplexing. On the one hand, he very clearly spells out the relationship between Calvin's beliefs and the innerworldly asceticism, as a hypothesis implicit in PE (Poggi, 1983: 56). However, in developing his argument, Poggi recoils from treating Calvin's beliefs and the innerworldly asceticism as two contingent variables, one causing the other as its antecedent. Instead, he argues that Calvin's doctrine of predestination and the modern 'calling', the key element in the innerworldly asceticism, are linked together as part and parcel of the same belief set (Poggi, 1983: 63). Thus, Poggi resorts to the 'psychological sanction' interpretation, presenting Weber's case in PE in terms of 'meaningful correspondences' between interlocking, contemporaneous beliefs (Poggi, 1983: 80-81).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

ascetic religion..." (Turner, 1986: 201).

Accordingly, the

relationship

and

which

between

followed

it

Calvin's

doctrine

subsequently

represents

the beliefs

the

gist

of

Weber's essay. The idea of the 'calling' is one such belief which

Turner links to Calvin's orthodoxy.

for this relationship,

In accounting

Turner ties the explanation in PE

to the larger problem of

intellectual rationalization. In

his

the

works,

Weber

saw

need

to

elaborate

consequences of prevalent beliefs and knowledge,

the

society's

stock of ideas, as one of the motives operative in social life (Weber, 1958: 334; Turner, history,

in

strive towards their

various

ideas and belief

efforts

original

and

civilizations,

people

logical consistency and systematization of

doctrines consistent' of

epochs

1986: 214-215). Throughout

aimed

teachings,

systems.

Such

'desire to

(Turner, 1986: 214) at

the

sparked the wave

reinterpretation

once the untenability

predestinarian doctrine became apparent.

of

Calvin's

of the blind

Seeking to bring

it in line

with the realities of ordinary, routine

in society,

Calvin's successors came up with the

interpretation

of

intellectual

consistency

discusses

in

his

the

'calling'. is

explanation.

rationalization process

the

And

this

process The

make

life modern

quest which

mechanism

for Weber

of

the

underlies the relationship between

Calvin's beliefs and the modern

concept of the 'calling'.

Seen from this vantage point, PE turns out

to be a unique

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

113

contribution to the history of ideas.

It shows how,

in

history, one idea can give rise to another through its own elaboration. Turner hypothesis

successfully from

PE,

elicits

points

the

out

teachings in bringing about the

'history

the

impact

of of

ideas'

Calvin's

modern 'calling'. However,

Weber's analysis is not exhausted by this relationship between two belief sets,

hypothesis. As a

this argument does

not deal with actual behavior practices. According to some writers

(cf.

George

Dixon, 1973), Weber

and George,

1961;

Robertson,

never moved beyond a study of beliefs

and ideas, to investigate

behavior patterns. However, this

contention seems to be an exaggeration, what follows now. As I to establish a essay,

at

in the light of

proceed to show, Weber does attempt

link between beliefs and behavior in his

least

on

the

conceptual

level.

represents the second key hypothesis in PE, central

1970;

argument.

It

connects

the

idea

This

link

part of its

of

the

modern

'calling' to the actual behavior of the people, those who embraced this

belief.

As

it turns out,

asked in his essay what brought

Weber

not

only

about the modern 'calling'

but he also sought to investigate what made

the belief in

'calling' an effective one— an idea that was acted out

in

behavior.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

114

The 'behavioral' hypothesis In the text of the PE essay, beliefs

to

with the

behavior

is

'history of

the hypothesis which links

almost

inextricably

intertwined

ideas' argument. Therefore,

it will

be useful, while discussing this facet of Weber's argument, to find the

another departure point. As a distinctive issue,

problem

of

how

religious

behavior became most replies to the other

of

influence

people's

clearly articulated by Weber in his

critics

Weber's

norms

of PE.

Werner Sombart

contemporaries,

in

and

pointing

out

weaknesses of his essay, have argued, among other that the

attitudes Weber pinpointed

capitalism

have,

in

particular,

business

fact, thrift,

as unique

existed an

things,

elsewhere. of

of

norms

and

injunctions

to

hard

In

modern

PE essay, does not

represent a trait peculiar to modernity. To support claims, Weber's critics pointed out a

the

to modern

expression

economic asceticism in the light of the

some

these

widespread incidence work

and

business

diligence in various premodern ethical codes and religions. Arguing

along

these

lines,

example of Leon Alberti: around

the

middle

of

Sombart

an architect the

15 th

(1967)

invoked

the

active in Florence

century.

In

his

works,

Alberti encouraged what, according to Sombart, boiled down to Weber's

spirit

identified some

of capitalism.

precepts

Weber's opponents also

of conduct

reminiscent of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

115

spirit of capitalism in

Catholic writers; Catholics, too,

praised frugality, hard work, the need to 87,

98).

and even came to recognize

accumulate and invest capital (Marshall, 1982: All

these and other examples were invoked,

of

course, as a refutation of

Weber's thesis: nothing is so

uniquely special about the

attitudes of the Protestants,

and,

consequently,

this Weber's religions

about the

reply was

and

ethical

'spirit of

capitalism'.

unequivocal.

Surely,

codes

always

have

he

To

granted,

made

some

recommendations concerning

thrift and hard work in one's

occupation;

was

respect. fact,

Protestantism

no

exception

in

this

But what is not so common, even quite unique in

is

"...the characteristic Protestant conception of the proof of one's own salvation, the CERTITUDO SALUTIS in a calling...." which "...provided the psychological sanctions which this religious belief put behind the INDUSTRIA. But that Catholicism could not supply, because its means to salvation were different." (Weber, 1956: 203) The

Protestant

religions

were

so

effective

in shaping

society not simply

because of their injunctions to hard

work.

in

It

was

only

conjunction

with

a

particular

psychological premium, in presenting the work in as

the

exerted ascetic

means

to

salvation,

that

these

'calling'

recommendations

their influence. The exhortations to abide by the virtues

became

an

active

reflected in the behavior of the

force,

were

actually

Protestants, because an

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

116

inner relationship between those virtues and

salvation was

construed in the doctrine of the Reformed church. I

The relationship between asceticism, as seen by Ascetic

Weber,

Protestantism

covenant

of works,

the promise of salvation and

does

is actually quite complex.

not

simply

consider that

resort

to

the

good work can purchase

salvation. One's fate in the afterlife is left entirely at God's

discretion,

unaffected

success in the worldly

by

people's

Protestantism

But

'calling' is considered an outward

sign of grace, allows one to gauge speak.

deeds.

connects

predestination, so to

worldly

success

in

the

'calling' to the prospects for salvation. This relationship has been Weber's

emphasized in most thesis.

The

Protestantism places a

commentaries as the key to

salvation

doctrine

'psychological

of

ascetic

sanction'

on work.

There are two problems with this interpretation of PE.

I

have already pointed out the first one above. The excessive emphasis

on the 'psychological sanction' mechanism causes

Weber's other key

hypothesis to drop out of sight:

argument in the history of ideas. 'calling'

The sanction'

second

problem

argument

is

to

Weber's

there is no

emergence of this belief.

concerning equally

incidence in the literature back

Accordingly, the modern

is treated as an idea ready-made;

room for an explanation of the

his

the

serious,

'psychological although

its

seems less widespread. Going

contemporary,

Brentano

(1916),

some

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

117

authors

deny

an

empirical

status

to

this

explanation,

consider it a non-falsifiable tautology. The critical issue at stake here is whether Weber, variables is

which are contingent, empirical, or whether one

implied

Critics

by

claim

the

other,

the

Roland Robertson

latter

follows to

the

Calvinist

promise

and

the

be

logically

the

case.

from

For

it.

example,

(1970: 173) sets out by arguing that the

principle of good works is by

in this instance, relates

almost self-evidently implied

doctrine, 'calling'

religion.

From this

certainly

not

the is

reading,

unfaithful

to

link between

part

and

parcel

in itself quite Weber's

salvation of

this

sound and

intent,

Robertson

proceeds to castigate PE. The essay appears to be

purely

exegetical, an exercise in the reading of religious texts rather

than

testable

relates two contingent, line of criticism

empirical

proposition,

one

which

independent variables.10 What this

misses,

it seems, is the fact that the

>

inner relationship between the the promise of salvation

principle of good works and

represents only one

the 'psychological sanction' thesis. the

variable in

The other variable is

actual attitudes displayed by the Protestants in their

behavior.

A

normative

promise is thus related to

precept

sanctioned

by

salvation

empirical conduct by Weber.

As

10Similar criticism of Weber is also made by Charles and Catherine George (1961: 146) and Keith Dixon (1973: 61), as pointed out by Marshall.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

118

a

relationship

contingent

variables,

proposition 119

ff.)

between

and

independent

of

behavior, each

two

other,

this

does appear to be empirical. Marshall has

emphasized

analysis,

providing ample

out

explicitly

most

beliefs

on

this

interpretation

evidence. this

(1982: in

his

Weber himself comes

issue

in

his

reply

to

Rachfahl: I must emphatically point out that the basis of the empirical verification of the question of whether these fundamental religious-psychological relations actually had the specific impact for the practice of the conduct of life, as I have maintained, derives in my essays neither from the treatises or dogmatics nor from theoretical treatises on ethics. Rather it comes from a very different set of source material. In particular, I singled out Baxter's and Spener's writing on pastoral care and, most prominently, their answers to inquiries from those seeking pastoral direction about concrete, practical problems in their lives (Weber, 1978: 1123). By

bringing

specific furnish

in

pastoral

inquiriesfrom independent

behavior

letters

the

people,

evidence

practices, irrespective

precepts and

codes were.

written

about of

relationship testable

e t hical between

maxims these

to

Weber sought

to

people's

what

the

actual

normative

the behavior displayed by the

Protestants represents an independent the

reply

However poor this evidence is,

invoked in PE, in principle

f rom

in

of two

empirical proposition,

variable,

their

religion.

variables as

distinct

it

The

represents was argued

a by

Marshall (1982: 122).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

119

The second key hypothesis traceable in PE links beliefs to

behavior.

Weber

postulates,

Protestant conception which

in

brief,

that

the

tied work to salvation had a

positive impact in fostering

ascetic work practices.

The

relationship between the belief in salvation and the norm of diligence diligence

is seen as causing people actually to display

in

their

behavior.

'...religious

associated with certain types of activities'

(Parsons,

1949:

two

belief

sets

are

attitudes towards secular

536).

The contrast is clear

with the 'history of ideas' hypothesis, links

ideas

together.

explanation which Yet,

Weber

sufficiently differentiated between these two

never

hypotheses

implicit in his essay. In his mind, the explanation tracing the

idea

of

the

'calling'

back

to

Calvin's

teachings

somehow stuck together with the second hypothesis of his essay:

the

one

explaining

how

'calling', after it came into being,

the

concept

of

the

was actually molding

people's behavior.H A reflection of this frame of mind is seen in a reply to his

critics, where Weber maintains that

the aim of his essay was to •'•Marshall notes a very similar problem regarding the relation between people's attitudes and the institutional system of capitalism. Weber does not differentiate well between people's ascetic attitudes as the cause of the institutions of capitalism— a factor that preceded them and contributed to their genesis— and between attitudes as part and parcel of capitalism: the component functional in sustaining the capitalist society in its early period (Marshall, 1982: 56). It would appear that the tendency to collapse the genetic and the functional explanations was somehow inherent in Weber's thought.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

120 to show how, in spite of its anti-mammonistic doctrines the spirit of this ascetic religion nevertheless, just as in the monastic communities, gave birth to economic rationalism because it placed a premium on what was important for it: the fundamentally ascetic rational motives. That fact alone is under discussion and it is the point of this whole essay.(Weber, 1956: 259) In thus arguing that the economic

rationalism

on...ascetic 'history

of

and

Weber

a

premium

collapses

the

hypotheses.

a cause bringing about the

idea of the

and

the

placed

'behavioral'

'calling'

one

it

motives',

ideas'

premium fostering but

because

rational

Protestantism as modern

'ascetic religion...gave birth to

Protestantism

as

a

psychological

the ascetic work practices are seen as

thing,

Calvin's

teachings

are

merged

with

neo-Calvinism.12 That, and

the

in fact, modern

'belief-behavior' example case,

the relationship between Protestantism

calling

is

clearly

link,

is

most

distinct

easily

from

grasped

the

in

the

of the Baptist sects discussed by Weber. In their the

'history

of

ideas'

hypothesis

is

simply

12By referring to the 'ascetic religion' as a homogeneous entity in this summary account of the PE thesis, Weber fails to distinguish between Calvin's fatalistic teachings and the later neo-Calvinist, Methodist, Pietist or Baptist beliefs which tied work to salvation. The author who did pay attention to this problem is Parsons (1949: 521). He points out that the contents of Protestant religion, as seen in PE, are not immutable; historical change in Protestantism represents part and parcel of Weber's explanation. This implies that the explanans in Weber's theory changes: Calvin's beliefs which gave rise to the modern 'calling' are not synonymous with neo-Calvinism, the later Protestantism which provided a psychological sanction for the 'calling'.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

121 irrelevant.

Unlike

studied in PE, doctrine

Protestant

denominations

Baptists never heeded the

predestinarian

(Weber,

the

1956:

other

148) ; Calvin's fatalistic

beliefs

did not influence their teachings.13 Consequently,

Baptist ministers never

got involved in the

business of reinterpreting Calvin: they did not

tread the

'rationalization'

in

path

connecting

the

belief

predestination to the idea of the 'calling'. 'calling', the principle of good works, the

Baptists

speaks

from

the

of cultural

denominations 'calling'

as

in

environment;

diffusion

their

a preconceived,

Instead, the

was assimilated by Weber

from the

case.14

blind

(1956:

148)

other Protestant

Baptists

picked

ready-made belief,

up

the

rather

than arriving at it through their own exegetical efforts. But

these

rationalizat. ideas'

efforts,

the

process

i, is precisely what

explanation

was

addressing;

of

intellectual

Weber's as

such,

'history of it

has

no

relevance for the Baptists' case. 13Based on this difference primarily, Weber points out that Baptism represents "... a second independent source of Protestant asceticism beside Calvinism...."(Weber, 1956: 144) In making this point, Weber contrasts Baptism not only with Calvinism but also with Methodism and Pietism which, in this context, are seen as the offsprings of Calvinism, its derivatives.

14ln Weber's own words, the principle of good works "...was certainly developed under the influence of Calvinistic asceticism, which surrounded the Baptist sects in England and the Netherlands." (Weber, 1956: 148)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

122 While

irrelevant

from

the

standpoint

of

that

latter

hypothesis,

the behavior of the Baptists, nonetheless, was

effectively

molded

vigorously. This

by

the

works

as

as

Weber

argues

was so because the Baptists, just as well

as the neo-Calvinists, good

'calling',

a

Pietists, and Methodists, consider

sign

of

grace;

for

all

these

four

denominations an active pursuit of the 'calling' represents a path to salvation in Weber's (1956: 148) sense. In their doctrines,

the

same

injunctions to hard

inner

relationship

exists

between

work and the promise of salvation.15

And this relationship figures as an independent variable in the

'behavioral' hypothesis in PE: the explanation

among the adherents of the Puritan sects,

the

why,

norms of

15T o be sure, there are some important doctrinal differences regarding the attainment of grace, between the Baptists and the other Protestant denominations. In Weber, this is acknowledged by pointing out that "....since predestination was rejected, the peculiarly rational character of Baptist morality rested psychologically above all on the idea of expectant waiting for the spirit to descend, which even today is characteristic for the Quaker meeting..."(Weber, 1956: 148) Baptists recommend contemplation, sometimes leading to ecstasy, as the proper path to attain grace. In this, their teachings contrast with the Calvinists stress on innerworldly asceticism. But this contrast is far from absolute, Weber states, "...in so far as Baptism affected the normal workday world, the idea that God only speaks when the flesh is silent evidently meant an incentive to the deliberate weighing of the courses of action and their careful justification...The radical elimination of magic from the world allowed no other psychological course than the practice of worldly asceticism... the strict morality of the Baptists had turned in practice into the path prepared by the Calvinist ethic." (Weber, 1956: 149) In addition to its own contemplative emphasis, Baptism incorporates also the Calvinist principle of good works, as a sort of parallel route to grace.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

123 business thrift and diligence were actually acted out behavior.

What fostered the ascetic behavior patterns of

the Puritans

was the promise of salvation tied to ascetic

behavior norms.

In this fashion,

impact of the belief in of

in

Weber conceived of the

'calling' in PE. The combination

ascetic behavior norms and the

sanctioned

the

ascetic

work

promise of salvation

practices,

provided

the

special tinge of motivation to excel. Weber's

'psychological

put in a new light.

sanction'

In particular,

fatalistic doctrine

put

a

Calvin's original

of predestination,

premium

on

behavior

practices,

complex

characteristic

Pietism

or

meaning,

is

worldly

is the

Baptism.

predestination,

thus

teachings is

not

wholly

activity,

modern

of

, his

viewed

as

mechanism. the

ascetic

'calling',

the belief

neo-Calvinism,

Methodism,

In

their

blind

and

beliefs, devoid

replaced with predestination

work considered a sign of

it

the other strands implicit

part and parcel of the 'psychological sanction' What

is

In contrast to most commentaries,

is now clearly extricated from in PE.

explanation

of

Calvin's all

human

tied to hope,

grace. This neo-Calvinist belief

places a psychological premium on

behavior, as argued in

PE.

PE and the 'meaning* dimension of Protestantism

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

The relationship between

Protestant beliefs and ascetic

worldly attitudes makes up the core PE.

In the preceding,

relationship

of Weber's argument in

I have shown that,

in fact,

this

is best seen as composed of two hypotheses.

Presented graphically as a chain, it consists of two links. The

first

hypothesis:

link the

represents

explanation

Calvin's teachings are

the

stressed by

rise

of

to

intellectual

another,

the

emerged,

rationalization,

through

its

in Weber's

the modern

influenced

society.

In the

idea gives

elaboration,

This mechanism 'calling'

has

elaboration of Calvin's

The second link which makes up Weber's argument

is the explanation how turn,

eyes,

one

systematic

through the subsequent

teachings.

ideas'

Steven Turner.

'calling'.

attempts to think through its consequences. explains how,

of

accordingly postulated to represent

a cause of the modern concept of process

'history

This

this belief in

people's

account

behavior,

constitutes

'calling', their

Weber's

explanation: the idea that modern 'calling' the ascetic behavior patterns.

in its

conduct

in

'behavioral' was a cause of

The relationship

between

Protestantism and the spirit of capitalism is thus broken down

into two components: the chain which links Calvin's

teachings to the

modern 'calling' and, as the other link,

the nexus between the

'calling' and the ascetic behavior

practices.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Of these two explanations traceable in PE, the 'history of

ideas'

hypothesis

observations

is the starting point for Weber's

on

rationalization,

the

as

a

process

tendency

of

intellectual

evinced

in

Although there is no consistent theory of in

Weber,

at

several

junctures

history.

rationalization

he

stresses

significance of human propensity to seek coherence, to elaborate ideas in achieve consistency 22,

27;

1968a:

i.e.,

their consequences with the aim to

(Weber,

854-855).

1956:

As

26;

Turner

1958:

324;

1964a:

(1986:

215)

notes,

Weber discusses this tendency not only the same terms he also viewed the legal

the

procedures,

and

for religions; in

progress of science,

administrative

techniques.

Development and perfection of these and also other products of

the

human

mind,

rationalization of music essay,

such

as,

for

example,

the

discussed by Weber

in a separate

can all be seen as examples of the

intellectual

rationalization

process.

specific for religion. referent

for

sacred

Clearly,

this

Nor does it imply

symbolism.

In

this

process

is

not

any particular regard,

Weber's

'behavioral' hypothesis is much more relevant. For

all

the

ascetic

Protestant

stresses the significance of its modern the

link

denominations,

Weber

the belief in 'calling'. In

sense, this idea signifies a special junction, between ascetic behavior and salvation.

focuses on the effects of

Weber

this doctrinal innovation in his

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

'behavioral' hypothesis. By tying and

diligence

to

the

injunctions to hard work

promise

of

salvation,

ascetic

Protestantism bestowed a special sanction upon this secular activity.

Involvement

in

worldly

toil,

a preoccupation

quite mundane for Catholics and Lutherans, took on a sacred significance for the followers

of ascetic Protestantism,

an opportunity to get a glimpse of saved.

In

this

rendition,

fashion,

business life,

of

individual intended...to

Weber's

ascetic

ascetic

work,

in the

self;

"The

lend

MEANING

ascetic

refers

spirit to

Protestantism hypothesis

of

the

(Poggi, 1983: 46).

'behavioral'

'framed'

Seen in this capacity,

Protestantism

'frames' the individual self.

capitalism of

is those

The salvation promise

is in

the

primarily to

existence

the PE,

focal point the

in

belief which

It still remains to be seen,

however, that Weber maintains the same analyses,

of

its

Their efforts to get along in

of salvation.

committed to it" by

in

to succeed as entrepreneurs, were

by the promise

made

Protestantism,

shaped people's perceptions

light of Weber's analysis.

symbolism

one's chances for being

the monographs on Judaism,

focus in his other

Hinduism,

Buddhism,

and Confucianism.

Weber's explanation in PE: a general theory or ideographic account?

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Looking at various commentaries on Weber's work, no

means

clear whether

the explanation

role, as put forth in PE, the

influence

of Protestantism

there,

something

religion's

is suited only to account for during the

capitalism, or, perhaps, he advances a pattern

of

it is by

like

a

formation

of

broader explanatory

general

theory.

This

question ties in with a larger issue, namely, the problem of

whether

there

Weber's work on

is

any

theoretical

unity

religion. Of course, every

underlying

commentator is

well aware that there is one main underlying theme which runs across all of Weber's religious sociology. Whether he wrote

on

Judaism,

Confucianism, these

Protestantism,

it was

various

belief

Hinduism,

always with systems

Buddhism,

a view

to

or

to connecting

people's

society, their conduct of economic affairs in Protestant worldly asceticism is thus laid

behavior

in

particular. down side by

side with the attitudes

commanded by the other religions

in

In

Weber's

(1973:

sociology.

11-112;

1974)

this

sense,

understands

grandiose comparative experiment,

Benjamin

Weber's

Nelson

works

as

a

an attempt to juxtapose

world's religions regarding their consequences for economic development.

Nelson's

corroborated 'Author's

interpretation

particularly

Introduction'

by

seems

Weber's

(1956:

13:

prefacing his monographs on religion. of

Weber's

sociology

stressed

by

quite

remarks 31),

cogent, in

the

the essay

However, the unity Nelson

is

primarily

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

128

thematic,

a

problem

recognition

throughout

consequences implies

for

little

that Weber

his

social

with

various

to

the

studies:

behavior.

regard

addresses

Such

method:

same

religion's

thematic the

unity

particular

explanation how, in theoretical terms, religion influences behavior. The question remains unanswered, as to whether there his

various

in other words,

is any consistency as to how Weber, in

studies,

explains

the

relationship between

religion and behavior. Marshall religion

does

shapes

developed

in

not

see

any

behavior,

PE.

Weber's

consistent

theory

of

how

following

upon

the model

reliance

on

Rickert's

'ideographic' explanation basically defies the notion of a general

theory

in

social

science,

history.16 According to Rickert, couched

to

events,

processes,

changes

focus,

shift

also

perspectives

fit particular and

from,

that

constellations

personalities.

say,

If

Antiquity to

theories.

that

cutsacross

explanations are to be

historical

necessitates and

one

he

Other

a

researcher

feudalism, adopts

than

of

basic

this

different research

16Rickert did not deny the possibility of a general theory in social science, but, what in fact amounts to the same thing, he argued that such a theory is doomed to remain trivial (Rickert, 1913: 183-184). In this regard, as well as on most other issues, Marshall (1982: 49) assumes a close convergence between Rickert and Weber. Hence, his repudiation of Parson's references to Weber in the general theory of action, as incompatible with the historicist intent of Weber's sociology (Marshall, 1982: 158).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

129

procedures

and

application

of

social events

heuristic causality,

science

are

principles,

patterns

confined

to

and constellations.17 For

general

theory

of

urban

several

different

particular

urban

of

life,

example, one

The

Antique

as

the

explanation

particular

perspectives,

type.

such

historical

instead of

should each city,

in

operate suited the

a

with to

a

medieval

European city, or the Oriental urban settlements— each one requires different

a

distinctive paradigm

variables in

explanatory

rather

than

framework, mere

a

wholly

substitution

of

the model.18 According to Marshall (1982: 49

17This account oversimplifies Rickert's position somewhat but I deliberately stress these elements in his philosophy of science which were adopted by Weber, particularly as reflected in the concepts of 'value-relevance1 and 'ideal-types1 (Weber, 1968b: 146-214). I will return to these problems in chapter five, in discussing the value-underpinnings of the sociological models of religion. For a more detailed discussion of the affinities between Rickert and Weber see Burger (1987).

18This example is actually taken from Weber's essay 'The City' (Weber, 1968a). His general definition of the city, applicable across history, is very basic? it includes only some rudimentary features and patterns which can be discerned in all urban establishments, such as general layout of a local commercial center, the market (Weber, 1968a: 1212-1226). Beyond those basic traits, however, Weber's discussion of the dynamics of city life stresses differences between urban patterns, features peculiar to specific civilizations or historical epochs. For example, one variable which accounts for the specificity of medieval European cities is the peculiar fit between the urban structure and the universalist Christian ethics; Oriental cities, in contrast, lacked this feature, and, hence, very different urban patterns unfolded in the East and West, according to Weber (1968: 1243-1244, 1257-1260; Nelson, 1981). Also class structure of the civic strata evinces a whole range of various constellations across history, prompting an ensuing diversity in the political forms of city life. For a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

130

Rickert's principle of ideographic explanation

ff.)r

quite faithfully reflected in Weber's sociology. this

argument, Marshall

unequivocally,

is

Based on

(1982: 159 ff.) repudiates, quite

several efforts by various writers, mostly

steeped in the German rationalist tradition of thought, to find a common underlying thread which runs through all of Weber's religious sociology. Marshall's reasoning is quite logical here: Rickert's

if Weber actually was

ideographic

method,

a close adherent of

there

can

be

no

theoretical framework to inform his work, except heuristic

principles,

ideal-types. standpoint studied

As

for

concepts his

such

religious

as

general for basic

causality

sociology,

or

from

the

of the ideographic method every belief system represents

a

unique

historical

constellation;

whether it be Judaism, Confucianism, or Islam, each belief system analysis

ushers in a range of problems and topics requires

new

paradigms

and

theories,

whose

sometimes

referred to by Weber (1968b: 146-214) as ideal-types.

The

inner theoretical unity of Weber's sociology of religion is thus

precluded. Marshall's

analysis

contention,

of PE and

its

supported

contextual

by

his

references,

balanced cannot be

rejected out-of-hand as simply implausible. What lends it

more comprehensive discussion of the historicist aspects Weber's sociology see Roth (1979) and Seidmann (1983).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

of

13 1

most credence,

in particular,

are Weber's accounts of the

origins of various belief

systems. In PE, this problem is

addressed by means of the

'history of

origins

'calling',

of

the

modern

innerworldly asceticism, are

however,

to

find

the

teachings.

the

explanation in Weber's later

same

pivot

explanations

of

are

ideas employed

'history

somewhat

In

in to

social

for its origins. roots

of

ideas'

history.19 shed

terms of the

Instead,

some

light

Indian,

other on

the

or Jewish

for each of these belief systems a

different explanatory

help account the

fact,

of

the Indian religions,

doctrinal peculiarities of the Chinese, religions.

the

One is very hard

he moves away from the analysis of beliefs in dynamics

of

writings on religion; in his

volumes on Judaism, Confucianism, or

inner

hypothesis:

accounted for in terms of the

special contents of Calvin's put,

idea'

Judaism,

approach

is proposed,

For example, Weber

relies

to

in discussing strongly

on

Nietzsche and his theory of resentment.20 The psychological 19Turner sees this 'intellectual rationalization' approach continued further by Weber, beyond PE. And indeed, Weber does make overtures to such explanation in his 'Author's Introduction', and also in various passages in 'Economy and Society', as Turner (1986: 214-215) points out. But the same continuity cannot be corroborated for Weber's monograph studies in the sociology of religion; in that context the 'history of ideas' explanation is applied only to Protestantism.

20Weber's growing rapprochement with Nietzsche has been noted by several writers (cf. Fleischmann, 1964; Hennis, 1988; Turner, 1981).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

132

factors associated with the vicissitudes of Jewish history appear

to

be

characteristic different traits

best

aspects

approach

of

suited of

is

Chinese.

account

Judaism

applied

Weber

Confucianism to the

to

to

links

for

(Weber,

explain the

certain 1952).

the

A

special

peculiarities

of

centralized bureaucratic structure of

Chinese society, organized

around a vast system of flood

controls,

irrigation

1964:

river

canals

20ff). This

approach,

and

explanation

particularly

in

societies of the Orient, 'oriental another

despotism'

patterns

reminds

reference

one

to

of

the

a

Marxist

centralized

in accordance with the so-called

thesis

(Wittfogel,

1957).21

Weber

elucidates

the

perspective

(Weber,

In

yet

genesis

of

religious beliefs in his volume on India. Also reminiscent i

of Marx, this account stresses the decentralization of the Indian society and its extreme diversity, ethnic as well as in terms of trying

to

status groups. throw

some

Weber adduces these factors,

light

on

Hinduism— a religion which wove elaborate caste system

(Weber,

the

specificity

a sacred web

1967: 3). As

of

around the

can be seen,

21Weber's affinities with Marx have been discussed, somewhat briefly but in a very matter-of-factly manner, avoiding idiosyncrasies, quite common in such accounts, by Gerth and Mills (1958: 46 ff.). As for Weber himself, he explicitly recognizes the importance of the Marxist model, and discusses its uses, in one of his pieces on methodology (Weber, 1968b).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

133

Weber addresses the origins of belief systems of ways. to

This theoretical diversity,

pluralistic approach

explanation, vindicates the idea, espoused by Marshall,

that Weber’s approach takes after method.

Reminding

employs

various

selecting

them

one

of

Rickert’s

paradigms

with

a

Rickert's

and

view

to

research.

Rather

than

framework

explaining

advance the

to

explain

apparently

particular

parameters,

one

origins

the

Weber

theories,

stroke, Weber operates with several order

ideographic

postulates,

specific historical features displayed by

in

in a number

objects of his

unitary of

theory,

religion

in

a one

different paradigms,

origins

of

Protestantism,

Confucianism, or Hinduism, respectively. All

this

evidence

notwithstanding,

M a r s h a l l ’s

insistence on Weber's

allegiance to Rickert appears to be

somewhat overstated.22

It does,

case that Weber had no unified

indeed,

appear to be the

theoretical framework to

account for the origins of religion.23

In this respect,

22The divergence between the two writers, increasing over time, has been pointed out by Burger (1987). Also Rickert himself makes no bones about it and, in fact, he is quite critical of the evolution in Weber's views.

23H o w else could he have reconciled his explanations of the origins of Protestant, Jewish or Confucian beliefs with the point, he makes time and again, that there is gross indeterminacy in accounting for the specific contents of beliefs, religions express creative genius of the prophets (Weber, 1964a: 50, 116-117; Gerth and Mills, 1958: 270, 324). The concept of ideographic explanation was ideally suited to bridge these two, ordinarily rather conflicting, claims. By emphasizing the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

134

his

explanations

of

Confucianism,

Judaism can be considered any

general

applicable to same

theory each

Protestantism,

ideographic:

or

case,

common across

and

they do not imply

underlying

the board.

mechanism,

However,

the

does not hold with respect to Weber's explanations of

religion's

role

in

society.

Concerning

that

latter

aspect, Weber does seem to have something like a general theory— an runs

explanation

of

religion's

consequences

which

across all of his works. Marshall's stress on the ideographic nature of Weber's

explanations

was

intended,

at

least

rejoinder— to reprove Parsons for his the

social

(Marshall,

system 1982:

157

theory ff.).

with And

partly,

as

a

attempts to buttress

references certainly,

to it

Weber is

quite

dubious

that the thrust of Parsons' theorizing

would have

been

Weber's

a type of

to

liking,

as

it

'...represents

universalistic and organological approach to the study of social

reality

critical...'

of which Weber was,

(Marshall, 1982: 158).

in fact,

explicitly

But the problem seems

inadequacy of general models in social science, Weber could have his cookie and eat it: he could speculate as to the origins of Protestantism, Confucianism, or Hinduism, while, at the same time, maintaining that it is impossible to derive the content of religion from any deterministic theory. To sustain this precarious, middle-of-the-road position, Weber's ideas about the origins of various religions must remain very probing and te n tative ; they are 'ideographic' accounts, historical narratives rather than attempts to come up with any clear-cut hypotheses or theories.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

135

more complex than Marshall would allow in his

commentary.

First of all, he fails to note that Parsons did recognize some ideographic strands in Weber (Parsons, 1949:592).

In

particular, the relationship between Calvin's prophecy the

idea

of

the

'calling'

was

explanation of a unique type, sociology of

seen

Parsons

as

religion.24 so, on this score, Parsons seems

to

both

writers

Weber's

than in conflict;

explanation

in

represents something like an ideographic account, than

a

an

never recurrent in Weber's

to be in agreement with Marshall rather according

by

and

general

theory.

But

there

is

also

one

PE

rather crucial

difference

between the discussions of Weber set forth by

these

authors.

two

Namely,

unlike

emphasizes in his account a second the

idea

that

Protestantism

Marshall,

strand implicit in PE: fostered

attitudes through its salvation promises.

ascetic

As Parsons

(1949: 534, 536, 571), has repeatedly emphasized, religions

foster

salvation promises,

work

This explanation

is carried over by Weber into his other works.

that

Parsons

certain behavior patterns

the idea through

originally formulated in PE, becomes

something like Weber's general theory: a lens through which

24In this connection, Parsons (1949: 532-533) mentions that in Weber's later studies, following PE, there is resort to comparative experiment, which replaces the causal explanation applied in PE.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

136

he tried to

gauge the role various religions have played

in history.

Weber's theory: salvation as 'meaning' Parsons is not unique in his insistence that Weber had a consistent

explanation of religion's role in social life,

a perspective which he Protestantism,

applies across the board, to study

Judaism,

Hinduism,

have been several authors,

or Confucianism.

also quite

recently, who have

argued along similar lines (cf. Eisenstadt, 1964,

1965;

1980) . Each

Schluchter,

1981;

of

writers,

these

Seyfarth, in

There

1973; Luethy,

1973;

one

way

Tenbruck, or

another,

suggested that a unitary

theoretical framework on religion

can be

To

their

traced

in Weber.

views,

Marshall exponents

an

(1982:

affinity

158-159)

This

is

in

this

their

refers

to

consistency

reading these

of

in

Weber,

writers

as

of a 'Parsonsian' interpretation. However, some

of their interpretations, a general

stress

despite certain similarities on

level, part quite substantially with grasped

with

special

salience

in

Parsons. Friedrich

Tenbruck's work. Tenbruck

argues,

chronology of Weber's

based

on

work,

there,

re-reading

of

the

works, that for the latter author,

in order to be able to appreciate his

a

the underlying unity of

to discern the theoretical

religions must be seen as

paradigm

'world-views'.

implicit In the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

13 7

course

of

his

life

work,

Weber

came

to

realize

that

religions operate as world-images, beliefs in whose light people

interpret

reality,

groping

to

make

sense

of

society, nature, and the universe. Ideas are those suprapersonal, transmitted viewpoints that articulate the fundamental aspects of man's relationship to the world. In a broader sense they are 'images of the world', more precisely they owe their existence to the need for, and the striving after, a coherent account of the world and, as such, they are created predominantly by religious groups, prophets and intellectuals (Tenbruck, 1980: 336) In

various

civilizations,

different

religious

interpretations have been invoked to explain the world and human

condition.

The

interpretations, according

common

point

between

to Tenbruck's reading of Weber,

is their relationship to social life.

As

'world-views',

religions predetermine the direction in which human is geared, played

these

the way people's

strivings

and

action

interests

are

out.

...the rules governing the practical conduct of life (Lebensfuehrung), and consequently man's understanding of reality, remain within the sphere of religious ethics. Weber thus radically departs from a position that his age (and ours) despite all its other differences, held for a certitude: that man exemplified and acquired his rationality in the service of his reasoned interests directly in and through the world, and which derived from a cognitive as well as a practical mastery of reality (Bewaltaeigung der Tatsachen) . For Weber on the other hand, religious rationalization with its own logic demanded priority. As we usually see it, man's rationality developed to its final form, occidental rationality, on its own strength. For Weber though, occidental rationalism resulted conditionally from a specific course of religious rationalization, rather than directly from man's rationality. (Tenbruck, 1980: 334).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

13 8

Seen in this light, the main factor which shapes the course of social

life is religions'

'world-views',

in

our

contents.

behavior,

Informed by

people

follow

a

the

design

whose rationality is beyond our grasp or control, immersed in

it

completely,

unable

to

penetrate

its bounds.

For

example, the methodical striving for control of the world, characteristic

of

the

modern

era,

stems in

the

'w o r l d - i m a g e '

originally

Protestantism: the

tendency to view the world as eternally

damned, devoid of higher

expressed

from

ascetic

virtue, a 'purely neutral' realm

(Tenbruck, 1980: 329). Principles

expressed

in

ideational

underpinnings,

life.

in

Put

something

of

other

the

'world-views'

provide

the underlying logic of social words,

meta-principles

'world-views’

of

legitimation

represent for

the

prevailing ways of life;

in their light, societal forms,

behavior

practices,

patterns

alternatives, consequences are not

seen

as

necessary,

to

But

Tenbruck explains these shifts,

'world-views',

in

terms

of

no

'world-views' in their

evolution

in

intellectual

grasp their relationship

to the world in ever more consistent

terms, and this quest

changes in the patterns of beliefs.

its rationalization, carried on by

have

ineluctable

history is marked by shifts

rationalization. People crave to

spurs

appear

of what-the-world-is-like.

immutable,

contents. the

are

and

Religion and

prophets and religious

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

139

intellectuals, (Turner, logic

appear

1986:

of

to be a driving force in history

208). The shifts and changes in the inner

beliefs

prefigure

the

course

social

life

assumes.25 Tenbruck's interpretation sparked a reproof from Marshall and Turner.

In quite concerted way,

point out that Weber's

both these authors

concept of explanation in social

science is markedly pluralistic.

Such an approach would

simpiy not allow to single out any factor as in

'the

last

instance',

religion

rationalization included (Marshall, 1986: 207 ff).

determining

and

religious

1982: 159 ff.; Turner,

And indeed, in Weber's writings, more than

once, we find him at pains to

emphasize the independent

determinative role of various causal factors aside from religion;

in this vein,

in history,

he lists the economic,

scientific, and legal, as well as some other preconditions of

capitalism

(Weber,

1961;

Marshall, 1982: 60 ff., 161). He

Collins,

1986:

86

ff.;

stresses also, what lends

25T o be sure, Tenbruck's interpretation is not purely 'spiritualistic'; he does not deny the existence of non-ideal factors in social life, ,the economy, market, bureaucracies, or technology. However, these 'structural' or 'material' factors are limited, in his account, to the role of morphological basis, substratum of social life. They are necessary for societies' subsistence, their disruptions must undermine patterns of social life. But this 'material' substratum lacks a capacity to give direction and consistent form to society's patterns; it is only the 'world-views', belief systems, which are capable of actually maintaining societies, molding the morphological basis into established institutions and patterns.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

140

further support to Marshall's and Turner's

strictures of

Tenbruck, that there are no grounds to grant any of these factors a singularly outstanding significance, above 1968b: in

others,

as

the

key

influence

168-170; Gerth and Mills,

elevate it

in history

1958;

(Weber,

268).26 It does,

fact, seem rather dubious whether enough support can be

found

in Weber

wily-nilly,

to

buttress

Tenbruck's

claims,

which,

attribute to religion the role of a

'prime

mover' in history.27 But

Parsons

religion's

proposes

role

in

rather

more

Weber.

stresses that religion for Weber,

a

than

In

is a a

balanced

way

contrast

to Tenbruck,

source of

'world-image'.

of

viewing he

'ideal-interests' In

this view,

beliefs "... are effective in action because they determine 26In fact, as Steven Turner (1986: 202-204) pointedly emphasizes, from Weber's epistemological position it is impossible to even weigh the relative significance of several causes which concurrently contribute to the explanation of a given phenomenon, the enterprise of the type of path analysis would be considered inherently spurious.

27Turner (1986: 209) points out that Tenbruck, to support his interpretation, relies very strongly on one paragraph in Weber, in which he does seem to be attributing some special significance to religion. However, this view is not confirmed by Weber's other statements. Moreover, Tenbruck's case is weakened even further by Turner's second point. He demonstrates that beside once attributing to religion some uppermost significance for social life, Weber made similar overtures regarding factors other than religion. In this connection, Turner (1986: 209) adduces the examples of the influence exerted by a charismatic leader and the role of market forces, also referred by Weber as somehow outstanding influences in history, 'sticking out' above the other, more 'ordinary' factors operative in social life.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

the direction of practical activity in which the interests can

be

pursued"(Parsons,

1949:

572).

The

concept

'ideal-interests' provides a transmission belt, Tenbruck's the

lacking in

interpretation, between the abstract notion of

'world view'

and the way religion is actually played

out on the level of operative in Weber,

of

behavior. Religious 'world images' are

societies,

according to Parsons' reading of

insofar as they determine some

Religions

pose

ideal

goals,

'ideal

interests'.

metaphysically

colored

objectives, which motivate people, impel the efforts aimed at

their

attainment.

religions

can

traceable

in

be

Seen

reconciled

social

life.

motivation, people act for example,

gain or power.

conception action

of

is

interest

subject not

conditions

"(Parsons,

source

ideal

of

erotic, begets

or, its

for own

in

such

terms,

the

with

the

other

Beside

the

ideal,

by Parsons,

implies

another

only to

motives,

of

influences religious

more mundane reasons, too? for

As put

1949:

role

'ideal'

572). also

Just

the

"...the very

factor. but as

Human

also

to

religion

economic,

any other worldly

impulses

act.

influences on action, Weber provides

Amid

this

is a

political,

that matter, to

real

sphere

array

of

no reasons to grant

religion an especially outstanding role, as the key

force

operative in history (Parsons, 1949: 572-573). Parsons not only postulated that religion is best seen in Weber

on a par with the other influences which operate

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

142

in

society. Moreover, by pointing to

the significance of

the salvation promises, Parsons clearly spelled out

what,

in fact, the key religious motive was for Weber, mediating between

'world-views' and action.

theoretical unequivocally, accorded

essays the

primary

on

religion,

promises

significance

In all his three major Weber

of

stresses,

salvation.

among

various

quite

They

are

religious

beliefs and motives, as the main influence upon society. The rational elements of a religion, its 'doctrine', also have an autonomy: for instance, the Indian d oct r i n e of Karma, the Calvinist belief in predestination, the Lutheran justification through faith, and Catholic doctrine of sacrament. The rational religious pragmatism of salvation, flowing from the nature of the images of God and of the world, have under certain conditions had far-reachingresults for the fashioning of a practical way of life (Weber, 1958: 286). How,

exactly,

explains

salvation promises

affect

in most comprehensive terms

behavior Weber

in another of

his

theoretical pieces on religion: Our concern is essentially with the quest for salvation, whatever its form, insofar as it produced certain consequences for practical behavior in the world. It is most likely to acquire such a positive orientation to mundane affairs as the result of a pattern of life which is distinctively determined by religion and given coherence by some central meaning or positive goal. In other words, a quest for salvation in any religious group has the strongest chance of exerting practical influences when there has arisen, out of religious motivations, a systematization of practical conduct resulting from an orientation to certain integral values. The goal and significance of such a pattern of life may remain altogether oriented to this world, or it may focus on the world beyond, at least in part. In the various religions, this has taken place in exceedingly diverse fashions and different degrees, and even within each religion there are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

143

corresponding differences among (Weber, 1964a: 149-150).

its various adherents

Salvation promises produce consequences for behavior there

has

arisen,

systematization

out

of

of practical

religious conduct

salvation promises are an insofar

as

they

orient

motivations,

resulting

orientation to certain integral values'.

'when a

from an

Put differently,

effective force in social life people

towards

certain

goals,

encourage conduct of a certain type. In PE, Weber sought to demonstrate how such emphasis,

the hold

behavior,

by

is

actually

exerted

over patterns of

salvation

promises.

In

that essay he

came up with the idea that the Protestant

religions

psychologically

were

rewarding

attitudes by portraying them as the

ascetic

means to salvation.

Protestantism played an active role in social life it endowed work with Now

the

same

idea

special, is

theoretical analysis,

extra-empirical

carried

work

over

because

'meaning1.

by Weber

into

his

a general outline of the sociology

of religion. He recommends, in

this analysis, that we ask

of each religion what behavior

patterns it rewards with a

promise of salvation. This influence role

Weber

attributes

to

religion

represents the main in

social

life.

Religions motivate people to act through their salvation i

promises— by making the attainment of this goal, objective

in

life

for

the

believer,

uppermost

contingent

behavior of a certain type. Religions thus foster

upon certain

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

144

behavior

patterns

by

'framing'

them

as

leading

to

Weber

is

salvation.

Weber's typology of religions The

significance

of

reflected in his

salvation

conspicuously spelled out in known in English

as

Religions'(Gerth

and

a few times, perhaps most one of his overview essays,

'The Social Psychology of the World Mills,

a

preface

Protestantism,

Judaism,

Buddhism.

as

for

typology of religions. The idea of such

typology crops up in his works

intended

promises

to

1958: the

267-300), monograph

Confucianism,

Referring to these monographs

the

piece

studies

Hinduism

of and

as a comparative

i

study

of

the

obstacles

world's

religions,

Weber

recognizes

grave

involved in such comparison.

All the great religions are historical individualities of a highly complex nature; taken all together, they exhaust only a few of the possible combinations that could conceivably be formed from the very numerous individual factors to be considered in such historical combinations. Thus, the following presentations do not in any way constitute a systematic 'typology' of religion. On the other hand, they do not constitute a purely historical work. They are 'typological' in the sense that they consider what is typically important in the historical realizations of the religious ethics. This is important for the connection of religions with the great contrasts of economic mentalities. Other aspects will be neglected; these presentations do not claim to offer a well-rounded picture of world religions (Weber, 1958: 292) Speaking philosophy,

in

the

characteristic

Weber emphasizes

idiom

of

neo-kantian

that all comparisons

among

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

14 5

social

phenonena--including,

religions— cannot

be

rid

of

self-evidently, a

subjectivity, even arbitrariness.

certain

face

the

enormous

by

its

nonetheless,

in

historical our

studies

for all, when

complexity

multidimensionality of the social world, further

of

There are no definitive

yardsticks, reference points fixed once and researchers

dose

compounded even

differentiation.28 we

do

and

attempt

to

But, compare

various societies as well as across different stages social

development

cautionary

in history.

measure,

our study is geared.

based

on

our

made

in

another

applies, One

can

only

In other words, their

research of

certain

interest. Weber's

we

This

caveat,

(1968b:

only juxtapose their chosen

raison

preselected explicitly

146-214)

pieces,

study of religions. features,

selected

a particular

cognitive

interest. Weber supplies such underlying the

do not compare

aspects,

self-evidently, also to the

paragraph,

as a

research problem towards which

with some specific goal in mind,

above

requires,

to be applied, are always selected

with a view to the special

but

this

is an awareness that the criteria we

choose, the yardsticks

societies

What

of

d'etre

of

rationale, in the his

comparative

28Weber's concept of the 'historical individual', as the object of social inquiry, implies such infinite diversity of social phenomena. Only hinted at in the above passage, this idea is most clearly spelled out in the 'Objectivity' article (Weber, 1968b: 146-214).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

146

studies of the world's impact

of

various

mentalities,

religions. They aim to discover the belief

systems

upon

the

economic

people's attitudes in the realm of business.

With a view to addressing this constitute a typology of the

question, Weber's studies

'world's religions'.

Actually, Weber does not spurn other comparisons in his sociology.

For

life-styles (Weber,

example,

and

1964a),

he links different religions to

psychological thus

mapped out by Marx. But,

entering

needs the

of

various

territory originally

nonetheless, such explanations of

religions in terms of their are not his chief concern.

determinants in social life The main

problem remains for

him the question of religion's function, its for

the

worldly

underscored

these

classes

conduct: features

"The in

the

consequences

author total

has

always

picture

of

a

i

religion which have been decisive for the fashioning of the practical This research,

way of l i f e . ( G e r t h and Mills, 1958: 294). special

interest,

the

focal

point

in

predetermined what yardstick he applied

comparative studies of religion. Of all their

Weber's in his

aspects and

dimensions, he focussed primarily on the special type

of

rationality traceable in religion, once referred to as the rationality of 'systematic arrangement'. In this sense, the following methods are rational: methods of mortificatory or of magical asceticism, of contemplation in its most consistent forms— for instance, in yoga— or in the manipulations of the prayer machines of later Buddhism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

147

In general, all kinds of practical ethics that are systematically and unambiguously oriented to fixed goals of salvation are 1rational', partly in the same sense as formal method is rational, and partly in the sense that they distinguish between 1valid1 norms and what is empirically given. These types of rationalization process are of interest to us in the following presentations. It would be senseless to try to anticipate the typologies of these presentations here, for they aim to make a contribution to such typology (Weber, 1958: 293-294). In this short passage, Weber spells out, with lucidity and straight-forwardness unmatched by any other fragment in his essays,

what

comparative

the

underlying

rationale

of

'world's

studies

the

primary aim is to present a typology of view

to

oriented

ascertaining to

what

salvation

studied in his

goals.

of

For

behind

religions'.

his His

religions with a

practical

ethics

is

each belief

system

he

monographs, Weber wants to determine what

behavior patterns it fosters This principle

kind

is

is,

with a promise of salvation.

accordingly,

the main

criterion upon

which rests his classification of religions. Weber never attempted a systematic summary account of his typology of

religions? as his closing statement in the

above quoted paragraph

indicates, he saw no need for this,

considering the sum of his monograph

studies to represent

such a classification of religions based on the content of their

salvation

numerous

other

sufficiently

promises. issues

large

and

in

But each

complex

in

fact,

he

monograph, to

bury

discusses a

variety

thoroughly

the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

148

typology

of

Wolfgang

salvation

Schluchter

recognizes, in

promises.29

(162-163)

Little

seems

the

wonder

only

that

writer who

explicit terms, that such a typology is the

main analytical

grid,

the

chief principle

around which

Weber's religious sociology revolves. The

pivotal

promises

can best

juxtapositions There

role

are

of be

Weber

eight

the seen,

makes

religions

typology

of the

salvation

it would

appear,

from

between

which,

various in

the

religions.

varying

degrees,

receive most of his attention. Throughout his

monographs

and

discusses

theoretical

Protestantism, traditional

pieces

Buddhism, Roman

on

religion,

Hinduism,

Catholicism,

he

monastic

Christianity,

Judaism,

Islam,

and

Confucianism. These eight religions can be broken down into four

categories,

each comprising a set of two religions.

Throughout his works, Weber juxtaposes the religions which make up standard

the same category; they represent something of a reference

point

for

Protestantism is most frequently Christian

monasticism

traditional Catholicism, main

rationale behind

each pair of

with

each

other.

Thus,

juxtaposed with Buddhism, Hinduism,

Judaism

and Confucianism with Islam. these

juxtapositions

is that

with The for

religions their salvation promises are, as it

29Incidentally, this difficulty seems to be a general tendency in Weber's style of presentation, as noted for example by Jonathan Turner (Collins, 1986: 7).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

149

turns out,

somehow

akin,

there is some kind of symmetry

between them. The

first

set

characterized

as

of the

religions

contrasted

inner-worldly

by

Weber

are

and

the

asceticism

other-worldly mysticism, Protestantism of the Puritan sects and Buddhism

of the sages of the Orient,

What these two religions

have in common is that they both

treat "... individual actions as

symptoms and expressions

of an underlying ethical total personality" 155).

discipline,

of

whole

particular

acts

life course

such as

life

to

severe,

Weber

ascetic

and Buddhists.

religious

sacraments

a

duties

and

and rituals,

represents the road to salvation.

this respect, what

one's

according to Puritans

stress

discrete

of

(Weber, 1964a:

Salvation can only be attained through a methodical

subjection

than

respectively.

the

Rather tasks, total

Similar in

Puritanism and Buddhism are both examples terms

represent opposites

'virtuoso

religiosity'.

But

they

regarding the direction in which their

discipline leads their followers. As for Protestantism, commends practical behavior in the with the

world,

it

preoccupation

'calling', as the means to salvation.

conversely, portrays contemplative meditation,

Buddhism, withdrawal

from the world, to be the proper salvation path (Gerth and Mills, 1958: 289-290).

Following Protestantism and

Buddhism, the next category in Weber's

typology comprises

monastic Christianity and the Hindu religion.

These latter

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

15 0

two belief systems also epitomize

'virtuoso religiosity',

depict the whole life course as the road to salvation. This affinity

with

reflection

Protestantism

and

in Weber's terminology.

Buddhism

finds

a

He refers to monastic

Christianity and Hinduism as the otherworldly

asceticism

and the

(Gerth and

innerworldly mysticism,

Mills, 1958: 326).

Christian monasticism and Hinduism thus

represent mirror images of same ascetic

attitudes

Protestantism and Buddhism. The

displayed by

course of their occupations, (Weber,

leading

accumulation

the

Protestants

Christian monks

their monasteries to

respectively

1956:

119), of

thus,

in the

pursued in ineluctably,

monastic

fortunes.

Hinduism, on the other hand, spells a continuation of mystical

attitudes of the Buddhists; but,

that latter religion, proper grounds for solitary

hermitage

adherent

of

the

in contrast to

Hinduism treats the social world as salvational practices rather than the

of

Hinduism

a

Buddhist

scrupulously

sage.

In

observes

effect, his

the

caste

duties, a reflection of his station in the society, while, simultaneously, maintaining a contemplative set of mind. the man of knowledge proves himself in action better against his own action in the world by consummating what is commanded-that always means caste duty-while inwardly remaining completely detached. That is, he acts as if he acted not. In action this is achieved by performing everything without ever seeking success and giving up all and every wish for the fruits of endeavor. Such desires would lead to entanglement in the world, hence the emergence of karma (Weber, 1967: 184)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

151

The detached fulfillment of worldly obligations, conformity ends, the

is

with

duties

performed

for

otherworldly

the salvation path for the Hindu, equivalent of

monastic

Salvational

misplaced

ascetic

practices

otherworldly

mode of

caste

perfect

practices

of

innerworldly

asceticism

activities.

of

are,

in

Christianity.

mysticism

a

manner

of

and

the

speech,

Contemplation is recommended as a

engagement in society, whereas active asceticism

remains

confined to

Protestantism Hinduism

and

reverse

monasteries.3®

Buddhism, the

In comparison with

monastic

fields,

so

Christianity

to

speak,

where

and the

ascetic and mystical practices are pursued. Judaism and Roman Catholicism represent the next pair of

religions juxtaposed by Weber. To be sure, there is no

direct

evidence

that

Weber

saw

these

making

up one category in his typology.

never came up with any special terms Catholicism

as

somehow

two

religions

In particular, he

depicting Judaism and

symmetrical

belief

systems.

However, there are other indications to this effect. example,

Weber

Catholicism

and

directly

points

Judaism.

vi r t u o s o s '-Protestantism,

In

out

the

contrast

Buddhism,

as

For

affinity between to

'religions

Hinduism,

and

of the

30Weber refers to these particular solutions as the "...reconciliation between the worldly and monastic ethic by way of 'status relativism'.... in the Bhagavata belief and Catholicism.."(Weber, 1967: 218).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

1 52

monastic Christianity— "...in Judaism, the

individual's

activities

religious injunctions

in

as

in Catholicism,

fulfilling

particular

were tantamount to his assuming his

own chances of salvation" (Weber,

1964a: 258). Rather than

stress the total course of life,

Judaism and Catholicism

depict

particular

salvation.

One's

discrete future

activities

destinies

can

as

the

means

to

be

controlled

by

engaging in an exchange with God, a give-and-take of sorts. The religious attitude of the Deuteronomic moral exhortation is characterized by the strong emphasis upon the belief in compensation and providence, the edifying, soft, charitable, often cont r i t e , disconsolate, nature of God's personal relationship to man and vice versa As in the Levitical Torah, man is not forever corrupt by man's fall, but foolish by nature, he does not know "good and evil." Prayer and vow— the same means as in Israel— and especially doing justly will call forth His mercy....Certainly ascetic institutions are to be found among the Jews. Aside from cult prescriptions of abstinence and purity for priests, there were, in particular, the ritualistic fasts prescribed at definite times. But they were throughout cult prescriptions, intended primarily to appease God's wrath. The same is true of individual fasts. In fact anyone fasting was without further ado considered to be a sinner (Weber, 1952: 248...405). Despite

several

Catholicism,

differences

between

Judaism

and

Weber stresses an affinity between these two

religions. By confining their 'salvation-earning' behavior to

ritual

practices, discrete

'magical' acts

performed

intermittently, and often on a contingency basis, in order to win an absolution

from God

Catholicism and Judaism

for a sin just committed,

exercise weaker methodical control

over people's lives than the 'virtuoso religions'

(Weber,

1964a; 259; 1956: 116-117).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

1 53

Islam

and

Confucianism

represent

the

juxtaposed

by

last

pair

of

in

his

religions

systematically

typology.

The characteristic they share in common is the

fact

that they are not salvation religions.

and Islam represent

prevailing

interests.

Confucianism

'religions of accommodation'; instead

of the quest for salvation, the

Weber

societal

they prescribe conformity to

traditions,

hierarchies,

and

In Islam these hierarchies are believed to

be

carried forth into the afterlife, but Confucianism does not even

know

represents

a

concept

a

of

radically

the

non-metaphysical

likened by Weber to Bentham's Mills,

1958;

293).

notwithstanding,

Weber

trait in Islam and fail to

otherworldly

This

realm;

religion,

utilitarianism and

other

consistently

it once

(Gerth and

differences

stresses

one

common

Confucianism; both these belief systems

provide incentives to deviate from the dominant

worldly interests and traditions. the polarity between religion and politics is least wherever, as in Confucianism, religion is equivalent to a belief in spirits or simply a belief in magic, and ethics is no more than a clever accommodation to theworld on the part of the educated man. Nor does any conflict at all between religion and politics exist wherever, as in Islam, religion makes obligatory the violent propagandizing of a true prophecy which consciously eschews universal conversion and enjoins the subjugation of unbelievers under the dominion of the ruling class dedicated to the religious war as one of the basic postulates of its faith...(Weber, 1964a: 227) . Confucianism opposite

and

poles

Islam

are

regarding

quite

specific

dissimilar, contents

of

almost their

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

154

precepts, general

Weber

(1964b:

terms,

typology,

from

156)

the

stresses;

vantage

but seen in more

point

erected

these two symbolic systems do display

affinity.

Both

operation

in

existing

hierarchies

traditions.

epitomize

society.

Unlike

the

Both of

are

same

mode

confined

power

and

religions making

of to

in social life.

his

a close religion's

legitimating

their

attendant

salvation

religions of accommodation fail to fulfill an

by

promises, active role

Rather than exercise a pull of their own,

foster some behavior patterns by the force of their logic, they petrify the status quo in society. Weber's typology corroborates the great significance he attributes

to

salvation

they are most behavior.

By

promises.

'framing'

behavior patterns

as

leading

to

provide an extra spur of motivation;

they can goad people to go against

the gravity of social

to maintain standards of conduct

non-believers.

other beliefs,

capable of shaping the course of people's

salvation, religions

life,

Among

unattainable for

Such is the particular stringency of

work

habits displayed by the Protestants, as well as Buddhists' devotion to meditation,

cultivation of

among the Hindu, the ascetic labor and practices of Christian monks, or the rituals

and

Catholics. 'meaning'

sacraments

Each

of

social hierarchy other mortificatory

strict observance of

characteristic

these

religions

for

bestows

Jews a

and special

upon certain behavior patterns by 'framing' them

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

155

as leading to salvation.

This is the primary role Weber

attributes to religion in his typology. At the bottom end of this typology, as something of a residual category, Their

role

groups

in

is

there are 'religions of accommodation'.

seen

society,

in

'framing'

explaining

the

and

relations

justifying

reference to some higher principles. Weber sees Confucianism in this capacity, 'world-religions'.

It

Confucianism and

Islam,

religions,

not

were

level

was

regulation,

appears

from

as well

his

as

actively

adherents

minuscule.

transcendentally of

'religions

of

would

routines

economic

Free

of

anchored

religious

behavioral

accommodate

worldly

political

as it were,

interests.

Weber's

typology.

one

the

hand,

there

which actively regulate people's

they

to the such as

Religion

bifurcated realm,

with

to the

interests?

like a radically On

norms,

would,

in various mundane constellations, and

if

individual

this

accommodation'

dominant

as

involvement on

appears

systems

Islam and

analysis

'framing'

conform with greater facility,

impulses born the

and

by

other non-salvation

relative ease and lack of constraint, existing

them

in contrast to the other

behavior, or, to say the least, as if their this

between

thus

in light of are

belief

behavior;

and,

at the other end, there are religions focussing primarily upon the status quo individual.

in macro society,

letting go of the

This bifurcation in religions is expressed in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

156

the following passage, where Weber contrasts Protestantism with

Confucianism.

A true prophecy creates and systematically orients a conduct toward one internal measure of value. In the face of this the "world" is viewed as material to be fashioned ethically according to the norm. Confucianism in contrast meant adjustment to the outside, to the conditions of the "world". A well-adjusted man, rationalizing his conduct only to the degree requisite for adjustment, does not constitute a systematic unity but rather a complex of useful and particular traits. In Chinese popular religion the animistic ideas which perpetuate the belief in plural souls of the individual could almost stand as a symbol of this fact. Not reaching beyond this world, the individual necessarily lacked an autonomous counterweight in confronting this world. Confucianism facilitated the taming of the masses as well as the dignified bearing of the gentleman, but the life style thus achieved must necessarily be characterized by essentially negative traits. Such a way of life could not allow man an inward aspiration toward a "unified personality", a striving which we associate with the idea of personality. Life remained a series of occurrences. It did not become a whole placed methodically under a transcendental goal (Weber, 1964b: 235) The

contrast

drawn

between

these

two

religions

dramatic because of the assumption, carried PE essay,

actively

molding

Weber

from

worldly

over from the

providing an effective psychological sanction, people's

finds

salvation promises way,

pursuing

interests.

alternative

to

empirical

behavior.

could divert an

people,

immediate

Under

these

'religions

behavior,

In

other

it unlikely that beliefs other than

of

in an effective

gratification

assumptions, salvation'

the

latter

confined

of

the

appear

'religions of accommodation', the former actively people's

so

that the promise of salvation is the only belief

capable of

words,

is

to

the

their

logical to

be

shaping role

of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

157

ideologies,

promoting social

conformity and

obedience

to

the status quo. However,

the

religions would granted that also

rupture

these

have been much less

beliefs

capable

between

of

two

other than salvation promises

'framing'

the

self,

between Protestantism and Confucianism, 'a clever

(Weber,

strategy

1964b:227),

integrated individual However,

a

and,

and,

against the

unchallenged.

devoid

thus,

inertia

perspective

In

of

the a

Confucianism is

perfection

of

exclusive

focus, one

not

incapable of prodding an institutions.

Confucianism

so quite

the

main

is

is

not

principles

Confucianism is the promise of inner personal

not

in a loose

oblivious

the individual— macro society of

world' higher,

Weber himself notes elsewhere,

reference,

can

comparison

to

of social

on

thus,

are

he sees the latter

accommodation

religion

'meaning',

this

of

of

dramatic, had Weber

actively mould people's behavior patterns.

as

types

to its of

harmony in

this life, here and now, if people follow their obligations towards others,

primarily the requirement of filial piety

towards

parents and elders (Weber, 1964b: 152-170).

in this

light,

Confucian

conformity to

social

norms

hierarchies entails more than mere accommodation, conformity interests. besides,

to There active

the is

established also

striving

an

patterns

individual

towards the

Seen and

passive

and

dominant

stake

involved

attainment

of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

158

inner personal the

Chinese

harmony— the highest ethical goal posed by ethics.

This

aim,

for

the

Confucian,

represents a counterpart of what salvation in the afterlife means for

Protestants, or, for that matter,

adherents of

any other salvation religion. As Schluchter (1981: 158) also notes, Weber might have unduly

exaggerated

promote,

mould some

Confucianism's

inability to

behavior patterns.

promise of salvation in the afterlife synonymous

with

lack

of

some

The absence of a is not necessarily

higher

ethical

integrated 'meaning'. The non other-worldly as the here

actively

goal,

an

beliefs, such

Confucian ideal of personal harmony 'hie and nunc', and

upholding from the wants.

now,

seems

individual

also

behavior

capable patterns,

of

fostering

diverting

and

people

immediate gratification of their interests and

With

this

in

view,

•religions of salvation'

Weber's

and 'religions

contrast

between

of accommodation'

appears much too overblown. The then,

contrast

between

and

Confucianism,

is perhaps more appropriately seen in other terms.

The main difference two

Protestantism

belief

Protestantism, salvation

concerns the direction in which these

systems

prod

their

followers.

In

the extra spur of motivation provided by a

promise

goes

primarily

to

involvement in work. For the Confucian, life's uppermost

'meaning'

uphold

people's

on the other hand,

lies in the quest

for

inner

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

159

harmony.

But this divergence notwithstanding,

on

a more

abstract level, both cases can be subsumed under the general model. their

For Confucianism

and Protestantism alike,

symbolism provides an underlying principle in the

light of which life,

same

see

it

people

interpret the

in terms

more

'meaning'

coherent than a

discrete, isolated acts, each self-contained

of their series

of

and exhausted

by itself. The remains

great that

temptation

merit he

of

of

suggested,

idealism,

beliefs foster behavior. institutional Mills,

domains,

1958:

ecclesiastical,

Weber's

without

an

of

religions

succumbing

explanation

how

to

the

religious

Social life proceeds in several 'spheres

323-359). military,

making up society,

sociology

The family,

of

existence'(Gerth

economic, and

also

and

political, other

all beget their own motives,

realms

impulses

to act. But, beside all these motives, there also operates a

dimension of 'meaning' in society. People seek to bestow

a special

significance to their lives,

an understanding

that escapes the finiteness and fragmentation of empirical existence.

In response to this precariousness,

religions

•frame'

people's selves in some coherent, holistic terms.

Certain

forms of

individual activity become portrayed as

sacred, endowed with a special, transcendent value.

People

pursue these activities with particular zeal and fortitude, striving to preserve a sense of integrity,

life's higher

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

purpose. to

the

In this fashion religious dynamics

of

civilizations,

originally set out to ascertain for

'meaning1 contributes the

influence

Weber

ascetic Protestantism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

- CHAPTER IV DURKHEIM ON 'MEANING',

Among

the many

amazing

sometimes

affording

him

cannot

help

consistency data,

being

and

to

facets

of Weber's

nearly prophetic

impressed

intellectual

unceasingly

research,

a

'IDEOLOGY', AND 'MYTH'.

by

rigor.

stature,

his

it

upon

yet

one

extraordinary

Never

spurning new

striving to broaden the

extend

sociology,

scope of his

unexplored

religions,

Weber firmly maintained the same original focus throughout his

analyses.

various each

His

quest was to unravel

the

'meaning'

of

religions, their motivational impact, to juxtapose

belief

system

Durkheim's

study

demarcated

focus.

with

of

Puritanism

religions

At

various

lacks stages

in

this

regard.

such

a

clearly

in

career

his

he

emphasizes different dimensions of sacred symbolism. In his early works, role

in

religion is seen primarily as 'meaning1, its

'framing'

reminiscent dimensions

of of

the

Weber's the

and

the

approach.

sacred

attention: beliefs and society

individual

self

Later

become

the

brought on

two

center

out, other

of

his

symbols which 'frame' the groups in

encounter

between

the

group

and

the

individual. The

critical

Durkheim's

issue

religious

in

trying to

come

to grips with

sociology is how we interpret these

shifts in his theory. Several

writers are inclined to see

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

162

something Lukes

like a radical

(1985:

existence

of

238-239)

too.

goes

even

any distinctive

Durkheim's early grounds,

discontinuity so

in this

far as

explanation

of

to

regard?

deny

the

religion

in

works.1 These allegations do have some

Religion

is

concern for young Durkheim.

certainly not But, this

a key

area

of

notwithstanding,

I

will suggest a different path in trying to elucidate his theory of religious symbolism. Following the interpretation put forth

by Ernest Wallwork (1985), I will argue for more

continuity usually

in

Durkheim's

granted.

Durkheim's

As

early

a

view

of

departure

theory

of

religion

point,

religion.

I

than will

It will

it

is

present

provide

a

vantage point from which to view his later works. Seen in this

light,

the

later

developments

contributions which broaden the

represent

original insights, add new

dimensions to Durkheim's early understanding

Controversy

over

Durkheim's

new

early

of religion.

interpretation

of

religion Wallwork

(1985:

interpreters

201)

has complained that

'...contemporary

...have neglected Durkheim's early sociology

According to Lukes, Durkheim treated religion jointly with morality and law in his early works, and only very tangentially at that. I show later that, although there is some truth in this Lukes' claim, the picture is more complex.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

163

of religion

This stance does, indeed, appear to be most

common. For example, Lukes

(1985: 238-239) recognizes that

Durkheim developed an understanding of religion only later on in his

career,

not until he got acquainted with the

work of Robertson

Smith.

thus

catalyst,

seen

as

precipitated Wallwork

a

Durkheim's

Smith's theory of religion the

own

initial

spark

involvement

in

this

is

which topic.

challenges this interpretation; Lukes and other

commentators to the theoretical

contrary,

he argues that there is a

perspective on religion

implicit already

in

Durkheim's early sociology. The

polemique

interpreters Durkheim's the

a

of

beliefs

clearly in this

fashion

mechanical

ambiguity

the

in

self.

DoL.

the

above,

in

solidarity.

He

argues

cause

the

in

to explaining

This

For

other

traceable

the

seminal work of his, treats

described

like-minded in

and

two approaches

upon

marked

internalized beliefs

dualism most

is

part,

beliefs in

discussion

accordingly

a sense of attachment

of

that to

the

the self; people feel drawn towards others

who share the same

beliefs.

mechanical solidarity operates, in any way

Wallwork

certain

early writings,

especially

the

reflects

impact

Durkheim,

between

In this explanation of how Durkheim does not make it

contingent upon the content of beliefs.

The

only stipulation he makes in this regard is that beliefs be uncritically

held,

ideas which people are unaccustomed to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

164

reflect upon or criticize.

In the early tribal societies

this collective conscience is very vast,

all-embracing in

a sense. It encompasses the cosmological beliefs about world

and universe,

with the norms.

overlap

alongside

rules of punishment for encroaching upon these

All

Durkheim

moral maxims and precepts,

the

these

(1964a: and

ideas 135),

mutual

constitute a tangle

of

a sort,

points out, there is considerable

borrowing;

simply

put,

religion,

morality, and law are not differentiated as three separate realms. Neither can we decide which of these shared beliefs and

traditions in particular creates solidarity among the

people; the pull all

of

them

similitude

towards the like-minded is exercised by

together.

is

Durkheim

solidarity

based

on

operates independently of the content of shared

beliefs, whether they be there

Social

functional explains

religious, moral,

equivalence

or otherwise;

between

religion, morality,

stroke, so to speak. Based on this,

all

of

and law

them.

in

one

apparently, Lukes and

most other commentators see no special

understanding of

religion in his early works. But Wallwork early

sociology

religion,

shows that there than

the

theory

is more

to

Durkheim's

which

lumps

together

morality, and law, considers their impact jointly

under the heading of collective conscience. To be sure, idea

to

depict

the

workings of

an

early

mind as

the an

undifferentiated web of beliefs is consistently upheld in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

165

Durkheim's

early

works;

in

fact,

he

never

explicitely

repudiates it.2

Yet, at the same time, also starting from

an

in

early

point

another goal

his

career,

in his research.

he

seeks

Namely,

to

accomplish

he tries to break

down the collective conscience into its various regions or domains,

and,

domains

of the collective conscience influences the self

and

subsequently,

society.

Following this

explains what, beliefs produced

to explain how each of these

line,

in particular,

upon

the

by

moral

self, or

as

for

example,

Durkheim

is the effect of religious opposed

ethical

to

the

precepts.

He

consequences attempts

to

distinguish various elements that make up the collective consciousness consequences.3

and

to

specify

the

particular

In Durkheim's early works,

effects

or

he admittedly

2Most conspicuously this theory of collective conscience seems to be upheld in Suicide (1951) , where the impact of Judaism and Cathblicism is explained in the same terms as the impact of lay moral norms which regulate family relations. Shared religious beliefs and secular morality both create a sense of attachment to society and its various groups, thus protecting the individual from isolation and detachment, factors possibly leading to suicide. Although the systematic theory of detachment from society, in its anomic and egoistic forms, is new for Durkheim, it does not emerge until Suicide, nonetheless the idea that shared beliefs and ideas create a sense of attachment to the group reminds quite closely of the explanation of mechanical solidarity in DoL, this time applied in a modern context.

3In this context, it seems worthwhile to recall Wallwork's (1985: 202) observation that Durkheim repeatedly tries to establish a distinction between religion, morality, and law, as three separate symbolic systems.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

166

devotes

relatively

little

particular

functions

collective

conscience.

attention

performed

to

by

Particularly

explaining

these

various

regions

in

he

DoL,

of

focuses

quite visible on discussing the impact of shared beliefs considered as a whole, first of all. he also sets forth specific particular

consequences

However, nonetheless,

propositions there as to what

religion

produces

Wallwork has brought out these ideas, and

in

the

self.

I will retrace

them briefly now.

The 'meaning' dimension of religion in early Durkheim Wallwork points out that Durkheim's earliest observations on

religion,

articles

made

in

some

of

his

and subsequently repeated

first

in DoL,

reviews

and

stress

'the

experience of transcendence'. Religious people

experience

'..the sensation of being in relationship to "an infinitely more 203). early

intense

and

vast

consciousness'"

(Wallwork,

1985:

This insight is the departure point for Durkheim's discussion

of

religion.

Sacred

beliefs

cause

an

impression of a relationship to another being in people's minds. To be precise, this other being is of a very special kind; extremely intense and

overwhelming, its presence is

experienced in a much more acutely fashion than any contact with the ordinary human beings. Believers must feel somehow subjected to this being which makes up the other pole of their

self.

And

indeed,

Durkheim stresses the sense of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

167

constraint, the feeling of being superior force:

dominated by an outside,

"...the sentiment of respect

superior to the individual man, transcendent... is

...at

the

for a force

for a power

basis

of

in some way

all

religiosity"

(Durkheim, 1964a: 141). The image of god as a towering figure sounds like cliche, particularly to those raised Judeo-Christianity. subtle here, transcends

Yet,

Durkheim's

a little

in the circle of analysis

is

more

there is a finer line of understanding that what

might

appear

simple

common

sense.

Religious personages do not simply dominate over the world as a whole,

their power is more precisely focussed. From

early on in his career, Durkheim appears to be seeking to establish

what

realm

is

actually

'framed'

by

sacred

symbolism. In fact, this search takes him in two directions at that early stage: he recognizes that religion the self as well as groups making up the society. and

in

1888a:

some 42;

of

his

1964a:

early

100),

articles

(Durkheim,

he emphasizes

'frames' In DoL

1885:

the dimensions

92; of

'meaning' and 'ideology' in religions. Wallwork demonstrates how Durkheim conceived the role of religion

in

'meaning'. religion

'framing'

the

individual,

"The most general moral is

"(Wallwork,

the 1985:

legitimation 206).

of

the

dimension

of

function performed by

normative

prescriptions

Since the remotest beginnings

in

his career, Durkheim has been preoccupied with the norms of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

168

conduct,

the

behavior.

Not

question

ho w

surprisingly,

moral the

precepts

same

focus

influence

on

behavior

norms is also reflected in his explanation of how religious symbolism the

'frames' the individual. Sacred symbols stand in

background

authority'

of

behavior

(Wallwork,

1985:

religious personages as

norms,

212).

Durkheim

'transcendent

People

conceive

of

the purveyors and guarantors of

the normative precepts of behavior. example,

as

envisages

the

In this fashion, for

efficacy

of

the ancient

Jewish beliefs. It was essentially a problem of reproducing and stabilizing the popular beliefs on the origins of these precepts, on the historical circumstances in which they were believed to have been promulgated, on the sources of their authority (Durkheim, 1964a: 76). Religion provides something of a legitimation for behavior precepts.

Rather

than

perceive

these

norms

as

issuing

from the individual, shaped by free decisions or an act of will,

people,

under the influence of religion,

their behavior in

conceive

conformity— or defiance— of the sacred

authority. Seen in this light,

sacred symbols represent a

context in which the behavior of the individual is placed. Conformity or deviation from the norms take on a special 'meaning';

in conforming

or

violating

these behavioral

precepts, people follow or defy God's dictates.

T h e

affinity of Durkheim's explanation with Weber's analysis is apparent,

as

writers see

well

as

divergences

in

their

views.

Both

religion as a source of 'meaning'. For Weber,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

169

the principal sacred

meaning is salvation. The notion of

this

context

goal provides a

certain types of behavior, seen,

religion creates

beliefs

an

in

which religions place

thereby fostering them. extra

Thus

spur of motivation.

The

which Durkheim stresses operate much rather like

constraint. But religion is an essentially social phenomenon. Far from pursuing only personal ends, it exercises, at all times, a constraint upon the individual. It forces him into practices which subject him to small or large sacrifices which are painful to him. He must take from his goods the offerings that he is compelled to present to the divinity; he must take time from his work or play in which to observe rites; he must impose upon himself every sort of privation which is demanded of him,even to renounce life if the gods ordain (Durkheim, 1964a: 92). The divine keeps people's behavior that

in check,

it demands

they

behavior

conform to its dictates. The context in which I is placed by religion, in the light of this

explanation,

is

the

concept

supernatural

underwriter

of

of the

sacred norms.

authority, Despite

the this

contrast between Durkheim and Weber, their explanations are not

incompatible. Rather it appears that they discuss two

alternative routes, whereby sacred symbols can 'frame' the individual.

Durkheim stresses God's demands to conform to

moral norms made primarily recognizes

the

references

to

existence

of

Catholicism

skeptical as to their exhortations

for obedience sake. Also Weber

with

such beliefs. amply

Yet,

demonstrate,

as his he

is

significance and considers them as

minimal

leverage

on

people's

behavior

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

170

(Weber, 1956: |116-117; 1964a: 258-259). own

analyses,

he

focuses

on

Therefore, in his

promises

of

salvation

in

religions. These beliefs represent a special case of sacred 'meaning'; in order to foster the demands of conduct, they extend an inducement, view,

this

special

a promise of salvation. belief

expressed

in

In Weber's

'religions

of

salvation' bestows a sacred 'meaning' upon behavior.

Religion and social structure in early Durkheim The early Durkheim converges with Weber also in yet another way.

Like

that

latter

author,

religious 'meaning', although leaves

its

he,

too,

realized

centered on the individual,

imprint also upon the relations

society.

Weber

expressed

ascetic

behavior

this

patterns

of

idea the

stages.

authority

affect

turn,

shapes

'meaning'

Behavior

early

the

the

is

arguing

society

large.

effect

of

religion

it

by

influences

Durkheim in

by

the

the

impact the

out

of

in

sacred

behavior

this that

sacred

which,

relations

recognized

pointing

essentially social phenomenon' But Durkheim

shaping

had

during in its

individuals, The

that

Protestants

backed

of

society.

cumulative: people,

at

behavior

macro

individual

norms

in the macro

while

contributed to the emergence of capitalism, formative

that

in

of the

cumulative it

is

'an

(1964a: 92).

from the beginning realizes that 'meaning'

is not the only link between

individual and society; there

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

171

are also other avenues whereby sacred between the group and the his

explanation

religion's

of

how,

symbols Intercede

individual people. exactly,

influence operates

this

Originally,

other

channel

of

in society is very probing

and tentative.

A more definitive answer

comes only later

on.

before

later

However,

I

discuss

that

stage

in

Durkheim's thought, its germs need to be shown first in his early work. Wallwork Durkheim's Wallwork

early

has

stressed the continuity

andmature

understanding

can

be

realized

traced. that

From

there

early

is

some

between social structure and religion. in addition to their role as relations in this

works,

religion.

on

in his

(1984)

correspondence

Religious symbols,

'meaning',

'frame'

within had

an

evolutionary

traces evolution

discussed.

in the

to developments

analysis

also the

In

his

framework which two major

DoL and The Rules of Sociological Method,

parallel

work,

the macro society. Durkheim first approaches

phenomenon

Wallwork

of

between

also brought out the key dimension on which this

continuity Durkheim

(1985)

discloses

early

Durkheim

contents of religious symbolism in the social

some

striking

structure.

correspondence,

This an

affinity between religious symbolism and relations in the macro society. At the bottom of Durkheim's evolutionary ladder figures the

horde.

An

ideal-typical

construct

of

the

first,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

172

primitive actually

humanity,

rather

existing,

than

empirical

description

society

of

(Wallwork,

46-47), the horde lacks any inner structure;

1984:

it represents

a quite amorphous group, something like a family of held

together

by

tight

corresponds

to

such

"...comprises

all,

confused

mass,

morality,

law,

and

even

communal society

extends

besides the

to

or

(Durkheim, 1964a: 135).

at

It

which

too.

contains

properly

of political least

equals

Religion

amorphous,

all.

beliefs

principles

science,

bonds. is

any

what

It

in

a

religious,

organization,

passes

for

it"

In a somewhat exaggerated fashion,

reminiscent of Levi-Bruhl1s theory of prelogical mentality, Durkheim

identifies

'primitive'

consciousness with

description

is

remarks,

complemented

phrased

Wallwork,

here

with

the

whole religion.

with

better

content

some

the

But this vague

more

accuracy.

of

analytical As

noted

by

"The earliest religion in Durkheim's account is

a form of animism

(Wallwork, 1984: 47). In his own words,

this is expressed in the following passage. In the beginning, the gods are not distinct from the universe, o r (rather there are no gods, but only sacred beings, without their sacred character being related to any external entity as their source. The animals or plants of the species which serves as a clan-totem are the objects of worship, but that is not because a principle sui generis comes to communicate their divine nature to them from without. This nature is intrinsic with them; they are divine in and of themselves (Durkheim, 1964a: 288). For members of the horde, nature is the object of worship. Nature,

too,

appears to be the key referent of religious

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

173

symbolism. In

the absence of god or any other transcendent

beings,

divinization

literal

form.

are

of

Animals,

considered

world

plants,

sacred beings

religious symbolism. be

the

In this,

or

assumes

a

other natural objects

and

are

thus

depicted

animism

and

1ideal-types' in postulated

sacred symbolism appears to

at

the

DoL,

the

of

'a purely

dawn

of

simplest

Durkheim

, not unlike Marx and communism,

the

horde

clan.”

by

completely

humanity's where

departure

extrapolating

(Wallwork,

1984:

Durkheim's

to

knowledge, the

amorphous,

propose

an

is

actual

grounded

of

the

polysegmental society', of Sociological by

the notion society

starting in

some

Method

clan

based

point

(1964b:

structure

Hand

in

hand

simple

84). These societies are

social

structure,

independently

reminiscent with

his

however

several clans,

providing for their

needs. The tribe is like a federation of social

is

as it is referred to in The Rules

discernible

groups self-sufficient,

as

empirical

tribe— 'a

rudimentary its form. Each tribe comprises

Iroquois.

elegant

factual data gathered in existing societies,

discussion

marked

egalitarian

The

analysis

46).

Engels in their view of

sought

point.

only

construct

evolutionary pattern in his theory. And hence, the

are

hypothetical

history

from

primitive

the

concept

backward

its

in

unrelated to society in animism. But

of

direct,

autonomous clans,

of

account

North of

American

the

tribal

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

174

structure, Totemism

Durkheim is

the

traces

religion

the of

corresponding the

tribe,

particular species of animals or plants.

beliefs.

worship

of

In this, nature

remains the prime referent of sacred symbolism rather

than

society. The link between totemism and social structure, so crucial in EF, is not yet made in DoL. But Durkheim notes society

sometimes

that the tribal

becomes

associated

organization with

a

much

of

more

anthropomorphic religious form. An apparent development beyond horde animism connected with totemism is belief in the descent of clans from a common tribal ancestor. Because clans are related by kinship through a primal founder or father, anthropomorphic concepts are added to totemic imagery: 'Not only has the clan consanguinity as its basis, but different clans of the same people are often considered as kin to one another...Among the Jews, who present...the most characteristic traits of the same social organization, the ancestor of each of the clans which compose the tribe is believed to be descended from the tribal founder, who is himself regarded as one of the sons of the father of the race' (Durkheim, 1964a: 176)(Wallwork, 1984: 49). With

the

emergence

relationship between

of

a

god

figure,

not reside in nature any

more, nor is his literal image to be found all,

the

correspondence assumes a quite

intimate

sacred symbolism and nature becomes

severed. The sacred ancestor does

above

the

patron between

of

a

tribe.

religion

direct form,

like emblems of the clans and

By

and

there. He is,

this

token,

social

it is one-to-one,

the

structure gods are

tribes.

The same correspondence, although in a somewhat altered

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

175

form, Durkheim

traces in the religions of Antiquity. Also

in

Rome

Greece

patrons

of social

ancestral Roman

and

sacred

groups.

personages

This

were

considered

role was played by the

figures from whom the Greek phratries

gens

believed

to

have

taken

quite apart from these beliefs,

their

and the

descent.

But,

Durkheim observes another

trend in Antiquity. Beside the paternal gods, closely tied to

particularistic groups in society, there was a tendency

towards more Hand

universalistic religions in Greece and Rome.

in hand with the ancestral cults,

considered of only secondary,

vestigial

these societies (Weber, 1966: 98; Wallwork, was

1984:

operative

51), in

beliefs sometimes significance

Durkheim, 1964: 156-157;

another set of religious symbolism

Greece

and

Rome.

These

are

properly

called Antique mythologies. In these beliefs the link social

structure

cults;

the

is

less

mythical

supervision

to

the

salient

gods

whole

and

than

in the

goddesses

Antique

are

particular across other

the

all

universal

realm

of

activity

boundaries

particularistic

deities,

of

their

various

groups.4

rather

assigned

than

to

influence

clans,

The

their

Pallas-Athena or

each

but

with

ancestral

extend

humanity

patronize any particular group. Hermes, Zeus

in

cuts

phratries,

tendency

a

marked

or in

4Religious pluralism in Greece and Rome operated on this principle, somewhat reminiscent of the American civil religion, as noted by Wallwork (1984: 51). Particularistic groups in the Antique societies preserved loyalty to their own beliefs and cults, while, at the same time, each recognized the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

176

Athens and in Rome grows even deeper with the ascent of Christianity. It sweeps aside all the remaining vestiges of private

cults

and

promotes

its

own

universalism,

encompassing all those who embrace the Christian God. linkage

between

becomes even more In this

sacred

fashion

totemism,

and

Durkheim

conceives

sacred

symbols

depict

in advanced totemism or in ancient forged between

structure

the

evolution

of

the earliest beliefs, those of animism

objects. Later on, according to the

is

social

conspicuously absent.

religion in DoL. In or

figures

The

primarily

natural

evolutionary pattern, Judaism, a direct link

sacred personages

and social

groups.

Then a process of the growing abstractness of beliefs sets in,

manifest in Antique mythologies and in Christianity. i;

...little by little religious forces are detached from the things of which they were first only the attributes, and become hypostatized. Thus is formed the notion of spirits or gods who, while residing here or there as preferred, nevertheless exist outside of the particular objects to which they are more specifically attached. By that very fact they are less concrete. Whether they multiply or have been led back to some certain unity, they are still immanent in the world. If they are in part separated from things, they are always in space. They remain, then, very near us, constantly fused into our life. The Greco-Latin polytheism, which is a more elevated and better organized form of animism, marks new progress in the direction of transcendence. The residence of the gods becomes more sharply distinct from that of men. Set upon the mysterious heights of Olympus or dwelling in the recesses of earth, they personally intervene in universalistic deities, (Durkheim, 1964: 161).

the

high

gods

of

Greece

and

Rome

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

177

human affairs in somewhat intermittent fashion. But it is only with Christianity that God takes leave of space; his kingdom is no longer of this world...the concept of divinity becomes more general and more abstract, for it is formed, not of sensations,as originally, but of ideas. The God of humanity necessarily is less concrete than the gods of the city or of the clan (Durkheim, 1964a: 288-289). As the final consummation of this evolutionary process in the

sphere

of

beliefs,

Durkheim

sees the

modern individualism. The 'cult of

emergence

of

the individual1 grants

foremost respect and sovereignty to the human

person, the

individual becomes the main referent of sacred symbolism (Durkheim, 1964: 172). i

Durkheim correspondence

unquestionably between

the early stages,

traces

in

in

a

symbols of sacred

one-to-one

tenuous

in the

In

patrons aim directly

relationship.

appears to be growing increasingly and more

some

society and sacred symbolism.

at particular social groups; religion and social stand

DoL

However,

structure this

bond

looser, it becomes more

subsequent stages of religious

evolution. Beginning in Antiquity, continued in the Middle Ages,

and

reaching

its

climax

in

the modern

times,

a

tendency becomes marked in religions to consecrate humanity as a whole rather than any particular social groups.5 this process,

Amid

the correspondence between social structure

and sacred beliefs appears to be fading away, becoming less and

less

pronounced.

With

the

growing

abstractness

of

5Durkheim (1973: 43-57) discusses this trend in the essay •Individualism and Individuals'.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

178

religious symbolism, its

own,

detached

it

assumes more and more a life of

from

groups

in

society.

The

intimate

link between beliefs and social structure turns out to be rather

intermittent,

a passing episode during the early

stages in history. The

correlation

between

sacred

symbolism

and

social

structure is one-dimensional in DoL. The match is primarily between sacred figures and the particularistic groups whom these figures patronize. relationship

between

This one-dimensional model of the

religion

and

society's

features

leads, quite inevitably as it seems, to the dilemma above.

Once

disappears

the

from

figure

of

religion,

religion and social structure

the the

special

correspondence

conclusion. I

In

the

patron between

becomes intangible, seems to

be dropping out. It took Durkheim several this

group

shown

course

of

years to revise

this time,

he

became

acquainted with the work of Robertson Smith. This, as well as,

most

certainly,

his

other

studies

and

intellectual

encounters brought about an understanding that religion is related to social

structure on two dimensions rather than

one.6 This proposition

is elaborated

work on religion, EF.

There, his analysis shows that the

relationship between sacred

in Durkheim's major

symbolism and social structure

6Durkheim (1907: 613) refers to his encounter with Smith as a turning point almost, a source of major breakthrough in his understanding of religion.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

179

involves the dimensions of

'ideology' and of 'myth'.

The totemic 'ideology' EF

is primarily

first hand

an in-depth study of totemism.

accounts and field data, Durkheim focusses on

the same religion which

he had touched upon already in

DoL. There was an ambiguity, inner on totemism made

in that

of

referent

of

the totemic

the

Durkheim

animals

or

plants

clan-totem

are

of

the

by

the

recognizes species

objects

However,

of

in

the

and

of

in

(1984: 47).But on in

DoL

which

that

serves (1964a:

"The as

a

288).

the organization of the

at the time of

not clear to Durkheim how that

and

social

was

spirits are

worship"

was

structure

'The

Wallwork

Totemic symbolism is related to totemic society.

divine

symbolism.

as put

hand,

are

hand,

288). Nature is portrayed as the main

concrete objects', other

the one

"... animals orplants are

w o r s h i p . ..they

themselves"(1964a:

tension in the remarks

latter book. On

Durkheim notes there that objects

Based on

writing DoL,

it

link between beliefs

constituted.

The

quandary was,

simply put,

that totemic symbolism is composed of signs

which depict

natural objects, plants or animals. There are

no sacred personages

or

divine figures in that natural

religion,

at least not in its most elementary form. But it

was only

through the intermediary of such sacred figures,

the symbols of

divine patrons, that Durkheim knew how to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

180

conceive the relationship

between religious symbols

social structure when he was writing about totemism and

society,

very probing and tentative 46-49). sort,

out

DoL. So his remarks

of necessity,

in that work

A resolution of this problem, comes

explanation

in how

EF.

There,

symbols

Durkheim

of

and

remained

(Wallwork,

1984:

illumination comes

natural

up

of a

with

an

refer

to

objects

society. One of the main breakthrough points in EF, as compared to

Durkheim's

earlier work,

totemism is a cosmology,

was an understanding

that

'primitive classification'

which

encompasses the entire universe. referent of

The most patently evident

totemic symbolism is the totemic object, plant

or animal worshipped by

the clan.

sign has other referents,

too. For example, the totem of a

pelican species. dogs,

stands not

only

The same sign

fire,

frost,

for

this

But the same totemic

one particular

also stands for blackwood trees,

etc.

(Durkheim,

1965:

the same pelican totem also represents members

of

the 'pelican'

clan.

Thus,

depictsa whole array of natural objects actual totemic

object,

well as human members of

bird

167)

Moreover,

a group of people: a

totemic

sign

and people;

the

some other animals and plants, as the clan, they are all associated

with the same totem. Durkheim totemic

(1965:

religion

180-181)

also stresses in EF

comprises more

than

one totemic

that a sign;

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

181

there are at least as many of these signs as there clans

which

members

make

up

the

tribe.

Every

totem

are

symbolizes

of a particular clan as well as natural objects

associated

with

this

group.

"A

certain

tree,

for

example, will be assigned to the Kangaroo clan, and to it alone;

then, just like the human members of the clan, it

will have the Kangaroo

as totem; another will belong to

the Snake clan; clouds will be placed sun under another,

etc.

All

known

under one totem, the things will

thus

be

arranged in a sort of tableau or systematic classification embracing As

the whole of nature." (Durkheim, 1965; 166)

'primitive

classification',

typology of the universe. world

into

certain

totemic sign.

classes,

The main

be

like

each

class

assigned

to

a

the one

By means of this symbolic pattern, totemism

sway; it represents a to

is

It divides all objects in

explains the design of the world

appears

totemism

to those living under its

cosmology. In its light,

organized

along various

totemic

the world lineages.

lines of division in the totemic universe

run

between the objects subsumed under different totems. These objects

include

both

natural

phenomena

and people;

sharp conceptual distinction between society and 1978:

nature is

lacking

(Giddens,

kangaroo

animals are represented by the same totemic sign;

they are members of the

88-89).

a

Kangaroo-people

and

same clan. The world is divided

into a variety of such clans,

each

intermingling people,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

182

animals, and plants. The totemism

problem

which

vitiated

in DoL

is thus

Durkheim's

tackled.

Totemic

stand merely for natural objects; social

remarks

signs do not

groups, too, are

referred to by the name of a pelican or a kangaroo. understanding totemism as

opens

ff.;

a

path

towards

the

This

theory

of

'ideology'. With this in view, Durkheim makes

a move for which, several

up

on

incidentally,

anthropologists

(cf.

he has been reproved by

Radcliffe-Brown,

1968:125

Levi-Strauss, 1965: 91).

The concept of totality is only the abstract form of the concept of society: it is the whole which includes all things, the supreme class which embraces all other classes. Such is the final principle upon which repose all these primitive classifications where beings from every realm are placed and classified in social forms, exactly like men. But if the world is inside of society, the space which the latter occupies becomes confounded with the space in general (Durkheim, 1965: 490) . Although totems signify both natural objects and society, Durkheim

explains

distinction

this

lack

of

the

culture/nature

away. Natural objects have been

swept under

the classifications of totemism only mistakenly, confusion characteristic of the beginnings actual

referent

of

the

primitive

amid the

of thought. The

classifications

of

totemism is the same as that of all the other religions: the human society.

Religion's "...primary object is not to

give men a representation of the

physical worId;....Before

all,

with

it

represent

is to

a

system

of

themselves

ideas the

society

which of

individuals

which

they

are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

183

members.(Durkheim,

1965: 257)

Totem's primary significance is as a "... symbol of the determined

society called the clan. It is its flag; it is

the sign by which each others..."(Durkheim groups

which

clan distinguishes itself from the

1965:

make

236).

the

Totems

totemic society,

representing a different clan. But tribe

also

entities,

consists

groups

of

stand

for

each

sign

apart from the clans, a

phratries-intermediate

comprising

the

several

clans

social

each.

Each

phratry is assigned a totem, too. Thus, the totems of the clans

turn out to be subtotems,

"Between the totem of clans there

exists

totems of a lower rank.

the phratry and the totems of the

a sort 129).

of

relation

Totemism

is

of

subordination"

(Durkheim,

1965:

like

convention,

a set of signs which mirrors the

a

symbolic intergroup

relations in the totemic society. Hierarchy of the totems corresponds with the hierarchy of the phratries and clans.

In

a

somewhat probing

correspondence

between

form,

Durkheim

suggested this

religious symbolism

structure already in DoL. However,

and

social

in light of that latter

analysis, this fit between the contents of beliefs and the organization phenomenon; group

of it

patrons.

society held In

EF

appeared

only

to

be

for the divine

Durkheim

a

very

local

figures of the

demonstrates

that

also

symbols of natural objects may refer to groups in society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

184

This insight in no way obviates the former analysis. In EF, too,

Durkheim recognizes the role of sacred personages in

representing totemism. whole

society.

Their

In addition

totemic

symbolism.

In

"...wherever

tribe this

the

figures

appear

already

to clans and phratries, is

role

tribe

depicted the

by

first

acquired

a

also the

the

gods

religious

are

livelier

in

invoked:

sentiment

of

itself, this sentiment naturally incarnated itself in some personage, The

who became its symbol." (Durkheim,

first

mythological

personages,

deities, appear in totemic the

tribes

between

(Wallwork,

social

comprehensively

in EF

figures as well as

331)

forerunners

of

religions as representations of

1984:

groups

the

1965:

49).

and

than

The

religion

in DoL.

correspondence

is

stated

It holds

for

more sacred

for symbols of natural objects; both

are shown by Durkheim to be

representations of the groups

in society and the relations

between those entities.

In selecting totemism to buttress his theory, Durkheim chose

an

example

obviously

societies studied by Marx. The

very

different

from

the

totemic societies, divided

primarily into clans, appear like associations

of extended

families, all on an equal footing towards one another. This egalitarian

structure

hierarchical design of

contrasts

and

Durkheim's

with

the

the medieval feudalism or the class

cleavages inherent in the social Marx's

sharply

theories

structure of modernity. of

religion

have very

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

185

different points of reference, the

However,

mechanism these two writers trace in religion seems

quite alike. a

substantive foci.

symbolic

According to both theories, religion provides rendering

of

social

relations

level. The medieval Christianity, Marx's

favorite example,

depicts hierarchical classes; aristocracy, the

peasants

are

the groups

which

society,

design which corresponds

totemism,

to

get

back

symbol is the totem: clans.

to

on the macro

nobility,

constitute to

God's

Durkheim's

the

and macro

demands.

example,

the

key

sign which represents the egalitarian

But totemic symbolism consists of other signs, too;

just as well totemic

as there are groups other than clans in the

society.

The clans

combine

together

phratries, the intermediate social entities, of egalitarian clans. The phratries,

to

form

confederacies

in turn,

themselves

join together to form a tribe, the most compact group the

In

totemic

two-tiered

society. This confederacy

reflected in totemic

peculiar of

social

egalitarian

in

structure,

families,

symbolism. The clan totems

is

are on a

par, but they are all subsumed under the totem which stands for the phratry. And above the latter, gods,

representations of the tribe.

medieval

Christianity

relations

between

groups

in

Marx's

which

in turn, tower the Totemism, view,

constitute

just like

depicts the

the macro

society. But

there is

one essential

contrast

between

Marx's

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

18 6

portrayal of

religion and Durkheim's theory of totemism.

In his emphasis on the medieval Christian beliefs, Marx was actually

making two points about religion as ideology, as

I had already noted. standpoint, society,

depicts the empirical

provides

such that,

for example,

seen from this

relations

a factual account of the

the society's apex. aspect of

First, Christianity,

in medieval status quo,

the king and the nobility are at

This may be considered a descriptive

religious ideology.7

But there is also a second

aspect or dimension of ideology implicit in Marx (and also in Weber's discussion). Namely, he points out that religion justifies the status quo, provides a metaphysical sanction to

legitimate it. Such metaphysical sanction appears to be

lacking in totemism. As a rendering of relations between groups in society, totemism

is

more

Christianity. represents

Devoid

something

representing

descriptive

like

empirical

totemic symbols.

of

than,

metaphysical a

formal

objects,

the

for

example,

sanction,

convention

of

referents

Seen from this vantage point,

it

signs

of

the

totemism

reminds one of the macro theories of social science, on a rudimentary level.

Exemplified in particular by Parsonian

structural-functionalism,

these

macro

same key object, reference point,

theories

have

as does totemism.

the They

7Martin Seliger (1977: 76-77) proposes to distinguish such descriptive accounts of the status quo in society as a component of all ideologies.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

187

depict

the

groups

political

which

institutions,

sectors of the economy. the

macro

latter

theories

symbolism,

make

up

the macro

educational

society,

system,

its

and various

Also the secondary referents of

remind also

oneof

totemism;

social

theories

like that

depict

the

relations between groups which make up the macro society. Such

striking

affinities between totemism in Durkheim's

interpretation and

social

science have

attention of gommentators. Lukes even in

Durkheim's

sociology'

account

(Lukes,

1985:

as 467).

'a

not escaped the

refers to totemism

sort

of

mythological

Long passages in Durkheim

can be invoked

to support this interpretation. Totemism is

presented as a

'representation of society' which, although

'metaphorical

and

•unfaithful’

symbolic',

(Durkheim,

is

1965:257).

nonetheless not

Stripped

of

its

magical meaning, laid bare in Durkheim's analysis, totemism is, it turns

out, an empirical rendering of the relations

between groups in society. This symbolic representation is 'ot legitimated metaphysical

arguments

or

principles,

by any

characteristic

for

the later monotheistic religions. The hierarchy of totemic clans and phratries lacks the sanction of God's agency, as a design created by His will and, therefore, indispensable. Instead, the design of the totemic society appears to be an eternal

fact

of

nature,

self-explanatory

and

sufficient

unto itself. The appeal of totemic 'ideology', then, would

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

188

derive primarily from the factual

correspondence between

the totemic signs and the actual distribution of the clans in society, the perceived fit between these two realms. It seems

that

this

specific

empiricism

marks

the

main

difference between the ideological aspects of totemism and, for example, symbolic beliefs,

system,

totemism,

evince

independent 1979:

Christianity.

a

power

131).

If

In comparison to that latter as

well

as

"...relatively

of

doctrinal

totemism

the

low

other

level

early

of...the

propositions"(Gellner,

legitimates

the

status

quo

in

society, this capacity flows mainly from the constraints it imposes upon human imagination, people's inability to see social structure as a product of some agency, whether this be God or simply human activity.8

The dimension of 'myth' in totemism Several commentators have reproved Durkheim for drawing a too

one-sided,

Evans-Pritchard

overly has

simplified offered

some

picture of

the

criticisms. Not unsympathetic to Durkheim, inspired

by

anthropologist,

his

theories,

nonetheless,

the

of most

incisive

in fact himself

British

suggested

totemism.

a

social serious

of

amendments in Durkheim's portrayal of the early humanity,

8In the analysis of Saint Augustin's theology, in chapter six, I discuss this contrast between totemism and belief systems which denaturalized society, portray its design as a product of an agency.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

189

necessitated raised

by

by

recent

research.

Evans-Pritchard,

significance,

is

One

Durkheim's

same

Evans-Pritchard

totemic

sign,

in

failure

(1965:

its

the

potentially

totemic signs have multiple usages. totemism,

of

role

of

to

objections very

grave

realize

that

In his own account of

65) points out as

a

symbol,

that the may

have

several various usages; its meaning, like that of any other sign,

shifts with the context in which it is

applied, as

well as the intentions of the users. The object

of worship

during the ritual ceremonies, the totem can also serve

as

prop for the natives' spears or, perhaps, aid them in their dealings with the world in yet other ways.

This functional

diversity of signs9 is what Durkheim fails to take account of, according to Evans-Pritchard. Durkheim unquestionably presents the totemic universe in terms

which are often too rigid and schematic, unduly

simplified (Douglas, related striking,

to

1966: 22). Lack of room for symbolism

individual

personality

is

particularly

the problem I will yet come to consider.

But,

I

contrary to what Evans-Pritchard claims, Durkheim's

theory

of totemic symbolism is not one-dimensional. In contrast to his

earlier works, in EF Durkheim realizes, quite lucidly,

9This phenomenon has been discovered and analyzed in a number of ways by the post-Enlightenment philosophies and theories of the human world, such as hermeneutics, hegelianism and idealist Marxism, Levi-Strauss' structuralism, and, most recently, post-structuralism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

19 0

that

a

single

referent.

sacred

Beside

phratries,

symbol

may

representation

have of

more the

than

one

clans

and

totems perform yet another role. To this effect

Durkheim makes the

following

statement

regarding totemic

symbolism. This organization which at first may have appeared to us as purely logical, is at the same time moral. A single principle animates it and makes its unity: this is the totem"(Durkheim, 1965: 175). As pointed out by Robert Bellah seen in EF

as performing a more active, creative role, in

addition to their part in refer

to

(1973: 1 ff.) totems are

this

second

'mythological'.10 from totems'

depicting social groups. I will

usage

How this

application as

of

totemic

'mythological' 'ideology',

symbolism

as

usage differs

is best explained

by Durkheim in the following passage, where the two usages become

juxtaposed.

When an Australian of the Port Mackay tribe says that the sun, snakes, etc., are of the Yungaroo phratry, he 10Durkheim himself never uses that term; in one instance, in the above quoted passage, he refers to this second usage of the totem as 'moral'. I chose the term 'mythological' to stress the contrast between what is commonly considered to represent moral maxims or beliefs. Quite consistently in the modern discourse, the term moral has been used to denote rules of conduct, precepts regarding specific actions which people ought or ought not to take in society. In this, moral refers to concepts and symbols which 'frame' primarily the individual, his or her duties, responsibilities, etc. This contrasts with the second usage of the totem discussed by Durkheim, where the relationship between individual and the group is 'framed'. The term 'myth' pertains here to symbols and concepts with such referents, ideas which represent / the relationship between individual and the group.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

191

does not mean merely to apply a common, but none the less a purely conventional, nomenclature to these different t hings; the word has an objective signification for him. He believes that 'alligators really ARE Yungaroo and the kangaroos are Wootaroo. The sun is Yungaroo, the moon Wootaroo, and so on for the constellations, trees, plants, etc.' An internal bond attaches them to the group in which they are placed; they are regular members of it. It is said that they belong to the group, just exactly as the individual men make part of it...Thus the men of the clan and the things which are classified in it form by their union a solid system, all of whose parts are united and vibrate sympathetically. This organization which at first may have appeared to us as purely logical, is at the same time moral (Durkheim, 1965: 174-175). Although couched

in

itself very

in

provide

figurative

j

some

basis

'mythological' connection the

role.

and,

terms,

Durkheim's

for

an

for the most

part,

analysis

explanation

does

of

the

Of particular significance in this

is the distinction between the application of

totemic

sign

with

opposed to its usage as their

scanty

usage

as

'objective

signification',

as

'conventional nomenclature'.

In

'conventional

nomenclatures',

the

totems

perform the 'ideological'

role: they serve as designations

representing

phratries, or tribes.

their

the

clans,

significance

is

purely

logical;

symbolic conventions of social science,

In

they

are

'objective signification'.

like

value-free models.

This is not sc, however, when the totemic sign is with

this,

In this usage,

applied

the totem

forms

of all the members of a clan 'a solid system whose

parts

are

clearly

all

united,

vibrate

indicates a more creative,

sympathetically'.

This

value-laden function

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

192

than the 'ideological' role. In applying the totem with the people,

members

'objective signification',

of the clan,

believe that they,

well as the alligators, kangaroos, and

the other non-human

members of the clan, all really are the totemic plant animal. men,

animals,

plants,

or

inanimate objects,

are merely

being...all are really of the same

flesh in the sense that all partake

of the nature of the

totemic animal." (Durkheim, 1965; 175) This belief members

animal is

of

a

clan

one

people

sense, have

naturally

are

incarnations

of

that all

the

totemic

generated by the totemic sign. "A member of the

Kangaroo clan calls in

or

"All the beings arranged in a single clan, whether

forms of the totemic

the

as

a

an

himself a kangaroo; he is, therefore, animal

common

understand

of

this

name,

and

each

other

species... .Things in and

certain

way

harmonize

and they

with

one

another."

(Durkheim, 1965: 157...174) The partaking of the 'I same name, held in common with the totemic animal, creates in people's minds them and

the notion of a relationship between

the totemic animal. This belief is created by the

totems, when applied

with 'objective signification'.

In the 'conventional nomenclature' role, as 'ideology', totems

represent

them, they have

social groups

referents.

relations

among

referents in the empirical world. In their

usage with 'objective such

and the

signification', however, totems lack

Belief

in

the

special

relationship

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

193

between

the

people

and

the

totemic

animal

is

not

a

representation of any relationship in the empirical world. The common identity shared by the members of the clan with the totemic sign;

animal

is a generic product of the totemic

it is only on the

pelicans.

symbolic level that people are

In their usage with

'objective signification'

totemic symbols display a creative role. such creative

Bellah refers to

capacity of religious symbols in his theory

of 'symbolic realism'.11 Although

'unreal',

lacking

any

empirical

reference,

the belief in the inner affinity between the people and the totemic

animals

has

quite

real

consequences,

in

accordance with the established sociological principle.12 Not only does it imply special care animals.

More

importantly

for

granted the totemic

Durkheim's

theory,

belief also forms attachments among the human

this

members of

society. For example, the people who belong to the pelican clan

not

only

believe

to

be

themselves

related

to

the

■^Bellah's theory is formulated in very abstract terms; its main point is that the nature of religious symbolism cannot be adequately grasped within the Cartesian equation. Religious symbols neither represent objects in the world, nor people's inner states (feelings, motives, etc.). Instead, they should be viewed as kind of shorthands depicting the 'whole subject-object complex' (Bellah, 1970; 252). Thus conceived, religious symbols create in people's minds a sense of partaking of the world around them. This still very abstract rendering of Bellah's theory hopefully finds some specification in this present analysis. 12by W.I. Thomas: "If men define situations as real, are real in their consequences".

they

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

194

i

pelicans; they

all are pelicans, and, hence, themselves a

family. Durkheim elicits in his analysis

a second referent of

the totemic signs,

beside their role in depicting clans

and

totems

phratries.

The

also

depict

the

between individuals and their reference groups Seen in this role, totemic signs

relationship in society.

create in people's minds

the notion of an idealized realm, like,

for example, the

image of a clan as a family of pelicans. Participation

in

this imaginary realm is what an individual member of a clan has in common with others in the group; the pelican family encompasses

myself as well as the rest of the clan.

Durkheim stresses the significance of the totem for the sustenance of the clan. ...the clan could not exist...without the totem. For the members of a single clan are not united to each other either by a common habitat or by common blood, as they are not necessarily consanguineous and are frequently scattered over different parts of the tribal territory. Their unity comes solely from their having the same name and the same emblem, their believing that they have the same relations with the same categories of things...(Durkheim, 1965; 194).13 The totem is especially critical for the solidarity of the clan.

Its

members

are

scattered

throughout

the

tribal

territory, their dwellings mixed with those of the members of the

other clans making up the tribe, they do not share

an exclusive

common territory. This precludes their having

130ne finds a very similar account role also on page 122 (Durkheim, 1965).

of the

'mythological'

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

195

a

concept

of

a

social

relationship based

habitat.

Nor

community,

so self-evident

common

to us,

capable of sustaining

Its members

are not relatives of

blood, nor, for that matter, do they such.

a

is another concept of relationship to the

the unity of the clan.

as

on

Belief

in

the

special

recognize themselves

relationship

with

totemic object, the same for everyone, is the only which provides

a

common

heading

for

the

concept

all members

of the

clan.

The 'Mythological' Symbolism: A vagary of Totemism? Durkheim

labors

in

EF

to

bring

out

the

'mythological'

dimension of religious symbolism. Totemic beliefs create in people's minds the idea of an imaginary symbolic realm, the i

lineage of kangaroos,

for example. All human members of a

clan are included in this lineage, the family of kangaroos. The kangaroo totem creates

something like a sacred space

that

people.

envelopes

a

group

of

This

imaginary

space

constitutes a link between the individual and society;

it

gives one a sense of sharing a common abode with the group, partaking of the same strip of reality.

Durkheim intended

this explanation as a general model of how sacred symbolism operates in society.

However,

it has been argued against

him that he selected a very special example in his study, almost contrived totemic

it

symbolism

(Hamnett,

1984:

constitutes

the

207). only

For the

clan,

common

bond.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

196

However, most human societies recognize bonds relating to a common territory and blood kinship. The clan does seems to be a very atypical society. What is yet more perplexing, perhaps

even

solidarity role.

As

the

totemic

other

than

noted by

society

the

totem

than

a

single

clan.

sub-group of the tribe:

the

some pillars

in the

Evans-Pritchard

whole tribe appears in fact to be analysis

knows

of

'mythological'

(1965:

65

ff.),

the

a more adequate unit of The

latter

actual

totemic

is

only

society.

a

The

members

of the tribe, unlike those making up one clan, do i share a common territory. Most likely, they should also

have

developed

some

sense

of

solidarity based

common habitat, an understanding of in a certain land,

on this

themselves as dwellers

a common identity

of a non-religious

type. The perplexing question is whether the symbolism society

is

of

territory, strewn

something exceptional,

unique

type,

a

such as the clan,

across ‘ the

tribal

certainly did not intend was

not

beliefs

group

interested but

in what

them; he wanted

characteristic of a

which

lacks

whose members

land.

As

for

a

common

live apart,

Durkheim,

he

to pick an anomaly. After all, he the

was

of

uniqueness general

of

the

totemic

significance about

to explain the role religion plays in all

societies.In this, served a good

in

'mythological'

the peculiarity of totemism might have

illustrative purpose; for the clan members,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

197

religion constitutes the only

common bond, and, hence, the

role

a

of

beliefs

in

creating

sense

of

solidarity

naturally isolated from the other influences; the

is

picture

is not blurred by ties of any other kind.14 Durkheim never seriously ventured beyond his special case in

discussing the 'mythological' dimension of religion. In

the

accounts

of

Christianity

or

throughout his various works, he than

beliefs

individual

and

r e l i gi o n s ,

which the

group.

the

'mythological'

'frame'

the The

relationship

indications of

are few and

god,

that

believer to

of

how,

strengthening

the

lacking concrete

the

bonds

Durkheim

attaching

the

to his god,' the actual function of religion is

strengthen

society'

'in

deistic

perform

substantiation. For example, at one point in EF, that

between

far between; moreover,

they all remain on a very abstract level,

remarks

scattered

focuses on aspects other

symbolism

role,

Judaism,

'the

bonds

attaching

the

individual

to

(Durkheim, 1965: 258). For more specific analyses in

fact,

deistic

symbolism

'frames'

the

relationship between the individual and the group, we must search

elswhere.

'Civil

direct continuation of school.

religion'

theory seems the most

this lineage among the Durkheimian

Its representatives,

such as

Bellah,

attempt to

14Durkheim was a master in designing experiments strategically aimed at isolating various contaminating influences, as noted by Randall Collins (1985: 121-122) with regard to Suicide.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

198

elucidate 'frames'

how,

in

various

cases,

deistic

symbolism

the relations between individual people and the i

national society chapter,

I

'framing'

discuss

the

William

role

of

between

Christian the

beliefs

individual

and

in the

on the examples of Augustinism, the early

Christian Perkins.

Durkheim's

the

relations

reference group, medieval

of which they are members.15 In the sixth

thesis

system,

This

part

and

the

Puritan

provides

regarding the

a

theology

further

'mythological'

of

test

of

aspect

of

sacred symbolism.

The 'mythological' dimension of m o d e m individualism I Durkheim himself provides a substantiation of another sort, an

argument

for the universalism

symbolism which

of the

'mythological'

extends even beyond religion. Also in the

modern cultures,

sacred symbols operate which 'frame' the

relations between

individuals and the group. This role is

performed

'cult

by

successor

to

the

of

Christianity

the ,

individual'— this as

Durkheim

modern

(1958

b;

1973:43~57) had referred to it. The

analysis

second case,

of

modern

individualism

is

Durkheim's

beside totemism, where he clearly explicates

15Bellah (and Hammond, 1980) brings out this 'mythological' symbolism for the American, Italian, and Japanese societies; Hammond argues, in a similar vein, about the beliefs which prevail in the Mexican culture.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

199

what I have As

noted

been referring to as the 'mythological' role. by

'Individualism

Wallwork and

(1985:

Intellectuals',

212),

in

by

the

essay

several

years

preceding EF, Durkheim gives an account of the workings of the

symbolism

closely

of

modern

foreshadow

individualism

what he would have

totemism. First of all, in contrast in

'Individualism

and

individualism

a

1972:81-82;

Lukes,

clearly

and

principle nature.

needs upon

This

is

which

cast

166-167).

gives

(Wallwork,

This

religious

utilitarians, individualism is The maximization

the people

model

Durkheim

manifest in Durkheim's critique

of utilitarianism. For the a derivative of science.

which

to his earlier works,

religious

1985:

terms

later said about

Intellectuals'

rendering is particularly

wants

in

of individual

scientifically operate:

underlies

the

a

established

model

need

of

to

human

respect

individual wants and needs, according to

the utilitarians.

Durkheim

of

with

counters

references

thinkers

who

more

this to

interpretation Kant

and

adequately

Rousseau. grasped

individualism They

the

are

nature

the of

individualism. In their views ...we have come a long way from that apotheosis of well-being and private interest... egoistic cult of the self for which utilitarian individualism has been rightly criticized. Quite to the contrary, according to these moralists, duty consists in disregarding all that concerns us personally, all that derives from our empirical individuality, in order to seek out only that which our humanity requires and which we share with all our fellowmen. This ideal so far surpasses the level of utilitarian goals that it seems to those minds who aspire to it to be completely stamped with religiosity. This human person (personne humaine), the definition of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

200 which is like the touchstone which distinguishes good from evil, is considered sacred in the ritual sense of the word...it is conceived as being invested with that mysterious property which creates void about sacred things... .And the respect which is given it comes precisely from this source. Whoever makes an attempt on man's life, oil man's liberty, on man's honor, inspires in us a feeling of horror analogous in every way to that which the believer experiences when he sees his idol profaned. Such an ethic is therefore not simply a hygienic discipline or a prudent economy of existence; it is a religion in which man is at once the worshipper and the god." (Durkheim, 1973; 45-46) Modern

individualism

models of human is an

does

nature,

not

rest

on

the

Durkheim stresses.

utilitarian

Individualism

expression of the belief in the sacredness of human

beings, quite religions.

The

analogous to the beliefs of the traditional respect

granted

the

human

like a homage paid gods rather than validity

of

a

scientific

individual

is

recognition of the

model.

For

Durkheim,

individualism is a matter of values rather than

knowledge

(Alexander 1982: 265). As

a

value-judgment,

individualism representation

is of

sacred

belief,

the

idea

not

adequately

grasped

empirical

reality.16

The

of

as

a

symbols

of

16Durkheim makes a general point to this effect in the essay "Value Judgments and Judgments of Reality", also referred to in this context by Bellah (1973: li-lii). In contrast to factual statements, whose function is to 'express the reality to which they adhere', the function of the value-judgments is to 'transfigure the realities to which they relate1. Rather than representing objects in the empirical world, value-judgments 'express that novel aspect of the object with which it is endowed by the ideal' (Durkheim, 1953: 95-96). Very esoteric in the original context, these remarks assume a clear meaning when read in the context of Durkheim's analyses of totemism or modern individualism.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

201 individualism do not stand for any people

(Seidmann,

address

itself

to

1985: the

particular empirical

115). Individualism particular being

"...does not

which he

is and

which bears his name, but to the human person (la personne humaine) it

wherever it is to be found, and in whatever form

is embodied.

then,

soars

Impersonal and anonymous,

far above all

particulieres)

and

can

such an aim,

individual minds

thus

serve

them

(consciences

as

a

rallying

point. The fact that it is not alien to us (by the simple fact that it is human) does not prevent it from dominating us...individualism thus extended is the glorification of the self

but of the individual in general."

1973:

48)

like

a Platonic idea.^7

class

of

particular always

(Durkheim,

Individualism has a very special status.

things

as

a

some

features of all sorts,

It is

It postulates the reality of a whole,

representatives. possess

not

The

specific

quite

apart

actual

from

empirical

traits,

its

people

characteristic

be it person's sex, hair or skin

color, height, right or left-handedness.

Abstract, uniform

embodiments

of

in

world.

it is such an

that

Yet, is

humanity

considered

do

sacred

not

exist

'ideal type' in

the

empirical

of human person

modernity,

the

object

symbolized by individualism.

17Durkheim's familiarity with Plato and the significance of the latter for Durkheim's thought is discussed by Stjepan Mestrovic (1982).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

202 Although individualism is a non-empirical belief, consequences are being, and

quite real.

individualism

consequently

to

he cannot

adopt it as the aim of his

obliged to come out of himself and

others." (Durkheim,

1973:

sacredness

of humanity refers

ourselves.

Therefore,

feel

obliged

account

For every particular human

"...is diffused among his fellowmen

conduct without feeling relate

of

to

individualism

people

transcend

others

in

its

to

48)

Belief

others

who

as

embrace

egoistic

goals

their behavior.

The

creates

a

sense

of

in

well

the

as to

individualism and

to

take

symbolism of

universal

community,

partaking of humanity together with all other people. This explanation of Durkheim1s reminds one of his analysis of

the

'mythological'

cases, he shows that

dimension of

totemism. In

both

sacred symbolism creates the notion

i

of

an

idealized

encompasses

a

realm

whole

in

group

people's of

people.

minds, one The

that

notion

of

partaking of this imaginary realm 'frames' the relationship between

individual

and

•explanation' as to what members of the group.

the

group;

it

proffers

an

one has in common with the other

For the members of a totemic clan,

this sense of community

hinges on

a belief in being an

animal or plant relative,

partaking of this realm of

totem

relatives together with other people of the same clan. In modernity, individualism plays an analogous role: belief in partaking of

the ideal realm of humanity jointly with the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

2 03

other people. However,

there appears to be one essential

difference between these two examples discussed by Durkheim. of the group

Each of them delineates a boundary

differently. For totemism, the group includes

all members of the clan; hand,

for individualism, on the other

it is the whole of humanity.

these two poles the

of sacred symbolism

Somewhere in-between

of particularism and universalism stand

•mythological'

symbols

of

Christianity

and

other religions, more inclusive than totemism

of

the

but not as

all-encompassing as the 'cult of the individual'.18 From

the

interest in

early

beginnings

religion,

for that matter,

referents the

sanctioning discerned

religion contributes to social together'. In his reply to this

Durkheim started

for religious symbolism.

sacred

symbols and

the

which

'backing' beliefs

rendering

constitute

of it.

relations In

out

by positing two

First,

he pointed out

'frame' behavior

which

'ideology', provide a perspective a

Durkheim's

had been shaped with the same problem in

'holds society

puzzling question,

career,

as well as any other social facts,

view. His central was how solidarity,

in his

individual,

norms.

perform

Second,

the

role

he of

upon the macro society,

between

Durkheim's

the

the

later

groups works,

which a

third

18Matthew Schoffeleers(1978) points out this difference in the scope ^ of 'mythological' symbolism, what kind of reference group it implies, in juxtaposing civil religions and modern individualism, as seen by Durkheim and his followers.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

204

dimension of sacred symbolism comes visibly to the fore. These are

the beliefs which 'frame' the relations between

individuals

and

'imaginary'

their

reference

context in which

groups,

providing

the

all members can be placed,

conceived as related together. This evolution in Durkheim's views

spells a recognition

that sacred symbolism involves a dimension in a way 'ideal',

more

less real than the two types of beliefs he had

brought out in his earlier works. Unlike the dimensions of 'meaning'

and 'ideology', the 'mythological' beliefs lack

immediately tangible,

empirical referents

world; they 'frame' neither the

individual people nor the

groups in society. Apparently, with this in (1985;

213)

points

views

'...brings

connection between

in the social

view, Wallwork

out that the evolution about

a .......

society as

in

Durkheim's

loosening

of

"a system of meaning"

the and

I