Identity and Witness: Syriac Christians of the Middle East and India between homeland and global presence 9781463245764

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Identity and Witness

Pro Oriente Studies in the Syriac Tradition

5 Series Editor Dietmar W. Winkler

Pro Oriente (Austria), founded in 1964 by the late Cardinal Franz König, focuses on the relationships between the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Christian Churches, and helps the various churches of the Syriac tradition to preserve their unique heritage which is of importance for the whole of Christianity.

Identity and Witness

Syriac Christians of the Middle East and India between homeland and global presence

Edited by

Dietmar W. Winkler Andreas Schmoller

gp 2023

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2023 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܙ‬

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2023

ISBN 978-1-4632-4570-2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preambles ................................................................................... vii Christoph Cardinal Schönborn ............................................ ix Kurt Cardinal Koch .............................................................. xi Pro Oriente President Alfons M. Kloss .............................. xiii Identity and Witness Editor’s Note .............................................. 1 Dietmar W. Winkler / Andreas Schmoller I SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SYRIAC TRADITION....................................... 5 Identity, Language, poetic Theology, Literature: What does this mean for the Diaspora? ............................................................ 7 Sebastian P. Brock The Significance of Syriac Christianity for Western Theology and Ecumenism .................................................................. 19 Dietmar W. Winkler Liturgy, Languages and Cultures in Different Contexts Today .. 39 Fr. B. Varghese II SOCIAL AND ECUMENICAL IMPLICATIONS..................................... 53 The Syriac Identity and its Relations with the Society of its Insertion ............................................................................. 55 Archbishop Paul Matar v

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Syriac Identity: Integration and Relations with the Society in India and in the Diaspora ................................................... 69 Philip Nelpuraparambil Syriac Identity in Ecumenical Context – Middle East and Diaspora Different Pastoral Experiences and Pastoral Agreements ....... 81 Bishop Antoine Audo SJ Syriac identity in Ecumenical context – India and diaspora Different Pastoral experiences and Pastoral Agreements: A Syrian Orthodox Perspective ........................................ 107 Mar Theophilose Kuriakose III SYRIAC WITNESS AND IDENTITY .............................................. 123 Believing and Belonging: Religious Identity in the Diaspora and the Role of the Church .............................................. 125 Andreas Schmoller Challenges for the Syriac Orthodox Church: Encounters with Secularism ........................................................................ 143 Naures Atto IV PRO ORIENTE ........................................................................ 161 Fifth Pro Oriente Colloquium Syriacum –Final Report ............. 163 Fifth Colloquium Syriacum Press Release ................................. 169 Fifth Colloquium Syriacum List of Participants ....................... 173

PREAMBLES

CHRISTOPH CARDINAL SCHÖNBORN The subject of this volume is of great current relevance: “Identity and Witness between homeland and global presence”. By emigration from their countries of origin and migration to Europe, Australia and the Americas, ancient Christian cultures from the cradle of Christianity have achieved global outreach. Here, these churches face at least two major challenges: On the one hand, to preserve their identity in order to pass on their rich spiritual and liturgical heritage to the whole of Christendom. On the other hand, they are confronted with a new culture of life and new ecumenical circumstances in the West. The present contributions and research help to preserve the essence of the Syriac tradition for the so-called diaspora and to help the faithful of these churches to find a new identity in the countries which have now become their new home. The churches of the Syriac tradition represent the unbroken heritage of early Christianity. Proclaiming this reality is a major focus of PRO ORIENTE’s engagement. Christoph Cardinal Schönborn Archbishop of Vienna President of the board of trustees of PRO ORIENTE

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KURT CARDINAL KOCH Pope Francis has expressed on several occasions that we can learn from the East. In fact, Christian dialogue is not merely a theoretical exercise but one in which we can learn from one another. Ecumenical visits, for example, provide an occasion not only for theological exchange but also create a culture of friendship in a spirit of brotherhood and evangelical fraternity. Orientale Lumen invites us to ‘listen to the churches of the East’, realizing that the Christian tradition of the West is ‘born and nourished by the same faith’. I wish to express appreciation of the large group of eminent scholars who guide research in the field of Syriac language and literature, patristic thought, liturgy and church history. Thanks to this research, lectures, conferences, the treasures of the Syriac tradition have become more widely accessible. In this way we are reminded that the Christian church reaches back not only to the ancient Greco-Roman world, but to the Syriac Orient, to the Christian tradition of the Aramaic-speaking population of the Byzantine and Persian empires and beyond. The Churches of the Christian Orient are also facing the tragic consequences of extremism and terrorism. We must continue to ask God’s mercy upon all those affected by this immense tragedy. I join you in prayer for the end of conflict in the countries in which these Churches have their roots: the Middle East and parts of Africa and Asia. I call to mind Metropolitan Mor Gregorios Ibrahim and Metropolitan Paul Yazigi, and the other bishops, priests, religious and faithful who have been victims of cruel kidnappings, hostages, or enslavement. May the intercession and example of the many martyrs and saints who have given courageous witness to Christ in all our Churches sustain and strengthen you and your Christian communities. Shared sufferings have brought Christians, otherwise divided in many things, closer to one anxi

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other. The ecumenism of martyrdom is a call to walk on the path towards full unity today. In the same way as the shedding of the blood of the martyrs has been said to have become the seed of new Christians in the early Church, today the blood of so many martyrs from all Churches becomes the seed of Christian unity, the sign and instrument of God’s kingdom of justice and peace, of grace and redemption. I especially thank the PRO ORIENTE Foundation for its efforts to promoting Christian unity within the ambit of a shared yearning to seek the riches of the Syriac tradition. United by one Baptism, we should walk together towards peace and harmony. Kurt Cardinal Koch President Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Vatican

PRO ORIENTE PRESIDENT ALFONS M. KLOSS The churches of the Syriac traditions have borne witness to the gospel since very early times in Church History. The circumstances, in which they have been called to do so have often been – and continue to be – challenging. Today it is indeed impressive to see how these churches have preserved their unique and very lively identity throughout history. Due to a number of violent conflicts in the 20th and 21st centuries, the Syriac churches had to face radical changes. Migration by many faithful from the homelands of these churches to countries in Europe and America as well as to Australia, has led to a global presence, which has brought new opportunities, but also new difficulties for their identity and witness. The dialogue with the churches of the Syriac traditions, which PRO ORIENTE started in 1994, has become a very important element in the activities of our foundation. The fifth volume of the PRO ORIENTE Studies in Syriac Tradition focuses on the current situation of the Syriac Churches in a globalized world. As the PRO ORIENTE Foundation, we will continue to support these churches in preserving their identity in their historical homelands, but also in the countries to which their faithful have migrated. I am confident that the academic expertise on these churches and traditions presented in this volume and the ongoing dialogue with them in the PRO ORIENTE “Forum Syriacum” will not only contribute to supporting these churches in preserving their unique identity, but also bring closer to one another churches of different traditions. Together, we are called to give witness to the gospel in the world of today – whatever the cultural, political, or socio-economic circumstances may be. “We are for diversity, because we are ultimately one”, is one of the central messages on the new PRO ORIENTE website. May xiii

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the readers of this volume discover more and more the richness of the diversity of traditions within the churches, and together with it, the unity in mission which shall inspire us every day! Alfons M. Kloss President, PRO ORIENTE Foundation, Austria

IDENTITY AND WITNESS EDITOR’S NOTE DIETMAR W. WINKLER / ANDREAS SCHMOLLER Identity has become a central theme within the globalized world, in politics as well as in the humanities. Christians who belong to one of the Syriac churches are not exempt from this. However, one could argue that “identity” as a concept is not central in religious language, or even more, is absent in the sphere of Christian faith. There, in fact, “believe” and “witness” build the core of religious reflection. Many traditions emphasize the universality of Christianity, which cannot be reconciled with the idea that being a Christian is tied to a particular language, nation, ethnicity, social class etc. This however does not change anything about the fact that in the history of nationalism and the formation of ethnic identities, religion or denomination has often been used as an identity marker to define groups. This applies to the formation of national churches in the Orthodox world as well as to the role of religious cultural heritage in the course of nation-building in the 19th and 20th century. Christianity also exists as an identity, which in a certain way can compete or even contradict the theological understanding of Christianity as witness. This is particularly so in the forms of sectarianism where the sociological group affiliation to Christianity or a specific Christian denomination is reduced to a question of the baptismal certificate, and thus a demarcation is established that divides people that may live in the same city or area. The 1

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policy of religious co-existence then becomes central for religious actors but by doing so the definition of Out- and In-group is perpetuated. Furthermore, one belongs to the group no matter what he/she actually believes. The sectarianized conflicts in the Middle East in past and present are exemplary in that respect. Unfortunately, in the West this usually still leads to the erroneous conclusion that these are religious conflicts or that religion is the prime factor for the unleashing of violence. And then: The question of who we are as a group arises with undiminished force wherever groups see their existence threatened, be it demographically, politically, linguistically, culturally or religiously. When the Fifth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum took place in Vienna, the future of Christians of Syriac churches in Syria and Iraq was threatened in its very existence. Syria was still a battlefield with high intensity war in many parts of its territory, and in northern Iraq the troops of the so-called “Islamic State” had not yet been driven out of the Christian heartlands. At the same time, established diaspora congregations of Syriac churches worldwide were preoccupied with the reception and integration of fellow believers who had recently fled the Middle East. To the previous questions of diaspora congregations, how the congregations should continue as groups, in the second and third generations, in the face of language loss, secularization, individualization, etc., came new challenges. First studies suggest that the main churches in the diaspora were pivotal in providing support, organizing social and economic integration and offering a “safe haven” for the refugees from the Middle East. Church leaders also were central in representing the diaspora communities with their worries and demands in the political and societal sphere. Although further research is required on the subject it seems obvious from this experience that identity is not only an issue of heritage that needs to be delivered from one generation to another but also of experiences of belonging in the present that fill the concept of identification with life. What is more, it becomes evident that diaspora churches for newly arriving refugees tend to be both religious and social places for their community members.

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But how should religious leaders deal with the fact that their churches are faith groups just as much as identity markers for groups? How should they behave in regard to issues of identity? This volume does not offer the all-encompassing answer to this central question, but it provides keys for reflection and discussion beyond the circle of clergy and theologians. The contributions come from church leaders representing their local church of Syriac tradition in the Middle East and India and scholars from the humanities who explore the multi-layered questions of identity in the homeland and around the globe. We have organised the book into three parts. The first part emphasises – with contributions by Sebastian Brock and Baby Varghese – the “Significance of the Syriac Tradition” while Dietmar W. Winkler points out the necessity of incorporating the Syriac and Oriental traditions into Western theology and church history. The second part on “Social and Ecumenical Implications” in relation to the Middle East, India and the Diaspora – with contributions from Archbishop Paul Matar, Philip Nelpuraparambil, Bishop Anoine Audo SJ and Mar Theophilose Kuriakose – brings detailed and insightful perspectives and information from the inside. The third part offers the necessary external perspectives on the topic of “Syriac Witness and Diaspora” – with profound academic studies by Andreas Schmoller and Naures Atto. For their preambles we would like to express our gratitude to Eminences Cardinal Kurt Koch and Cardinal Christoph Schönborn as well as to PRO ORIENTE President Alfons M. Kloss. Our thanks also go to the study assistants at the Department of Biblical Studies and Church History at the University of Salzburg, Mr. Thomas Winkler, who created an initial layout of the book, and Mr. Jan Philipp Stein for proofreading the book. Salzburg, May 2023

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IDENTITY, LANGUAGE, POETIC THEOLOGY, LITERATURE: WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR THE DIASPORA? SEBASTIAN P. BROCK

OXFORD / GREAT BRITAIN Questions such as these can be considered from two different viewpoints, ab extra and ab intra, from outside the community, and from within it. The replies may well be different, given the inevitably different perspectives. The following should be considered simply as some preliminary thoughts, whose aim is primarily to encourage further discussion. Each of the four topics is best taken separately, though the third, being consequent on the fourth, needs to be considered last.

1. IDENTITY

Identity is clearly the issue of prime importance throughout the diaspora, perhaps especially so in Europe, where the diaspora is of a more recent origin than is the case in the Americas. 1 The question of identity is intimately tied up with the question of name: how is the transition from Middle Eastern society to European society to be made, when for the former identity is by For the Syrian Orthodox, see especially B. ter Haar Romeny and others, ‘The formation of a communal identity among West Syriac Christians’, Church History and Religious Culture 89 (2009), pp. 1–52.

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religion and religious affiliation, while for the latter it is by nationality and/or by ethnicity (however this term is understood). On the arrival of an immigrant to a particular country, that person is faced with two immediate problems: (1) what should he/she call him/herself? And (2) what does officialdom of the host country call him/her?

In the former case there has grown up a wide choice of possibilities, which only partly will depend on the particular Syriac Church to which a person belongs; in the latter case, where officialdom has moved beyond characterising immigrants simply by their country of origin, it may have opted, as a result of past experience, for a term that is either unsuitable, or no longer always applicable. Where there is choice, the question of name is in many cases tied up with questions of language: a term may be linked to the language spoken by the individual; and a particular term may have different connotations, or forms, in different languages, thus adding to the potential confusion. As is well known, there are currently four main competing ethnic identities: Aramaean, Assyrian, Chaldean, and Syriac, and rivalry between them has led to a number of very unfortunate outcomes. Here I will simply comment briefly on each of these terms: Aramaean: for outsiders, this has the advantage of being a term familiar from the Bible, where on the one hand the Patriarchs had an Aramaean ancestry, and on the other hand, the Aramaean states of the early first millennium BC were rivals to the northern and southern Israelite states. The related term, Aramaic, for the language, covers a wide spectrum of dialects over time and space, one of which is Syriac, the traditional liturgical language of all the Syriac Churches. In Syriac literary sources the terms Aramaya/Oromoyo and Suryaya/Suryoyo are frequently seen as identical, often so for the language, and sometimes also as an ethnic term, thus providing a sound historical basis for ‘Aramaean’ as a modern ethnic term. 2 A well-documented apologia for the Aramean position is provided by Johny Messo, Arameans and the Making of ‘Assyrian’: The Last AramaicSpeaking Christians of the Middle East (Aramaic Press, Germany, 2017).

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Assyrian: this too has the advantage for outsiders as being a term very familiar from the Bible. The origins of the usage almost certainly go back to western missionaries working in the 19th century, 3 especially in the Urmia area. It was soon picked up in the late 19th and early 20th century as a convenient identity marker among intellectuals of the Church of the East and sometimes also among the Syrian Orthodox. It has an especial appeal to the more nationalistically-minded. In more recent times, too, it has proved very attractive to many as a very convenient, albeit problematic, ethnic identity term, and it is now part of the official name of one branch of the Church of the East. Originally largely confined to people of the Church of the East, it is currently adopted by many Syriac Orthodox as well. Misleadingly, and confusingly, ‘Assyrian’ is now also used of the Syriac language. Chaldean: The term, as used of members of the Syriac Churches in general, can be traced back to medieval western usage; today, however, this term is very largely confined to the Chaldean Catholic Church, although in India, for various historical reasons, ‘Chaldean’ refers to the Church of the East. In recent decades the combination ‘Assyro-Chaldean’ has come into common use as an ethnic identity term. Syriac: In earlier English usage the term ‘Syriac’ was confined to the language; since, however, the older ethnic term ‘Syrian’, applied to Christians of the Syriac Churches, has been taken over, and so effectively driven out, by the advent of the modern state of Syria, a need was felt to replace this older sense of ‘Syrian’ by something different; hence the adoption in the last few decades of ‘Syriac’ as an ethnic, as well as a linguistic term. In recent years, beginning in North America, ‘Syriac Orthodox’ is in the process of replacing ‘Syrian Orthodox’ in English-speaking usage. Since Syriac literature constitutes a large part of the cultural identity of all the Syriac Churches, this extension of usage seems entirely apt. For an important academic study on this emotive topic, see A. H. Becker, Revival and Awakening. American Evangelical Missionaries in Iran and the Origins of Assyrian Nationalism (Chicago, 2015). For the European diaspora, see especially N. Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, Orphans in the Diaspora. Identity Discourses among the Assyrian/Syriac Elites in the European Diaspora (Leiden, 2011). 3

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The choice of a particular term of ethnic identity is of course entirely a matter for each individual, and it is certainly not for outsiders to try to dictate one or other term. This, however, also applies to those within the communities, where sometimes there is the attempt to impose one or other term on everyone. As in ecumenical relations, where respect for the other is the essential starting point towards unity, so too here it is of utter importance that each side should respect, and so accept, the other. The variety of different ethnic terms in use indeed serves to reflect the simple fact that absolutely everyone is of mixed ancestry. Unity does not mean uniformity. (In parentheses, it might be noted that one way towards resolving the polarity between ‘Aramaean’ and ‘Assyrian’ is to observe that in the Late Assyrian Empire both groups were present and co-existed peacefully). It needs to be remembered, too, that a person may well have several different identities, each depending on a particular context. The ramifications of this are of less relevance here, and so passed over. Finally, in the context of PRO ORIENTE it is really superfluous to add one further matter concerning identity, it being well known that, in the more specific contexts of Church History and ecumenical relations, all the non-Chalcedonian Churches have in the past (and regrettably sometimes still in the present) been referred to by pejorative and misleading terms which had their origin in the polemical literature of the past, namely ‘Nestorian’ in the case of the Church of the East, 4 and ‘Monophysite’ in the case of the Oriental Orthodox Churches. Not least because both terms are capable of completely different understandings, and so are actively misleading, they need to be dropped from usage, both in ecumenical circles and in academic writing, and replaced by neutral terms, such as ‘East Syriac’ and ‘West Syriac’, or (in the case of the Oriental Orthodox Churches) ‘Miaphysite’ (thus pairing with ‘Dyophysite’). 5 See, for example, my ‘The “Nestorian” Church: a lamentable misnomer’, in J.F. Coakley and K. Parry (eds), The Church of the East: Life and Thought, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Manchester 78:3 (1996), pp. 22–35. 5 See the various articles on the term in the special section, entitled ‘Dibattito su “miafismo”’, in Cristianesimo nella Storia 37:1 (2016), pp. 5–51. 4

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2. LANGUAGE

Language is of course closely linked with identity, and the fact that Syriac, historically the prime cultural language of all the Syriac Churches, is a dialect of Aramaic, the language of Jesus, 6 is clearly not only a source of pride, but also a means of providing a link that will be meaningful with those in the different host countries who have no idea who these immigrants from the Middle East are, and all too often simply assume they are Muslims. While Syriac is a source of pride, it is also a source of practical problems which are shared with many other Churches, in that, as a liturgical language, it is no longer widely known. Various options are open to deal with this essentially pastoral problem, and here the experience of other Churches faced with similar problems could be instructive. A few of the various options may be singled out: (1) To translate part, or the whole, of the liturgical texts into the vernacular; this has been the practice among most of the Syriac Churches in India over the past half century or more, and it is of course also the case in the Roman Catholic Church since Vatican II. In the case of the Syriac Churches, the question of which vernacular to adopt arises: one of the Modern Aramaic dialects (discussed below), Arabic, or the vernacular of the host country? (2) To provide bilingual liturgical books, so that the services can be readily followed and understood by those who do not know Syriac. 7 This was the practice in the Roman Catholic The Syriac form of the Lord’s Prayer only differs in small details from the Palestinian Jewish Aramaic reconstruction of its original form by scholars (the only major difference lying in the different ways of understanding the obscure Greek word epiousios, rendered ‘daily’ in most western translations, but ‘of our need’ in the Peshitta. 7 As was done for the main liturgical books by the late Mor Athanasius Samuel in North America. Among the various bilingual Syriac-German editions, two by Joseph Önder might be mentioned, of the Anaphora of St James (2nd edition, Tübingen, 2015) and Die Feier der Krankensalbung (Qandilo) (Bar-Hebraeus Verlag, 2018). A Syriac-Dutch edition of the Anaphoras of St James and of Dionysius bar Salibi, with a valuable introduction by Kees den Biesen, and entitled Hemels Brood & geestelijke Drank, was published by the Bar Ebroyo Verlag, 2017. A notable achievement is G. Aydin’s Zmirotho d-‘idto b-nota/Syrian Hymnal (Cumberland RI, 2018), providing musical notation, Syriac text, transcription and 6

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Church before Vatican II. An added complication lies in the Syriac script: should it be kept in bilingual liturgical books, or should the Syriac be given in transcription, thus allowing much easier correlation of the translation to the words spoken in Syriac? (3) To adopt various compromises, such as reserving Syriac for the most solemn parts of the liturgy and the priest’s secret prayers, but otherwise employing the vernacular. 8 The case of liturgical lections is a little different, since the practice of oral translation of a Syriac written text into a modern dialect, such as Turoyo, has been in use for some time in the Middle East; in the diaspora, however, problems arise when a modern European language is used, for this will be taken from one of the various translations available of the Hebrew Old Testament and Greek New Testament, rather than from the traditional Syriac biblical text, the Peshitta. Although the differences will not be great, they may sometimes be significant. For English, the problem will now be solved with the publication of the bilingual Antioch Bible, a project master-minded by George Kiraz and published by the Gorgias Press. 9 Although Classical Syriac can still function well both as a literary language (‘Modern Literary Syriac’) and as a spoken language (kthobonoyo), its practical use is largely confined to small numbers of people, and most will prefer to use one or other of the Modern Aramaic dialects. In the case of these Modern Aramaic dialects, some will only be spoken and never written; others (like Sureth for Iraqi dialects) will have a long history of use as a written and literary language, as well as spoken; others again, like Turoyo, were in the past only spoken, but in recent years have come to be written and used for literary purposes. In the English translation. In Sweden, the bilingual edition of the Sheḥimo (Weekday Prayers), published in 2016 with translation by Johan Andersson, also deserves mention. 8 An unusual approach to the matter was provided by Mgr Pierre Gemayel who, as Maronite bishop in Cyprus, printed an edition (1993) of the main liturgical texts entirely in Greek script, but the languages remained Syriac and Arabic. 9 This has been published book by book, but now there is the complete bilingual New Testament (2020).

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particular case of Turoyo, a further question arises: what script to use? The Classical Syriac alphabet and script is not entirely well suited to the phonology of Turoyo; and if it is to be transcribed into the Latin alphabet, then what system of transliteration should be used? For the Christian dialects of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic, in Iraq and Iran, there has been a longer tradition of writing and new liturgical poetry is being written; a notable example of this is to be found in the soghyatha ‘suitable for daily use’ by the late Catholicos of the Church of the East, Mar Dinkha IV (1976–2015), published in the collection of liturgical texts for the Dominical Feasts, edited by Archdeacon Emanuel Youkhana. 10 These complications all represent difficulties which need to be surmounted in connection with the next practical question: what cultural language should each of the Syriac Churches seek to promote in educating the next generation in the Diaspora? The basic choices are three: Classical Syriac, one or other of the Modern Aramaic dialects, or the language of the host country (or indeed, the majority language of the country of origin, often Arabic). Each has advantages and disadvantages, all of which need identifying and weighing up. Thus, for example, although Classical Syriac provides the best continuity from a historical point of view, and it is of great importance that it should be preserved somewhere within the community, it is hardly a viable option from a purely practical point of view. The promotion of a modern Aramaic dialect is much more practicable, but here (and especially with Turoyo) there is very little by the way of literature to build on, and so there needs to be a considerable effort to build

See, for example vol. IV, ‘Eda qaddisha d-Sulaqeh d-Maran (Lebanon, 2012), pp. 118–30; cf. D.G. Malick, ‘Modern Assyrian hymns: the introduction of the vernacular in the liturgical services of the Church of the East’, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 17:1–2 (2013), pp. 159–96. For para-liturgical poetry from Iraq in Sureth, see A. Mengozzi and L.B. Ricossa, ‘The Cherub and the Thief on You Tube: an Eastern Christian liturgical drama and the vitality of the Mesopotamian Dispute’, Annali, Istituto Orientale di Napoli 73 (2013), pp. 49–65.

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up a body of literature in Turoyo. 11 The wholesale adoption of the language of the host country may be seen as the easiest and simplest of the options, but it would also greatly facilitate a rapid loss of any sense of identity, something that has been the sad experience especially in South America. It is in South America that a completely new situation, posing entirely different challenges, has arisen, thanks to creation, in March 2013 of the Syrian Orthodox Archdiocese of Gautemala, with a flock of some half a million people, the majority of Maya background. 12 This astonishing development had come about when a renewal movement led by Father Eduardo Aguirre Oestmann met the displeasure of the Roman Catholic authorities, a situation which in due course led to the incorporation of him and his followers into the Syrian Orthodox Church. One of the conditions for acceptance was that the diocese (under Bishop Aguirre) should gradually adopt the liturgical rites of the Syrian Orthodox Church, commencing with a mixed rite, incorporating both Western and Eastern elements, the text being provided by the Patriarchate. Since the local languages are Spanish and various Mayan ones, at present the use of Syriac language is restricted to certain of the priest’s prayers in the Anaphora, while for the laity Syriac is being introduced through the Lord’s Prayer. How all this will develop will be fascinating to observe.

3. POETIC THEOLOGY AND LITERATURE

For practical reasons, these two topics are most conveniently taken together, and in reverse order. Owing to the vagaries of history, Syriac literature has been transmitted to the 21st century

A start is already being made, a good example being the bilingual edition, German-Turoyo (in Syriac script), of Stefan Zweig’s Schachnovelle, translated by Zeki Bilgic (2014). Children’s literature is especially important; excellent examples include the Turoyo translation of Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s Le petit prince (Fulda, 2005), using both scripts, and stories (in Latin script) by Jan d-Beth Sawoce and others. 12 See A. Hager, ‘When Ephrem meets the Maya: defining and adapting the Syrian Orthodox tradition in Gautemala’, Hugoye 23:2 (2020), pp. 215–62. 11

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by two different paths, one for the Middle East, the other for Europe and the West. In the Middle East, most older Syriac writers ceased to be copied in full after about the eighth or ninth century, though sometimes they might survive just in excerpts (this is the case with Ephrem). 13 The climate of the Mesopotamian region is such that extremely few manuscripts earlier than the 11th or 12th century have been preserved up to the present day. By contrast, the dry climate of Egypt has allowed for the survival of many early Syriac manuscripts, a few dating as far back as the fifth century; this has been due to their presence in two Egyptian monasteries, St Catherine’s on Sinai, and Deir al-Surian in the desert between Cairo and Alexandria. Although St Catherine’s Monastery is today Greek-speaking, prior to the Ottoman period it was a multilingual and multicultural monastery, thanks to which fact the monastery has a large collection of Syriac manuscripts, many dating from within the first millennium AD. 14 Until the 17th century, when it became entirely Coptic Orthodox, Deir al-Surian had also had, since the 9th century, a prominent Syrian Orthodox presence, alongside the Coptic Orthodox. It so happened that in the early 10th century, the Abbot Mushe of Nisibis, had to spend some years in Baghdad sorting out the tax business of the Egyptian monasteries; while waiting for a response from the tax authorities he went around collecting up old manuscripts, eventually returning to his monastery with a collect of 250 manuscripts, all of course dated from earlier than the 10th century. 15 For the various ways in which the liturgical tradition has made use of isolated and scattered stanzas of Ephrem’s genuine poems, see my ‘The transmission of Ephrem’s madrashe in the Syriac liturgical tradition’, Studia Patristica 33 (1997), pp. 490–505, and A.M. Butts, ‘Manuscript transmission as reception history: the case of Ephrem the Syrian (d. 373)’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 25 (2017), pp. 281–306. 14 Since the Monastery has always been Chalcedonian Orthodox, the great majority of the Syriac manuscripts are of Melkite provenance (Syriac, alongside Greek and Arabic, was one of the liturgical languages in use in the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch until the early 17th century, when it was entirely replaced by Arabic). 15 For the significance of Abbot Mushe for our knowledge of Syriac literature, see my ‘Without Mushe of Nisibis where would we be? Some 13

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Although in the Middle Ages there was a lot of intercourse between Deir al-Surian and Syrian Orthodox monasteries in the Syriac heartlands of Mesopotamia, this ceased early in the Ottoman period; the Syriac manuscripts, however, remained in the Monastery, unused. This made it possible for the Vatican Library in the 18th century and the British Museum in the 19th century to buy up large quantities of these old manuscripts. It has been the contents of these two collections, described by Joseph Simon Assemani in his great tripartite work, the Bibliotheca Orientalis (1719–1728), 16 and by William Wright in his three-volume Catalogue of 1870–1872, 17 which have provided the main basis of knowledge about Syriac literature for all European scholars ever since. An often-forgotten consequence of this double transmission of Syriac literature is that Western scholars have had access to manuscripts containing early Syriac writers, many of whose works simply dropped out of circulation in the Middle East and so got largely forgotten within the Syriac Churches of the Middle East. By contrast, the literature which has been known, appreciated, and continuously transmitted since the Middle Ages within the different Syriac Churches was the literature of what has been called ‘Syriac Renaissance’, of the 12th/13th century, together with that of the following centuries right up to the present day; the only major earlier writer whose works continued to be copied was Jacob of Serugh. Thus today there are two different perceptions of what constitutes Syriac literature: put starkly, for Western scholars it is focused on the literature of the first millennium AD, whereas for those belonging to the Syriac Churches the focus is on the literature of the second millennium AD. In practice, virtually the only reflections on the transmission of Syriac literature’, Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56 (2004), pp. 15–24. 16 An English translation of the detailed Tables of Contents can be found in Parole de l’Orient 47 (2021), pp. 3–42. 17 For the collection of Syriac manuscripts (often very old) which remains at Deir al-Surian, cf. now L. van Rompay and S.P. Brock, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts and Fragments in the Library of Deir al-Surian, Wadi alNatrun (Egypt) (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 227; Leuven, 2014).

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area of overlap has been the authors of the Syriac Renaissance. There have, of course, been scholars in the Middle East, like the Patriarchs Rahmani and Barsaum, who have been well aware of the existence of writings from the earlier period, but their knowledge of them for the most part derived from manuscript and printed sources now in western libraries. What is needed, and indeed is already beginning to happen with the presence of diaspora communities in western countries, is a double process of enlargement of perspective, probably best achievable through university education in the West: for scholars from the Syriac Churches, this means a re-engagement with the earlier Syriac authors of the first millennium AD, while for Western scholars it means the broadening of their perception of the extent of Syriac literature, and the realization that it did not cease to exist from around the 14th century, but has continued without interruption to the present day. 18 Once one has in mind this twofold path by which Syriac literature has reached every one of us today, it is now possible to turn to the topic of Poetic Theology. The practitioners of Poetic Theology are essentially the great Syriac poets of the fourth to sixth centuries, and above all, Ephrem. In large part, it is thanks to the stimulus of Robert Murray’s Symbols of Church and Kingdom, published in 1975, that western scholars and theologians have come to recognize and appreciate the importance this Poetic Theology for the Christian tradition as a whole. 19 Since the poems of Ephrem in their complete form are only preserved in manuscripts of circa the 6th century, and have only become available in reliable editions, by Dom Edmund Beck OSB, in the course of the latter half of the 20th century, this resource still remains little known, both among western scholars and theologians, and perhaps R. Macuch’s Geschichte der spät- und neusyrischen Literatur (Berlin, 1976), based on the Histories of Syriac Literature by E. Barsaum and A. Abouna (in Arabic), and Pera Sarmas (in Modern Syriac), opened the window for western scholars on this more recent literature. 19 On a number of occasions I have indicated the importance for Christian tradition as a whole of this distinctive facet of the ‘Syriac Orient’; cf. for example, ‘The two poles of Syriac tradition’, in Homage to Mar Cariattil (Rome, 1987), pp. 58–62, and ‘The Syriac Orient: a third ‘lung’ for the Church?’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 71 (2005), pp. 5–20. 18

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especially amongst those of the Syriac Churches, whose traditional access to this Poetic Theology has been essentially mostly through the works of Jacob of Serugh (who indeed happens to be an excellent expositor of themes initiated by Ephrem). 20 To the wider public, both western and among the diaspora communities, the very existence (let alone the significance) of this Poetic Theology is largely unknown. 21 Clearly herein lies an important cooperative task for the future on the part of both western scholars and those from the Syriac Churches to make this valuable feature of the Syriac tradition more widely known.

20 Notable contributions in the study of the symbolic theology of both Ephrem and Jacob have been made by the Maronite scholar Tanios Bou Mansour, in his La pensée symbolique de saint Éphrem le Syrien (Kaslik, 1988), and La théologie de Jacques de Saroug, I–II (Kaslik, 1993, 2000). 21 The significance and relevance of the symbolic language, especially of poetry, has recently been recognized by the Pontificio Consiglio per la Promozione della Nuova Evangelizzazione which promoted a conference on the subject at the Pontifical Oriental Institute in Rome (2020), the papers of which are now published, ed. M. Pamploni, L’Immagine nella Parola, la Parola nell’Immagine. Indagini polifoniche sul linguaggio simbolico (Rome, 2021).

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY FOR WESTERN THEOLOGY AND ECUMENISM DIETMAR W. WINKLER SALZBURG / AUSTRIA

In an age of global interconnectedness and migration, of intercultural and interreligious exchange and after more than half a century of ecumenical dialogue, theology and church history are challenged anew. Whereas the partial insularity of the churches had previously led to different church histories, it is time now to ask which history of which church in which context is to be dealt with, researched and, not least, taught? A denominational writing of church history in a pluralistic world can no longer be justified. For quite some time now, the various church traditions have no longer lived in closed homogeneous spaces, but rather, so to speak, next door to each other. In quantitative terms, it is also the case for the churches of the Orient that, due to the instability of the political and economic situation in the countries of origin, more Christians of Oriental traditions live in the so-called West (Europe, North and South America, Australia) than for instance in the Middle East. The existence of Oriental churches, which in the past were largely ignored by Western theological consciousness due to geographical distance, should now actually reveal the potential of the wealth of Christian traditions. Yet Western academic theology 19

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often remains within its own denominational sphere. And this although ecumenical exchange and dialogue has already existed for decades. In the following, the Catholic approach will be used to show that Western church historiography and theology essentially need to be complemented. This implicitly brings an answer to the question “Does the West need the Christianity of the East?” This reverses the usual view in the West, which assumes that the Christians of the Orient need us, because of migration and conflicts in their homelands. I do not simply mean the fact that the cradle of Christianity is in the Orient and that the churches of the West therefore need the Orient existentially. Rather, I want to ask: “Does Western theology of today need the theology of the Orient?” In the following, I would like to suggest some basic observations. 1

OBSERVATION 1: CHRISTIANITY IS PLURAL FROM THE VERY BEGINNING

Looking at the churches of the Orient requires an overdue change of perspective. 2 Our idea of the early spread of Christianity is strongly influenced by the map of Paul’s missionary journeys, which can be found in every standard translation of the Bible. It shows the way of Christianity to the West and to Europe. The terms Eastern and Western Church go back to the Roman Empire and its division in the 4th century. In terms of liturgical history and cultural language, we can therefore speak of a “Latin” occidental West and a “Byzantine” (Orthodox) East. The Christian Orient with its Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian and Syrian traditions is left out. The map of Europe is not sufficient for the history of early Christianity; we have to shift the map, so to speak, to 1 Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, „Die Bedeutung des orientalischen Christentums für die westliche Theologie und Ökumene,“ in: Catholica(M) 76 (2022) 198–211. 2 Concerning these considerations cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, „Grenzlinien und Aufbrüche in der eurozentrischen Kirchengeschichtsschreibung: Beobachtungen und Fallbeispiele“, in: Franz Gmainer-Pranzl/Angelika Schottenhammer (eds.), Wissenschaft und globales Denken. Frankfurt a.M. 2016 (Salzburger interdisziplinäre Diskurse 7), 291–315.

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include these cultural areas. And if we add the spread of SyriacAramaic Christianity, which reached the Chinese imperial court of the Tang dynasty along the Silk Roads as early as the 7th century and experienced amazing processes of inculturation into Chinese, Uyghur, Sogdian-Iranian and Mongolian cultures, 3 then not only does the map need to be expanded, but you may be able to grasp how much of church history and theology we are missing. This Eurocentric perspective of church historiography and theology is highly regrettable, for it not only negates rich Christian cultures, traditions and spiritualities, but also their theological approaches. Christianity has shown itself to be plural from the beginning and has spread to East and West. The root of a limited church-historical perspective already lies in antiquity. Even the first process of inculturation, from the Aramaic to the Greek language area, is an indication of this. For although the Gospel originated in the Semitic-Aramaic environment and there has been a continuous Christian Aramaic tradition throughout history – as we encounter it in the various churches of Syriac tradition – this has receded into the background and been consistently forgotten in theological discourse. Sebastian Brock has attributed this several times to the perspective of Eusebius of Caesarea († 339) and his Historia Ecclesiastica, who as court historian of Emperor Constantine undertook an account of the oikumene of the Roman Empire. 4 This subsequently led to a considerable focus on Europe. Also, the Christological controversies of the 5th century made the “Oriental Orthodox Churches” of the Copts, Syrians, Armenians, Ethiopians and Indians, as well as the so-called Church of the East, appear heretical to the West. As a result, these branches of Christianity were soon marginalised in history and moved away from the general ecclesiastical awareness. In European academic theology, the ancient traditions of the Orient, Asia and Africa were thus disregarded. There was a concentration on the Latin West and the Greek (Byzantine) East. For an introduction, cf. Wilhelm Baum/Dietmar W. Winkler, The Church of the East. A concise history. London/New York 2003. 4 Cf. Sebastian Brock, “Relevance of Syriac Studies”, in: The Harp 1 (1988) No. 2/3, 10–12; Idem., “The Importance and Potential of SEERI in an International Context”, in: The Harp 10 (1997) No. 1/2, 45–50. 3

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Oriental languages such as Syriac, Coptic, Armenian and Arabic were taught more in faculties and institutes of Oriental studies or philology and less in theological institutions. Since Syriac literature, which in its scope and diversity need not spare comparison with Latin and Greek ancient writing, comprises almost exclusively religious writings, the study of Syriac Christianity has been detached from the teaching institutions of the other two Christian traditions (Catholic/Protestant and Byzantine Orthodox). However, to access the spiritualities, cultures, traditions, liturgies and theologies, linguistic competence is essential. Much is still hidden in the boundless sea of Oriental Christian manuscripts, awaiting indexing and editing and could enrich current theological discourses (such as theological treatises in Christian-Muslim dispute). In the 20th century, the Eurocentric perspective of Eusebius was occasionally overcome and the ecumenical dialogues of the present brought both the Oriental Orthodox Churches and the Church of the East back into view. Historically, it is not Europe, Rome, Constantinople or Wittenberg that should be placed at the centre, but Jerusalem and Antioch.

OBSERVATION 2: WESTERN CHURCH HISTORIOGRAPHY AND THEOLOGY HAS A LIMITED PERSPECTIVE

For centuries, the study of history has suffered from a self-referential perspective. While in history as an academic discipline of the humanities, tendencies towards a global history can be discerned since some decades, 5 the academic field of ecclesiastical history mostly still dwells in Eurocentric perspectives. However, since periodizations in global history also adhere to traditional patterns (e.g., ancient, medieval, modern period), the persistence of European historical models is also evident here. This shows that a deconstruction of Eurocentric perspectives does not simply

Cf. e.g. Andrea Komlosy, Globalgeschichte. Methoden und Theorien. Wien 2011; Sebastian Conrad, Globalgeschichte. Eine Einführung. München 2013; Michael Borgolte, Die Welten des Mittelalters. Globalgeschichte eines Jahrtausends. München 2022.

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mean an opening up in terms of content, but must rather be committed to fundamental epistemological concepts. This Eurocentric perspective of the conception of history is particularly evident in the portrayals of the history of Christianity, which moreover proves not infrequently to be a denominationally bound historiography. Further, research on the social and cultural history of Eastern Christianity is hardly anchored outside theological faculties and its subject of church history and thus not connected to current developments in the humanities. 6 Perspectives and approaches of a global history concept 7 seem to be almost utterly absent in the European Catholic and Protestant academic milieu. This is already evident in the early phase, i.e., the spread in Late Antiquity, where the focus is on the Greco-Roman world of the Mediterranean. Not only does this coincide with what was historically known as (Late) Antiquity, but this picture is, as mentioned above, strongly influenced by the map of Paul’s missionary journeys, which, however, shows where Christianity was heading westwards and into Europe. This, however, promoted the idea that Christianity and its history had developed in the West alone and had presumptively only reached Asia and Africa in the age of colonisation and imperialism. Furthermore, this perspective completely disregards the simultaneous spread of Christianity in the Middle East and beyond. This view becomes even more striking in the (European) Middle Ages, which in the major philosophical concepts of history of the 18th to 20th centuries, among novelists and political strategists, is even referred to as a “Christian Middle Age” or a “Christian Occident”, even though it never existed in such a way. In other words, Western church history and profane history are interwoven and become structure-forming in historiography.

6 Michael Marx/Johannes Pahlitzsch/Dorothea Weltecke, „Östliches Christentum in Geschichte und Gegenwart – Perspektiven und Hindernisse der Forschung, in: Der Islam 88 (2012) 1–10, here 2. 7 Cf. e.g., Peter N. Stearns, “Periodization in World History: Challenges and Opportunities”, in: R. Charles Weller (ed.), 21st-Century Narratives of World History: Global and Multidisciplinary Perspectives. London 2017, 83– 110.

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With the dawn of the European Middle Ages, Western church historiography experienced its further narrowing and even begins to exclude large parts of European Christianity that were still a common part of history in Greco-Roman antiquity. The eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire begin to go their own ways under the pressure of the so-called migration period and the emerging cultures of the Germanic, Slavic, and Arabic peoples. In the West, the ancient heritage had to be passed on to the RomanoGermanic peoples, while the Eastern Roman Empire was continued and called the “Byzantine Empire”. However, the term “Byzantium” represents a construct of Western historiography to cement the claim of the “Holy Roman Empire” to the (ancient) Imperium Romanum through the construction of a renovatio and translatio imperii. From then on, Western church historiography of the Middle Ages speaks of Christian Europe, the Carolingians and the papacy, the Gregorian reform and the Investiture controversy, etc., while Byzantine Orthodox church history is faded out and disappears from the consciousness of the ecclesial medievalist. Until today, in the Western university education system, the European East is not really integrated into the historical sciences, but is assigned to institutes for Byzantine studies, Slavic studies, etc. Only in chapters such as the Crusades does the East appear briefly, as it does in various councils of union of the Middle Ages. The Oriental churches seem to have ceased to exist for Western church historiography anyway and to have fallen victim to Islamisation. The continued existence of these churches beyond the theological mainstream of Rome and Byzantium is largely ignored. Demography, however, speaks a different language. At the end of the 7th century, when the Omayyad Empire reached its greatest extent, reaching across North Africa to Spain and meeting the Catholic World in the West, only about 5% of the population in the Middle East was Muslim. As late as around 1000, the majority was Christian. After the Arab conquest, from the 7th to the 11th century, about 50% of Christians lived under Muslim rule. During this

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time, the Muslims in the caliphate, whether in Syria, Palestine, Egypt or Mesopotamia, were by no means the majority. 8 The fact that medieval scholasticism with Bonaventure, Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas was only able to accomplish its theological achievements because Syrian Christians at the court of the caliph in Baghdad translated almost all Greek knowledge into Arabic, thus enabling Arab philosophers such as Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna) and Ibn Rushd (Averroes) to receive Aristotle and thereby bringing Aristotle into scholasticism, is not worth mentioning in Catholic textbooks on dogma and church history. The emergence of a rich Christian-Arab literature in the Middle Ages as well as the strategies developed in Christian-Muslim theological discourse remain unknown to Western church history and theology; nothing is known of the Syriac Renaissance in the 13th century, which produced the counterpart to the genius of Albertus Magnus († 1280) in Gregory Abu’l Faraj, called Bar Hebraeus († 1286). 9 As a further restriction, the beginning of the modern era should be briefly mentioned here. The Reformation – Luther, Calvin, Zwingli – is indeed dealt with in Catholic church historiography, but afterwards the historiographical narrative is consistently continued with the Catholic reform; the further history of the Reformation churches is left out, as are the “Old Catholics” who were dropped after the First Vatican Council. Although it is not the subject of this essay, it should illustrate the narrowing of the perspective. Certainly, there are also newer approaches to church history that already seek to make it discernible with their titles that the integration of ecumenical presuppositions and non-European perspectives is a concern, such as “A World History of Christianity”, 10 “History of the World Christian Movement”, 11 “A Global History 8 Cf. Sidney H. Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque. Christian and Muslims in the World of Islam. Princeton 2010, 11f. 9 Cf. Herman Teule/C. Fotescu Tauwinkl, The Syriac Renaissance (Eastern Christian studies 9). Leuven 2010. 10 Adrian Hastings (ed.), A World History of Christianity. London 1999. 11 Dale T. Irvin/Scott W. Sunquist, History of the World Christian Movement. Maryknoll/NY 2001.

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of Christians”. 12 Klaus Koschorke, a pioneer of “non-European church history” (“außereuropäische Kirchengeschichte”) 13 in the German-speaking world, developed the approach of polycentric structures in the global history of Christianity and thus a further model for the study of the history of Christendom. However, even though Koschorke refers in particular to India and Ethiopia and the volume “Phases of Globalization in the History of Christianity” 14 contains three brief contributions on the “East-Syrian-Nestorian Church of the East as a continental network of the 13th/14th century”, this area of early and pre-modern Christianity remains highly underexposed. It might be said that the main focus of research on the so-called non-European history of Christianity lies in more modern times. 15 In this context, the ongoing DFG (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft) research group on “Polycentricity and Plurality of Christianities” must also be mentioned, the aim of which is to recast the diversity of Christianities terminologically as well as conceptually and to design a model that fundamentally expands the notions of historical dynamics in the Middle Ages and early modern period. 16

Paul R. Spickard/Kevin M. Cragg, A Global History of Christians. Grand Rapids 1999; Frederick W. Norris, Christianity. A Short Global History. Oxford 2002; Dyron B. Daughrity, The Changing World of Christianity. The Global History of a Borderless Religion. New York 2010. 13 It should be noted here only marginally that the term “non-European church history” also remains unsatisfactory, as it already assumes a certain historical perspective. 14 Klaus Koschorke (ed.), Etappen der Globalisierung in christentumsgeschichtlicher Perspektive/Phases of Globalization in the History of Christianity (Studien zur Außereuropäischen Christentumsgeschichte 19). Wiesbaden 2012. 15 Cf. for example the newly published textbook by Klaus Koschorke, Grundzüge der Außereuropäischen Kirchengeschichte. Asien, Afrika und Lateinamerika 1450-2000. Tübingen 2022, which is a splendid synthesis of his research, yet focuses on Africa, Asia and Latin America in the modern period. 16 The project has been managed by Dorothea Weltecke and Birgit Emich, cf. https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/439742357?findButton=historyCall&index=0&orderBy=gz&predefinedSearch=KFG (accessed January 17, 2023) 12

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As positive attempts at a reassessment of the history of Christianity one may further highlight, among other things, the “Cambridge History of Christianity”, of which two volumes programmatically run under the plural title “World Christianities”, 17 while the first volume correctly points out “Regional Varieties of Christianity in the first three Centuries” 18 (Asia Minor, Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, Gaul, North Africa, Rome) and the second volume Western, Germanic, Celtic, Greek, early Asian and African “Christianities”. 19 The monumental French project “Histoire du Christianisme” is likewise an enormous achievement in research and synthesis. 20 However, Western periodization is also used here and the history of Oriental Christianity is seen as a special case and peripheral, while the core of the history of Christianity is seen in the Latin and occasionally in the Greek realm. 21 There are considerable deficits in Western academic church history writing and research. We are only at the beginning of an integrated history of Christianity that overcomes a Europe-centred view of church history shaped over centuries. 22 In addition to the narrow Western perspective of historical writing, Oriental Christianities and Churches were linked to theological disputes within the Roman Empire and labelled as heretical. In western Systematic Theology and Church History, the Oriental Churches – both, the so-called “Nestorian” and the so-called Sheridan Gilley/Brian Stanley (eds.), World Christianities c. 1815 – c. 1914 (Cambridge History of Christianity 8). Cambridge 2006; Hugh McLeod (ed.), World Christianities c. 1914 – c. 2000 (Cambridge History of Christianity 9). Cambridge 2006. 18 Margaret M. Mitchell/Francis D. Young 2006 (eds.), Christianity: Origins to Constantine (Cambridge History of Christianity 1). Cambridge 2006, 293–412. 19 Augustine Casiday/Frederick W. Norris (eds.), Christianity: Constantine to c. 600 (Cambridge History of Christianity 2). Cambridge 2007, 7–148. 20 J.-M. Mayeur/Ch. et L. Petri/A. Vauchez/M. Paris Venard (eds.), Histoire du Christianisme des origines à nos jours. Paris 1991–2004. 21 Dorothea Weltecke, Jenseits des „Christlichen Abendlandes“. Grenzgänge in der Geschichte der Religionen des Mittelalters (Konstanzer Universitätsreden 238). Konstanz 2010, 9f. 22 Klaus Koschorke, „Globale Perspektiven der Christentumsgeschichte“, in: Idem. (ed.), Etappen der Globalisierung in christentumsgeschichtlicher Perspektive/Phases of Globalization in the History of Christianity, 6. 17

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“Monophysite” Churches – are often “straw men” knocked down early in a chapter on Christology. Latin and Greek theologians regarded them as heterodox. Thus, they were not only marginalised for the aforementioned reasons of a restricted historical perspective, but also excluded from the mainstream of church history for theological reasons. The ecumenical relationships and dialogues of the present have at the same time changed the framework conditions in this respect, to which church history has not yet reacted. 23 Embracing a new perspective is not only a matter of historical accuracy but also a necessity of current ecumenical realities.

OBSERVATION 3: THE NEGATION OF WHOLE BRANCHES OF CHRISTIANITY HAS AN IMPACT ON THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION

The example of Christian antiquity will be used here to illustrate the shaping of theological reflection in different cultural and linguistic contexts, because our thinking and our understanding of our own history are closely linked to our language and our culture. Language and cognition interact. 24 In Christian theology and ecclesiastical historiography, we have had a focus on the Greco-Latin world from the very beginning. Undoubtedly, the dogma of the early Church – Trinitarian theology, Christology – was also elaborated and expressed by means of Greek language and philosophy. Christianity, which was advancing into the Hellenistic world, was confronted with a rich philosophical tradition. If the nascent Church of the Roman Empire wanted to survive in this environment, it had to arrive at a Dietmar W. Winkler, „Theologische Herausforderung durch historische Erkenntnis. Anmerkungen zur Aufgabe von Patrologie und Kirchengeschichte“, in: Franz Gmainer-Pranzl / Gregor M. Hoff (eds.), Das Theologische der Theologie. Wissenschaftstheoretische Reflexionen – methodische Bestimmungen – disziplinäre Konkretionen. Innsbruck/Wien 2019 (Salzburger Theologische Studien 62), 71–88. 24 Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, „Pluralismus christologischer Sprache im antiken Christentum. Griechische Spekulation, lateinische Pragmatik und orientalische Metaphorik“, in: Religionen unterwegs 14 (2008) Nr. 2, 11– 17. 23

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clear terminological definition for this geographical area in its reflection on Jesus Christ. The amazing achievement of transferring the contents of the new faith, which began in the Aramaic-speaking Jewish context, into the Hellenistic sphere would today be called “inculturation”. In certain constellations, these Greek technical terms received their special validity through the decisions of the early church synods of the Roman Empire. But does the Greek terminology therefore have a normative character? This can hardly be affirmed by a serious theologian today, since the comprehension of revealed truth requires a legitimate theological pluralism. On the contrary, it is necessary to unearth those theological and historical treasures that have been buried through the centuries due to all too hasty condemnations, because they were viewed primarily from the narrow perspective of the later historical development of Christianity in the Greco-Latin speaking and cultural area. Thus, by the 4th century at the latest, at least two very different models of theological discourse existed side by side: the Greek-speaking one, which began to appropriate the analyticalspeculative tools of their philosophical environment; and the Syriac-speaking one, which was suspicious of terminological fixation and definition, since such a corset was seen as constricting the mystery of faith and consequently seen as inadequate. Early Syriac theology in particular shows this poetic language in a variety of images and symbols whose energy lies in poetics, paradox and metaphor. 25 Aphrahat the Persian Sage († after 345), and Ephrem the Syrian († 373), are two outstanding examples. Aphrahat the Persian Sage, the author of 23 teachings (demonstrationes) dealing with a variety of religious topics, developed as a theologian outside the Roman Empire, apart from the Greco-Roman world. He remained untouched by Western influences and developed his understanding of Christ in the SemiticOriental milieu. Although he was literarily active for more than a decade after the Council of Nicaea (325), he shows no knowledge Cf. among others Robert Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom. A Study in Early Syriac Tradition. Cambridge 1975.

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of the theological discussion about Arianism in the Roman Empire. Unburdened by the homoousios, he developed a rich symbolism of Christ; over a hundred Syriac names for Christ can be found in his teachings. Aphrahat utilized a substantial Christology of names. Ephrem the Syrian, the most elegant of the Syrian authors, knew how to clothe his theological insights in poetic language. He is rightly considered the greatest poet of the patristic period and, too, shows hardly any points of contact with the thinking of Greek-Latin theology. He was born outside the Greek cultural sphere and probably never learned Greek. He approached the mystery of Christ in an analogous way and developed a Christology of names with an even more astonishing richness than Aphrahat. The poetic theology of the Syrian Church Fathers is opposed to a tenuous rationalism that seeks to grasp the mystery of God terminologically. Against this, they set the power of the symbol and the names. In the 2nd Hymn de Fide, Ephrem the Syrian has passed down the following statement with regard to Greek philosophy: “Blessed is he who has not tasted the poison of the wisdom of the Greeks!” 26

OBSERVATION 4: THE EXCLUSION OF WHOLE BRANCHES OF CHRISTIANITY HAS THEOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES AND REDUCES THE THEOLOGICAL POTENTIALITIES

Theologically, this suppression means that we perceive the inculturation process of Christianity only in a monocausal way, in the westwards sense. However, Christianity is universal and plural. A whole set of examples could be given to illustrate that the inclusion of oriental traditions is an added value for western theology. This is also expressed in the current ecumenical dialogues with the churches of the Orient. A detailed examination of the theological consequences is not the task of this article, but the brief Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, „‘Glücklich, wer nicht gekostet hat das Gift der Weisheit der Griechen!‘ Griechische Logos-Spekulation und syrische Poesie als patristische Denkmodelle der Menschwerdung“, in: Hansjörg Hofer et al. (eds.) Vernunft und Glauben: Gottessuche heute. Salzburg 2016, 115–137. 26

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sketch may suffice to point out potentials and to stimulate further thinking. a. Eucharistic theology

In the context of the Assyrian/Chaldean-Catholic dialogue, “Guidelines for Admission to the Eucharist between the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East” were already published in 2001. 27 This permits Chaldean Catholics to enter into Eucharistic communion with Assyrians where the diaspora situation makes mutual sacramental support sensible and necessary. This practical and pastoral arrangement to have communion in sacramental life is outstanding in that it involves a significant liturgical-theological aspect. The problem lay in the fact that the most commonly used Eucharistic Prayer in the East Syriac tradition (to which Assyrians and Chaldeans, among others, belong), the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, does not have a Eucharistic institution narrative. Since for the Catholic Church the institution narrative is a constitutive part of the Canon of the Mass, it was inserted into this Eucharistic Prayer in the context of the union with the Chaldeans in the 16th century. For Catholic theology, the question of the validity of a Eucharistic prayer without institution narrative is thus virulent. Historical, theological and liturgical studies have clearly shown that the Anaphora of Addai and Mari is one of the most ancient liturgical prayers in which a tradition has been preserved that no longer exists in other churches. In January 2001, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith recognised this anaphora without institution narrative as a valid Eucharistic prayer, and Pope John Paul II approved this decision. Thus, something theologically significant has happened: For it is officially recognised that Christ is made present in the gifts of bread and wine not exclusively through a particular formula, but through a whole celebration that makes present the Last Supper and the mysterium Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, “The Ecumenical Context of the Agreement on the Anaphora of Addai and Mari”, in: Caesare Giraudo (ed.), The Anaphoral Genesis of the Institution Narrative in Light of the Anaphora of Addai and Mari. Acts of the International Liturgy Congress, Rome 25–26 October 2011 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 295). Rome 2013, 28–34. 27

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paschale. This also challenges Western sacramental theology, which developed the idea of materia, forma and substantia. It should be noted additionally that the Chaldean and SyroMalabar churches – the two churches of East Syrian tradition in communion with Rome – have in use, apart from the anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Mari, the anaphoras of Nestorius and Theodore of Mopsuestia. These Catholic churches thus use Eucharistic Prayers named after two bishops who were condemned by the imperial councils of Ephesus (431) and Constantinople (553). De facto, one could speak of an implicit rehabilitation of the orthodox theology of those who were condemned by these councils. b. Sacramental Theology

Over the centuries, the Catholic Church, especially through the preparatory work of scholastic theologians of the Middle Ages and due to the shock of the Reformation, has specified its sacrament theology at the Council of Trent and also defined the number “seven”. The Assyrian Church of the East also has “seven” sacraments – the number has been adopted through encounter between East and West 28 – but a different list, namely that of the 14th century East Syriac theologian ‘Abdisho‘ bar Brikha († 1318): 1. priesthood, 2. baptism, 3. oil of unction, 4. body and blood of Christ, 5. absolution, 6. the holy leaven, 7. the sign of the cross. The official dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East adopted a joint document on “Sacramental Life” in 2017. The document states: During many centuries, due to massive and sometimes very painful historic situations, the Church of the East could not communicate in a normal way with the rest of Christianity, situated within the Greco–Roman area. Some later developments in sacramental theology and practice, which gradually were adopted in the Greco–Roman area, did not affect the Assyrian Church of the East. Remaining extremely faithful to its Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, “Theological Transfer: How Did Monks from China Influence East Syriac Sacramental Theology?”, in: Li Tang / Dietmar W. Winkler (eds.), Winds of Jingjiao. Studies on Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia. (orientalia – patristica – oecumenica vol. 9). Vienna 2016, 407–417. 28

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proper apostolic origins, however, the Assyrian Church of the East conserved and developed its sacramental patrimony, stemming from the apostolic age. This patrimony represents a unique source and testimony for the whole Church. 29

This insight of a plural development challenges Western Catholic sacramental theology, which refers to the Council of Trent, as does the final statement of this document: While celebrating sacramental rites according to different liturgical and cultural traditions, in essence, they both share the same sacramental faith and the same sacramental life. Their sacramental rites can therefore be considered as complementary expressions of a unique divine reality, unfolding its wonderful richness in a diversity of ecclesial traditions. The principle of unity in diversity can thus be applied, not only regarding the formulation of doctrine, but also regarding the celebration of sacramental life in both the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East. 30

c. Ecclesiology and Primacy

The Oriental Orthodox Churches have different cultural and liturgical traditions and yet are in full sacramental and Eucharistic communion. They see themselves as an “Oriental Orthodox family of churches”. This term is taken from the structure of the Middle East Council of Churches, whose member churches are divided into church families. Even though “church family” is not an ecclesiologically established term, the fact of this communion is most interesting. For unlike the autocephalous Orthodox churches of Byzantine tradition, there is no primus inter pares here. This corresponds to the early church structures before the concept of pentarchy emerged within the Roman Imperial Church and the Joint Committee for Theological Dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, Common Statement on Sacramental Life (24 November 2017), VII. Conclusions, http://www.christianunity.va/content/unitacristiani/it/dialoghi/sezione-orientale/chiesaassira-dell-oriente/commissione-internazionale-di-dialogo-tra-la-chiesacattolica-e-/documenti/2017-dichiarazione-comune-sulla--vita-sacramentale--/testo-in-inglese1.html (accessed June 1, 2023). 30 Ibid. 29

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Justinian legislation. Thus, in 2015, the official Catholic/Oriental Orthodox dialogue adopted a remarkable consensus document on church unity, which clearly demonstrates that many of the relationships that expressed communion in the first five centuries still exist today, despite the present divisions. It further states: What is particularly impressive and striking is the degree of communion that existed in a movement that lacked central direction after several hundred years of Christian expansion throughout the Roman Empire and beyond. By the middle of the 3rd century most of the Christian communities were in communion with one another. The need for communion is realized through a process of sharing, giving and taking among the local churches. 31

An astonishingly dense network of relationships of the first centuries could be worked out, showing how the different churches of the East and the West were in full unity even without a single structural centre, i.e., showing how hierarchically constituted churches with bishops in apostolic succession of the most diverse traditions, cultures and spiritual expressions could be in full communion. Is it possible that what was sufficient for church unity for centuries in the past can also be a model for today? In the course of our studies and dialogue, we realized that communion is multidimensional and may not be reduced only to an official, hierarchical communion. We learned that Communion is expressed in various and distinctive ways by mutual responsibility, in the exchange of letters and visits, in liturgy and prayer, through common witness and martyrdom, in monasticism and veneration of saints. 32

International Joint Commission for Theological Dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Oriental Orthodox Churches, The Exercise of Communion in the Life of the Early Church and its Implications for Our Search for Communion Today, pt 16 (cf. http://www.christianunity.va/content/unitacristiani/en/dialoghi/sezione-orientale/chiese-ortodosse-orientali/commissione-mista-internazionale-per-il-dialogo-teologico-trala/documenti-di-dialogo/testo-in-inglese.html, accessed June 17, 2023) 32 Ibid, pt 3. 31

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If these findings are taken seriously, they are certainly relevant for today’s discussion on primacy. d. Synodality

A final example that may show Oriental theology as complementary to the Western tradition and where mutual learning from each other can take place is to be mentioned with Synodality, which has been intensively discussed in the Catholic Church through the process initiated by Pope Francis. The Oriental churches have different interesting participatory experiences and synodal structures. Church decisions are made at various levels with the involvement of non-clerics (both men and women). For example, in the last Coptic papal election, about 2,500 eligible voters – more than half of them lay people, including about five per cent women – gathered in Cairo’s St Mark’s Cathedral to elect the final three papal candidates from a list of bishops. 33 This list of candidates was previously drawn up by the Holy Synod, the Synod of Monks, the dioceses and a lay body (the so-called Millet Council). From the list of three, a child finally drew the lot with the name of the future Pope in front of the assembly of the faithful. This also consciously gives space to the work of the Holy Spirit; a purely ecclesiastical political imposition of a candidate is not possible. Equally participatory, albeit with different accents, is the Armenian Apostolic Church, for instance, in the election of its head. Another example is the Malankara Association, the highest representative body of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church in India. Its 2,500 members are mostly lay people, as not only the entire Synod of Bishops is represented, but also each parish with one priest and two lay people. All these are structures hardly familiar in the churches of the West. Elements of early church

33 Vgl. dazu Dietmar W. Winkler, „Papstwahl per Losentscheid. Orthodoxe Perspektiven zur Synodalität“, in: Herder Korrespondenz 76 (2022) 25–26.

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synodal practice have been preserved and adjusted to the respective temporal and socio-cultural circumstances. 34

CONCLUSION

The Oriental churches, which have a worldwide presence today due to migration, bring with them a rich theology and tradition. Not all of these churches have yet developed the capacity to communicate this to Western churches because of the different educational systems themselves. Western systematic theology also still shows too little interest in engaging with the opulent offer and potential of Oriental theology. The backgrounds are manifold and range from ignorance to different socio-political contextualisations that obscure the respective theologies. What is needed is right hermeneutics, ecumenical patience and an open encounter. It is a fact that the Gospel has spread into different cultural regions from its very beginning. Oriental Christianity points the way to the Caucasus, South Arabia, Mesopotamia, Africa, Central Asia, China and India. These Christianities have also produced their own liturgy, spirituality and rich literature. The fact that this Christianity had to prove and sustain itself in different socio-political contexts than the European one (which finally went through the fire of the Enlightenment), does not mean that Oriental theology is “yesterday’s news”. What is remarkable about these forms of Christianity is their respective unique and distinctive Armenian, Greek, Coptic, Syriac, Ethiopian, Arabic, Indian traditions. These Christianities have each developed their own liturgy, spirituality and rich literature, showing that plurality is the normality of Christianity. They did not arrive in the Arab, African, Chinese and Indian worlds only through Western colonisation from the so-called Age of Discovery by Catholic and Protestant The PRO ORIENTE Foundation, in cooperation with the Ecumenical Institute of the Pontifical University of St. Thomas Aquinas (“Angelicum”), organised two symposia on synodality at the end of November 2022 under the motto "Listening to the East. The aim was to learn from the Oriental Churches. One symposium examined the synodal structures of the Syrian Orthodox Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, and a second those of the Coptic, Ethiopian, Armenian and Malankara Orthodox Churches.

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missionaries. It can also be mentioned here that Christianity became the state religion in Armenia and Ethiopia even before the so-called “Constantinian turn” in the Roman Empire. One should therefore also beware of using the ecumenical dialogues to create a uniform mush at the expense of the richness of theological and spiritual forms of expression. Western systematic theologians could extract substantial insights from the theology of the Syriac and Oriental traditions. It has, for example, hardly been received in the West that Pope Francis elevated the mystic Gregory of Narek († 1001), who is considered one of the outstanding theologians of the Armenian Apostolic Church and lived 500 years after the separation of the Church, to the rank of 36th Doctor of the Catholic Church in 2015. Nevertheless, this is a great ecumenical step by this Pope and at the same time shows a way of integrating oriental theology. The recognition of an anaphora without an institution narrative and the related challenge of Tridentine sacramental theology, as well as the document of the Assyrian-Catholic theological dialogue on sacramental life, are by no means yet reflected in Western systematic theology, but show possibilities also for Protestant/Catholic or Orthodox/Catholic dialogue. Neither theology is comprehensive, each requires the other, i.e., the theologies of East and West are complementary. Consequently, the historical-critical view into the past with the acknowledgement of earliest plural developments in different cultural expressions has theological consequences. In particular, it is worth looking into the sources of the Orient because the theology does not conform to the Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant mainstream. Moreover, the focus on the West alone is quite simply selfsufficient, restrictive and fragmentary. Entire ecclesial traditions that continue today to be alive, even if they only represent minorities worldwide, are thereby ignored. The diversity of cultural, liturgical, theological and spiritual structures has been a historical reality since antiquity. This becomes apparent when one perceives the path of Christianity not only into the Greek and Latin world, but also into the Syro-Aramaic, Caucasian, Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian and Indian cultural spheres.

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A theology and church history that is committed to the oikumene, the inhabited earth, will have to step out of its narrow view of denominationalism and enter into an intercultural, plural dialogue. Ecumenism and dialogue always mean encounter. In this sense, theology and church history always need to be reflected upon, and theology of the West also needs the theology of the Orient.

LITURGY, LANGUAGES AND CULTURES IN DIFFERENT CONTEXTS TODAY FR. B. VARGHESE KOTTYAM / INDIA

The Christian life is a liturgical life. Liturgy is the language in which the Church speaks to the Triune God. Its goal is communion with God. At the same time, it is as an act of communication, because it is the most effective means to bear witness to the reality of God. Liturgy is a visual testimony to the eternity; it is a witness to what we believe and what we hope for. The martyrs of the early centuries shed their blood, because they refused to worship false gods. For them, worship was the very expression of their faith in Christ and in the life they were looking for. Liturgy, as the language of the Church, is influenced and shaped by the culture in which it had its origin. 1 Sometimes language outlives the culture and retains and transmits the spirit of the culture in which it originated. Thus, language is usually one of the most eloquent witnesses to the glorious past of a culture. Liturgy and language have several elements in common. Both are expressions of the culture in which they were developed. Literary forms, music, art

In the early Church, there existed diverse liturgical practices as well as theological orientations, depending on the culture and the language. See Eric Rebillard, Christians and their Many Identities in Late Antiquity. North Africa, 200–450, Cornell University Press, 2012. 1

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and architecture became part of the liturgical tradition and received refinement.

LITURGY, LANGUAGE AND INTELLIGIBILITY

Early Christian liturgy was celebrated in a domestic setting where the participants were not mere spectators. Each believer was a ‘co-celebrant’ with the person who presided and the participation was manifested by responses, singing, postures, gestures and as its perfection and fulfillment communion. The believers assimilated the prayers by reciting or repeating them. They expressed their assent to the prayers said on their behalf by the celebrant, saying ‘Amen’ (Justin Martyr). The liturgy, especially the Eucharist is designed to achieve maximum participation on the part of all present. There is no selfconscious attitude of the human soul in ancient liturgies; everything is aimed at the involvement of the praying individual in an event of communion with other members of the worshiping community and with the material context of the liturgy. Apart from the bread and wine, themselves parts of the material world, the ancient liturgies tried to involve all of man’s senses in the liturgical event: the eyes through the movements of the celebrants, through the icons and the liturgical vestments; the ears through hymns and psalmody; the tongue through responses and antiphons; the body through bowing down and other gestures; the nose through the smell of the incense, Myron or scented oils. 2 Christian worship is thoroughly social and organic in character, which means it is never a solitary undertaking. Thus, liturgy was often the most important factor that enabled Christian Churches to survive and to maintain its identity, whether in the pre-Nicene Roman Empire, Sassanid Persia, Islamic rule or in Communist East Europe and Soviet Union. One of the basic principles of Christian worship is comprehension by the participants. Thus St. Paul says: “...if you bless (eulogysys: giving thanks to God) with the Spirit, how can anyone in the position of an outsider (= him: that is without gifts) say See Metropolitan John of Pergamon, “Preserving God’s Creation”, Sourozh 39 (March 1990), 1–11; here p. 11. 2

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‘Amen’ to your thanksgiving (eucharistia) when he does not know what you are saying?” (1 Cor. 14:16. cfr. 14:13–19). Intelligibility of the liturgy is essential for the ‘edification’ of the Church (“Let all things be done for edification: 1 Cor. 14:26). Edification (oikodomeo) means above all being rooted in Christ, to be united to Him as His body, bride and the temple where He is present and being worshipped and to be manifested as the People of God. It was as part of this principle of intelligibility that the Church translated the Scriptures into the language of the people and composed liturgical texts in it.

MEANING OF MARTYRDOM

Early Church put more emphasis on the ‘acts or witness (martyria), than on preaching or production of literature. Thus, early Church history is less concerned with those who have preached the Gospel or ‘the history of mission’. [This is true in the case of the Persian Church in the pre-Sassanid period: i.e., before 224 AD]. Several of the pre-Nicene literary works deal with ‘the acts of martyrs’, that is, the martyrdom of the heroes of faith, those who have laid down their life for Christ, those who have witnessed to the reality of faith (Christ, salvation, resurrection and life after death) by shedding blood. The Book of Revelation gives a picture of the martyrs “who have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb” (Rev. 7:14). The Martyrdom of Polycarp is another example. The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles as well as the Acts of the Persian Martyrs are primarily martyriologies. They are product of a spiritual culture in which human suffering was viewed from a spiritual point of view, in the light of the passion and death of Christ. Martyrdom was seen as a way of life that imitates our Lord who silently endured injustice, persecution, suffering and violent death. The Syriac Christians followed the ‘way of the cross’ almost throughout their history. They were used to a ‘culture of suffering’. The monks of Syria with their extreme asceticism lived as ‘lights of hope’ in a world where Christianity almost always experienced ostracism. [Even today the monks in Tur Abdin live such a life].

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SYRIAC LITURGY AND CULTURE: EXAMPLES OF INCULTURATION

Sociologists and philosophers have suggested hundreds of definitions of ‘culture’. From a sociological point of view, a culture is manifested in and through the mentality of a social group. 3 The history of the ancient cultures is intertwined with that of the religions. In fact, in the antiquity existed practically no secular culture in the modern sense of the expression. The ancient cultures, languages, arts, architectures and the music developed in the shadow of the temples. Each liturgical tradition is the result of an inculturation, an encounter between the Gospel and the culture in which the message of salvation was preached. Liturgy is the creation of an ecclesial community that theologizes using the language, thought patterns and vocabulary of the society in which it lives. It represents an ‘assimilation’ or ‘inculturation’. In fact, it was the successful inculturation which assured the advance of Christianity across west Asia and the Mediterranean world. The early Syriac Christianity in the country side of Mesopotamia was closer to the life of the people, the poor farmers, the daily labourers and the oppressed and exploited. The monks, especially the solitaries, lived among them, living as poor and thus demonstrating the dignity of life. Even today, scores of monks in Ethiopia live such a life. The early Syriac culture and liturgy were shaped by three cultural streams: 1. Hellenism; 4 2. Mesopotamian cultures 5 and 3. Jean Corbin, “L’inculturation de la foi chrétienne au Moyen-Orient. Eléments de problématique ecclésiologique”, Proche-Orient Chrétien 38 (1988), 255–271; here p. 257. 4 As Fr. Ignace Dick says: ‘The Church in Syria achieved a balanced symbiosis of the Semitic and Hellenistic spirits in its theological reflection, liturgical life as well as in its remarkable architecture’. I. Dick, “La Syrie de Byzance à l’islam. Retombées de la conquête arabe sur la chrétienté de Syrie”, Proche Orient Chrétien 40 (1990), 235–244, here p. 236. 5 The religion of the ancient Arameans was an amalgam of Mesopotamian, Canaanite, Phoenician and Hittite gods. See: Claude Selis, Les Syriens Orthodoxes et Catholiques, Fils d’Abraham, Turnhout 1988, p. 143. This would explain the survival of the Mesopotamian Christianity during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. 3

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Judaism. Literary genres and styles from these three streams were adapted in a process of encounter and later by inculturation. Hellenism provided ideas and thought patterns and intellectual challenges (e.g., Bardaisan, Gnosticism, Manichaism, etc.). Mesopotamian culture(s) provided poetry, music and kinetic arts (movements and processions) and Judaism provided thought patterns, models for biblical exegesis and liturgical prayers and hymns. As in Judaism, pictorial art played a lesser role in the early Syriac tradition. In early Syriac Christianity vocal art dominated, probably inspired by Judaism (Odes of Solomon and the hymns of St Ephrem are the examples). However, Syriac Christianity incarnated itself in Mesopotamia by explaining itself as a religion different from Judaism and paganism to which the people of Mesopotamia were familiar with. ‘Adaptability’ was the reason for its successful spread in the fourth century and later. The Christian feasts were adapted to the culture of the people. Christian feasts in general are not agrarian. Although Jewish-Christian feasts have an agrarian origin, they all have been conditioned by the events of salvation. In the Syriac Church, some agrarian feasts have been given a Christian flavor by being associated with the Mother of God. Thus, on January 15th we have the feast of the “Theotokos for the seeds” (al zarae) or on May 15th, the feast of the Theotokos “for the ears of corn” (‘al sheble). According to H. J. W. Drijvers, the feast of St Thomas (July 3) could be an adaptation of a pagan spring festival. 6 Using the essentials of the Greek techniques, the Syrian architects developed their own style, usually sober in character. The churches were decorated with agrarian motifs such as vine 6 Drijvers writes: “(t)here are indications that the Christians tried to replace the pagan calendar of festivals by a Christian one; at Edessa (and Serug) the feast of the apostle Thomas might have taken the place of the pagan spring festival”. Drijvers, “The Persistence of Pagan Cults and Practices in Christian Syria”, in Nina Garsoian, Thomas Mathew and Robert Thomson (Ed), East of Byzantium: Syria And Armenia in the Formative Period, (Dumbarton Oaks Symposium, 1980, Washington DC, 1982), pp. 35–43 (Reprint in H. J. W. Drijvers, East of Byzantium, Variorum Reprints, 1984). Here p. 39. He refers to: U. Monneret de Villard, “La Fiera di Batnae e la translazione di S. Tomaso a Edessa “, RendLinc. 8 Ser. 6 (1951) 77ff (note 38 Drijvers).

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clusters and vine tendrils and harvest baskets. A cross was sometimes represented as the “Tree of Life”. These are echoes of a liturgical tradition closer to the life of the people of the region. In the Syriac culture, the liturgical dimension occupied the central place and probably determined the ethical principle. Syriac liturgy was shaped by the culture of a people who loved to demonstrate their religious devotions by singing, processions and feasts. The community’s literary tradition, art, architecture and music have found expressions in its liturgy. The way in which the people related to another and to God has left its traces of influence in the religious life, especially in their liturgy. [In fact the liturgical processions have their origin in the context of the demonstrative piety of Antioch]. It is a general liturgical rule in the East that the liturgy is celebrated in the local language, adopting elements from the local culture. Wherever they reached, the first concern of the missionaries was to translate the Bible into the language of the country, beginning with the Gospels and the rest of the New Testament. Then the liturgical texts were translated. In most of the cases, the translations were done either by the missionaries or the first Christians. Early versions of the Bible or the liturgical texts, as they have come down to us, belong to the period between the second and the fourth centuries. In the following centuries, the translations were revised in the light of the new manuscript discoveries or simply to improve the existing ones. In some cases, the translation was preceded by the composition of alphabets either by the missionaries or the first Christians (e.g., Coptic, Ge’ez, Armenian, Sogdian, Slavonic or Turkic languages). But as soon as the liturgy reached a definite shape, language became fossilized. Liturgical language remained rather unchanged, resisting natural developments in the spoken and literary languages of the country. This is true in the case of most of the ancient Eastern languages, Syriac, Armenian, Coptic, Ge’ez, Greek, Georgian or Slavonic. To a certain extent it was the language that enabled a Christian (and religious) community to maintain its identity. Paradoxically, liturgy underwent reforms, additions or revisions. But the language resisted such reforms. Even liturgical art, architecture and music were subjects to

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significant changes. But this was not the case for the liturgical language, which often retained its classical form. The Christians of Antioch and Syria were proud of their Hellenistic heritage. With the Arab conquest, the relations between Syria and the Greek and Latin cultures were interrupted. The Syriac Orthodox could maintain the Hellenistic cultural heritage, thanks to its centres of learning such as Qenneshre on the Euphrates or Eusebona. However, its spread among the Syriac speaking population of Mesopotamia assured its continuous existence. The Melkites faced serious challenges and had to adopt Arabic and to inculturate themselves. Greek, which was not deeply rooted among the population, gradually disappeared. Syriac, the language of the people, resisted the overall influence of Arabic for several centuries. The Melkites were the first to ‘Arabize’ the Christian culture. Thus, they were the first to translate the Bible, liturgy and the writings of the fathers into Arabic. They developed an ‘Arabic theology’, attempting to present Christian faith to the Muslims. The pre-Islamic languages (Coptic in Egypt, Syriac in Iraq, Mesopotamia, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine) became symbols of Christian identity and resistance to Islamization. Later in the Middle East the Armenian language was used to keep the Armenian identity. Liturgy played an important role in fossilizing a language, resisting the developments in its spoken and literary forms. Some languages died out or became morbid under the over-all domination of another one (e.g., Greek in Rome or Celtic in the British Islands or Punic in North Africa). Some died out with the disappearance of the religious community that used it (e.g., ancient Egyptian, Akkadian or Sumerian). Some survived thanks to a religious community (Mandaeans or even Syriac as well as other Aramaic dialects). Language was sometimes regarded as part of a spiritual heritage (e.g., most of the Eastern Churches) or as a unifying element (e.g., Latin in the Catholic Church and Classical Syriac). In a sense, the destiny of ancient languages and cultures depended on the religious context in which they were developed. The destiny of the Syriac language depends on the Syriac Churches, especially on their liturgy.

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Throughout its development, Syriac liturgy was open to monastic influence. In the Syriac East people lived in the proximity of monasteries and often participated in their liturgical life. Monasteries provided them shelter during wars or expeditions of robbers. The monks often shared their meagre food reserves with the people during famine or natural calamities. Children received their elementary education and schooling in the monasteries. Even they served as ‘banks’, where their money and valuable things were entrusted for safe custody. Syriac liturgy, both Eastern and Western, bear witness to the encounter between the Syriac Christianity and various socio-religious movements and cultures in which it lived and struggled for survival. We can find examples of inculturation and acculturation, which often took place as a natural process in an unnoticeable manner. Evidences suggest that the Church of the East was open to inculturation in China and Central Asia. Thus, we have examples of the translations of the liturgical texts, at least in part, into the Chinese language. Thus, we have a Chinese version of the Gloria in excelsis Deo. 7 The Chinese version is an adaptation of the original Syriac text to a Chinese metrical system of the zan, a poetic genre characterized by the fixed verse structure of seven characters per line. This adaptation also involved some significant departures from the original text. 8 The style of the so-called ‘Trinitarian hymn’ suggests that the Buddhists and Christians of China used the same literary models to transmit their teachings. 9 Scholars believe that the literary form of the Chinese Christian texts is modeled on that of Daoist and Buddhist scriptures. 10 Another example of inculturation is attested in the East Syrian mission in Sogdia. Christian Sogdian script is derived from 7 Francis S. Drake, “The Nestorian Gloria in Excelsis Deo”, The Chinese Recorder 66 (1935), 291–300. 8 See Mateo Nicolini-Zani, “Past and Current Researches on Tang Jing Jiao Documents. A Survey”, in Roman Malek (ed.), Jingjiao. The Church of the East in China and Central Asia, (Sankt Augustin, 2008), pp. 23–44; here p. 39. 9 Ibid. p. 39. 10 Ibid. p. 40.

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Estrangela. Sogdian was probably the lingua franca of the Bulayiq Christian community (in Northwest China). Among the manuscripts discovered in the East Syrian monastery near Bulayiq, north of Turfan in Central Asia, some were Sogdian and Syriac bilinguals. We have Gospel readings and Psalms, suggesting that Sogdian was used as liturgical language. One bilingual manuscript has Syriac and New Persian Psalms. Majority of the Christian texts from Bulayiq are in Sogdian, and all are evidently translations from Syriac. Among the biblical (almost all New Testament lectionaries) and liturgical texts we have the Nicene Creed (in a Psalm manuscript, the Gloria in excelsis, an early form of a commentary on Baptism and the Eucharist, known in East and West Syriac traditions and a verse text by Babai of Nisibis (“On the final evil hour”, not extant in Syriac). In the Middle Persian, there is one fragment of a Psalter and some forty or more in Uighur Turkish. 11 However, the efforts of inculturation did not produce lasting impact on the Christian communities there, because of various reasons.

DESTINY OF SYRIAC LANGUAGE AND CULTURE

Syriac Christianity has an experience of nearly nineteen centuries living in a pluralistic, multi-lingual, multicultural and multi-religious context. For the Syriac Christians, their geographic situation involved them in the politico-religious and cultural history of the Byzantines, Persians, Arabs and several populations of central Asia. In the Syriac Orthodox Church of the pre-Islamic period, there existed two distinct communities: one Greek speaking community of Antioch and its surrounding areas and the other Syriac speaking from Mesopotamia. In the course of time, Greek ceased to be the spoken language of the first group, as they were forced to take refuge in various parts of Mesopotamia. In the course of liturgical synthesis, the liturgy became more ‘Syriac’, though See. S. P. Brock, “Turfan, Syriac texts from”, in S. P. Brock et als., Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage, (Piscataway, NJ 2011), pp. 420–421; also I. Yakubovich, “Sogdia”, Ibid. pp. 382–383.

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several liturgical texts were translated from Greek. In this first model the liturgy was contextualized incorporating Mesopotamian elements (hymnography, for example). The second model is the one of the Melkites, who originally used Greek and then Syriac (until the 16th century) and finally Arabic. In the three stages of their liturgy, the prayers were rather faithful translations of the Greek original. Now, most of the Christians Churches follow the second model in their mission field as well as in diaspora, though there are exceptions since the 1960s. Adherence to the ‘classical form’ of liturgical language is common to all the Eastern Churches. The nostalgic attachment to the classical language may be because of various factors. However, the monastic tradition seems to have played an important role in it. Learned monks or bishops might have expressed their disagreement with the modification of prayers, which includes translation into modern idiom. For them, this would certainly imply the use of new vocabulary and expressions that could create confusion or controversies, which can turn the minds of the monks away from their spiritual priorities. For them, the classical language with its vocabulary is closer to the spirit of the scriptures and the mind of the fathers. This is certainly the reason for the preference for the hymns composed by the poet theologians like St. Ephrem, Jacob of Serugh, Mar Balai in the West Syriac Church or Narsai, Babai and many others in the East Syriac Church. Gradually the attachment to a language becomes a ‘tradition’, for which a reason cannot always be given. In a predominantly non-Christian culture, the classical form of liturgical language remains as a remnant of a glorious past, as a cultural or spiritual relic, which is venerated for its own sake. This is the case with Syriac and Coptic. In some countries the attachment to the classical language can be explained as a cultural legacy, a spiritual/cultural monument of a glorious past. This may be true in the case of Ge’ez, Armenian, Georgian or Slavonic. This tendency may be found in some European Countries, such as Great Britain or Germany, where some people prefer the King James Version Bible or the Luther’s Bible over translations in modern spoken languages.

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Arnold Toyenbee said: “Civilizations perish not because of attacks from outside, but because of disintegration from inside. A culture disintegrates when its soul is forgotten or lost.” Now the task before the Syriac Christians is to keep its soul alive, for which liturgy is the main means. Now Syriac Churches are in a situation similar to that of the Jews after the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70. In spite of the destruction of the Temple and its cultic forms and priesthood, Judaism survived thanks to its informal but regular worship, study of the Scriptures, observance of Sabbath and religious festivals like Passover. However, ethnic consciousness was the main factor for its survival. Unlike the Judaism of the post-Temple period, Syriac Christianity is divided into seven Churches (including the Greek Orthodox and Melkites of Antioch). History, theology, political and geographical isolations, above all ecclesiastical allegiances deepened the division. The healing of the division is certainly important for the survival of Syriac Christians in West Asia, Europe or elsewhere. In the predominantly Muslim world, they survived as minority communities, because of several factors such as family, village, dialect, or desire to live the faith of their forefathers. But in the increasingly secular western societies, this is not the case. Syriac Christians are dispersed often against their will, sometimes for the reason of housing or employment offered in the host countries. The second generation is more German, Dutch, French, British, Swedish or American than being Syriac. In the increasingly secular societies, they will be rather interested to identify themselves with European culture. The second generation, at least part of it, may perhaps continue to go to churches. Naturally, they will be more interested to worship in the language they speak, as in the case of almost all emigrant Christians.

A WORD OF CONCLUSION

The history of the people of West Asia is marked by emigration, dispersion, exile and genocide. In a sense, their destiny is indicated in Deuteronomy 26:5: “A wandering Aramean was my father: (My father was an Aramean driven away/wandering: Peshitta). Until the beginning of the 20th century, in spite of the regular

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displacements and exiles, Syriac Christianity could maintain identity in West Asia, because of cultural commonalities that it shared with the Arab world. Since the early decades of the 20th century, ‘the Syriac Christians of West Asia began to emigrate to Europe, America, Australia, as well as other countries across the globe. Since the 1960s the emigration got momentum and now since the last couple of years it has entered an unprecedented phase. The new emigrants come to Europe without much hope to return home. An average European ignores Christian refugees from Syria or Iraq as an Ausländer/étranger and finds little difference between Christians and Muslims. For the first generation, church is the only place to maintain their cultural identity in a predominantly secular and materialistic society. It could participate in liturgical celebrations in the languages familiar to them, i.e., in Syriac or Arabic. But the problem will arise for the second generation, whose mother tongue will be that of the host country. The second generation is to a large extent cut off from the spiritual roots of their parents. Moreover, they are growing up in a rather secular world, where Christianity is losing its influence. In this context, the question before us is the following: How can they maintain their spiritual traditions, language, culture and identity? The French sociologist of religion Danièle Hervieu-Léger speaks of religion as a chain of memory. 12 It consists of the tradition as a kind of collective memory for the religious community with the chain being the way the memory acts via individuals (certainly not just theologians), making them members of a community of past, present and future members. The members of the Christian Churches, both East and West, are the bearers of their traditions in institutional and non-institutional ways. The massive emigration of the Syriac Christians to the countries across the world, I am afraid, would result in the breaking of the chain of memory in an irreparable manner with grave consequences. We have examples of massive emigration of the Christians in the 20th century. I would like to point out two of them as representative. One is the Russian emigration after the Russian 12

Danièle Hervieu-Léger, Religion as Chain of Memory, Cambridge 2000.

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revolution of 1917 and the Maronite emigration, mainly because of economic reasons (also in the case of St Thomas Christians of South India). With their rich spiritual and intellectual heritage, the Russians could mark their presence in Paris, Oxford or New York. Their experience provides us with an example of fruitful encounter between the East and the West. The Maronites could maintain their identity in their host countries, because of various factors, which need to be studied. In both cases, their Churches played a vital role in their survival. The real challenge before us is the following: Do we have the spiritual and intellectual resources to meet the new situation? The European Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant, now lives in a ‘minority situation’, in a predominantly secular society and in a sense struggles for its survival. (We are too proud to admit it!). The voice of the Church is ignored, if not silenced, and sometimes the Church is a laughingstock (e.g., in cartoons and comedy programs on TV). European Christians know Eastern Christianity through the rather unsympathetic accounts of the European Orientalists who often refer to them as schismatics, dissidents or heretics or ‘reunited Eastern Christians’. Will the European Churches regard the emigrant Syriac Christians as potential converts? If they are absorbed by the European Churches, that will be the end of Syriac Christianity with its language, spirituality, as well as literary and theological traditions.

II SOCIAL AND ECUMENICAL IMPLICATIONS

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND ITS RELATIONS WITH THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION ARCHBISHOP PAUL MATAR BEIRUT / LEBANON

I A TROUBLED HISTORY

It is very hard to deny a particular identity to any of the people whose languages have been spoken across the Middle East without interruption for a thousand years. Coming from Arabia or originally inhabiting Mesopotamia, Inner Syria or Phoenicia, those whom we call Syriacs forged and developed a language close to Arabic and Ancient Hebrew, by no means lacking flexibility and ability of adaptation. It is a language that has served quite adequately for theology, philosophy, science and literature. It has not remained primitive, as have certain other languages which have not been written down or which have been replaced by more developed ones. Political factors alone have decided its fate and obliged its speakers to adopt other languages, such as Arabic in the Middle East and the various western languages in countries of welcome or recent immigration. The Syriac language is therefore the first factor identifying the communities which proudly bear its name. It could be called the cornerstone of their cultural identity, even if, for various reasons, it is not considered to express their national identity. In the eastern part of the region, now covering modern Iraq, the Syriac 55

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language exists as a dialect now appropriately called East Syriac. In countries, such as Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, the same form of the language exists, known as West Syriac. Further, has this region, stretching from Antioch to Babylon, been unified in the past at least by its language in the Humanities and even in the Holy Scripture. The second element of Syriac identity is the Christian religion, which spread throughout the Syriac populations, creating the Antiochene tradition together with other important forms, as for example the Latin and Byzantine Greek traditions. This Syriac form, which is proud to have Saint Ephrem as its herald and representative, has been more or less neglected throughout Christian history as the Latin world has consolidated itself around the papacy in the West and the Byzantine tradition around New Rome, the capital of an extensive Eastern Empire. Thus Antioch, being divided and weakened by the grave quarrels ensuing after the councils of Ephesus in 431 and Chalcedon in 451, was left out of consideration in the Christian world until the revival of interest for this tradition and a new emphasis on its patristic, spiritual and theological riches, recognised as a true treasure for the Universal Church. Christianity is therefore an essential element of the Syriac identity despite the divisions which have affected all the churches of Antioch without exception. It is an identity, both divisive and divided, from the fifth century down to the present day. To be precise the Antiocheans are divided into four main religious communities, namely the eastern branch, known in history as “Nestorian”, the Melkite or Orthodox Church which accepted the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon, the Syrian Orthodox Church, sometimes called “Monophysite”, and the Maronite Catholic Syriac Church, which, together with the monks of the Monastery of Saint Maroun, also accepted Chalcedon. Despite these regrettable divisions affecting the Syriacs throughout their history, they have always considered the Christian religion as essential for the definition and maintenance of their identity. It is as Christians that they have survived and have reacted to the vicissitudes of time. It is also as Christians that they have produced their thinkers, theologians and scholars.

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 57 To these two elements of Syriac identity, namely language and religion, we must add one more: the socio-political attachment. Precisely at this point the Syriac population has suffered endless, one might say uninterrupted, vicissitudes ever since the dawn of its history. However, one should make an exception where the Maronites are concerned, for in Lebanon they have been able to create a certain national identity for themselves. The truth is, that the Syriac Churches have submitted to consecutive civil authorities, first the Roman Empire, then the medieval Arab Empire, the Crusader domination, the Mameluke Empire, the Ottoman Empire and finally to the constitutional Arab states, with a more or less satisfactory mixed basis of secularism and theocracy, these days. The Christians of Antioch were early under the command of the Eastern Roman Empire which dominated the region and had included Palestine in the time of Christ. It is to be noted that Mesopotamia lay outside this area and that it became the cradle of the Church of the East. This particular Church, lying outside the Roman Empire, turned to the Far East and in the progress of events even being the first to preach the gospel in Chinese territory. However, this Church, which at its top counted over fifty million faithful members, has declined in numbers and in extension ever since. As a result, this Church builds only a small minority today. This is partly due to not being supported by any political power. Such support would ensure the elementary liberty of action and outreach for this Syriac Church. On the other hand, the Syriac Churches of the Western East flourished under the Pax Romana and therefore had the possibility to expand, to even found monasteries, to develop their theology, to preach and spread the Gospel. All those achievements became possible after the Peace of Constantine of A.D. 313. This atmosphere, which favoured all the communities, lasted until the split among Christians which followed the Council of Chalcedon A.O. 451. The division, really founded on a purely verbal distinction and dispute, was deeply harmful for the Church of Antioch and its accomplishments. It’s also to be noted that this division deepened at a time when the Roman Empire itself was on the

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point of disappearing due to the Arab conquest, which began in the seventh century. The disappearing Empire had not truly favoured the Syriac identity, nor had it ensured a mission proper to its specific nature. Following the Arab conquest, the Christian division was accentuated. The non-Chalcedonians saw in the disappearance of the Roman Empire the deliverance from the Roman yoke, but the Melkites did not share this view. Arab hegemony was swiftly imposed on the “Diocese” of the East and later the Ottomans were to bring about the grave fall of Constantinople in 1453. Under this new empire the Christians of the region fell under a system of protection, as so-called “people of the Book”, which was offered by Islam. Under this regime, we might coin the word “Dhimmitude” for it, had the minorities their lives, property and places of worship protected by the authorities, but were at the same time prevented from taking part in public affairs. All exercise of authority in the Empire was restricted to the Muslims alone. The Christians adapted themselves to this situation, but they lost the essential rights of integral citizenship and of political participation which led to their marginalization. The new situation, imposed by a non-Christian religion, led to the progressive use of the Arabic language and therefore to the detriment of Syriac. At the time when the Arabs conquered Damascus the citizens of the city were almost entirely speaking Syriac. It was inevitable that this fact should change and that the Syriac language, the first element of the people’s identity, should suffer and should fall into the background. In such an atmosphere it happened that the Maronite Church organised itself around its first Patriarch in A.D. 685 and sought refuge in the inaccessible mountains of Lebanon in order to protect both its religion and its civil identity. So, it acquired experience in resisting domination until the time when it could find a state with the opportunity of coexistence and, at the same time, respect for their political and national identity. The Arab Empire was dominant until the end of the eleventh century when the Crusaders arrived in the East in order, as they put it, to open the road to Jerusalem. The following military campaign did not at all fit in with the Christian teaching of non-

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 59 violent preaching of the Gospel in accordance with faith alone and freedom for all. In fact, the Christians of the West were acting by political calculation. They committed a grave error by their assault on the city of Byzantium, Constantinople, and, no less grievously, by creating lasting enmity between Islam and Christendom. All the same the Crusades were not purely military or political in nature; they also had commercial and civilian aspects, achieved through the exchange between the two cultures. The Crusader presence had in fact already lasted for nearly two centuries when Saladin finally ended it by force of arms, helped by the Western loss of interest in the whole project and the increasing exhaustion of the actual combatants. The consequences of the Crusades, as affecting the Christians of the East, were serious, particularly after the Muslim reaction under the Mameluke regime. The aforementioned regime was harsh and sanguinary for the Christians and for certain Muslims as well. The Mamelukes pursued the Maronites up into the higher mountain reaches where they arrested and burned a Maronite Patriarch by the name of Hjoula. They persecuted the Shiite Muslims of Lebanon. Some of them saved themselves by becoming Sunnites. For two centuries the members of the Syriac churches suffered real martyrdom in every meaning of the word. This experience could only strengthen their fidelity to the blood of their Saviour, as they experienced how suffering strengthens the faithful in their conviction. The regime of the Mamelukes with all its problems lasted a couple of hundred years and ended only when the Syriac Churches met up with the Ottoman Empire, which dominated the region for four centuries, that is to say from 1514 to 1918. The Ottoman era was at the very beginning marked by a strictly Islamic government, which imposed its own peace on the region. The Ottoman Empire came to cover North Africa and several areas of Eastern Europe. In particular it imposed the “millet” regime over all the Christian Churches. This particular regime implied leaving each Church free to govern its own faithful in matters of belief, on the condition that it should fulfill the requirements of the Sublime Porte. In this way the Churches enjoyed a certain relative peace. But this kind of existence did not favour

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public liberties or the open expression of identity. It meant simply a time of mere survival and of maintenance of traditions until better days should dawn. However, as in due course the Ottoman Empire became weaker, the various non-Ottoman nations began to demand their liberty and even independence. Such was the case of Greece in Europe, of Egypt in North Africa and of Lebanon in the Middle East. The Western Powers obliged the “sick man”, which the Ottoman Empire had now become, to proclaim equality before the law for Christians and Muslims. This decree was known as the Khatti Hamayoumi. But following this most important cultural and political development the Ottomans stiffened their resistance to any eventual revolt among those whom they governed. One people after another rose up and the Empire reacted by harsh repression, as was the case with the Armenians who were victims of genocide. The Syriacs suffered from massacres and the Christians of Lebanon were starved by a blockade of corn, so a third of them died. In this way the Ottoman Empire collapsed at the end of the First World War. But was there to be any real result from the suffering of the Syriac peoples? The twentieth century saw some possible steps towards a solution of these problems. After World War I the different countries of the region obtained their independence in turn, while becoming ready to accept Western-style constitutions. This approach unfortunately turned out to be more theoretical than capable of being put into practice, being little rooted in the mentality. Further these countries soon turned to military regimes which showed little concern for the constitutions. A certain number of Christians entered the public administration or even became members of parliament or government ministries, but this practice was for the benefit of certain privileged individuals rather than for ensuring perfect equality between all citizens. These developments took place with hopes being raised, hopes that have come up against the rising tide of extremism and aggressive fanaticism. As a result, even in the twentieth century the Syriacs of the Orient still did not obtain the status of citizens protected by the law rather than by men. Their cultural and religious identity has not been upheld by any political status with real participation in

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 61 public affairs. The case of the Christians in Lebanon was special, as they enjoy equal rights and have a say in the very destiny of their country. This case might bear suggestions for the integration of all the Christians of the East in their respective countries and societies. Lebanon indeed presented a particular situation. Ever since the Christians clung to their mountains, where they formed a resistance mentality. They have kept defending their liberty of worship and belief just as they have remained attached to their equal rights of citizenship. As a first step they refused to be directly governed by the representatives of the Ottoman Empire. Their Patriarchs did not agree to being recognised by the Ottoman Sultan in order to receive a firman or permission to carry out their duties as pastors of their flocks, as was the case of the other Patriarchs in the region. They accepted, however, a mutual relationship of respect with the existing civil authorities. In this way Lebanon was always governed by princes from its own soil, who collected the taxes and passed them on to the higher authorities. When the Christians were massacred, France sent its army to Lebanon to pacify the devastated villages, to return the displaced ones to their homes and to establish a lasting solution to the crisis. Thus, the Lebanese entity was created under the protection of the major powers of the time and with a Christian Ottoman subject to assure the government with the help of leading Lebanese of all the confessions. After the First World War Lebanon was declared to be an independent country with France as the mandatory power charged with helping the new nation to advance towards complete independence. Lebanon obtained this complete independence in 1943 with a political system that distributed the positions of power over the representatives of the various communities of the country. The ministries in the government and the seats in the parliament were divided equally between Christians and Muslims. Differences arose and there were moments of trouble, but life returned to normal with the problems being settled by certain modifications in the government of the country. Generally accepted agreements were reached at Taif in Saudi Arabia. Today Lebanon continues its rise hoping to become a positive factor helping in the region

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to acquire all the rights enjoyed by citizens in any democratic country. As we see the three factors for the identity of Christians are brought together in this country, namely language, religion and political participation. The arising question is what must be done for the insertion of the Syriacs in their society in the East and elsewhere and whether the example of Lebanon can be of use in this consideration.

II PERSPECTIVES OF INSERTION

After having reviewed the Syriac identity in the past and its historical insertion into its area of origin we now turn to the perspectives of its insertion in the present and in the future. It is true that the emigration of a great number of Syriacs, even of the majority among them, has allowed them to make a new life under more clement skies and in countries more welcoming than their own. But in this fact also lies tragedy. There is no fear that these emigrants to the West or to Australia will be unable to adapt themselves to the societies receiving them. They learn new languages very easily and are soon able to adopt the customs of their hosts. The risk is rather that they cut themselves off from their roots. A person is rooted in a culture and in a human environment which is properly his. To see more clearly one must bear in mind that the ideal would be for these emigrant communities to keep a significant presence in their historic lands and to set up stable ties between their ancestral homeland and their emigrant diaspora. The Churches can play a major role in this process and in general do so fairly well. But the essential question is the following: How can one maintain a firm core in the countries of origin which will help safeguard the identity of the group, while at the same receiving help of every kind from those who have gone abroad? The true problem lies in the Middle East, blessed land of the ancestors, where the community has suffered in the ways previously outlined. Frankly, despite all the difficulties of this time, the present generation has every reason to have hopes for the future. Their ancestors already made great achievements in their homeland. They have developed a civilization going back to the days of

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 63 Hammurabi in the East and invented the alphabet in the West. Other ancestors gained merit by their participation in the construction of world culture at the time of the Caliphs of Baghdad when they translated the great Greek authors into Arabic. These same texts were then translated into the modern European languages and have become widespread in Western universities. This cultural achievement on the highest level was an immense service done by the Syriacs for the benefit of worldwide culture. Let us also admit that this could not have been done without the demand and the consent of the Muslim Arabs and that to begin with Islam had a tolerant attitude towards the Christians of the East. Even today most people in Islam wish to maintain this spirit of tolerance in their behavior despite the reactionary tide invading this and other regions. To obtain a positive result here, we must go back to the source of all the “Abrahamic” religions in order to really understand their messages. First of all, we note that all three religions derived from Abraham are universal, that is to say that they are for all mankind. The believers in these religions have their particular missions and have precise responsibilities, but they are destined for all human beings to whom God speaks and whom he regards with a paternal eye. There arises also the question of the facts referred to in the religious books which concern only the situation in one historic moment, just as there are also general principles taught which transcend any one time and which apply to all circumstances. The consequence is that, while reading, distinction must be made. Christian theologians are reading Scripture in this way as are their Muslim counterparts. Since the Council of Vatican II made its appeal and since all doors have been open to this promising dialogue the latter have generally entered into a sincere discussion. So, we know that a lot of Muslims are making great efforts to live and to present Islam in its purity now. At the same time, they expect a corresponding special attention and openness from Christians towards their counterparts. These enlightened Muslims agree on the possibility of a pacific understanding of the Quran going beyond the events of a time in which the Muslims had to fight because of certain situations.

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The Council of Vatican II has evident praise for the Islamic values, such as faith, mercy, the sense of prayer and responsibility to God for human actions. And all those who are following developments affirm that, without any doubt, a new page has been turned in our bilateral relations thanks to the Council. We understand of course the difficulties of history and those of today. Concerning these the Council invites both sides to purify their memory and to truly open a new page in their mutual relations. Therefore, the positive facts must be emphasized, such as Islamic and Christian coexistence is to be desired and wished for at the popular level, apart from agitated political developments. Mistakes have been made on both sides and certain Muslim leaders have acted against Christians with Islam as a pretext, when in fact they were acting in their own name and for their own immediate interests. If there have been injustices in the past, these must be pardoned and put aside, and a future taken into view that is free of the various negative consequences. It may be objected that this way of thinking and acting is naive. It might be said that the present is just like the past and that relations between Muslims and Christians are now even more negative. For example, the appearance of the “Islamic State” and of the exactions which it is imposing has disconcerted even the best intentioned. Without any doubt this fanatic group, which has provoked a negative revolution in Islam and committed atrocities in the name of its religion, has spread bitterness throughout the world. It is enough just to consider how these extremists have behaved towards the Christians in Iraq at Mosul and in the plain of Nineveh, lands inhabited largely by Christians. The Daësh have offered the Christians three options: conversion to Islam, going out bare footed into the world by leaving behind their homes and possessions, or perishing by the sword like others. In this way the Christians have been deprived of their right to live, all in the name of the Almighty God. Faced with this tragic spectacle, people ask where these so-called messages of Islam have come from. There is flagrant contradiction between the teaching of Islam and the behavior of these deviants acting in the name of Islam. In fact, the Quran teaches that killing a person who has not killed anyone else is like killing all mankind at a stroke. The Quran also teaches

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 65 that Muslims cannot expel anyone from their house or property unless these persons have themselves committed aggression against Muslims and expelled them from their homes. But the Daësh kill Christians who have not killed and who haven not thrown anyone out of their property. They drive Christians, who have never driven anybody out, out of their land. It is obvious that the whole world must act against these atrocious and unthinkable injustices, must protect the weak and must enforce respect for the law. But one must not consider these fanatics as representing Islam as a whole. Only criminals should be condemned, never the innocent. We are therefore faced with a great question: How should we react to this scourge of terrorism plaguing the world? As a start we must identify those responsible for the terror and deal with them as soon as possible. In the following step it is absolutely imperative to open the dialogue with Muslims themselves, for the solution to this situation should come from Muslims first and foremost. They must be invited to act courageously in the general interest. It would be a mistake to rise up against the Muslims of the world in general or to envisage total war against Islam. On the contrary, we must wage war against terrorism together with Muslims and never without them. Islamophobia is unjust and useless and even harmful for all. The Congresses being organised with Muslim leaders are more than necessary. The example of the Azhar University, the highest Islamic authority in the world, is perfectly praiseworthy, since spiritual condemnation of terrorism by Islam itself is the first step towards a solution of this sensitive problem. There are admittedly certain Muslim circles that favour terrorism and even support it financially. But the battle cannot be engaged without the help and engagement of Muslims. It will be, or already is, a spiritual, intellectual and cultural battle before being a military one. At present the heads of the Great Powers are the ones in the forefront of the military battle, but one may well have doubts about their motivation, which seems to be political and influenced by quite incomprehensible calculations. Their delay in settling matters seems to observers to be totally enigmatic. Regarding the question of social harmony there as well must be followed the principle of collaboration between Christians and

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Muslims. In order to make a move into the right direction it is absolutely necessary to reject all ideas of so-called “ineluctable” confrontation and of the “shock of civilizations” between Christians and Muslims, as foreseen and written about by Samuel Huntington. There was a response in advance to this idea in the twentieth century, when the human race chose “ideological coexistence” between Communism and Capitalism, which led to an end of the Cold War and to the establishment of forms of multilateral cooperation for the general good of humanity. The same could be reached in the field of religious coexistence today, as well in the East, as everywhere else. It is true that presently Christianity is under attack in several continents. The Holy Father has said it openly, affirming that the Christian religion is the only one being persecuted today. This persecution is limited and sporadic, even if scandalous and harmful. But the defense of the Christian religion can, however, only be carried out by universal solidarity and, in no case, by weapons. Concerning the coexistence in the Middle East this must always remain our dream and the object of our determination and our concern. We must have faith in it to the very end, even if the road is difficult, as our past history shows. It is once again confirmed that neither massive exodus from the region nor isolation behind walls is the way to a better future. The only means to peace is an Islamic-Christian pact established for the benefit of all. This is the way leading to a true insertion of the Syriacs in the societies of their origin. If our wish is to assure a destiny separate from that of the Muslims for ourselves only, we will lose all chance of collaboration aimed at achieving our common ends. But if we believe that the battle for liberty, for dignity and for the rights of every man, every woman and every citizen is a common battle, where victory is in the interest of the others as well as of ourselves, then the facilities of collaboration are wide open. The Muslims, as well as the Syriacs, need a life of freedom in a democratic atmosphere of joint participation. The return of the Arab Spring is something to be truly awaited. The essential idea of this attitude is to confirm that the destiny of Christians and Muslims in this land of their birth is a common one. When Muslims are aware of our affection for them and

THE SYRIAC IDENTITY AND THE SOCIETY OF ITS INSERTION 67 for our common countries, when we sacrifice ourselves for the same lands and for each other and are able to see joint success, when we give before receiving on the national level, then there will be a true reconciliation. Ultimately the way people on the two sides see each other will change. In short, the difficulty lies within all the obstacles faced throughout a history of many centuries. However, a correct account of this history is essential in the present human engagement and in view of the precious insertion. Both, the Christians and the Muslims, want lasting security for themselves and for their children. Muslims are faced with other obstacles regarding their prospective security. Nowadays they are still faced with a conflict that dates back to earliest Islam, to the days of its first expansion, the days of confrontation between Sunnites and Shiites. This conflict has reached its peak with the bad relations between Iran and its Saudi Arabian neighbor and has spread over the whole region. As far as we are concerned this conflict is cultural in its nature before it is political. It is a struggle over acceptance of the other ones, the ones who are different but all the same brothers and sisters. The Muslim conflict between Sunnites and Shiites must be resolved by Islam itself. It must be solved in such a way that people can live their form of Islam without a feeling of enmity towards the other ones. Doctrinal differences must be tolerated: The Quran itself affirms that certain differences in understanding of the faith are to be resolved by God alone on the Day of Resurrection. We, the Christians of the Orient, should work for general inter-Muslim reconciliation or at least appeal for it and support it. It would be a tragedy for these people to be stripped of their immense richness for no reason and to finally find themselves in a state of general misery. Against the general background of the search for peace for all, the problem of the insertion of the Syriacs in the Middle East becomes a problem concerning the present world in every country. Pluralism is a universal necessity these days. For Islam itself it is to be noted that one third of its adepts live in countries in which the majority are not Muslim. The same applies for the Christians. The followers of the different religions are mixed

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together in very varied national societies in India and all throughout Asia. The question of coexistence consequently is a worldwide one, and therefore the solution demands worldwide efforts. We must lose neither hope nor the courage to live our faith and charity. This is the sentiment which we have within us in our country of Lebanon, where the fragile equilibrium between Muslims and Christians has always made us feel a deep tension in our hearts. But we shall continue our positive experience of coexistence which now entails a mission for our country and for our people. A great twentieth-century Maronite theologian and philosopher said that the Christians of the East belong to the family of Christ by their body. We belong to the same soil all together. That is, why it is given to us to live neither in the glory of Byzantium, nor in the efficient capability of Rome, but rather in the suffering of Antioch, which is a prolongation of the suffering of Our Lord, for the salvation of the world in the hope of the Resurrection. Let us confidently believe that the Middle East will give birth to a new life which we shall have prepared together. Our insertion in it will be social, political, economical and spiritual: an insertion that will deserve to be sought after and lived like the Eden of the Bible, the lost Paradise that will be found again.

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION AND RELATIONS WITH THE SOCIETY IN INDIA AND IN THE DIASPORA PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL CHANGANCHERRY / INDIA

Humans live in society. Inevitably spiritual life acquires a social as well as a cultural dimension. The success of a life, more so of a spiritual life, depends very much on the ability of a person to adapt him-/herself to the milieu in which he/she lives. This is also true of the Christian community. The St. Thomas Christian Community in India – the Syrian Christians – has succeeded in adapting itself to the environment without compromising the faith in Jesus Christ and in His Church. Podipara defines this way of life or the way of the St. Thomas Christians (Marthoma Marga) most succinctly with the famous axiom: “Hindu in Culture, Christian in Religion and Oriental (Syrian) in Worship. The Syrian Rites they use for worship have made them known as Syrians also.” 1 From time immemorial Thomas Christians used the East Syrian Liturgy. They adapted the East Syrian liturgy to their surroundings and to the Hindu culture, christianizing the customs and practices of the high caste Hindus from among whom, according to tradition, their nucleus was formed by the Apostle 1 P. Podipara, “The Social and Socio-ecclesial Customs of Syrian Christians of India”, in: ECQ 7(1947), 222–236.

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Thomas. 2 The socio-political set up in India was a quasi-feudal one, composed of various castes or social groups, each of which with specific profession or professions contributed to the well-being of the body politic of the country. In the social scale the Thomas Christians stood next to the Brahmins who were by birth priests of the non-Christian rulers. They kept several customs common to them and to the Brahmins alone. A newborn baby e.g., was fed with powdered gold mixed in honey; in the eleventh month after its birth the baby was ceremoniously fed with boiled rice for the first time after the prayer (Choroonu); children going to school for the first time were made to write with their finger the first letters of the alphabet on raw rice (Adyaksharamkurickal or Vidyarabham) etc. The marriage ceremonies, customs and events connected to the funeral, food, art and architecture of the Syrian Christians in India is mixing up faith with the local culture. Besides, the local literature and language were enriched by the Syriac language and literature.

INTEGRATION IN WORSHIP

Baptism was administered according to the East Syrian rite. In the baptisteries of certain churches the baptismal formula is seen written on the wall. The names given at baptism were mostly scriptural. The paternal grandfather’s (grandmother’s) name was given to the first male (or female) child respectively. The second child received the name of the maternal grandfather or grandmother. Christian names received modifications according to Syrian and Malabar taste. 3 Infants were baptized only forty days after birth, unless in danger of death. The mother of a male child entered the church forty days after delivery and if the child was female only after eighty days. They were given special blessings by the priest while they arrived at the church after delivery. Though the Brahmins have a separate ceremony called Namakarana (Naming Ceremony), the St. Thomas Christians Cf. Th. Paremakkal, Varthamanappusthakam. Transl. by P.J. Podipara, Rome 1971, 2. 3 Some examples of the Kerala forms of Christian names are Jacob = Chacko, Zacharia = Cherian, Thomas = Mammen etc. 2

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION IN INDIA AND THE DIASPORA 71 name their children only at the time of baptism. There are also interesting points to note regarding their names. Infants were given a name from the Old Testament or the New Testament. But a child also got a ‘call-name’ or pet name which is quite indigenous and very often a Hindu name. The Synod of Diamper forbade this practice, believing that such a name was given as a baptismal name. The eucharistic celebration was held with great solemnity. All the three anaphora of the East Syrian Church were in use, although we have less evidence for the anaphora of Theodore and Nestorius than for that of Addai and Mari. The Qurbana (Eucharistic celebration) was always celebrated on the altar at the eastern side of the church with a cross facing the celebrant. 4 De Monserate testifies that there was a ball-shaped lump in the middle of the eucharist bread made out of rice (?) flour, which the priest consumed at the communion, the rest of the bread being given to the faithful. 5 The candidate for priesthood was presented to the bishop by the community of the parishioners called Palliyogam from whom he had to get a letter patent called Desakury which entitled to be maintained by the parish. Priests were ordained for the parish and not for the diocese. 6 Priests were called Kathanars, of whom those who gave formation and instruction to the clerics were called malpan. The ministry of the archdeacon was a constant element at all hours of service and ecclesiastical assemblies. 7 Marriage was an elaborate ceremony among the Thomas Christians and numerous rites had to be performed to the accompaniment of songs and dances. 8 It should be noted that in the matrimonial traditions of the Thomas Christians most of the Most of the crosses were made after the Persian cross or St. Thomas Cross. Podipara, Our Rite, 39. 5 A. De Monserrate, “De sacrificiomissae. De titulo Matris Dei et sanctae Viriginis”, in: Wicki, Documenta Indica XI, 517; Veillan, An Eastern and Indianised Liturgy, 17. 6 Kooodapuzha, Indian Church History, 278. 7 J. Kollaparambil, The Archdeacon of all India. Kottayam 1972, 79–81. 8 P.J. Thomas, The Marriage Customs and Songs of the Christians of Malabar. Madras 1936, 1. 4

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native elements were social in character, while the East Syrian elements were mostly liturgical. No wedding ring was used, even though prescribed in the East Syrian Rite; it might be that, as Podipara observes, the thali has taken the place of the rings. Unlike the East Syrians Thomas Christians followed the Brahmin custom of dowry, given by the party of the bride to the bridegroom. 9 This dowry system had its origin in the excellent conception that the daughter had a real share in the estate of her father along with the son. It was given in cash and gold on the day of engagement at the house of the bride. A certain percentage (generally 10%) of the dowry – which was called passaram – went to the parish church of the bride. 10 The most important function within the marriage was the tying of the tali or minnu, (a cross of 21 minute beads) around the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, the thread of which is drawn out from the manthrakodi, the bridal veil. Minnu, the exact counterpart of the thali in Brahmin marriage ceremonies, is a clear example of an intelligent adaptation by Thomas Christians from the remotest past. 11 After tying the minnu, the bridegroom puts the mantrakodi over the head of the bride, a symbolic gesture announcing the husband’s commitment to take care of her. This cloth, manthrakodi, used to be carefully preserved to be worn for special occasions and was to serve finally as her shroud at her burial. (Women are to wear the minnu as long as the husband lives. After her death it is either buried with her or given to the treasury of the parish church.) After the ceremonies in the church the bride and the groom were taken home in a grand procession. On such occasions the Thomas Christians made use of their high privileges. Then as now, the couple was welcomed with the sprinkling of nellumnirum (a fertility-cum-coronation rite) and took special care to enter the C. Pyngot, “The Syro Malabar Marriage”, in: La celebrazione Cristiana del matrimonio: simboli e gesti, edited by G. Farendi; SA 93, AL 11. Rome 1986, 270–271. 10 Synod of Diamper (decree 14) recommended that everyone should adopt this custom of pasaram, which was proper only to some parts of the diocese of Angamale. Tisserant, Eastern Christianity, 164. 11 C. Pyngot, The Syro Malabar Marriage, 266. 9

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION IN INDIA AND THE DIASPORA 73 house with their right foot. At their enthronement they would be offered sweets. Dances such as Margamkali and Vattamkali were also performed during the festivities of the following days. The accounts of Joseph the Indian and of De Goes are identical in claiming that Christians had no Anointing of the sick; instead, the sick were blessed by the priest. 12 Priests blessed them, read the gospel over them and placed verses from the Holy Bible, written on a palm leaf or paper, upon their bodies. 13 According to some scholars, this may be an imitation of the Hindu practice of wearing a palm leaf on which some spirit invoking prayer (mantram) has been written on the body. This practice was prohibited by canon 249 of Diamper. But one has to think whether this practice has an even greater likelihood to the similar Jewish custom. Devotees used to make offerings in connection with the feasts and festivals of the church as in the Hindu culture. Agape services called Sadya, offerings of edibles and other objects, and fasts and other acts of penance comprised the important forms of offerings. 14 Included with these were the offering of rice, boiled with coconut milk, milk-pudding, plantain, crawling on knees, remaining awake with prayer at night and the offerings of silver and gold models of crosses, snakes, human eyes, ears or legs (asking for a cure from diseases connected to those parts of the body) etc. The East Syrian ritual was followed for the burial of the dead. But some of the prescribed rituals had assumed different traits in Malabar. The dying person was laid on a bed facing the east and people around would chant prayers. The corpse was washed in warm water and anointed a few hours after the death. It was then laid out at a prominent place in the house, the face towards east. As regarding the funeral services, the common

Marco Polo was a witness to this in India in 1293. See A.E. Medlycott, India and the Apostle Thomas. London 1905, 84–87. 13 According to Podipara, this may be an imitation of the Hindu practice of wearing on the body palm leaf on which some spirit invoking prayer (mantram) has been written. Podipara, Our Rite, 36–37. 14 Sreedhara Menon, A Cultural Heritage of Kerala, An Introduction. Trivandrum 1977, 56–57. 12

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cemeteries in the churchyard came into use in the Sixteenth century from Mar Jacob’s time onwards. On the eleventh day after the burial, the Thomas Christians, like high-caste Hindus, practiced the ritual bath (pulakuli) for purification from defilement due to contact with a deceased person. For one year after a death, one of the young members of the family used to grow a beard (diksha), as a sign of mourning and penance. The anniversary celebration for the dead was called Chatham or Sraddham. Liturgical prayers, commemorative meals held in common, almsgiving etc. were normally included. Priests and deacons officiated at such functions at the home. 15

ADMINISTRATION

The temporal administrations of local churches or parishes were carried on by an assembly consisting of the priests of the church and of adult laymen. The assembly decided cases and inflicted punishments. The de facto administration of the whole Church rested with the Archdeacons, who were unmarried priests, almost always from the same family of Pakalomattam. 16 There was only one Archdeacon at one time, even when there was more than one bishop at the same time, though the East Syrian Rite and Canon Law prescribed one Archdeacon for one bishop. The description about the administration among the Thomas Christians indicates that they had evolved a Canon Law or a particular law adapted to their surroundings. This law was different from that of the Church of Mesopotamia, even though Mesopotamian bishops were in Malabar. The Thomas Christians enjoyed an administrative style more Indianised. 17

CULTURAL INTEGRATION

Thomas Christians adapted themselves well to the culture of the place. Living in a positive encounter with the Hindu community Thazhath, Juridical Sources, 58–59. Cf. J. Kollaparambil, The Archdeacon of all India. Kottayam 1972. 17 For a study see J. Thalachelloor, “Palliyogam among the St. Thomas Christians”, in: Mathoma Margam edited by A. Mekkattukunnel. Kottayam 2012, 891–899. 15 16

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION IN INDIA AND THE DIASPORA 75 for centuries, they developed a theological vision, which was inclusive, pluralistic and liberal. 18 Compared to the modern missions’ approach to non-Christian religions one must admit that the vision of St. Thomas Christians was truly an enlightened one. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, the Christians of Malabar (Kerala) were living a life of a privileged position in their society, preserving the ancient culture of India, vitalizing it with Christian principles. Scholars rightly observe; “it is evident that their life was strikingly similar to that of their Hindu brethren. Their customs and manners, life and culture conformed to the general pattern in the land where they lived. Hence, Christianity in Kerala developed as an essentially Indian religion while the votaries of that religion zealously guarded the fundamentals of their faith as the most treasured of their possession”. 19 The unique feature of the life of the St. Thomas Christians was that, while they upheld their Christian faith, they were culturally integrated into the mainstream Hindu society. The Synod of Diamper forbade a number of culturally Hindu customs and practices retained by St. Thomas Christians, which the Portuguese considered unchristian, pagan and heathen errors. 20 These prohibitions and restrictions imposed by the Synod were detrimental to communal harmony and the cordial relations that existed between Christians and Hindus. The concern for communal harmony and the spirit of tolerance should be considered a typical Indian contribution to Christian Vision. R.E. Miller states, Seldom in world history has there been such a ‘successful’ era or positive inter-religious living as that which existed in this See L.W., Brown. The Indian Christians of St. Thomas. Cambridge 1956, 16. 19 C.V. Cheriyan, A History of Christianity in Kerala. Kottayam: Kerala Historical Society 1973, 153. 20 Scaria Zacharia (ed.), The Acts and Decrees of the Synod of Diamper. Edamattom: Indian Institute of Christian Studies 1994, 120. The Synod of Diamper (1599) is the synodal council at Oodiamperoor, or Diamper, where the Roman Catholic rites were forcefully imposed upon the St. Thomas Christians. The decrees were violently enforced by Menezes the Archbishop of Goa with the help of Portuguese authorities. 18

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL region from the eighth to the fifteenth centuries. That conclusion is not an unreasonable one, even though the evidence is somewhat circumstantial in nature and its interpretation is conditioned by nostalgia. Kerala Hindus, sharers of a faith noted for its spaciousness were at their most hospitable stage. 21

However, we possess four documents or copper plates which enable us to pin-point the position of the Syrian groups within the structure of social interrelationships. These plates deal with the recognition of privileges granted by the Hindu chieftains to the leaders of the Syrian groups in Cranganore and Quilon. The earliest document is a grant to Thomas Cana in C. 345 A.D. The second, dated 774 A.D., relates to Iravikortan, Chief of the Christians of Cranganore. The third and fourth, both dated 880 A.D., are addressed to the local Church established by Maravan Sapir Iso at Quilon, known as Tharasapallicheppedu. 22 These plates have been analysed by Houtart and Lemercinier. 23 The signatories in all four instances were Hindu Chieftains. The privileges were economic, religious or social. In the Cranganore documents the beneficiaries were recognised as a merchant guild. In the Quilon documents the mode of donation is identical with that used in favors of Hindu temples. The above authors therefore conclude: “So it is quite clear that it was by means of a dependent relationship between the leader of the Christian group and the king that the group was integrated into the social ensemble.” The two Cranganore plates indicate the powerful position occupied by the Syrian group in the key-sector of the Kerala economy – the foreign trade in spices, salt, sugar and oil. All four documents grant to the Thomas Christian leaders a series of privileges in a symbolic order indicating their social status. A symbolic apparatus reserved for the royal family had R. E. Miller, Op. cit., 49. For a detailed study of the copper plates see T.K. Joseph, Copper Plates of Malabar Christians, Trivandrum 1925; Z.M. Paret, “The Thomas Christian Copper Plates” in: TCEI, 134–137. 23 For a study see F. Houtart and G. Lemercinier, Genesis and Institutionalisation of the Indian Catholicism. Louvain: CRSR Universite Catholique de Louvain 1981, Chapter 1. 21 22

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION IN INDIA AND THE DIASPORA 77 been developed in order to support its authority. They were excellent soldiers and had an army of their own. The characteristic note of their social life was that, though Christian in faith, they remained strictly attached to the Hindu way of life. They continued to follow the social customs, diet, inter-dining, ritual purity etc., as were prescribed to the particular caste they belonged.

ARCHITECTURE

The Syrian Churches were built after the fashion of the local pagodas. They built open air crosses on a granite basement with the provision for wick and oil for illumination in the fashion of huge brass or granite lamps found outside the main gates of the Hindu temples in Kerala. In the celebration of various feasts there were even more similarities such as flag-hoisting, use of musical instruments, use of umbrellas and torches during church processions, offering of food as a sort of Prasada etc. These practices continue even today. 24 The churches were rectangular buildings divided into the sanctuary, choir, and nave. Externally they looked like the Hindu temples as it is evidenced by a few pre-Portuguese church building still in existence. Men occupied the front part of the nave and women the hind part, there being separate doors for each. The porch in front of the church was reserved for keeping the arms of men during religious services. The church and compound were enclosed in a massive granite wall. Over the main gateway was the Kottupura or musical hall where musicians performed on festive occasions. The paraphernalia used for church processions were the same as those of non-Christian temples. Of these special mentions must be made a kind of umbrella muthukuda, which in former times was a royal emblem. Church processions externally looked like processions in Hindu temples. The major difference is the cross carried in front of the Christian processions. They went

For a detailed discussion see J. Kolengaden, “Culture and Traditions of St. Thomas Christians”, in: The Thomapedia edited by G. Menacherry. Ollur 2000, 127–130.

24

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round the open air cross erected in front of the church, sometimes thrice. 25 As in front of a Hindu temple, the churches have flag staffs; a flag hoisted on such a staff indicated that a feast was being celebrated. During certain feasts all were fed at the expense of the church. Another interesting adaptation from Hindu style were the open-air crosses in front of the main entrance. In Hindu temples in Kerala stood a huge brass or granite lamp, built on a basement with wick holders all around, outside the main gate. The Christians built open air crosses on granite basements with provisions for wicks and oil for illumination. The large tanks, invariably present in the vicinity of ancient churches, bear witness to the elaborate ablutions the Thomas Christians inherited from their Brahmin ancestry.

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

There are a number of traditional songs of Thomas Christians. They are marthommanpattu, Nalloru Orsalem, Mylanchipattu, Pallippatukal etc. 26 One of the important songs, Rabban Pattu, or Thomas Rabban Pattu, was published by F. Rocca. The text we actually possess is a reduction of this original, in modern language written by Thomas Rabban Maliakkal. 27 The composition of these ancient Christian songs is a mixture of Tamil and Syriac words. Syrian musical style is followed throughout. It is not mere hymns but they are popular songs transmitted from generation to generation. These songs play a great role in the history of the Church and the St. Thomas tradition. Ancient songs of Thomas Christians had immense importance in the study of history, literary and linguistic development of the language and socio-cultural

25 Cfr J. Menacherry, “Thomas Christian Architecture”, in: The Thomapedia edited by G. Menacherry. Ollur 2000, 137–140. 26 For a detailed study see M. Ulakamthara, “The Contribution of the Mar Thoma Christians to Malayalam Literature”, in: Mathoma Margam edited by A. Mekkattukunnel. Kottayam 2012, 606–612. 27 For a detailed discussion see T.M. Chummar, “Malayalam Literature and Thomas Christians”, in: The Thomapedia edited by G. Menacherry. Ollur 2000, 159–164.

SYRIAC IDENTITY: INTEGRATION IN INDIA AND THE DIASPORA 79 aspects of life. 28 Besides, many Syriac words are now part of the local Malayalam language. 29 One of the most ancient traditions still kept by Thomas Christians is Margamkali. It is a performing art of the Syrian Christians of Kerala. Margam is the way or path and kali means play or dance. In fact, the songs of margamkali sung during this dance are based on the theme of an ancient Syriac apocryphal called “Acts of Thomas” written in the third century in Syria. The Malayalam song rendering the story of St. Thomas based on the Syriac text was adapted to the Kerala situation. Margamkali is often performed by six or eight dancers and a singer. It is performed around a lighted lamp, often a lamp with a Persian cross. People wear the traditional Christian dress while playing the margamkali. 30

SYRIAN CHRISTIANS IN DIASPORA

Owing to a variety of social and economic factors a large number of Syrian Christians started migrating to various parts of India and abroad. The first migration of the Syrian Christians was in the 1920’s to the then British Malabar, the present North-Kerala. Then, starting in the 1960’s and especially in the seventies and eighties, many skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled migrated to the middle east countries especially to Kuwait, KSA, UAE, Qatar, Oman, Bahrain etc. for better job and living conditions. Migration for higher education and jobs to US, Canada, Australia, Austria and the UK continues in full swing. The newly explored areas are New Zealand, Switzerland, Italy and Singapore. Those who migrate to Europe, North America, Australia and Oceania tend to settle in the host country, as the political situations are favorable. As per reliable sources, one third of the members of the Syrian Christians of Kerala are living outside Kerala. They face different challenges, such as lack of appreciation of their identity, C. Choodnal, “Songs, Arts, Festivals of the Thomas Christians” in: The Thomapedia edited by G. Menacherry. Ollur 2000, 168. 29 M. Ulakamthara, op.cit, 608. 30 For a detailed discussion see Vellian J., Margamkali; “A Christian Folkdance of Indian Christian Performing Arts” in: Mathoma Margam edited by A. Mekkattukunnel. Kottayam 2012, 587–597. 28

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alienation from the ecclesial and liturgical tradition, lack of adequate catechetical formation, migration to other religious sects etc. In most of these countries, except in KSA, the Syrian Christians are well organized. They keep almost all the Syrian customs and traditions in their own way. In fact, the Syrian Christians in these countries are a very small minority and therefore, they are trying to be organized. In certain countries the pastoral care of the Syrian Christians is weak and hence they are away from the ecclesial life. But in general they keep all the good old Syrian Christian traditions.

CONCLUSION

Adapting themselves to a caste-ridden Hindu social set up and Christianizing the ancient Hindu culture in many aspects, Syrian Christians of India or St. Thomas Christians became the sons of the soil in the fullest sense. Since they were Converts from the high caste of Hinduism they enjoyed a high social status and it helped them to shape their Christian life and attitudes. We have seen many areas of adaptation and assimilation of the Syrian Christians from the Hindu way of life and culture. In the areas of day-to-day life, social and religious ceremonies, educational system, occupation, art and architecture, literature etc., they systematically conformed to the native atmosphere so much that they were hardly distinguishable from their compatriots of other creeds. Besides, the local culture and society were enriched by the Syrian or Thomas Christians presence. Therefore, they never experienced Christ and His gospel as deculturalizing factors but only as vigorous forces perfecting their being and existence, their cultural, social and linguistic milieu.

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT – MIDDLE EAST AND DIASPORA

DIFFERENT PASTORAL EXPERIENCES AND PASTORAL AGREEMENTS BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO SJ ALEPPO / SYRIA

A discussion on the identity of the Churches of Syriac Tradition in the Middle East and in the diaspora can only take place by taking the ethno-religious conflicts that affect the countries of this region into account. Especially Syria and Iraq, which are both called the cradle of this tradition, are massively affected. Indeed, and to get straight to the heart of the matter, I would like to draw your attention to two major challenges which the Oriental Churches encounter today, namely the process of globalisation and religious radicalisation. The Christians of the Middle East cannot remain indifferent towards these two poles, these two tensions. Two images that come to my mind will form the base of my reflections. The first is repulsion and the second is attraction. The religious fundamentalists who call for holy war (jihad) in the name of religion and the Sunni–Shiite bloodletting create an atmosphere of terror. Christians therefore lose confidence, are discouraged and finally leave their homeland. It is pointless to provide the alerting statistics on the decreasing number of Christians 81

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– especially in Syria and Iraq! On one side the religious fundamentalism rebuts rejection, on the other side globalisation attracts people, as well as the magic of a free and prosperous world. Caught up in this twofold problem, the Church pastors do whatever they can to cope with these two challenges and to build a future in which the identity of the Churches can be preserved, thus allowing the Christians to be witnesses of faith at the heart of the Universal Church and within the societies to which they belong. Threatened, harassed, and tired after nearly six years of war in Syria and twenty-five years in Iraq the pastors and faithful are often confronted with omens of a deadly threat and live as if the morning of Resurrection was close at hand. It is necessary to understand this context, so that the proposals I will put forward may have an impact on our present and future. My presentation consists of three parts: First, starting from the Second Vatican Council, the council of Church communion, I want to unfold today’s message of the Council to us. Furthermore, I want to present the key points of the apostolic exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, thus fostering the appreciation of diversity as a contribution to dialogue and witness. This first part helps us to a better understanding of how the testimony of faith is alive in a context of violence and poverty, in a country like Syria. Second, I want to talk of the situation in Aleppo and, in a next step, to take a look at the Chaldean-Assyrian identity and their ecumenical endeavours in view of Church unity and the proclamation of the Gospel. I will point out the achievements as well as the difficulties of the dialogue between Catholics and Assyrians and between Chaldeans and Assyrians. Third, and finally, I want to reflect on the theme of Arab cultural identity as a way to citizenship, justice and freedom in the Arab-Muslim world.

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I. THE SECOND VATICAN COUNCIL AND THE SYNOD FOR THE MIDDLE EAST 1. The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965)

One cannot discuss ecclesial issues today without referring to the Second Vatican Council which really is a main reference point in our times. I will talk about the main lines of this Council, which still inspires the Catholic Church, all popes (more especially John XXIII, Paul XI and John-Paul II as well as Benedict XVI and Pope Francis) and theologians as well as the ordinary faithful. First, I would like to refer to the person that had the intuition and the prophetic courage to convoke the Second Vatican Council, namely Pope John XXIII. This man, who was categorized as an “elderly, transitional pope”, ascended, as I may suggest, the throne of Saint Peter due to three strong experiences he had as a person of the twentieth century. As nuncio in Paris and as patriarch of Venice he witnessed the development of secularized societies and of the pronounced laicism of the French people and of the Europeans. In Istanbul he encountered a large Muslim country located at the gates of Europe and finally, as an apostolic visitor in Bulgaria, at the heat of a communist country, he got to know and respect orthodoxy. His prophetic courage and his wisdom as a brave peasant- and country-priest inspired him to seek the “aggiornamento” which became a synonym for the Second Vatican Council. The issue of ecumenism and identity cannot be approached without referring to the great inspiration of the Council, the council of Church communion in the heart of the world. The Church communion is indeed a reflection of the Trinity. The strength of this communion is provided to every human being whom God loves and whom He wants to save. Similarly, we cannot talk about ecumenism without mentioning the dialogue between Churches. Being part of the same mindset as the Second Vatican Council, the interreligious dialogue is not foreign to our purpose. Indeed, the generosity and gratuity of all human beings in search of God and of the Absolute reveals the dynamic of communion. Moreover, we cannot ignore the urgency of a sincere dialogue with Jews and Muslims in the context of the Middle East.

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The Church communion, that is a Church with a dynamic of dialogue in three dimensions, found its expression in three important Council documents: • • •

Unitatis redintegratio (ecumenism) Nostra aetate (interreligious dialogue) Dignitatis humanae (religious freedom)

We also have to keep the two World Wars in the twentieth century and the totalitarian regimes, which affected Europe and the world at the same time, in mind. This recollection allows us to examine the issue of ecumenism and identity in the context of our Oriental Churches, which are mysteriously called to grow in faith by shedding their blood. Dealing with the issue of this particular kind of ecumenism, which becomes more and more the daily routine of today’s persecuted Christians, we also have to accomplish a historical re-reading of the past and present of the Oriental Christianity. First, we have to recall the paradoxical present times of these various Churches. On the one side, ad intra, there is a rich plurality of rites embracing different theological and liturgical traditions. But on the other side, ad extra, we are “the Christians” representing a unique and common destiny within the Arab-Muslim world. The Synod of the Catholic Church in the Middle East sheds a particular light on the mission of the Christians in this region, as we now shall see. 2. The Synod of the Catholic Church for the Middle East

Ecclesia in Medio Oriente (EMO), the Apostolic Exhortation of Pope Benedict XVI, was published on September the 14th, 2012, following the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East. 1 Its distinctive characteristic is its briefness. As usual it is Cf. Pope Benedict XVI, Ecclesia in Medio Oriente. Post Synodal Exhortation to the Patriarchs, Bishops, Clergy, Consecrated Persons and the lay Faithful on the Church in the Middle East: Communion and Witness, in: Dietmar W. Winkler (ed.), Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies. The Middle East and India (Pro Oriente Studies in Syriac Tradition 4). Piscataway/NJ: Gorgias 2020, 181–231. 1

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 85 composed of an introduction, a conclusion and three major parts. There is no doubt that all parts develop the central theme of the Synod: “The Catholic Church in the Middle East: Communion and Witness”. In part one, the Pope at length unfolds a reflection on ecumenism (#11–17), encouraging spiritual ecumenism as promoted by the Second Vatican Council, as well as an “ecumenism of service”, emphasizing the role of the Middle East Council of Churches. Furthermore, in this same part, the pope addresses the issue of interreligious dialogue (#19–30). The Holy Father first mentions the relations between Christians and Jews; he affirms the Christian faith in an objective way and at the same time acknowledges the religious virtue of the other. In this context he recalls the biblical roots to the Christians and shows how Christ introduces them into the faith of God’s Chosen People, while yet the person of Jesus Christ, as the Saviour, also is separating them. When addressing the Muslims, the pope does a re-reading of Lumen Gentium and Nostra Aetate in the light of the Synod. He stresses the human and scientific contribution of the Christians to the civilisations of the countries of the Middle East. The Exhortation candidly talks of equality, full citizenship and religious freedom, thus forcing us to reassess the anthropological relation with religion and God: Religious tolerance exists in a number of countries, but it does not have much effect since it remains limited in its field of action. There is a need to move beyond tolerance to religious freedom. Taking this step does not open the door to relativism, as some would maintain. It does not compromise belief, but rather calls for a reconsideration of the relationship between man, religion and God. It is not an attack on the ‘foundational truths’ of belief, since, despite human and religious divergences, a ray of truth shines on all men and women. We know very well that truth, apart from God, does not exist as an autonomous reality. If it did, it would be an idol. The truth cannot unfold except in an otherness open to God, who wishes to reveal his own otherness in and through my human brothers and sisters. Hence it is not fitting to state in an exclusive way: ‘I possess the truth.’ The truth is not possessed by anyone; it is always a

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BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO, SJ gift, which calls us to undertake a journey of ever closer assimilation to truth. Truth can only be known and experienced in freedom; for this reason we cannot impose truth on others; truth is disclosed only in an encounter of love. (EMO 27)

The second part is crucial and deals with internal issues of the Catholic Church: how to practically live communion and witness. The Exhortation addresses all categories of persons and provides guidelines to each group, namely: Patriarchs (39–40), Bishops (41–44), Priests, deacons and seminarians (45–50), The consecrated life (51–54), The laity (55– 57), The family (58–61), Young people and children (62–65). While part two deals with the different categories of persons and underlines the task of communion for each group, part three insists on the aspect of bearing witness, noting the means that the Church from its origins has placed in our hands, so that we can be witnesses and evangelizers. All these ecclesial treasures are there to be rediscovered and shared among Christians for the benefit of all. This chapter begins with an emphasis on the role of the Word of God in the lands of the Bible (EMO 68–74, cf. EMO 70– 71) and its importance in the East and West. Then there follows a chapter on liturgy, Eucharist and sacramental life (EMO 75–81) with special attention to the necessity of profound renewal: Throughout history the liturgy has been an essential element in the spiritual unity and communion of the faithful in the Middle East. Indeed, the liturgy is an outstanding witness to the apostolic Tradition as preserved and developed in the particular traditions of the Churches of East and West. A renewal of liturgical texts and celebrations, where necessary, could enable the faithful to draw more deeply from the liturgical tradition and its biblical, patristic, theological and spiritual riches through their experience of the Mystery to which these give access. Such a renewal must of course be undertaken, to the extent possible, in cooperation with those Churches, which are not in full communion, yet are also heirs to the same liturgical traditions. The desired liturgical renewal must be based on the word of God, on the proper tradition of each Church, and upon the new insights of Christian theology and anthropology. It will bear fruit if Christians become convinced that the sacramental life introduces them deeply into the new

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 87 life in Christ (cf. Rom 6:1–6; 2 Cor 5:17) which is the source of communion and witness. (EMO 75)

In this part, which – as I mentioned before – is focused on the testimony of the Church in the Middle East, a number of other areas are highlighted as means of living and proclaiming Christian faith. In the following section (EMO 82-84) the Exhortation develops at length the role of prayer and pilgrimage in one’s personal life. It does not involve social practices, but the personal relation with Christ, who invites us to conversion of heart. Thus, the witness flows from the contemplation of the face of Christ in prayer: The Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East forcefully emphasized the need for prayer in the life of the Church; through prayer the Church allows herself to be transformed by her Lord, and each member of the faithful allows Christ to live within him or her (cf. Gal 2:20). As Jesus himself showed when he withdrew to pray at decisive moments in his life, the effectiveness of the mission of preaching the Gospel, and thus of Christian witness, has its source in prayer. Through openness to the working of God's Spirit, believers, by their personal and communal prayer, enable the riches of love and the light of hope within them to break through to the world (cf. Rom 5:5). May the desire for prayer grow among the Pastors of the People of God and among the faithful, so that their contemplation of the face of Christ may increasingly inspire their witness and their actions! Jesus taught his disciples to pray unceasingly and not to be discouraged (cf. Lk 18:1). Situations of human suffering caused by selfishness, injustice or the thirst for power can lead to weariness and discouragement. That is why Jesus tells us to pray constantly. Prayer is the true “tent of meeting” (cf. Ex 40:34), the privileged place of communion between God and man. Let us not forget the meaning of the name of the Child whose birth was proclaimed by Isaiah and who brings salvation: Emmanuel, “God-with-us” (cf. Is 7:14; Mt 1:23). Jesus is our Emmanuel, the true God in our midst. Let us fervently call upon him! (EMO 82)

Similarly, in EMO 83 the Exhortation emphasizes the pilgrimage as an experience of conversion and search of God. Here Pope

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Benedict XVI discusses a topic that is also close to his heart, namely the transformation that takes place when we follow Jesus Christ: As the land of biblical revelation, the Middle East soon became a major goal of pilgrimage for many Christians throughout the world, who came to be strengthened in faith and to have a profoundly spiritual experience. Theirs was a penitential journey, which expressed an authentic thirst for God. Today's pilgrimages to the lands of the Bible need to recover this primordial insight. Marked by a spirit of penitence aimed at conversion and by the desire to seek God, and walking in the earthly footsteps of Christ and the apostles, pilgrimages to the holy and apostolic places, if undertaken with intense faith, can become an authentic path of discipleship (sequela Christi). They also provide the faithful with a powerful visual experience of the richness of biblical history, which evokes before their eyes the great moments of God's saving plan. It is fitting that pilgrimages to the biblical sites should be complemented by pilgrimages to the shrines of the martyrs and saints in whom the Church venerates Christ, the wellspring of their martyrdom and their holiness. (EMO 83)

From EMO 85 to 91 the pope unfolds at length his thoughts on the transmission of faith and a new evangelization. Indeed, the desire that our Churches should be missionary Churches was a major concern of the Synod Fathers. Therefore, the Exhortation explicitly reminds the Oriental Churches of their task to regain missionary zeal, which was at the root of their own development: As heir to the apostolic outreach which brought the Good News to distant lands, each of the Catholic Churches present in the Middle East is also called to renew its missionary spirit by training and sending forth men and women proud of their faith in Christ crucified and risen, and able to proclaim the Gospel courageously both in the region and throughout the diaspora, and even in other countries around the world. The Year of Faith, which is linked to the new evangelization, if lived with intense conviction, will provide an excellent incentive for Churches of the region to evangelize themselves and to consolidate their witness to Christ. To make known the Son of God who died and rose again, the sole saviour of mankind,

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 89 is an essential duty of the Church and a grave responsibility for all the baptized. ‚God desires everyone to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth’ (cf. 1 Tim 2:4). As she takes up this urgent and demanding task in a culturally and religiously pluralistic context, the Church is aided by the Holy Spirit, the gift of the risen Lord who continues to sustain his disciples, and the treasury of great spiritual traditions which are a sure guide to all who seek God. I encourage each ecclesiastical jurisdiction and all religious institutes and ecclesial movements to develop an authentic missionary spirit, which will serve as a sure pledge of spiritual renewal. In carrying out this work, the Catholic Church in the Middle East can count on the support of the universal Church. (EMO 88)

Finally, the pope concludes part three by recalling the fundamental role of the Catechism of the Catholic Church and the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church (EMO 93). In conclusion of my reflection on the Apostolic Exhortation of Benedict XVI Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, I would like to remark that the Holy Father looks directly – without fear, but with love and confidence – at the tragic political and economic situation in the countries of the Middle East. He asks everyone and all to build peace, a gift of God to humanity through the death and Resurrection of Christ. Despite all difficulties encountered, despite all internal and external conflicts of the Churches, no spirit of antagonism can be felt in this text. In fact, the pope invites us to a personal respectful conversion. Everybody can feel questioned by God and allow himself or herself to be drawn and transformed by the Holy Spirit for the common good of all people! We have to follow this path of conversion now even more radically than ever, after those years of war and violence we have just gone through. This leads us to discuss more concretely the situation in Syria. 3. Syria: State of Cohesion and Reconstruction

We can neither look away nor do nothing nor weep on the ruins, as the Arabic poets of the Jahiliyya did, in particular when one stands in front of the devastated landscape we have witnessed in the last few weeks in the eastern part of Aleppo.

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As a matter of fact, the Church and the believers, who are conscious of their mission, want to testify the hope that fills their heart. On the one hand they are confronted with the damages and the destruction of their places of worship, which is terrifying for the people. On the other hand, they stand strong to relieve those who suffer and to rebuild the Churches. Indeed, many Christians – in particular the young people – are forced to leave the country to escape the relentless increase of violence and the proliferation of Islamic groups whose various names state that they are engaged in a Holy War in the name of religion! Those kidnapped distinguished bishops, killed priests, murdered Christian laypeople in Maaloula and in Sadad, because they refused to deny their Christian faith. Nearly sixty churches have been destroyed, burned. The Christian quarters and villages are virtually emptied. The inhabitants of the Christian quarters of Aleppo, Damascus and Jazireh who are confronted with this increasing violence are afraid of suffering a similar fate! Where shall they go? Which decision should they make? Meanwhile, the Christians, deeply rooted in the Old and New Testament thanks to their liturgies, their languages and their theological heritage, are conscious of being the heirs of the Churches of Antioch and Mesopotamia and of everything which Saint Paul experienced in Tarsus, his birthplace, as well as in Damascus, the place of his conversion. Indeed, this Christianity is beautiful, proud, faithful, the repository of a treasure transmitted over the centuries by the sweat of our brows and in the blood of our martyrs. We carry this treasure in earthen vessels (2 Cor 4:7) and jealously guard it, though we do not want to keep it selfishly, but want the light of truth to shine onto the Universal Church and the Arab-Muslim world. Imagine Syria without a strong presence of Arab Christians which decently reach out to Islam and invite it to accept the otherness and respect the differences! Appealing to the Catholic Patriarchs of the Middle East Pope Francis stated: We can’t accept a Middle East without Christians. 2 Yes, the Oriental Christians, particularly Cf. Francis X. Rocca, “We can’t accept a Middle East without Christians, say Pope and Ecumenical Patriarch”, Catholic Herald, November 30, 2

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 91 those in Syria, play a twofold role regarding Islam and regarding the Universal Church. Their mission is to recall to the Church that it needs to breathe with both its lungs of East and West – if I may quote the words often used by Pope Jean Paul II – and to tell the Arab-Muslim world that respectful dialogue is the way which leads to God and reveals the best that inhabits him to mankind. The Church in Syria does neither want to cry and to blame nor to talk about the persecutions by the Muslims. A pure focus on the persecutions means farewell and immigration! Certainly, Christians and thousands of Muslims in Syria experienced violence, but we also share a history of fraternity and friendship; we belong to the same nation and the same culture, together we would like to keep and guard it, to bring life and joy to a great multitude. Today we constantly witness poverty, physical and psychological illnesses affecting young and old alike, more particularly the women and children. This multifaceted poverty is mirrored in all Syrians by their clothing, moral and physical state. Prostitution and sexual abuse of children is spreading in the open. The trade of human organs harvested from victims is thriving. Young girls are purchased at the price of 500 USD by whoever has the means for a wedding without mutual consent. Violence causes poverty and misery rips the minimum of physical and psychological dignity from human beings. This is another aspect of the destruction of society. What is our response, as Syrians and as Christians? Carefully peering at the requests of our Syrian society, we encourage the Christians in this time of crisis and political vacuum to resort to the Social Doctrine of the Church which promotes human dignity, solidarity, common good and the principle of subsidiarity. In my function as bishop of the Chaldeans in Syria and as president of Caritas in Syria I witnessed the surge of poverty. When the mediation of political and religious language vanishes, violence is unleashed and poverty is growing. At the same time, 2014, https://catholicherald.co.uk/we-cant-accept-a-middle-east-without-christians-say-pope-and-patriarch/ (accessed June 6, 2022).

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however, I have the opportunity to share the joy of the Christians who cope, particularly those who work together with Muslims in support of displaced people. They feel mutual appreciation, respect and acknowledgement of their belonging to a splendid country with a glamorous history and finally share the same citizenship, beyond ethnic or religious identities. It pleases me to quote Pope Francis who spoke about the value of encounters at the Vigil of Pentecost 2013: We live in a culture of conflict, a culture of fragmentation, ... However, we must go out to meet them, and with our faith we must create a ‘culture of encounter’, a culture of friendship, a culture in which we find brothers and sisters, in which we can also speak with those who think differently, as well as those who hold other beliefs, who do not have the same faith. 3

All these encouragements and exhortations of the recent popes help us to persevere with a positive attitude of conversion and action, in a humble and hidden way maybe, but tenaciously and filled with hope. The Christians in the Middle East need to keep their identity while living in profound and real communion with those who do not have the same faith and “give an answer to everyone who asks you to give the reason for the hope that you have” (1 Peter 3:15). We actually practice this communion in our quest for ecumenical dialogue and Christian unity, as I will explain in the second part of my paper.

II. ECUMENICAL DIALOGUES

Talking about the Syriac identity within the ecumenical context as a bishop of the Chaldean Church in Syria, I can only present broad outlines of the dialogue dimension of our Churches and societies. The city of Aleppo, where my episcopal see is located, is like a miniature of these different streams of dialogue.

Pope Francis, Address at the Vigil of Pentecost with the Ecclesial Movements, https://www.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/speeches/2013/ may/documents/papa-francesco_20130518_veglia-pentecoste.html (accessed June 3, 2022).

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SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 93 1. Socio-religious situation of the Christians in Aleppo and Syria

There are the Orthodox Churches, fiercely loyal to the Antioch tradition, with two branches: Syriac and Greek. The Armenian Church that deeply bears the wounds of its martyr in 1915 is also to be found there. There are also six Catholic Churches: Greek, Syriac, Maronite, Armenian, Chaldean and Latin and ultimately exist the Evangelical communities and the Assyrian Church of the East with its two branches in Syria. This is the panorama offered by the Christian presence in this Area. a) Three Catholic circles of dialogue

a) The first dialogue takes place between the Catholic Churches sui iuris. There is an intensive collaboration between them. The relationship between the different Catholic Churches is, as a dynamic, a complementary one. The Assembly of the Catholic Patriarchs and Bishops of Syria meets on a regular basis twice a year and coordinates different commissions. b) The second dialogue is the ecumenical one, especially with the Syriac, Greek and Armenian Orthodox Churches and with the Assyrians. Inspired by the Second Vatican Council a real progress in ecumenical dialogue is to be noted. As an example, it is noted during the Week of Prayer for Christian Unity, that is celebrated attentively in particular in the major cities. The date of Easter remains a deep wound in nearly all families, the majority of which are mixed marriages. This suffering can be felt in particular in the large cities. Every time we are able to enjoy celebrating Easter on the same day the sadness follows, since we are not able to visibly express our unity at all times. c) The war in Syria that has started more than five years ago sought to ignite interreligious struggles, especially between Christians and Muslims. But to no avail! In my opinion it would be dishonest to profit from this war to talk about persecution and martyrdom of the Christians. It would be more accurate to say that armed groups particularly attack Christians, as they are easy targets, in order to spread the greatest terror around the world. Since the beginning the Churches in Syria avoided falling into the

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propaganda trap and defended their country instead of regarding themselves as victims. Certainly, the war has destabilized the dialogue and also the art of living together a lot. Our struggle as Christians of Syria and of the Middle East is to advocate the principle of “citizenship”. This task requires considerable efforts of reflection and of education. As a conclusion of this section, I would like to quote from the speech of Pope John Paul II during his visit to Damascus on the 5th of May 2001: How can I forget the magnificent contribution of Syria and the surrounding region to the history of Christianity? From the very beginning of Christianity, flourishing communities were to be found here. In the Syrian desert Christian monasticism flourished; and the names of Syrians such as Saint Ephraem and Saint John Damascene are etched forever in Christian memory. Some of my predecessors were born in this area. I am thinking too of the great cultural influence of Syrian Islam, which under the Umayyad Caliphs reached the farthest shores of the Mediterranean. Today, in a world that is increasingly complex and interdependent, there is a need for a new spirit of dialogue and cooperation between Christians and Muslims. Together we acknowledge the one indivisible God, the Creator of all that exists. Together we must proclaim to the world that the name of the one God is ‚a name of peace and a summons to peace’ (Novo mellennio ineunte, 55)! 4

When approaching reality in the Middle East, we also need to listen to the testimony of a prominent bishop of Aleppo, Neophytos Edelby (1920–1995): We form a tiny minority in the mass of the Muslim population and we can think of ourselves as a fine, bright-coloured thread, worked in and out through a tightly woven cloth of deeper hue. Within this Christian minority, the Catholic communities constitute a number of frail branches, as it were, 4 Address of John Paul II, 5 May 2001, pt. 3, https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/speeches/2001/may/documents/hf_jpii_spe_20010505_president-syria.html (accessed June 3, 2022)

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 95 united to the trunk of the Universal Church. Eastern Catholics are in a special category within this Church for they have their own rites and disciplines. They are Arab but not Muslim, Eastern but not schismatic, Catholics but not Latin. This threefold characteristic marks our difference from our fellows and also signifies the conflict that is a fundamental feature of our collective existence… The evident singularity of our position can be regarded as pointing providentially to a threefold aspect of our vocation as a religious group. 5

b) Dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East

Following the Common Christological Declaration, signed on the 11th of November 1994 by His Holiness John Paul II and His Holiness Mar Dinkha IV, a Mixed Committee for Theological dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East was established. This Committee met for the first time in Rome from the 22nd until the 24th of November 1995, in order to start a common reflection on sacraments in general and on the Eucharist in particular. Below is a short list of the topics of this theological dialogue, which took place from 1995 till 2004 and led to the drafting of a “Common statement on sacramental life”, which is at the same time a culmination of and a new start for the dialogue. This common statement allows the members of one Church to turn to a minister of another Church to receive the sacraments of baptism, confession and anointing of the sick, in case they are not able to contact an ordained minister of their own Church. The document has been accepted by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and now waits – after some simple amendments – to be signed by the Synod of the Assyrian Church of the East.

Maximos IV Sayegh, The Eastern Churches and Catholic Unity. New York 1963, 25f.

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1

Rome 1995

2 3

Rome 1996 Lebanon 1997

4

London 1998

5

Venice 1999

6 7

Arezzo 2000 Rome 2001

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Rome 2002

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Rome 2003

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London 2004 Nov. 7th+Bawai Soro suspended from the office of bishop 6 Rome 2012 Rome 2014 (1st -4th Oct.) Rome 2016 (17th Nov.)

11 12 13

Introduction: Sacraments – Eucharist The other sacraments The response of the Assyrians. Mary, Procession of the Spirit Document “Sacramental Life” Discussion of the Document “Sacramental Life” The concept of communion, the Council of Florence, the condemnation of Nestorius Petrine Ministry Petrine Ministry in the Canonical Tradition Christological Patrimony of the Church of the East; ten major theologians of the Mesopotamian Tradition, Christology in the liturgy; Particular Church – Universal Church Document “Church-Communion”

Pope Francis – Mar Dinkha IV Pope Francis – Mar Gewargis III

c) Dialogue between the Chaldean church and the Assyrian Church of the East

Some high-level Chaldean Church representatives have reservations about encounters with the Assyrians, as they say that Assyrians are mainly focused on nationalism instead of Church life.

Side note: On the 7th of November 2007 Bishop Bawai Soro was suspended from his office of Bishop of California due to an identity crisis between tribal nationalism and Catholicism. After a disruption of nearly ten years the dialogue continued in Rome on the 4th and the 5th of October 2012.

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SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 97 There is a real lack of theological education, since in the choice of bishops particular attention is paid to the tribal aspect. The division between the Assyrians, who are split into the Assyrian Church of the East and the Ancient Church of the East, is also a problem. In the light of the remarks above it seems that currently the institutionalized dialogue between Chaldeans and Assyrians is stagnating. That is why it is so important to resume the dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East. Relations between Chaldeans and Assyrians in Syria: •

•

•

•

The Assyrians of Qamishli turned to the local Chaldean priest in 1942, as they wanted to obtain authorization for the construction of a church building, but the Nestorian Church was not recognized by the Syrian authorities. Father (Bishop) Gabriel Ganni, a Chaldean priest, received the authorization for them on behalf of the Assyro-Chaldean Church. Around 1980 the Assyrians of Jazireh did not have priests anymore, therefore Patriarch Mar Addai asked Chaldean Bishop Stephane Bello to ordain two Assyrian priests, which he did. There were various attempts of meetings and declarations of Patriarch Raphael Bidawid and Patriarch Dinkha IV, but they were not followed up: November 29, 1996; August 15, 1997; September 17–18, 1998. Since 2001, after the recognition of the validity of the anaphora of Addai and Mari by the Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith, Chaldeans and Assyrians are allowed to receive the sacraments in both Churches in the event of the absence of an appropriate minister.

Furthermore, I would like to stress the activities of young Chaldeans and Assyrians in Jazireh (Syria), placed under the joint authority of their priests, which took place within the framework of summer camps in our country (2000–2010). And more especially in Aleppo, where there is no Assyrian church, the Chaldeans serve more than thirty Assyrian families and facilitated meetings of young academics (more than hundred) in the years 1992–2010.

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In view of the aforesaid we insist on the authority of the Bishop of Rome to ensure that an orderly dialogue based on theological and pastoral foundations can resume and unfold for the benefit of all. Finally, as a contribution to the discussion of the role of liturgy to the preservation of a vulnerable and exposed identity, I would like to propose the following approach on the liturgical identity of the Chaldean Church, starting from two parishes, one in Damascus and the other in Aleppo, the cathedral is to be found in the latter parish. The following remarks are to be qualified as pastoral observations. After the fall of the regime of Saddam Hussein and the American occupation of Iraq, forty to fifty thousand Chaldeans arrived in Damascus, escaping from war and persecution. The small church Saint Teresa of the Chaldeans in Bab Touma is their base. They lost everything, their houses, their job, but when they come to the church they feel like a community, brought together by the liturgy. After their virtually complete pilferage, they are left with practically nothing but their liturgical identity. After the disbanding of the army, the abolishment of the Baath party and after Kurdistan formed a nearly autonomous region, the Iraqi Chaldeans felt isolated and lacked the protection of a strong regime. In their parish in Damascus the Chaldeans are numerous to participate in all ceremonies, on weekdays as well as on Sundays and feast days. These Christians of Mesopotamia brought along with them the ancient tradition of the Prayer of the Hours (Sapra – Lauds; Ramcha – Vespers). It is touching to notice that they are very attached to their Hodra, the Chaldean breviary, and very devoted in the way they carry their books, as if they were the only treasure left to them and a precious legacy of their faith. The gestures, melodies and the Aramean language promote a tradition that might be erroneously expressed, but whose protagonists know that they are the faithful guardians of the tradition. Their life is attached to this liturgy and through it they get a taste of life and remain true to themselves. We see very well here how the liturgy touches the core identity of human beings. It is the holy community filled with sense and symbols and is so vital to human existence.

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 99 The Aramean language which is profoundly Semitic and closely connected to the Hebrew text of the Bible, as well as the tunes transmitted from generation to generation through one of the most ancient civilisations of history, mark the believers of this Church. It forms their identity: they remain true to themselves thanks to this liturgy and experience a certain pride and liberty through it. Talking about liturgical identity, the attachment to a certain rite should not be qualified as confessional or ethnic fanaticism. Quite the contrary! Insisting on the identity – as recommended by the Magisterium of the Church – provides us the respect of the otherness and an authentic openness to the universal. Our task as pastors is to preserve these rich traditions for the benefit of the greatest number of people. Furthermore, the Instruction for Applying the liturgical prescriptions of the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, published by the Congregation for the Eastern Churches in 1996, offers a possible field of reflection and applying of the liturgical requirements of the Eastern Churches. In conclusion of this section, I quote the following extract of N° 16 of the Instruction: The Eastern Catholic Churches, although having been influenced by the weight of Western tradition, have maintained in the field of liturgy a more faithful conformity to their true traditions. It is precisely their liturgies, restored to greater authenticity and vitality by eliminating that which has altered them, that could be the best starting point for a growth of their specific identity, from which could be drawn words and gestures capable of touching the hearts and illuminating the minds of their faithful in the present time.

The Chaldean community in Aleppo lives another experience, which may prolong and complete our reflection on the liturgical identity as a place of communion within the Catholic Church. In Damascus we experience this strong Iraqi presence, and the city is marked by a massive presence of the Orthodox Church. In Aleppo, however, the Chaldeans are Syrians from Aleppo, a small number, but with a dynamic presence amidst the six Catholic Churches. Their liturgical particularities do not lead to exclusion but are open to and attracting Christians of other denominations.

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Indeed, when one cares for the liturgy at the level of intelligence, sense (translation into Arabic language), quality of the music and architectural aesthetics and highlights the identity-related particularities (language, melody and spirituality), this liturgy, far from excluding the other communities, will have a notable strength of attraction. It has its own identity and significance which is communicated and becomes universal. This is what we are aiming to do in the framework of our cathedral in Aleppo. We sing these liturgical chants in Chaldean (on Sundays and on feast days), take care of the music performance of proper melodies, allocate the roles of all participants with the help of an accurately printed mass booklet; thus, enhancing numerous elements of the liturgy which help the community to take part in the liturgical action, to taste, understand and become a member of the Church in prayer and adoration. Once again, I would like to quote from the text of the above-mentioned Instruction N° 34: Liturgical assemblies must be ordered. This was a precise norm of the Old Testament, as had already been delineated especially in Leviticus and in the book of Numbers, and raised to an apostolic precept by St. Paul: ‚Everything must be done properly and in order’ (1 Cor. 14:40)

Within the context of the many Churches and rites in Aleppo, we try to respect a liturgical tradition which avoids all tendencies of including heterogeneous elements from other traditions. Thus, we attract, and we gain the respect of the faithful of other denominations and require them to profoundly immerse in the Chaldean rite and awake in them the desire to take part in it. For this reason, being true to ourselves does not imply identity introspection, fanaticism and exclusion of others. On the contrary, it helps welcoming the other ones respectfully and coherently. In short, the Christian faith forms an identity which is looking for freedom, thus we are able to open up to others and to enter into communion with them. Hence the liturgy, which is entrusted with the representation of the faithful before God, has the mission of being a ferment of unity and peace in an often hostile and indifferent world. Finally, we have to better understand that – despite all fears and failures

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 101 – our mission as Christians has more than ever its raison d’etre in our world.

III. ARAB CULTURAL IDENTITY AS A PATH OF COMMUNION

This third and final section of my presentation looks beyond the Church and considers the cultural values and the place of Arab cultural identity and of Islam as a path of communion. Indeed, nobody can deny the intrinsic link between Muslim religion and Arab language. A good dozen of Quranic verses insist on the fact that the Quran is composed in Arab language. In a certain way and because of the Quran this language has become a sacred language certainly venerated by the Arabs, but also by the Muslims in general. Through this language they accede to the heart of their faith. Having said this, we would like to point out that with the advent of Islam – the Arabic language being a Semitic language – the Oriental Christians who mainly spoke Aramean, which also is a Semitic language, were able to learn Arabic easily; several Christian tribes spoke Arabic even before the time of Islam. This means that the Christians, by their vocation to live with the others and for the others, made the Arabic language their own and transformed it into a language of their culture, while asserting their own linguistic particularities in their liturgies or their ethnic groups. During the glorious periods of a radiant Arab culture and civilisation, the Christians featured religious particularities and at the same time contributed to the flowering of civilisation and science in different domains, in particular through the translation of Greek philosophical texts or in medicine. Even today, the domain of Arab cultural identity, which includes Islam, remains a vast field of Christian humanistic creativity within this culture. In fact, the humanities may offer vitalising approaches within Arab culture and could be an invitation to study the sociological and religious reality more critically than ideologically. The Arab Christians or Christians of Arabic culture cultivate an oriental sensitivity and are determined to keep their Christian identity, together with their fellow citizens by means of the richness of that culture.

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What are the prerequisites for this new Arab humanism, which today is also called Arab cultural identity? We suggest that an Arab cultural identity is neither nationalist, as before in the 19th and 20th century, nor fully absorbed by religious dogmatism, as wanted by some fundamentalists. Using the humanities in a decent way and paying respectful attention to Islam and its relation to the Arab language, the Christians can provide spaces of openness and prosperity for all. This attitude, pursued by the Christians from the Middle East, is first of all based on a twofold negation: neither do they want to consider themselves as dhimmi, that is as protected by Islam, nor do they want to place themselves above the Muslim societies in the name of a superiority of faith or civilisation which spontaneously would file them on the side of the West or of globalisation. This double negation pushes them to affirm their identity as Oriental Christians of Arab culture. Indeed, we have just emphasized the intrinsic relationship between Islam and the Arabic language, to the extent that the Muslims believe in an identification of Islam and the Arab cultural identity. But when the Arab Christians take the Arab culture seriously as humanism and as a way to live in the world and to express God the Absolute, they can only introduce otherness within this culture. Christians prevent an immediate identification of Islam and Arab cultural identity, thus providing an opening to otherness and therefore to the universal. Christians can contribute to the modernisation of Islam and facilitate a critical and positive approach to modernity by a serious and respectful approach to Arab culture based on the humanities. Otherness means a path of humility for the Oriental Christians, thus liberating them from the temptations of fear, confinement and emigration and of the desire to identify themselves with Western powers, feelings of superiority and of unconditional and irresponsible security. A re-reading of the contribution of Oriental Christians to the evolution of the Arab­Muslim civilisation may allow us to consider ways of opening, trust and conversion. In the limited frame of this paper, it is not possible to elaborate the contribution of Arab Christians to the periods of the Umayyad Caliphate (640–

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 103 750), of the Abbasids (750–1258) and finally to the “Renaissance”, the so-called Al Nahda (19th and 20th century). In this great debate between faith and rationality, between Islam and culture, Christians have not answered all questions – and who could do it? – but in the Arab-Muslim cloth they opened up holes of freedom and communication between faith and rationality. Arab culture, which immediately identifies itself to the Quranic Revelation, that is to an Arab Quran, has to be tackled with a lot of respect and seriousness, thus permitting – when the time comes – to say a word of truth and to create new authentic paths towards the universal. This otherness is lived like a momentum of liberty which is different from an attitude of dhimmi or a superiority and alienation complex towards the West. It forms in itself a place of dialogue and not of conflict. Indeed, the Muslims, especially those who devote themselves to philosophy and theology, are offered by this Arab Christianity a space of reflection on their faith and their Quranic tradition. By challenging our scriptures and qualifying them as “falsified”, by looking for the historical context of the Quranic narratives which derive from the Bible and the Gospels, they cannot avoid rational criticism. Finally, this Christian otherness, instead of being provocative, disloyal and “associational”, can become a spiritual and human experience equally. Furthermore, a number of Muslims may be troubled by the fact that this Arab Christianity is still resisting since the advent of Islam in the 7th century. Others, but they will be fewer, feel attracted by an Arab Christianity that witnesses a personal relation of man to God and of men to men, a relation rooted in the Gospels. Did the mystic tradition of Islam not seek to encounter God, beyond all dogmatism, thus becoming a space for dialogue and communion? Let us get back to the humanities: Anthropology, sociology, psychology and exegesis based on literary criticism of the texts are all domains in which the mind can do a critical reading of the human realities, in order to say words which are more precise and therefore true. For sure these subjects are taught at our universities, but we believe that very often they remain at a theoretical level and lack 1

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a scope of application, for fear of criticism which could harm the static representations of religious and political truth. All the youth and mass movements who seek dignity, freedom and justice want to say to their corrupt regimes: “We want an even greater rigour, which can only be obtained by real science.” They also say to modernity and globalisation which come knocking at their door and which they meet each day on their small screen devices: “We want to be world citizens, like all people, but at the same time we decently want to stay ourselves!” The Arab cultural identity which the Christians and Muslims of the Arab world already share is a space rich in new energies. To please the Arabs, it would be better not to buy their oil, but to appreciate their human wealth, which is mysteriously hidden in their rich Arab patrimony. The Arab Christians, who are natives of this land, know the thirst of the Arab­Muslim world through empathy and instinct and are in a good position to talk privately with them and to find ways of hope and justice for everyone. To conclude this section of my presentation, I would like to submit a number of proposals which describe the vocation of the Oriental Christians in the heart of the Arab cultural identity today in a more practical way:

1. It is obvious that the Arab-Muslim world feels threatened by modernity and globalisation and loses faith in itself and in others. In this context the Oriental Christians are called, instead of voluntarily becoming marginalized and choosing the path of emigration, to seek ways of trust for themselves and the societies in which they live by rereading their history, thus refusing confinement in a victim mentality. Therefore, they have to get rid of their fears and prove their sincerity concerning their relations to Europe and the Unites States, seeking to explain the expectations of the Muslims to the West and the problems of the rational approach of modernity to Islam. 2. This leads us to a point at which we, the Christians, should not think of strategies resisting to the development of Islam, but on the contrary, we should create multidimensional dialogues in multicultural societies and engage efficiently in the evolution of Islam and its

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT: MIDDLE EAST 105 modernisation in a spirit of friendship and trust. Moreover, this socio-cultural evolution can only be achieved with an attitude of collaboration. Finally, the true Islam needs to understand that its modernisation is not possible without living in peace with the Christians. This peace will help it to lose the fear of others. 3. The Oriental Christians should re-read the Arab history of philosophy together with Muslim intellectuals, highlighting the rational and critical dimension. Through this intellectual work – to which many Christians have largely contributed – the Muslim world will regain its national and universal unity, thus being able to get rid of the fundamentalism and the call to violence which leads evermore to death. In the history of the Chaldean Church and of the Society of Jesus, there are two key figures of the Renaissance, namely Father Louis Cheikho (1859–1927) and Father Paul Nwiya (1925–1980). 4. The Oriental Christians can contribute to the advent of a multi-religious society by encouraging dialogue and thus permitting to acquire objective knowledge of the other's religion. This way Muslims and Christians can pursue a secular democracy using a new language, namely the language of “civilisation of living together”, within the Arab cultural identity. 5. Based on what we just heard, the vocation of the Oriental Christians is to be bridges or, even better, a model of communion between the Christian West and the Muslim world. That is the call of the Synod which I have quoted at the beginning of this paper.

I would like to conclude my reflection on the role of the Oriental Christians within Arab culture with a quotation from the conclusion of an article of Olivier Roy, published in Le Monde on 12th of February 2011. Indeed, the author invites us, after his insightful analysis of all popular movements across the Arab world, to listen to the message of the Arab culture today: Current events show that local actors have taken on board the lessons of their history. We have not finished with Islam, to be sure, and the liberal democratic tide does not constitute

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CONCLUSION

The title “Syriac identity in an ecumenical context” puts the finger on the sore spot, namely our identity crisis and our divisions. They are a reflection of the sufferings of our countries and societies in the Middle East. This crisis can be found in all domains: ecclesial, ecumenical, socio-cultural and political. Starting from our reality, which is a mixture of fears and failures, of courage and of Christian hope, I based myself on the Word of God, A bruised reed He will not break, and a dimly burning wick He will not extinguish. (Isaiah 42:3). We are certain that the Lord never abandons his little flock, and that He is pleased to speak up in the midst of “the remnant” in order to reveal Himself very humbly in the beloved and saved frailty of human nature. Facing all these declines in our identity due to all sorts of threats with which we have to cope, we, as Oriental Churches, should get inspired by the great teachings of the Second Vatican Council and therefore should not regard it as a text of the past dating back fifty years, but as a word of the Church we need to assume. We should let ourselves be transformed by this word and offer it as a path of healing and light, not only for us but for the world that surrounds us. If we firmly stick to dialogue and freedom of conscience, despite all rejection and obstacles, God will reveal himself to us and humbly manifest Himself in the entire world. (Translated from French by Marion Wittine)

Olivier Roy, “Révolution post-islamiste”, in: Le Monde, February 12, 2011. 7

SYRIAC IDENTITY IN ECUMENICAL CONTEXT – INDIA AND DIASPORA

DIFFERENT PASTORAL EXPERIENCES AND PASTORAL AGREEMENTS: A SYRIAN ORTHODOX PERSPECTIVE MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE INDIA

The Syrian Orthodox Church is a Universal Church with members from different nationalities, cultures and languages. Though the church was predominantly present in the Middle East and in India in the early centuries, at present it enjoys a world-wide distribution due to extensive migrations. The scope of this paper is limited to the situation of the Syrian Orthodox Church in India and about its members in Diaspora with Indian origin.

KERALA: THE LAND OF PLURALITY AND SYRIAN CHRISTIANS

The provincial state Kerala was formed on 1 November 1956. Until then it was split in small provincial Kingdoms. The geographical area of Kerala is 38,863 Sq. Kilometres. The population of Kerala, as per the latest census in 2001, was 31,841,374 (32 million) and the density of population is 819 per square kilometre. The present population is assumed to be about 35 million. The religious statistics of Kerala shows that 20% of its population constitutes Christians, 26% Muslims and the rest, Hindus. The origin 107

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of Syrian Christianity in India was in Kerala and despite migrations, 80% of them still live in Kerala.

SOCIAL SITUATION

Indian society is a pluralistic one; plural in culture, religion, language etc. India may be the only country which has thousands of divisions belonging to one religion i.e., Hinduism. In Kerala, only the Syrian Christians have been considered as high Caste Christians as they are ascribed the Brahmin Origin and heirship (ancestry). Many of the backward religious groups enjoy reservations and special privileges in educational institutions and employment sectors by legal right. The forward caste Hindus and Syrian Christians do not have any educational and employment reservations, but still their achievements are remarkable which are in direct proportion to their talents, determinations and strenuous efforts. 1

RELIGIOUS SITUATION

India constitutionally is a secular state, meaning India is not a religious state. Secularism does not entail negation of or irreverence to religion, on the contrary it treats all religions equally before the law without bias. Before the law every religion has the same right and everybody has the freedom to choose, practice or propagate his/her religion. The minority religions are given even additional minority rights to be safe and to survive. This broad and tolerant view of the Indian constitution and the major Hindu Religion helped the small Syrian Christian communities to be implanted, survive in India and to serve the community effectively. The Syrian Christian attitude is that in culture they are Hindu (Indian), in faith they are Christian and in tradition and liturgy they are Syriac. They are indigenous in much of their liturgical and church life. They lived in India for centuries in harmony with other religions. Religiously they are not vindictive or violent. They respect their fellow beings of other religious traditions, at In 2020, Kerala Cabinet approved 10% reservation in government jobs and admission to educational institutions for economically weaker sections of the forward communities. 1

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the same time distance themselves from following the model of aggressive mission.

POLITICAL SITUATION

Politically the Syrian Christians enjoy much higher status compared to other Christians of Kerala society. Syrians are politically more represented in local government, in the state legislative assembly and in parliament than their share. They are politically enlightened and aware of political changes. Their awareness of politics and administration make them inseparable part of the government apparatus.

FAMILY SET UP

Syrian Christians have been immersed in the traditional family structure. It is patriarchal while at the same time respecting equality of male and female. The joint family system has already been on the verge of decline in India. Even so, the “collectivistic” style of living exists in Syrian Christian society in Kerala, promoting interdependence and co-operation between children and elders. Thus, among the members there is an intimate family relationship and care for the elderly and the sick.

EDUCATIONAL SCENARIO

The multifarious human resource building activities of the Christian missionaries interwoven in a Christian ambience, opened totally a new era of development and refinement in Kerala with promising perspectives. Thus, opening of missionary schools, both for boys and girls, provided education through the English curriculum, opportunities to engage themselves in various philanthropic activities such as establishment of hospitals, caring for the sick, eradicating superstitions etc. This helped the Kerala society through drastic social and economic uplifting and even to set norms and values at individual and community levels for growth and progress. The introduction of English education in India in 1835 opened the door for many Indians to the rest of the world. The Christian schools became centres for transmitting Christian values to children and even biblical messages. Soon after the introduction of the western education, the Christians

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voluntarily approved and accepted the system. Many churches and Christian organizations began to start schools and other educational institutions. It is the bare truth that Kerala would not have achieved much progress in the field of education and medicine if the Christian Churches had not taken keen interest and pioneering initiatives in this respect. Among the Indian states, Kerala became the first completely literate state in 1991. Educationally the Syrian Christians have achieved outstanding rewards too. It was only with the achievement in education that many Syrian Christians could prove themselves of their efficiency and capabilities to find employment abroad and thus happily settle down in many foreign countries. Though the Syrian Christians are a negligible minority in number, they fall into the main stream of the society from which they cannot be segregated. Many doctors, engineers, scientists and administrative officers – all belong to this community. The Syrian Christians are highly enterprising and noted for their courteous manners as is testified by even Hindu writers of various ages. They are regarded in highest esteem in society. In the early history of Kerala, when the caste system along with untouchability was prevailing, it was believed that the high caste of Brahmins would become “unclean” on any kind of physical contact with the low caste Pulaya. In order to be purified, the Brahmin as a rite, had to touch a Nasrani, meaning a Syrian Christian individual. It is particularly notable that the Hindu rulers of different ages continued to follow the policy of religious tolerance with the Christians especially the Syrian Christians since they observed several Hindu customs and observances in their rituals. The Hindu rulers have helped much for the progress of Christianity in their kingdoms by donating land for the construction of churches and through extension of a few other privileges including tax exemptions and right to trade. The present Syrian Christians of Kerala state though they keep their religious identity and faith with most sincerity, their customs and traditions cannot be entirely separated from those of their mother land and of their Hindu brethren. When we study the Syrian Christian migration from Kerala to other states of India or abroad, it is suggested that they left the land not because of persecution or political problems in India, but

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for economic reasons, unlike many other Middle East Syrian Christians who also migrated to different parts of the world for reasons of religious persecution and political instabilities. I. Syrian Orthodox Identity in India

The Syrian Orthodox Church, like the other Syrian Christians in India, firmly believes that St. Thomas, one of the twelve disciples of Jesus, had established the church in India. There exists a strong tradition in Malankara (malankara is an ecclesiastical synonym for Kerala) about the arrival of St. Thomas in India. During his mission in India, he was martyred, and was buried at Mylapore, in the state of Tamilnadu, south India. 2 The church, in India that was established during 1st century did not exist as a separate entity. In the 2nd century it became very weak due to inept management and due to lack of leadership. But in the latter half of the 2nd century, Pantaenus, who was the President of the Theological School of Alexandria reached Malankara and worked hard to rejuvenate the church. 3 1. The first Syrian Christian Migration

In A.D. 345, 20 years after the Nicaean council, a group led by Thomas of Cana arrived in Malankara from Edessa (Uraha), the then powerful centre of Syrian Christians. There were 72 families consisting of 400 members. 4 Among them was the strong and vibrant Bishop Mor Joseph, who was under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antioch. 5 The arrival of Bishop Joseph and the group of Syrian Christians was a blessing to the Kerala Church which was in a rudderless state, and as a result of this reinvigoration, Cf. Kurian Corepiscopa Kaniyamparammpil, Suriyanisabha Charitravum Viswasa sathyangalum Mal. (Mulamthuruthy: Seminary Publications, 2003), 91. 3 Cf. E. M. Philip, The Indian Church of St. Thomas (Changanassery: Mor Adai Study Centre, 2002), 52–55. 4 Cf. Ignatius Yakoub III, History of the Syrian Church of India, translated by Matti Moosa (U.S.A: Gorgias Press, 2009), 23–24. 5 Cf. Institutes of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 1, p. 324, cited by E. M. Philip, The Indian Church of St. Thomas (Changanassery: Mor Adai Study Centre, 2002), 64. 2

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the Kerala Christians were endowed with the appellation ‘Syrians’ or Surianikkar. 2. The second Syrian Christian Migration

In the 9th century the Syrian priests, Mor Sabor and Mor Aphrot reached Malankara. They had come with a group of immigrants in A.D. 822 and reached the then trade center, Quilon. They were accorded certain privileges and rights by the king. 6 The Latin bishop Francisco Ross states that there were even books in their names. Moreover, in the ancient Syrian Orthodox church at Akaparambu (in Kerala) their memory is celebrated on the 19th of Vrichhikam (as per the Malayalam calendar, i.e., December) every year. 3. The Syrian Orthodox Church and Syriac Language

Most of the ancient churches are named after the root language in which their liturgy and other books of worships are written and followed. So, the Catholic Church is called the Latin Church and Eastern Orthodox Church is called the Greek Church. Similarly, since Syriac is used as the basic language for its liturgy and worship, Syrian Orthodox church is known as the Syrian Church or Syriac Church. 7 Through the interesting task the works of many church fathers and several invaluable theological, biblical and liturgical volumes have been written in Syriac. 8 By the second century Edessa became the centre for the growth of Syriac language and the Old Testament and New Testament were translated into Syriac. Nisibis was another centre like Edessa during the early centuries where Syriac literature and language made rapid progress. Mor Jacob of Edessa who gave leadership to the study centre during the early fourth century was the teacher of the great poet and saint Mor Ephrem. Another Syriac University was

Cf. K. T. Zachariah, Malankara Suriyani Sabhayum Antiochya Simhasanavum (Kottayam, Fr. K. T. Zachariah, 1973), 41. 7 Cf. Mor Ignatius Zakka I Iwas, The Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch at a Glance, translated by Emmanuel H. Bismarji (Aleppo: Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, 1983), 1. 8 Cf. ibid. 12. 6

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established in Edessa for which Mor Ephrem gave leadership. 9 In India until recently the liturgy was celebrated in Syriac. Nowadays though the liturgical celebration is mainly in vernacular language, Syriac is still used partially in the liturgy. 4. Theological Seminary: A centre for preserving and practising Syriac language and Heritage.

The Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary in India is one of the main centres of the church for the Syriac studies in India. During the five years course, all seminarians have to learn Syriac systematically and scientifically. Grammar, Betgaso (Tunes of the Syriac hymns), reading and translation taught in full-fledged manner. The daily offices (prayers) in the midnight, morning, midday and evening are sung in Syriac language. A Syriac research institute for the language and patristic studies is in progress. It is worthwhile to mention the countless efforts of Dr. Jacob Thekkeparambil to preserve and nurture the Syriac language, heritage and patrimony through the Syriac centre SEERI. Another way of preserving the language is the publication of the Syriac books. The publication department of the seminary publishes Syriac liturgical and theological books. The liturgical books are published multilingual with Syriac, Malayalam, translation, transliteration and interpretation in the same book for the sake of the faithful to be able to follow the liturgy. A significant Syriac contribution of the recent times to our church was the translation of the Peshita Bible from Syriac to Malayalam done by Arch-Corepiscopos Dr. Kurian Kaniyamparambil and introducing basic Syriac language for the Sunday school children. Even though the common faithful do not read and write Syriac they can sing with the choir Syriac songs in the liturgy. In every Eucharistic celebration a part of the liturgy will always be celebrated in Syriac and occasionally fully in Syriac. Syrian Orthodox Church in India has contributed many Syriac scholars to the church at large.

9

Cf. Kurian Corepiscopa, Suriyanisabha, 761–64.

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5. The Ecumenical Relationship with other churches

The Syrian Orthodox Church is actively engaged in the ecumenical dialogue with other churches. In the case of the ecumenical dialogue and relations between the Catholic Church, the Syrian Orthodox Church has made significant progress. Let me enunciate some concrete examples. (1) On October 27, 1971, His Holiness Pope Paul VI and His Holiness Patriarch Moran Mor Ignatius Jacob III of the Syrian Orthodox church met and opened dialogue between the two churches. In 1984, building on the foundation set by the two previous heads of the churches, His Holiness Pope John Paul II and His Holiness Patriarch Ignatius Zakka I Iwas released a Joint Statement. Through this statement, the centuries-old schism and misunderstanding between the two churches was set aside. They jointly declared that there is no difference in faith between the churches regarding the person of Jesus Christ, the incarnate Word of God. The document says, We have given attention to some of the issues that need to be officially decided in such a statement of reconciliation. Its basic element would of course be the common Christological agreement; it should be made clear that this is not an innovation on either side, but an explanation of what has been held on both sides for centuries, as is attested by the liturgical and patristic documents. The common understanding of Christology is the fundamental basis for the life, orthodoxy and unity of the Church. We believe that our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, is God the Sons Incarnate; perfect in his divinity and perfect in his humanity. His divinity was not separated from his humanity for a single moment, not for the twinkling of an eye. His humanity is one with his divinity without commixtion, without confusion, without division, without separation. We in our common faith in the one Lord Jesus Christ, regard his mystery inexhaustible and ineffable and for the human mind never fully comprehensible or expressible.

(2) On July 23, 1984, H.H Pope John Paul II and H.H. Patriarch Ignatius Zakka I Iwas made another agreement affirming the mutual reception of selected sacraments (in exigency situations) and

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co-operation in pastoral service. In accordance with the statement, the sacraments of Eucharist, confession and anointing of the sick can be received from the priests of both the churches (if the service of the priest of one's mother church is not available.) They also declared the possibility of cooperation in the field of theological education of priests. Our identity in faith, though not yet complete, entitles us to envisage collaboration between our Churches in pastoral care, in situations which nowadays are frequent both because of the dispersion of our faithful throughout the world and because of the precarious conditions of these difficult times. It is not rare, in fact, for our faithful to find access to a priest of their own Church materially or morally impossible. Anxious to meet their needs and with their spiritual benefit in mind, we authorize them in such cases to ask for the Sacraments of Penance, Eucharist and Anointing of the Sick from lawful priests of either of our two sister Churches, when they need them. It would be a logical corollary of collaboration in pastoral care to cooperate in priestly formation and theological education. Bishops are encouraged to promote sharing of facilities for theological education where they judge it to be advisable. While doing this we do not forget that we must still do all in our power to achieve the full visible communion between the Catholic Church and the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch and ceaselessly implore our Lord to grant us that unity which alone will enable us to give to the world a fully unanimous Gospel witness.

(3) A large number of Syrian Orthodox Christians live in India. A dialogue commission was formed in 1991 for a bi-lateral dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Syrian Orthodox church in India to address the needs of the faithful of both churches in India. An agreement was made in 1994 on inter-church marriages. This agreement created a new era of relation between two churches and it reached to the grass root level of the churches. The agreement states the following: Our two churches accept the sacredness and indissolubility of the sacramental bond of marriage and consider the conjugal relationship as an expression of the above communion and a

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In this theological perspective, taking into account the question of the marriages between the members of our two churches, we consider it a matter of our pastoral concern to provide the following directives. Our two churches desire to foster marriages within the same ecclesial communion and consider this the norm. However, we have to accept the pastoral reality that inter-church marriages do take place. When such occasions arise, both churches should facilitate the celebration of the sacrament of matrimony in either church, allowing the bride/bridegroom the right and freedom to retain her/his own ecclesial communion, by providing necessary information and documents. On the occasion of these celebrations, the couples as well as their family members belonging to these two churches are allowed to participate in the Holy Eucharist in the church where the sacrament of matrimony is celebrated. We consider it also the great responsibility of the parents to pay special attention to impart to the extent possible and in mutual accord proper ecclesial formation to their children in full harmony with the tradition of the ecclesial communion to which they have to belong. 10

Following that, in 2011, an important agreement was made to share the churches and cemeteries according to the needs of either church. Another significant result of the bi-lateral dialogue is the formation of a Joint statement on Petrine primacy and Ministry. (4) The discussion with Marthoma Church started in 2015 and a commission has been appointed to start theological dialogue. As a positive fall-out of the cooperation between these two churches, professors from Marthoma Church are teaching at the Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary and new areas of collaboration started between the two churches. The Syrian Orthodox The agreement was drafted in November 1993 and released on January 25, 1994, after approval from Pope John Paul II and Patriarch Ignatius Zakka I.

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church maintains a healthy relationship with the Church of the East or Kaldaya Church and it was decided to admit Kaldaya students in the Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary and this decision have already been implemented. Arrangements are also made to have co-operation with the independent Syrian Church viz Thozhiyoor church. The Syrian Orthodox church has active participation with the ecumenical bodies like WCC, Christian Conference of Asia (CCA), NCCI, KCC, CCA etc. The ecumenical secretariat of the Syrian Orthodox Church co-operates with various Ecumenical bodies and Institutions to work and build up unity and cooperation. The Syrian Churches in Kerala are active in all ecumenical bodies and working for the unity as well as to address the common concerns of the Christian communities and society. II. Syriac Identity in Diaspora

Over the years the Syrian Christian community in India has grown immensely. In pursuit of better living, its members have travelled and set foot on all alien soils with courage and profound adaptability. They have migrated to many countries in Middle East, America, Europe, Australia and Africa. Along with them they carried their faith, beliefs, culture, tradition and liturgy. It is interesting to note that the believers that migrated in search of better living conditions did not forget their faith in the diaspora. 11 Sometimes they started with groups of 5 to 10 members getting together for prayer in a common place, often homes of these believers itself. These prayer groups or fellowships soon grew larger in number and they rented out places to conduct the Holy Eucharist. As time flew the congregation flourished and they started to own their own churches. This kind of establishment of churches is a common scenario in Syrian Christian communities in the diaspora. It is worthwhile to note that the migrants have, on the one hand the freedom to profess and practice their faith and traditions in the Christian dominant countries and on the other hand they have to address the challenges of secularism and modernity in many of the western countries.

11

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It is often observed that these believers face a lot of problems which are quite different from those who are residing in their homeland. One of the most important problems that most of them face is an identity crisis. They feel that they neither belong to their homeland nor their land of current residence. These believers are constantly trying to get themselves adjusted in their surroundings by adapting to the new cultural norms while not forgetting their own faith, culture and traditions. Another difficulty they face is passing on their traditional beliefs and practices to their children. Since these children are brought up in nuclear families and more free and secular surroundings they easily succumb to temptations by their friends or other religious groups. It is often mixed with familial disputes, pressures at work, adjustment problems, disparities of income etc. In such situations, the main sanctuary they rely on is their church and it is there that they find their solace and comfort. The church plays a very important role in the lives of these believers, achieving this objective through the activities of many of its spiritual organizations such as Sunday school, Youth Association, Women’s League, etc. 1. Europe

The Syrian Christian migration to Europe started nearly four decades ago. The mission hospitals and institutions in Kerala paved the way in better training and English education for the people of Kerala. The Christian institutions and various levels of higher education opened the possibility for the Christians, especially the trained women in the field of medicine and nursing an opportunity to work in Europe. In the 1970s many started to travel to Western Europe. But a rapid flow happened during the last two decades. The increased need of nurses in Europe, especially in the United Kingdom and Ireland caused a massive migration of nurses; among them many are Syrian Christians. 12 Recently many European countries like Germany liberally welcome students and many Syrian Orthodox Students from India are going there for studies and jobs. New congregations are emerging now in many parts of Europe.

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Unlike in the Gulf countries, the young families in Europe have been enjoying religious freedom and human dignity. The freedom, equality before law, high standard of living and the right to own land and property were incentives for many of them to remain and settle in Europe. In addition, the European governments encouraged the employees to bring their families with them. With regard to the social life, they are, on the one hand respecting the laws and ethos of the new land and on the other hand trying to maintain their inherent family system and culture from Kerala. They integrate very fast to the land and culture in which they are living. At least once in a year, the whole family tries to visit Kerala, their parents, grandparents or relatives. In such a way they try to maintain the link with the home land and relationship in order to preserve their roots in Kerala. In most families they speak in their “mother tongue” though they integrate with the customs and culture of the society they live in. They make social gatherings amongst themselves, either family get-togethers or parties. They are keen to foster their pious practices they have so faithfully safeguarded in their motherland. Liturgical life is still a central part of their social life. If there are more than 10 families in a particular area, they will try to form a parish. In many of the places in Europe, they are using the churches of the Syrian Christians from the Middle East or the Catholic or Anglican churches for worship. The support of the Catholic Church is worthy to be mentioned because they have provided centres for worship for the Syrian Christians on numerous occasions. It is also not to be ignored that some established Christian communities in Europe are hesitating to support the minority Christians who live in Europe. The Syrian Christians in Europe encourage arranged marriages for their children and preferably from the same community. Inter-denominational or inter-caste marriages among the Syrian Christians are not entertained. The children who live in two cultures are facing lot of tensions sometimes. In the families the parents always convey the values, faith, ethos and behavioural pattern that they brought from Kerala. But many concepts and practices of the western society which these children see and

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experience, sometimes creates tension in the family. For example, co-habitation or pre-marital sex is still a taboo in Syrian Christian families. It should not be forgotten that there are families and children who receive the positive elements of both cultures and are enriched by both. Another problem is the following; Many of the aged parents of the migrants are left alone in Kerala and they are suffering out of the lonely life. The migrants are worried about them. Indian society is still not fully equipped to send the parents into retirement homes. Reciprocal giving and taking is the model still followed. Many of the old migrants do not want to spend their old age in Europe, they want to go back to Kerala and spend the rest of their life in Kerala. Another challenge ahead is how to preserve and practice religious values in the midst of a secularized society. In the Indian context, religion is simply not a private affair but an integral part of the family and social life. Religion plays a vital role in the day-to-day life of an individual. The transition from such a society to a secularized society like Europe is often not effortless. For Syrian families in Europe, the patriarchal model of India will not function always. The status of better earning and employed wives often ends up in complex conflicts, though the majority of families are still maintaining patriarchal traditions. 2. United States of America

The migration of Syrian Christians to the USA began in the 1960s. Now we have a well-organized diocese established with many churches and an Archbishop. The situation in the USA is a little different than in the Gulf or Europe. In USA they are more integrated and assimilated and the youth in particular is more oriented to the western culture. But still, they are conscious about keeping the religious tradition and family culture of their parents. In the USA Syrian families are more integrated to American society and many of them feel themselves as part and parcel of American culture and society.

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3. Liturgical Language

The liturgical language is still in Syriac and Malayalam, the language of Kerala, and the old generation insist on conducting the liturgy in Malayalam. But the new generation want to use English or the language of their resident country. Though many of the young people can speak Malayalam, they cannot read and write Malayalam. In a fast-growing cyber age, many of the liturgical as well as ecclesial terms need revision or interpretation so that the young people can follow it. It is worthy to be mentioned that there are attempts from the church but more from the side of the young generation to find a solution for these kinds of problems. 4. Full time and well-trained clergy

Many of the clergy live in the west are employed. They migrated to America because their family members were working in the USA. Gradually those priests’ started parishes in the region where they reside. We have to thank them for their initiatives to start congregations in the USA. Very often the small parishes were not financially able to support a priest and therefore the priests are compelled to go for additional jobs for their livelihood. The fulltime service of the priests is absent in some small parishes and in some situations the elder priests are struggling to address the needs and problems of the young generation. It is a good sign that many young people born and raised in the USA are now aspiring to the priesthood.

CONCLUSION

The Syrian Orthodox Church with its ancient traditions and rich heritage took root in India in early Christian centuries and preserves its relationship with the Patriarch of Antioch. The Syrian Christians in India share the same heritage though they are now in different denominations. Planted in a religiously pluralistic soil, passing through many centuries, the Syrian Christians in India could preserve to a great extent their faith, traditions and the Syriac language. As a part of integration and inculturation they incorporated certain cultural elements from India and lived peacefully and in harmony with the people of other faiths, especially with their Hindu neighbours. As a minority, comprising

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only 2.3% of the population of India, the Syrian Christians have to be united not only for their own survival but also to give a fruitful witness in India’s pluralistic religious context.

III

SYRIAC WITNESS AND IDENTITY

BELIEVING AND BELONGING: RELIGIOUS IDENTITY IN THE DIASPORA AND THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH ANDREAS SCHMOLLER SALZBURG / AUSTRIA

INTRODUCTION

This article draws from a research project on Syriac Orthodox and Coptic Orthodox Christians in Austria at the Centre for the Study of the Christian East at the University of Salzburg. 1 The focus therefore lies on the study of diaspora identity of Christians with a Middle Eastern background. Consequently, not all Syriac Churches are addressed in this paper. The term diaspora is not used in its original theological meaning, I instead follow the definition of Steven Vertovec who characterizes diaspora especially as an imagined connection between a post-migration (including refugee) population and a place of origin and with people of similar origin now living elsewhere in the world. By ‘imagined’, I do not mean such connections might not be actual. Rather, by this I emphasize the often strong The grant project supported by the Österreichische Nationalbank, Anniversary Fund [grant number 15.825], was entitled ‘Narratives of Diaspora: Oriental Christians from the Middle East in Austria’. The project was directed by Prof. Dr. Dietmar Winkler and conducted from 2014– 2016.

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ANDREAS SCHMOLLER sentiments, narratives, memories and mental pictures according to which members of diasporas organize themselves and undertake their cultural practices. 2

The first part of the article explores the role of religion as an identity marker and the difficulties that arise from that. The second part discusses key concepts that allow the study of ‘religious identity’ from an angle that puts narratives from community members in the center. I will argue that narratives contain locations and translocations that help us to understand religious identity of individuals through different forms of ‘belonging’ and ‘believing’. The third part provides a case study from my research project to illustrate how belonging to the Syriac Orthodox Church in the diaspora is based on a multitude of experiences between homeland and diaspora. 3 The article will end with some general observations about the role of religion and churches in a diaspora context. The objective of this study is to raise awareness among community leaders of diaspora organizations that ‘identity’ is not preserved, but created and constructed in everyday experiences of ‘belonging’ and ‘disbelonging’ to the community. The Syriac Christians’ experiences described here are not representative for the entire community but in their exemplarity they address challenges that churches are currently facing.

Steven Vertovec, Transnationalism, Key ideas (London, New York: Routledge, 2009), 136f. 3 The project included interviews with clergy of both denominations and 25 semi-structured life story interview with lay community members: Thirteen interviews with Syriac and twelve with Coptic Christians. Age distribution in the sample: 20s (9), 30s (2), 40s (3), 50 (2), 60s (6), 70 (2), 80 (1). The comparably big number of young people results from a particular interest in the 2nd generation and their relation to the church. The methodology of the project hast been discussed intensively in: Andreas Schmoller, “Of Safe Havens and Sinking Ships: The Church in Oral Histories of Middle Eastern Christians in Austria,” in Middle Eastern Christians and Europe: Historical Legacies and Present Challenges, ed. Andreas Schmoller, Orientalia - patristica - oecumenica 13 (Vienna: Lit, 2018). 2

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1. HOMELAND – REFUGE – DIASPORA: RELIGION MATTERS

One cannot be Christian in Europe in the same way that one has been in the Middle East. A fundamental question however is: how do Middle Eastern Christians in Europe or elsewhere in the Western world define and live their religion? Syriac Christians 4 in particular, and Middle Eastern Christians more generally, face a manifold task in that respect: Firstly, although religion is a central identity marker in the homeland (and has now become one again in Western host societies), it is a complex marker particularly in the context of transnational communities that live across national borders. Religion sets boundaries, not necessarily in a way that works in different contexts, to express coherently both experiences of belonging and ‘dis-belonging’. Middle Eastern Christians belong to a majority in religious terms when arriving in the West, but nonetheless they might experience marginalization, misidentification and discrimination in daily life, due to widespread racism and islamophobic attitudes in the host societies. 5 Secondly, religion is pluralistic and contested in a secularized Western environment. Thirdly, the recent endangerment of Middle Eastern Christians in Iraq and Syria is deeply connected to religious identification and sectarianization of conflicts strengthening identification and sectarian framed discourse. 6 The account of Philip, a Syriac Orthodox refugee from Qamishli living now in Vienna, is exemplarily in that respect:

I use Syriac Christians interchangeably with the self-ascriptive term in Syriac Suryoye/Suryoyo. This article however does not address the use of different ethnic or ethno-religious terms that have become a matter of dispute in diaspora communities. My usage of these terms is not meant to express a political stance. 5 Fiona McCallum, “Shared Religion but Still a Marginalized Other: Middle Eastern Christians’ Encounters with Political Secularism in the United Kingdom,” Journal of Church and State 61, no. 2 (2019), https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csy006. 6 I explored this in my article Andreas Schmoller, “‘Now My Life in Syria Is Finished’: Case Studies on Religious Identity and Sectarianism in Narratives of Syrian Christian Refugees in Austria,” Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 4 (2016), https://doi.org/10.1080/ 09596410.2016.1208956. 4

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ANDREAS SCHMOLLER Europe is going to change in the future […] People have to open their eyes, really, it’s time now to open their eyes, they have to see the reality of [pause], I will say, the Islam, okay. I’m not so racist, but because of this concept and this principle in Islam we get the war and the people everyday are killed…. People get killed in the name of religion. We [= Muslims and Christians in Qamishli, A.S.] lived together peacefully, as I said you, really, but now I can’t, I really can’t, because – did you see what happened in Mosul, ISIS. I’m Christian and my neighbor is Muslim. When ISIS get the control on the city, in that moment that changed to [...] I don’t know, he killed his neighbor Christian or he just forced him to leave. I don’t know how people can change so fast. 7

Religion is a strong identity marker but the interviewee also reflects that this is not easy, he does not want to be racist. The marker collides with his experience of peaceful religious co-existence especially in his hometown in Qamishli, but also in Syria in general, that is highlighted in various other parts of the life story interview. Further he identifies with the persecuted Christians of Mosul while at the same time having a claim towards Europe that seeks for recognition. Philip negotiates belonging with religion as a central boundary maker knowing that this can be interpreted as discriminating against people belonging to another religion. But, by staying located within his religion, he can refer to a wider collective narrative regarding dislocation from Syria/the Middle East. Religion as a social space is used to construct identification with Qamishli, Mosul but also Vienna, his new home. Religious identification is not abstract, it is a lived, an experienced, belonging. It produces practices and emotions, such as fear of living alongside Muslim neighbors. Broken trust in Muslim neighbors was a frequent motive in accounts of displaced Iraqi and Syrian Christians. The interviewee is aware of the difficulties of pointing to Islam as a religion of threat, but it gives him the opportunity to tell a story that relates to his religious identity and enables him to stand on both grounds, European and Middle Eastern. 7 Philip, interview with author, Vienna, 3 October 2014. I would like to thank my interviewees for sharing their experiences with me. All personal names are pseudonyms.

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Transformation of religious identity in a post-migratory experience and diaspora setting however is also related to impulses from civil and political actors in the host society. 8 There are, for example, conceptions and discourses about religion in general, and Islam and Christianity in particular. In recent years media and politics have raised awareness and contributed to the public image of Middle Eastern Christians that are threatened by repressive regimes or Islamists. 9 These discourses and public images put Oriental Christians in a context where in many countries right and far-right political groups and media instrumentalize the situation of Middle Eastern Christians for their ideological campaigns. This reduces the voices and identities of Middle Eastern Christians to their role of victim of ‘Islam’, ‘Political Islam’ or ‘Islamism’. 10

2. CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERATIONS: ESCAPING THE IDENTITY TALK

Syriac church leaders are aware that identity is a burning issue for their communities but the discourse about identity is intriguing as religious identity is “complex, differentiated, intersected and hierarchical even within a single religious tendency”. 11 The concept of ‘identity’ however sets us on a “false trail”. There is a “trend to treat it as a possessive attribute of individuals or groups rather than a process”. 12 In other words, identity does not flag I elaborated on this in: Andreas Schmoller, “Middle Eastern Minorities in Diaspora,” in Routledge Handbook of Minorities in the Middle East, ed. Paul Rowe (London: Routledge, 2019), 359-361. 9 For France an excellent study was done recently by: Alexis La Artaud de Ferrière, “Les Français Et Les “Chrétiens d’Orient,” 2014-2018,” Les Cahiers d’EMAM, no. 32 (2020), accessed April 2, 2022, https://doi.org/10.4000/emam.2589. 10 Alistair Hunter and Fiona McCallum Guiney, “The Quest for Equal Citizenship: Middle Eastern Christian Narratives of Migration and Inclusion in the United Kingdom,” Mashriq & Mahjar 8, no. 1 (2020), accessed April 2, 2022, https://doi.org/10.24847/v8i12020.288. 11 Pnina Werbner, “Religious Identity,” in The Sage Handbook of Identities, ed. Margaret Wetherell (Los Angeles u.a.: SAGE, 2010), 233. 12 Floya Anthias, “Intersectionality, Belonging and Translocational Positionality: Thinking About Transnational Identities,” in Ethnicity, 8

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central questions of structure, context and meaning, it keeps us in the logic of possession and loss. The example of Philip demonstrates how insufficient this can be. 13 If we turn our focus to the circumstances under which a certain identity is relevant, we are more capable of understanding how the self as the core of identity is imbued with the lived experience of religion, ethnicity, gender difference and other social identities. By focusing on narrations of location that include (trans)locations in space and time on the one hand, and different social locations on the other hand, our attention turns to contexts and processes of social relations. Therefore Floya Anthias has suggested to use ‘belonging’ instead of ‘identity’: “The two terms of identity and belonging live together” but the emphasis of the second notion lies in the “experiences of being part of the social fabric and as the ways in which social bonds and ties are manifested in practices, experiences and emotions of inclusion.” 14 Belonging is negotiated through multiple boundaries especially in a social place where religion is strongly interwoven with the construction of (neo-)ethnic differences, social bonds (as that to fellow Christians in the homeland) or gendered differences (as with regard to de-identification with Islam or as expression of power hierarchies within Syriac churches). “Belonging is about boundaries but it is also about hierarchies which exist both within but across boundaries”. 15 Hence, it is important to see belonging as a contextual narrative construction and as taking place in relation to more than just one social place, that’s why it is a form of ‘translocation’. 16 Belonging is narrated from different locations and contexts “in terms of a Belonging and Biography: Ethnographical and Biographical Perspectives, ed. Gabriele Rosenthal (Berlin [u.a.]: Lit-Verl, 2009), 232. 13 The notions of identity and belonging are tied to a centered notion of individuals and suffer from what has been termed “groupism”. See Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity Without Groups (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). 14 Anthias, “Intersectionality, belonging and translocational positionality,” 233. 15 Floya Anthias, “Thinking Through the Lens of Translocational Positionality: An Intersectionality Frame for Understanding Identity and Belonging,” Translocations, Migration and Change 4, no. 1 (2008): 9. 16 Anthias hereby wants to include the notion of ‘intersectionality’.

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range of social positions and social divisions and identities such as gender, class, stage in the life cycle and so on”. 17 Whereas identity is about articulations and stories about who we think we are, belonging is bound to exclusion and inclusion, access and participation. If we consider that belonging for Middle Eastern diaspora Christians of a Syriac church is ambiguous and complex for members, we have to analyze the forms of belonging by carefully listening to the particular positionings that community members develop, when they talk about church and religion and its role in their biography. Floya Anthias encapsulated these considerations about the study of identity in the concept of ‘translocational positionality’. 18 In my research on Syriac and Coptic Orthodox Christians in Austria, this approach allowed the acknowledgement of the complex experience of common community members in a post-migration or diaspora context. Positionality comprises the duality of structure and agency. It is the place resulting from a “social position (as a set of effectivities: as outcome) and social positioning (as a set of practices, action and meanings: as process)” 19 But translocation in belonging also arises from migration and refuge, the experience of being dislocated. Dislocation however does not mean that people do not remain located within other borders such as religion etc. Globalization emphasizes even more the aspect of translocation, as it is characterized by transnational movements of capital, communication as well as church infrastructure, resulting in a stronger retention of homeland bonds of the growing diaspora communities. In short: to belong is to feel safe within a community and to have a stake in its future. 20 Anthias, “Intersectionality, belonging and translocational positionality”, 233. 18 See especially her both articles: Floya Anthias, “Where Do I Belong? Narrating Collective Identity and Translocational Positionality,” Ethnicities 2, no. 4 (2002); Anthias, “Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality.” 19 Anthias, “Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality”, 15. 20 The conceptual framework of this research owes a lot to: Heidi Armbruster, Keeping the Faith: Syriac Christian Diasporas (Canon Pyon: Sean Kingston, 2013). 17

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3. ‘BELIEVING’ AND ‘BELONGING’ IN NARRATIVES OF LOCATION

In the next part, I elaborate on the idea of translocations as a way to unpack religious identity of Syriac and Middle Eastern Christians in the diaspora, by presenting a case study from fieldwork conducted in 2014/15 in a Syriac Orthodox congregation in Vienna. Lydia was in her early 20s when I interviewed her in November 2014. She was born in Vienna. She frequented the oldest and biggest Syriac congregation in Austria, St. Ephrem, which was founded in 1974 and mainly consists of members originating from Midyat, Turkey and Syria. 21 Lydia belonged to the Syriac youth group Mor Ephrem, but did not participate regularly. Lydia was studying at a Catholic University College for Teacher Training which represents seven Christian churches, Islam and Judaism. She maintained that it was a deliberate choice to attend the college with the intention and challenge of fully living her beliefs and religiosity and intellectual ambitions. In school she attended both Catholic and Syriac orthodox religious instruction which in Austria is guaranteed by the state to all religious communities who are officially recognized. Belonging to Family, Church and Modernity

Lydia is talking about her father and his religious beliefs, which at first seems as if she is distancing herself from him: But my father always has this skepticism about miracles. Well, miracles were told again and again; as here, it was once said that the statue of Mary wept; then a lot of people came and said, 'She's really crying' and my father was just 'No, I don't see that.' Well, he's very religious, he... but he doesn't really care about miracles because he's a very logical thinker. He also comes from the business world, so it’s so implied from all

For details see: Andreas Schmoller, “The Syriac Orthodox and Coptic Orthodox Churches in Austria: Inter-Church Relations and State Recognition,” Mashriq & Mahjar 8, no. 1 (2020), https://doi.org/10.24847/v8i12020.300.

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sides to think logically and based on facts, and then miracles don’t always work that way. 22

Lydia’s answer to my subsequent question about her own beliefs shows that she thinks like her father in that respect: So I always try to explain such miracles somehow. I used to believe in miracles more than I do now. It's harder for me today because today there is a lot of manipulation and it is also easier to manipulate things. The media too. One no longer knows what to believe and what not; but I am a believer… 23

Lydia shares her father’s skepticism about miracles which to some extent opens a gap towards those of the community and the Syriac youth who witnessed the miracle and who highlight the event of the crying statue in St. Ephrem in 2009. 24 By doing so she creates a translocational position on two levels. First with regard to believing: She clearly sees herself as a person of faith, but in a sense that includes a strong commitment to cognitive skepticism at the same time. By doing so she disapproves the dichotomy of faith versus science, that is characteristic in non-religious secular societies. In her approach, the world of faith and the world of science are reconciled. Second, with regard to belonging: Lydia is locating her father and also herself within the Syriac Orthodox congregation, but she is reclaiming a particular individual place for themselves on the margins, by adopting a position of skepticism that demonstrates her affiliation to ‘modernity’. She is very diplomatic about the role of miracles for other members of the community. “I don't need miracles to believe in God; others I think need it because they need to feel it, that God is present and then need to see it. But in my case it’s not.” 25 Finally it has to be noted that Lydia is grounding her skepticism socially and not ideologically,

Lydia, interview with Author, Vienna, 21 November 2014. Translation by author. 23 Ibid. 24 See the personal account of the miracle by the parish priest: Emanuel Aydin, Ya Rab! Mar li.: "Oh Herr! Sag mir." (Wien: Selbstverlag, 2009). 25 Lydia, interview with Author, Vienna, 21 November 2014. Translation by author. 22

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her difficulties with miracles is something that runs through the family and connects father and daughter. Belonging to Europe: Views on Homosexuality and Love

The first example already demonstrates the advantage of pointing at narrations of translocation instead of identity talk. The second example of this case study illustrates the difficulty of integrating experiences of belonging into the traditional frame of identity talk. Lydia was one of my few respondents that used the concept of identity and reflected about her identity in a way that tries to acknowledge the difficulties that arise from it: Well, I’m always in a dilemma, because I got asked about my identity very often. Do you feel Austrian, or do you feel Arab, or Aramean, Iraqi, Syrian, well I get asked a lot. And I’ve come to the conclusion simply, I always say, ‘I’m European.’ That’s how I feel. I’m very European in my thinking. Well there are many things on which my father would disagree, because oriental mentality wouldn’t accept it, for example homophobia. This is a taboo in the Orient, also for Christians. For myself however, in my circle of friends there were gay, lesbian, bisexual people. This was always very normal. And I always got along well with differences of people. I think, it made me a more social kind of person… 26

This confession about European identity is built on an opposition between a European and an Oriental identity, and therefore culturally framed. She is taking a distance here from her father, and also from her “fellow Christians” which we can identify as collective receivers of the message. Her “fellow Christians” as she says later, believe that homosexuality is a disease something she disagrees with completely. European identity in this context is defined upon individuality and difference and against traditional social norms (and not against the official teaching of the Orthodox Church). Lydia is further pushing for an individual place that she is claiming for herself, also with regard to Austria, because being European is a very intellectual concept shared only by a few people. 26

Ibid.

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Lydia ends up by linking her ‘Europeanness’ with her ‘Christianness’. Lesbian and gay people should be able to become priests as well, she later says, any other attitude would be discrimination. But she knows that it is just wishful thinking. She develops a very progressive form of Christianity and underlines it by theologizing that it is God who has to decide what is a sin and what not. As if this would not been provocative enough, she ends this sequence with: “Love is love and God also loves the sinners.” One can note that Lydia is referring to two different concepts of ‘love’ which she is melting together, and theologians could easily object to that, but within her narration, it is part of her religious convictions. After all it encapsulates another translocation in her narrative, that consists in transcending the boundary of the Christian community she is a member of, without leaving behind her religious beliefs, but placing herself in a moral place she is reclaiming for herself somewhere on the margins of the community. Europe is not a geographical, but a cultural concept, that is characterized through values the interviewee subscribes to. Belonging to the Church and Identifying with Oriental Christians

What has been said so far about Lydia appears rather disconnected from her church and community of Syriac Orthodox Christians, and more attached to Western culture, but her location changes drastically when she speaks about Austria and the lack of Christian identity. Suddenly her belonging is clearly within the Church: Austrian society, well my parents have come to Austria because it’s a Christian country, and currently I think a lot about it, because I realize; I don’t feel these Christianity with the Austrians. Much is just on the paper or many say, ‘I don’t believe in it’. […] I find it pity, because lots of culture is getting lost, because Austria is culturally a Christian country and this is perishing. Such banalities, where you celebrate things, really, but you cannot connect anything to it, Christmas, they celebrate Christmas, presents, but why? […] I would wish that the Austrian society would express more civic courage for the Christians in the Orient. I witness this again and again, now as ISIS is an issue, I tried, many of my Christian fellows tried,

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The experiences covered in this part of the interview are characterized by the use of emotional language: “feel”, “pity”, “disturbing”, “annoys”. Lydia disconnects from Austria and its presumed Christian identity by characterizing it as something she has not experienced. By consequence a strong identification with the community of Oriental Christians becomes evident. Lydia’s distance to fellow Christians of the Syriac Orthodox Community or the Aramean community is suspended and even more, the bonds of belonging are extended to the members in the countries of origin which are unified in the expression “Christians in the Orient” which is used frequently in Austria by church leaders of Oriental and Western churches. The incident the interviewee refers to is the expulsion of Christians from the Iraqi city of Lydia’s father, Mosul, and the Nineweh plain in 2014 by the so called “Islamic State”. On July 18, the Christians in the city were warned via loudspeakers to leave the city or to die by the sword. 28 A week earlier, they had been told to convert to Islam or pay the jizya, a per capita tax traditionally levied in Islam from Christians and Jews, based on their protected status as Dhimmis, which was attributed to the socalled ‘People of the Book’. 29 Their houses were marked with ‘N’ for nassarah, the term used in the Koran to refer to Christians, and were declared the property of the IS. Official Iraqi sources

Lydia, interview with Author, Vienna, 21 November 2014. Translation by author. 28 See: Matthew Barber, “They That Remain: Syrian and Iraqi Christian Communities Amid the Syria Conflict and the Rise of the Islamic State,” in Christianity and Freedom: Volume II: Contemporary Perspectives, ed. Allen D. Hertzke and Timothy S. Shah, Cambridge studies in law and Christianity (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2016). 29 See: Antoine Fattal, Le statut légal des non-musulmans en pays d'Islam, 2nd ed., Recherches Série 3: Orient chrétien 10 (Beyrouth: Dar ElMachreq Sarl, 1995), 264–91. 27

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estimate that 120,000 Christians were expelled from Mosul and the surrounding Nineveh plain in 2014. 30 The incidence reminds Lydia about Austrian history and she demonstrates her awareness about the importance that is given to the memory of the past in the Austrian school system: Austria experienced the Nazi era and what is happening in Iraq and Syria, where they mark the houses with an Arabic N, for Nazarenes, for example, so that they attack there […], that the women are raped there, that there.. .., that was done similar to the Nazi regime; and it always happens like this: we in Austria don't want to be repeat offenders; we always bring that up, WWII was our fault and we killed so many people; but we don't want to see that it's happening again just now, history is repeating itself just in a different country… 31

Again, this narrative is full of experience, it encapsulates the experience of a second-generation Syriac Christian who passed through the Austrian school system where she learned “500 times about WWII and the Holocaust of the Jews” on the one hand, and on the other hand the fears of a descendant from Mossul for family and community members in the homeland. Witnessing the indifference of peers about the incidences in Iraq disconnects her from the community she otherwise feels close to. By linking the past and the present she develops a translocation for herself between her Austrian identity – remark that she always uses “we” in her account – and her “Oriental Christianness”. As much as she embraced the concept of ‘European identity’ above to express that she shares values with the ‘Western world’, she just as much reconnects with her ‘Oriental identity’ on the issue of the endangered Christian minorities in the homeland. She describes her disgust with Austrian society on a cultural as well as a religious level. For her the lack of interest and empathy for the Iraqi Christians

See: Abdelhak Mamoun, “100,000 Christian Displaced from Mosul, Says Official,” http://www.iraqinews.com/features/100000-christiandisplaced-mosul-says-official/. 31 Lydia, interview with Author, Vienna, 21 November 2014. Translation by author. 30

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reveals a religious void, much of Austria’s ‘Christianness’ is just tradition and folklore. Concluding on this case study it needs to be emphasized that religion and faith play a major role for the personal identity. Sociologically we deal with a form of individual syncretism which is a pattern of faith in the Western world today. But it is not a non-committal diffuse syncretism which would match with the cliché of a dysfunctional patchwork religiosity of people who take their beliefs from various sources without belonging to a particular community. 32 On the contrary, Lydia’s ‘believing’ is linked to ‘belonging’ to a specific community and church. Although she formulates religious beliefs in a theological repertoire, that is outside the doctrine of her church, her faith is bound to her family (particularly her father), and connected to an organized commitment in a confessional church. The sense of belonging is particularly strong as the community of the Syriac Orthodox Church links her to the fellow Christians in the Middle East, whose fate is ignored by the host society she is living in.

4. CONCLUDING REMARKS ON RELIGIOUS TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE DIASPORA

Religious organizations, such as Syriac churches, reflect their role in a post-migration context in a – secular – sense by stressing their social importance for new arriving community members, who seek assistance in social, economic and spiritual regards. Churches can in fact function as a “bridge into the host society” as has been seen with the arrival of Christians from Syria and Iraq recently. 33 This particular importance of the church for diaspora

See Stefan Kurth and Karsten Lehmann, “Narrativ fundierte Interviews mit religiösen Subjekten: Individualsynkretismus als Typus moderner Religiosität,” in Religionen erforschen: Kulturwissenschaftliche Methoden in der Religionswissenschaft, ed. Stefan Kurth and Karsten Lehmann, Lehrbuch (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011). 33 Alexander-Kenneth Nagel, “Religiöse Netzwerke: Die zivilgesellschaftlichen Potentiale religiöser Migrantengemeinden,” in Religiöse Netzwerke: Die zivilgesellschaftlichen Potentiale religiöser Migrantengemeinden, ed. Alexander-Kenneth Nagel, Kultur und soziale 32

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communities tends to decrease when civil or cross-denominational forms of organizations arise. 34 “Functional differentiation” between the religious and the secular reappears and results in a decrease of religious ties once migrants have achieved their social, economic and political goals in the host societies. 35 This differentiation is a common feature of secularization in a Western context. Individuals in the diaspora tend to separate religion more from other domains of life and see it as a feature of personal identity, whereas churches attempt to strengthen the ties between spiritual and material aspects of religion and thus engage in political representation of the community. 36 This can make things worse and escalate group conflicts. The case of the trans-denominational Assyrian movement can serve as an example in this respect in the history of migration of Syriac Christians. 37 After a period of “hegemonic use of the designation” Assyrian (Assyrier in Swedish) in the 1960s and 70s, the Assyrian movement particular in the Swedish diaspora was opposed by the Syriac Orthodox Church arguing against a secular nationalist identity and soon afterwards saw the emergence of the Aramean (Syrianska in Swedish) movement, that was closely linked to the anti-Assyrianism of the Syriac Orthodox Church. 38 These are internal dynamics – partly in relation to secularization – that push diaspora communities, that were foremost uniquely defined through religious affiliation, in a trajectory where culture Praxis (Bielefeld: transcript, 2015), 15; See e.g. Schmoller, “Of Safe Havens and Sinking Ships.” 34 See. e.g. Vertovec, Transnationalism. 35 Detlef Pollack and Gergely Rosta, Religion in Der Moderne: Ein Internationaler Vergleich, Schriftenreihe Religion und Moderne 1 (Frankfurt am Main u.a.: Campus, 2015). 36 See e.g. Maria Hämmerli, “How Do Orthodox Integrate in Their Host Countries? Examples from Switzerland,” in Hämmerli; Mayer, Orthodox Identities in Western Europe. 37 See especially Naures Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, Orphans in the Diaspora: Identity Discourses Among the Assyrian/Syriac Elites in the European Diaspora (Amsterdam: Leiden University Press, 2011). 38 For the last aspect see: Aryo Makko, “The Historical Roots of Contemporary Controversies: National Revival and the Assyrian 'Concept of Unity',” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 24, no. 1 (2010).

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and/or ethnicity begin to form the core of group identity instead of religion. The latter then serves to provide an inventory of practices, symbols and narratives to support ‘culturalization’ or ‘ethnicization’. 39 But, as had been argued in this article, this is based on an idea of identity that is centered on ‘possession’ and ‘preservation’ (language, culture, religion etc.). If the church gets absorbed by non-religious matters, it can damage its potential in the religious sphere. If, for example, the church is identified as part of a political system or an ideology that is contested (such as authoritarian regimes), the church may be seen as a political actor that attracts those who support the same political agenda without necessarily sharing the beliefs of the church (= belonging without believing). In the long history of Middle Eastern Christianity, the relation of Christians to their church as a place of belonging was a complex affair and included many struggles about legitimacy of clerical hierarchies. 40 Beyond these dynamics, for many Middle Eastern Christian the church “continues to present an important network for social relations among the community”. 41 Even if members hold religious beliefs that are non-orthodox and syncretistic or their political claims do not match those represented by clerical hierarchies, they might identify with the church and show a strong sense of Olivier Roy has argued with regard to Muslim migrants in Europe that ‘Muslim’ has become a cultural, neo-ethnical category based on the Western idea of Islam as a culture, that every Muslim regardless of his/her beliefs is participating in, resulting in a group identity. Neo-fundamentalist Muslim diasporas in Europe have appropriated this view by adopting politics of communalism. I would suggest that this ‘neo-ethnizisation’ is indeed also to be observed within diasporas of Middle Eastern minorities but I would not go as far as Roy by claiming that this process is primarily triggered by Western categories. Olivier Roy, L’islam Mondialisé (Paris: Seuil, 2002). 40 See Bernard Heyberger, Les chrétiens du Proche-Orient au temps de la réforme catholique: Syrie, Liban, Palestine, XVIIIe siècles (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1994); Bernard Heyberger, Les chrétiens du ProcheOrient: De la compassion à la compréhension, Manuels Payot (Paris: Payot et Rivages, 2013). 41 Soner Onder Barthoma, “The Transformation of Social Capital Among Assyrians in the Migration Context,” in Hämmerli; Mayer, Orthodox Identities in Western Europe, 83. 39

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belonging through participation in its activities and care for the maintenance of the religious heritage. 42 Socially as a place of relations and networks, but also religiously as communal ties, that include family, neighborhood, ethno-religious faith community (of Copts or Arameans/Assyrians) strengthen the persuasiveness of religious feelings (we might speak of a form of believing through belonging or a believing in order to belong). Lydia’s case study is representative of that role. Another important dimension of religious identity and belonging is that religious people cross borders of religions and confessions more easily and choose individually from (religious and non-religious) beliefs without necessarily belonging to a particular community or congregation. Secularization and individualization of religion minimize the religious authority of churches in a pluralistic religious landscape (= believing without belonging). Middle Eastern churches are not exempt from that, neither in the diaspora, nor to a lesser extent probably, in the Middle East. 43 Furthermore the described “functional absorption” due to a strong amalgam of religion and politics can alienate believers in their sense of belonging to the church as a community, resulting in more individual rituals and/or interest in other Christian denominations and ecumenical aspects (= believing and multi-belonging).

For Austria see: Armbruster, Keeping the faith; Schmoller, “The Syriac Orthodox and Coptic Orthodox Churches in Austria: Inter-Church Relations and State Recognition.” 43 Exemplarily see Önver A. Cetrez, Meaning-Making Variations in Acculturation and Ritualization: A Multi-Generational Study of Suroyo Migrants in Sweden (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2005). 42

CHALLENGES FOR THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH: ENCOUNTERS WITH SECULARISM NAURES ATTO

UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE / GREAT BRITAIN In the collective memory of Assyrians 1 the twentieth century has been remarkable to understand their fear of extinction: they witnessed the Sayfo genocide of 1915 in Ottoman Turkey, where at least half of their people was killed, 2 much of their tangible and intangible cultural heritage was destructed and confiscated. 3 In the turmoil of WWI, those survived were continuously discriminated and lived under oppression and ‘silence’, and their 1 In this study, with the term ‘Assyrian’ I refer more specifically to the members (or former members) of the Syriac Orthodox Church. I use it synonymously with the emic term Suryoye, and other terms used in Western languages such as Syriacs and Aramaeans. In all cases, in a context of use in the modern Western diaspora. 2 D. Gaunt, N. Atto and S. O. Barthoma, ‘Introduction’, in Let Them Not Return: Sayfo – The Genocide Against the Assyrian, Syriac and Chaldean Christians in the Ottoman Empire, eds. D. Gaunt, N. Atto and S. O. Barthoma, (Oxford, New York, 2017), pp. 10–11. 3 See further for instance: S. Talay, ‘The Sayfo of 1915 and its Impact on Syriac Language and Culture’, paper presented at 8th Syriac Conference, Seeri, Kottayam, 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ikiylhoNU5c (viewed: 26-07-2017).

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Patriarchal Sea was expelled from Turkey. While this was the situation in the newly established young Turkish Republic, they became victims to several massacres in Iraq, among which the Simele Massacre became well known for its long-term effects at different levels. 4 Later, the wars in Iraq (since 2003) and Syria (since 2011) and extremist violence against Christians have caused additional irreversible consequences on the presence and future of Assyrians in the homeland. In this context of increased violence and marginalization in society, Assyrians have experienced mass migration in several waves, and founded new permanent homes outside their historical homelands. Today, they are known as a diasporic community. Both their migration numbers and the extent of their dispersion has been remarkable. To mention two examples, between the 1970s and the 1990s, Tur Abdin in South East Turkey became almost empty of Assyrians, with today numbering only 1765 5 people. After the fall of Saddam in 2003, the number of Christians in Iraq went down with 80% from approximately 1.5 million to between 250,000 and 500,000. 6 Their worldwide dispersion has changed their earlier geographical spread as a people in the Middle East, where they lived relatively close to each other. See further about this massacre in S. G. Donabed, Reforging a Forgotten History: Iraq and the Assyrians in the Twentieth Century (Edinburgh, 2015). R.S. Stafford, The Tragedy of the Assyrians (Gorgias Press LLC, 2006 – originally published in London in 1935). 5 Register of the Syriac community in Tur Abdin kept by Yusuf Türker of the monastery of Mor Hobil Mor Abrohom in Midyat (2015), quoted from S. Güsten ‘A Farewell to Turabdin’ (Istanbul Policy Centre, 2016), p.9. Available at: http://ipc.sabanciuniv.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2016/08 /IPM_Farewell_Abdin_25.12.17_web.pdf (viewed: 30.09.2022). 6 E. Griswold, E. ‘Is this the end Christianity in the Middle East?’ in The New York Times Magazine (2015, 22 July). Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/26/magazine/is-this-the-end-of-christianity-in-themiddle-east.html (viewed: 10.11.2016); F. Mihaies, ‘Christians Face Total Purge From Syria’ in Newsweek (10 January 2016). Available at: http://europe.newsweek.com/christians-face-purge-syria413463?rm=eu (viewed: 10.10.2016); United States Commission on Religious Freedom (USCIRF) 2016 Report - Iraq. Available at: http://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/USCIRF_AR_2016_Tier1_2_Iraq.pdf (viewed: 10.10.2016). 4

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Within this context of continuous violence and emigration, in the last five decades, Assyrians have been discussing the survival of their people and distinct cultural identity which has been faced with endangerment and extinction. This discussion should be understood within the context of mass migration and settlement in Western countries. A change which confronted Assyrians also with a structural transformation at socio-cultural, political, and institutional level. Migration has led to a change of societal norms and values and challenged the old structures and institutions. It has also paved way to the emergence of new subjectivities, such as the changing role of women in society and political movements which were highly influenced by Western types of modernity which prerequisite the concept of secularism. This chapter discusses how clergymen and laymen in the Syriac Orthodox Church negotiate the survival of their people worldwide, how they perceive secularism and secular societies, and how they imagine their future within this dilemmatic situation. As a point of departure, the chapter will first briefly summarize the encounters with secular societies, and the impacts of migration at different levels. Secondly, it will focus on the analysis of discourses of religious survival articulated by Patriarch Aphrem II and Archbishop of the Netherlands, Polycarpus Augin Aydin (both received their higher education in Western countries) and conclude the discussion with how the concept of secularism and modernity are being perceived in different country contexts and how this differentiation affects the survival strategies proposed for the future existence of Assyrians. While focussing on religious discourses of survival by clergy of the Syriac Orthodox Church, the perspective of laymen will be touched on in order to illustrate the more complicated situation and how different and divergent these perspectives can work out for the same people.

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There are several studies conducted about the emigration, settlement and integration of Assyrians in Europe. 7 These studies show F. Deniz, En minoritets odyssé : upprätthållande och transformation av etnisk identitet i förhållande till moderniseringsprocesser : det assyriska 7

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how the Western context has generally been perceived as an environment that would provide Assyrians with a future, especially when considering the continuous crises taking place in the Middle East and driving the remaining members of the community out of their ancestral homelands. Their migration travel was literally realised with a one way-ticket to Western countries; in some cases not even knowing which country would be the final destination. Migration has been explained as a remedy to the experienced discrimination and hardship that they have faced in their homeland. 8 While settling in Western countries the majority of Assyrians became disappointed that the Christians they joined in the West lived their Christianity differently from theirs. Their disappointment was not with the theological interpretation of the lived Christianity, but more with the cultural aspects implicit to Western Christianity. 9 Including, to mention but one example, understanding the fate of Christians in the Middle East as persecuted minorities. In a naive way, Assyrians asked questions as to how come Christians in the West do not want to make a distinction between them as Christians and the Muslim immigrants (Others), while accepting and handling their asylum cases in the same way in Western countries. In their imagination, they grouped themselves with Western co-religionists (Us) and Muslim immigrants with the Muslim majority in the countries in the Middle East (Others). They did not know much yet about the concept of secular societies where church and state are separate entities and the church is not supposed to influence state politics. Religion becomes a private matter and thus individuals with different faiths have the same rights and obligations, without being prejudiced against by state institutions because of not belonging to a specific religion. José Casanova refers to this in terms of ‘privatization’ of exemplet. (Uppsala, 1999); Ö. Cetrez, Meaning-making Variations in Acculturation & Ritualization: A Multi-generational Study of Suroyo Migrants in Sweden (Uppsala, 2005); N. Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, Orphans in the Diaspora: Identity discourses among the Assyrian/Syriac elites in the European diaspora (Leiden, 2011). 8 Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, pp. 143–210. 9 Ibid., pp. 211–263.

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religion. 10 While secular states may privilege the historical majority religion and endow it with public status, this will be only culturally, without imposing a specific faith or doctrine on the people and institutions. 11 Or, to say it differently, even when there is still some sense of a national church in European societies, the church is no longer a dominant power. 12 This differs from the situation in the Middle East, where religion is still the main marker for the organization of societies, and thus, religious institutions have a powerful role in shaping people’s daily lives as well as their identity projections. Migration and settlement in Western societies has had a major impact on the role of the Church in the lives of Assyrians. The Church has no longer the sole power to represent the people in society. This has been a crucial turn in the modern history of Assyrians which has changed their ethno-religious perception of their identity to a more ethno-national one. 13 Here, the concept of nationalism explicitly assumes Western discourses of secular modernity which has been historically developed in a dichotomous (and problematic) relation with ‘religion’. Secular modernity in many cases is seen as the opposite of religion and traditions. In their attempts for more visibility as a people in the West, the first encounters of Assyrians and their adaptation to their new future homelands resulted in an internal identity debate which expressed itself around the name of their people in Western languages. The first arrivals of Suryoye 14 in Sweden in the early 1970s used ‘Assyrier’ (Assyrian) when referring to their people in Swedish. This was highly influenced by the concept of secular modernity which assumes a process of nation building. This ‘modernist’ discourse challenged the old status quo. The reaction of 10

1.

J. Casanova, Public Religion in the Modern World, (Chicago, 1994), ch.

C. Joppke, The Secular State Under Siege: Religion and Politics in Europe and America, (Cambridge, 2015), p. 5. 12 D. Fergusson, ‘Church and Nation’ in Church, State and Civil Society (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 140–166. 13 Deniz, En minoritets odyssé and Atto Hostages in the Homeland, p. 29. 14 The name of the people in Surayt Aramaic (their mother tongue). 11

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the Church and those (mainly some traditionally ‘influential’ families) who felt threatened and excluded in the use of this name reacted strongly to this development which triggered a very destructive name debate among the community, lasting till today. Outsiders have not understood this internal debate. And Suryoye themselves have been given different interpretations and explanations. In identity debates in the last fifty years among lay people about the ethnicity and ancestry of Assyrians, the official stance of the church has been that the Suryoye are a Church across national borders and ethnicities and that this is more important than stressing an ethnic element. And if the church (represented by the Patriarch) takes a stance it is often the less politicized stance that Suryoye or the members of the Syriac Orthodox Church have Aramean roots. The stance that Suryoye have Assyrian roots, although followed in some periods and by some clergymen, is often not a central discourse among the highest clergymen and especially not adhered to by the Patriarch in position. 15 Defending this discourse would not be tolerated by the regimes in the Middle East because of its inherent political stance that Suryoye are a specific ethnie, different from the majority population in the country. At a different level, the name debate indicates also an urge for survival and visibility in society. Migration to the West did only provide them with some safety, but did not provide any ready-made solutions for their deeply rooted fear of extinction. Rather, the migration context has put them in a transformation process and lifted the survival issue up in the people’s agenda. Survival has been discussed at different levels by deploying a variety of discourses.

So far all Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church have been based in the Middle East. But there are discussions among lay people in the diaspora as to why that should be the case in the future if the majority of the church members is based outside the Middle East. This questions also problematizes the censorship used by regimes in the Middle East in relation to leaders of minority groups.

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IDENTITY BETWEEN CHURCH AND NATION: RELIGIOUS SURVIVAL

So far little attention has been paid to the different approaches among clergy and lay people about the survival of Suryoye. In his paper “The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora: Challenges and Opportunities”, Mor Polycarpus Augin (Archbishop of the Syriac Orthodox Church in the Netherlands) discusses the stance of the church in relation to the survival of the Suryoye in the diaspora. 16 Although considering herself an ethnic or national church to a certain extent, recognising the importance of Syriac as the language of the church historically and its role at cultural level, Polycarpus stresses that for the church ‘what matters and is more essential, however, is the Orthodox faith and not so much the ethnic or national identity of oneself.’ 17 At some occasions, Syriac Orthodox clergymen have also referred to Jesus’ communication with his disciples in relation to state and church: ‘Give back to Caesar what is Caesar's and to God what is God's.’ Meaning that the church does not want to get involved in politics and that the faithful should show their loyalty to the government of the country they live in. Quoting Caesar in today’s context can be seen as a rationalization of the political position they find themselves in; they depend on the political authority that has to tolerate and ‘protect’ them in the Middle East. The church itself cannot protect its members against any political authority as shown throughout history. Characteristic for the discourses of loyalty of clergymen to the governments in the Middle East has been the depoliticization of their community. 18 For example, the former Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church, Zakka I Iwas (1931– 2014), expressed such a discourse of obedience when he visited his community members in the Zafaran Monastery (Mardin, Turkey) in 2004: ‘In order to be a true believer in God, in the first

Polycarpus Augin Aydin, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora: Challenges and Opportunities’, Paper presented at the World Christianities Seminar Series, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge, 5 March 2014. 17 Polycarpus, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora’, p. 8. 18 Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, p. 96. 16

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place a believer should be a good citizen. If a believer is not loyal to his country then it is not possible to be a true believer in God’. 19 Polycarpus argues that in the Middle East where Assyrians lived as a Christian minority in a Muslim majority society it was much easier to keep the faith and one’s identity. He also implies that religious and ethnic identity were intertwined; indeed, the boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’ were clear-cut in the Middle East where life was organised along religious lines. In contrast, in the diaspora it has shown that it is hard for Assyrians to keep their faith and collective identity and Polycarpus argues that solutions should be sought in the direction of seeking fellowship and solidarity with other Orthodox communities as well as other Western Christians for the preservation of the Orthodox faith while maintaining at best some Syriac identity (italics my stress). In a state where one has to make choices about one’s survival, the Syriac Orthodox church has a clear choice for faith over cultural identity and seeks for solutions in that direction. From the perspective of a church this is a natural choice but church members are more than faithful; they are not stripped of culture or culturally neutral. The last part of this chapter will illustrate that the solutions which the church is seeking are not satisfactory and do not meet the needs of the church members in relation to cultural survival. Building on this idea of choosing for ‘faith’ over ‘culture’, Polycarpus stresses the universality of the church, because the Christian faith transcends geographical borders, national, ethnic and language groups. 20 Polycarpus bases his view on the NiceneConstantinopolitan Creed, professing the church to be One, Holy, Catholic (Universal) and Apostolic. He uses one of the earliest Christian apologies from the second century, known as the Epistle to Diognetus, to exemplify the relationship between Christians and the larger, non-Christian world. The anonymous author places Christians in one group while on earth, but their citizenship is in Akyüz, G, Tüm Yönleriyle Süryaniler, (Mardin, 2005), p. 110. The context of this visit was that the Patriarch was officially invited by the governor of Mardin to attend the meeting ‘Kültürlerarası Diyalog Platformu’ (Intercultural Dialogue Platform) which was held in Mardin (13. May 2004). 20 Polycarpus, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora’, p. 3. 19

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heaven. This is how ‘every foreign land is their fatherland, and yet for them every fatherland is a foreign land’. It draws the attention that Polycarpus uses this example from the second century, clearly out of this time, in an attempt to seek solutions for today’s questions in relation to the survival of his flock where it has settled in new geographies. The Archbishop remains in the safe traditional discourse of the church and does not consider or rather ignores the context of today where people are surrounded by many different elements which influence their life – in contrast to the example of Polycarpus which does not show any earthly interest at all, including any cultural and/or political aspirations. In reality, while at times church leaders may express similar statements about the stance of the church, often they do not follow and live by this ideal type of living their Christianity. Assyrian as Christians have very strong roots in the Syriac tradition and many have been raised in a mix of traditions. They were not raised with the very ideal type of a Christian way of life as discussed in the Epistle to Diognetus. In fact, using the example of Epistle to Diognetus would require more answers in relation to how then to translate it to today’s life in modern and secular societies where most of the Assyrians have settled and where religion has been placed in the private sphere. In his paper, Polycarpus uses the example of assimilation of the first generation Assyrians in North America. 21 He notes that the third generation has become assimilated and alienated from the faith of their forefathers, with very little knowledge about their faith and tradition. This indicates at least some concern about the people leaving specifically the Syriac Orthodox Church. Therefore, from this perspective, joining other churches would not mean the same as remaining with the Syriac Orthodox Church; this concern does not express the earlier notion about the universality of the Christian church but stresses a cultural aspect and tradition of specifically the Syriac Orthodox Church. To continue with this example of America, Polycarpus gives one reason why the Syriac Orthodox Church may have lost its members: ‘The church may have gone wrong because she 21

Polycarpus, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora’, p. 7.

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emphasized preserving the cultural identity over the spiritual one and consequently lost most of her faithful.’ He does not indicate what elements of the cultural identity were attempted to preserve. He implies Syriac as the liturgy language of the church because it was not understood by the majority of the people. 22 But this reason only is not sufficient to explain why people leave a church. Besides, there is no clear evidence that the church emphasized the preservation of the cultural identity over the spiritual one in the American context; the church continued the use of Syriac as liturgical language but it was not because of a preference of culture over faith. The use of Syriac in the liturgy was probably the result of tradition rather than a conscious decision. But if one would change Syriac as the liturgical language, what would be left from the Church as a Syriac Orthodox Church? As Alexei Krindatch discusses in his article The Orthodox (Eastern Christian) Churches in the USA at the beginning of a new millennium, the notion of a state church was very characteristic of Eastern Christianity, explaining also why one thinks of an ethnic aspect when an Orthodox Church is mentioned. 23 Krindatch explains that consequently, many Orthodox Churches in North America have their own jurisdictions with a purpose to minister to the religious needs of the corresponding ethnic communities of immigrants. Although the Syriac Orthodox Church has never had an own state that it connected with exclusively, it does have a strong Syriac ethnic identity marker (‘Ito Suryayto Trisat Shubho). Today, as an answer to faithful leaving the church, both Patriarch Aphrem II and Polycarpus problematize living in a secular society in the West and give instead preference to living in a faithbased society. 24 They fear that a secular society where state and The use of an ethnic language was common among most Orthodox churches in the USA. See further Alexei D. Krindatch, ‘The Orthodox (Eastern Christian) Churches in the USA at the beginning of a new millennium’, Hardford Institute for Religion Research, http://hirr.hartsem.edu/research/orthodoxpaper.html, p. 7 (viewed: 10.08.2017). 23 Krindatch, ‘The Orthodox (Eastern Christian) Churches in the USA’, p. 2. 24 Polycarpus, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora’, p. 8. 22

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religion are separated may cause that church members will leave the church. The discourse against secularism was also expressed by Aphrem II in his talk at ‘In Defence of Christians Conference in Washington, 2014: ‘… Muslims need Christians to fight together secularism, a common enemy of all believers, of all religions.’ The context for this diplomatic talk with leaders of different faiths was to seek support for Christians in Iraq and Syria, after they were expelled by ISIS in 2014. 25 Employing this discourse in this specific context by Patriarch Aphrem II can be explained as an attempt of the leader of a religious minority in the Middle East, seeking common ground with Muslim Clerics and their communities in order to stress shared values and develop closeness for more tolerance of Christians in the Middle East. Other than that there was no reason to discuss matters of secularism at a political meeting regarding the crisis of victims of violence in the Middle East. Nevertheless, it is in the Patriarch choice to bring this point up at this meeting. In the reactions following this post on Facebook it shows that Assyrian lay people disagree with this idea about the danger of secular societies in relation to their collective identity. The discourse of Aphrem II can clearly be understood in the context of today’s Middle East where the leader of a minority religion seeks common ground with leaders of majority religions in order to develop stronger and better relations for its community in the Middle East. In a broader context, the discourse against secularism is not articulated publicly among members of the Syriac Orthodox Church in Europe, also not among clergymen. However, most of the clergymen do complain about the effects of secular societies on the lives of the faithful. Both, Polycarpus and Patriarch Aphrem II (1996–2014) lived in America and engaged with other Orthodox churches in America before moving respectively to the Netherlands and to Syria. The American context and the relative strong presence of different Orthodox Churches may have influenced their discourse regarding secular societies. Patriarch Aphrem II: https://www.facebook.com/salim.abraham/videos/101545784257162 57/.

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Wilfred McClay, 26 professor of intellectual history distinguishes between two main types of secularism: [...] philosophical secularism, which is secularism as a kind of godless system of the world, a system of beliefs about ultimate things, and secularism in a political sense: that is, secularism as recognizing politics as an autonomous sphere, one that’s not subject to ecclesiastical governance, to the governance of a church or religion or the church’s expression of that religion. A secular political order may be one in which religious practice or religious exercise, as we say, can flourish.

Explaining the reconciliation of religion and modernity in the American example, McClay shows how the separation of church and state took place at constitutional and political level, but also how one can clearly observe ‘the mingling of religion and public life’ 27. This is in contrast to the French laicité, and to the understanding of secularism in many Western liberal democracies. Secularism has different meanings, often negatively perceived by orthodox clergymen. For example, in a conference presentation, one of the leading debaters of the Russian Orthodox Church in America, Kevin Allen, identifies secularism as ‘the major external challenge and threat to Orthodoxy’ and against all Christian traditions. According to Allen, peaceful coexistence between secularism and religion is impossible. 28 In accordance with this, Polycarpus believes that secularism has a more negative influence on Assyrians in western countries because it removes the church from being at the centre of people’s life and it requires therefore more efforts from the clergy and the parents to direct ‘the faithful’ (here: members of the Syriac W. McClay, ‘Religion and Secularism: The American Experience’ (Pew Research Centre 2007). Available at: http://www.pewresearch.org/2007/12/03/religion-and-secularism-the-american-experience/. 27 McClay, ibid. 28 Kevin Allen, ‘Challenges and Opportunities for the Ancient Faith Today,’ Paper presented at Orthodox Institute 2013 - Blessed Is the Kingdom: Acts 2:42 and Today, November 2, 2013. Available at: https://www.ancientfaith.com/specials/orthodox_institute_2013 (viewed 13.08.2017). p. 9. 26

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Orthodox Church) in the ‘right way, the way of God’. He argues that from a Christian perspective there is nothing wrong with becoming Americanized or Europeanized but it is lamentable for a person to lose his/her faith and spiritual identity. 29 And through preserving the Orthodox faith, the church may also gain some of their cultural identity as well, because some cultural elements in Orthodoxy are ‘baptised’ and have become part of the tradition. This example shows again that faith comes first and culture second. Language and culture are also considered barriers for outsiders to join the church. This assumes the mission role of the Christian faith, which the Syriac church has started to express again after founding parishes in the West where people can choose freely to join churches. So rather than taking up the task to teach newcomers in the church its liturgical language Syriac or Surayt (Neo-Aramaic, spoken language), the focus is on facilitating potential faithful who wants to join the Syriac Orthodox Church through eliminating any cultural barriers, among which language takes a central role. From this perspective Polycarpus thinks it is necessary to translate the liturgy and the liturgical symbolism into a language which is comprehensible to the people in order to serve their spiritual needs rather than preserving the language as a liturgical ornament. Translation of the liturgy in America started long time ago and some parts of the liturgy are also translated now in different European languages and in Surayt in order to make the liturgy accessible for the churchgoers. This fits in the general tendency in the north American context where ethnic and religious identity are less seen as intertwined among the second, third and fourth English speaking generations in addition to the converts to the Orthodox Churches. 30 And thus, these Englishspeaking church members have to be served in a language which they understand and connect with, also socially. Syriac as an ethnic and therefore symbolic identity marker may have become far less important for new generations born in America. Accordingly, Syriac may not have lost its symbolic function, but it may have Polycarpus, ‘The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Diaspora’, p. 9. Krindatch, ‘The Orthodox (Eastern Christian) Churches in the USA’, p. 10.

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become too much to require from new generations to follow the full liturgy in Syriac while not understanding any of it. Especially in a society where people want to participate in events which they can understand and to which they can contribute, the language of communication becomes very central. This is also the case for the church services. Nevertheless, this is problematic if the ethnic element is fully ignored while there are still church members who do find the ethnic element of their church important and a central part of their own collective identity. A question to ask here is what makes the Syriac Orthodox Church so specific? If no specific cultural element is connected with this church, its members will be in a position to join any of the other Orthodox churches.

THE CHURCH AND CULTURAL SURVIVAL

As discussed above, migration and settlement of Assyrians in Western countries has been a vital challenge for the Syriac Orthodox Church; the previously powerful role of the church has been dislocated. In the diaspora, the Church has lost its hegemony over the definition of identity and over people’s lives. While the church aims to restore its power and put faith in the centre of the life of its flock and culture comes second, lay people turn the roles of these two aspects of identity around. Most lay people have adopted a Western perspective on identity and no matter how faithful they may be, for them, their cultural ethnic identity takes the most central role when defining their collective identity. Their religious affiliation is considered one element in their cultural identity, but not necessarily the central one. And lay people, different from the discourse of the church, welcome secular societies and do not problematize them in relation to their existence. Instead, they consider secular societies as contexts where they can flourish in different ways; as societies where there are more opportunities than risk and danger, as societies where individuals can decide for themselves what role to give religion in their lives. And this is where from the perspective of clergymen the danger lies, because this perspective has resulted in a weakening of the church. Even though the large majority of Assyrians now live in the diaspora, the church tries to continue to manage its members in

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the same line as before, dominated by the context of its establishment in the Middle East. Meanwhile, its members who have settled in four different continents, with the majority in Western countries have adopted new perspectives on faith, the role of religion, collective identity and politics. So far, the church has not made any serious attempts to meet in these changes. The church is passive rather than proactive in relation to new developments among its members and in adapting to the diaspora context and to say this in more general terms, in answering to the new needs of its members in a state of crisis in which the church finds itself. It must be said that it is not an easy task to manage such a dispersed flock that has settled in a relatively short period in great numbers in different parts of the world. At the same time, the Patriarchate of the Syriac Orthodox Church is still based in an area which has been turned into a geographical periphery, although first generation Assyrians do want to see this periphery as the center of their life; the ancestral homeland which is considered holy (u athro mqadsho). But the latest developments in the ancestral homeland indicate that the mythical idea about the homeland has turned into something which is in the past, blurred in the memories. Today, most clergymen are based in the diaspora, serving their flock outside their ancestral homeland. The church is present at local level and still influential. Indeed, local contexts influence the local parishes very much, including the priest serving, the families dominating the church, the background of the parish members in the countries of the Middle East, the literacy of the parish members and more. To mention an example: many parishes are known among the faithful by the name of the priest serving them rather than by the Saint after whom these churches are named. This indicates the strong connection and influence of a priest on the local parish. Here again, the central influence of the Patriarchate is missing. A few times per year the Patriarch communicates his Patriarchal encyclical with each parish, but each parish may give the encyclical a different meaning, depending on its content, how the priest, board of church think about it, and so forth. This is only one example to show the complexity of a cross-

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border church with many differences at local level and with continuous changes. Historically the church directed the people and today this is not the case anymore, although the main institution is still that of the church. But there are many other institutions and discourses that influence the life of individuals. To exemplify, from the perspective of the church, if someone joins a different church then he will no longer be considered a ‘Suryoyo’ and considered lost to her/his church. From the perspective of lay people who allow more space for their cultural identity, one can remain ‘Suryoyo’ culturally while changing one’s church or religion. This perspective of the lay is highly influenced by the Western secular approach on religion and church. 31 Another example, to stress the difference in the focus between clergy and lay people, among especially the younger generations there are individuals who sometimes make statements that they are no longer Christian and that they only want to be known by their ethnic identity. They may be believers or at least culturally Christians but when defining their identity they want to stress in the first place their ethnic identity rather than their religious identity. They want to be recognised as a distinct ethnic group and find this important. For the church, as discussed earlier, it works the other way around. One of the puzzling questions for which the Assyrian laymen (or secular elites) have tried to find answers in the last five decades has been how they can survive as a people, if they are geographically so dispersed, lack strong leadership, lack orientation and means. Commonly, despite a strong connection to their ancestral geographical homeland, their future homeland is identified as geographies in the present-day diaspora, even though the discourse about return migration is still somewhere in their political agenda or emotionally attached to it. 32 In addition, cultural elements in the diaspora imbue the new geographical locations of residence in the diaspora with meaning which helps in the

See further for a discussion of the definition and boundaries of the people in Atto, Hostages in the Homeland, pp. 433–469. 32 N. Atto, Homeland, forthcoming. 31

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constitution of new discourses about where home and the homeland is.

CONCLUSION

Today, most Assyrians believe that they no longer have a future in the Middle East. Instead, they imagine and invest in a future in the West. The physical dispersion of Assyrians has turned them into a new transnational collective, and faced them with new challenges of survival. This chapter discusses the discourses of Syriac Orthodox clergymen and laymen about their survival in secular Western societies. From the perspective of the clergy, Assyrians are in the first place members of the Syriac Orthodox Church. They seek for ways to keep the faithful in the church while living in Western secular societies. The church hierarchy promotes the idea of ‘religious survival’ and aims to restore the centrality of the Church in people's lives. For this reason, the new context of secular societies and the transformative effect of this on Assyrians, has been perceived as the main problem. The church wants that religion remains in the centre of the life of Assyrians – even in the diaspora, that they do not follow secular values where ethnic identity allows much space for cultural elements which may take over the role of religion in the life of the faithful and only leave space for religion at an individual level. This contrasts with the perspective of the majority of lay Assyrians in Western countries. For most Assyrians, cultural elements which connect them, such as language, symbols, rituals and living these while being dispersed will facilitate their cultural survival. Thus, the ‘correct’ name of the people, the future place of ‘homeland’, countering processes of assimilation, representation and promoting visibility in broader society have become more central in the discourses of lay Assyrians about their cultural survival. Discourses about religious and cultural survival differ from each other in their perception of secularism and the role of religion in people’s life. Nonetheless, these two discourses may not always exclude each other, but they do express different priorities in terms of survival strategies in the long term.

IV PRO ORIENTE

FIFTH PRO ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM –FINAL REPORT

IDENTITY AND WITNESS: CONTRIBUTION OF THE SYRIAC TRADITION TO THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH AND THE WORLD VIENNA, FEBRUARY 20 – 23, 2017

1. PRO ORIENTE’s Fifth Colloquium Syriacum was held at the Pallottihaus, Vienna, on February 20–23, 2017. The theme under discussion was ‘Identity and Witness: Contribution of the Syriac Tradition to the Universal Church and the World’. This followed the discussion of the Fourth Colloquium Syriacum in November 19–22, 2013, which studied the topic ‘Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India’. 2. Among the participants and the speakers were scholars, as well as members of the different churches of the Syriac tradition and the Catholic Church, coming from the Middle East and India, Europe and the USA. 3. The first day opened with the Inauguration Session of the Fifth Colloquium Syriacum. After opening prayers, messages of support from H.B. Louis Raphael I Sako, Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church, Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, 163

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4. Dietmar W. Winkler drew the attention of the participants to the significant role that PRO ORIENTE played in its ‘unofficial dialogues’ for the ‘official dialogues’ between the Catholic Church and the various churches of the Oriental and Orthodox traditions, leading to a number of common declarations between the heads of the churches. He elaborated on the need for further theological agreements, such as on sacramental life and practice that have existed between the Catholic Church and the Syrian Orthodox Church since 1984. The programme focused on ‘Significance and Identity of the Syriac Tradition’ in the first day, and ‘Syriac Identity in Ecumenical Context’, as well as ‘Syriac Identity, Integration and Relations with Society’ on the second day. The following papers were presented. 5. Sebastian Brock, Syriac Tradition, Identity and Language – What does it mean for the Diaspora? (read by Aho Shemunkasho)

Sebastian Brock offered some preliminary thoughts on the meaning of identity, language, poetic theology and literature for Syriac Christians and Churches in the diaspora. There is a fundamental distinction between the Middle Eastern societies, in which identity is mainly connected with religious affiliation, and the European societies, in which identity is constructed in terms of nationality and/or ethnicity. Four main competing ethnic identities are used by Syriac Christians today: Aramean, Assyrian, Chaldean and Syriac. Concerning the language, he discussed different possibilities to preserve Syriac in a diaspora context. Syriac poetic theology and literature were transmitted in two different ways in the Middle East and the West. Syriac poetic theology and literature are a real contribution of the Syriac tradition to the universal church.

5TH PRO-ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM – FINAL REPORT 165 6. Fr. Baby Varghese, Liturgy, Language and Cultures in different contexts today Fr. Baby Varghese highlighted the three main components of Syriac identity: liturgy, language and culture. Since early Christianity, liturgy played a significant role in allowing followers to express their faith through devoting themselves in worship. Liturgy shaped the identity of the Christians and enabled Syriac Christianity to survive. Liturgy is the celebration of an ecclesial community that theologises using the language, thought patterns and vocabulary of the surrounding society, which leads to inculturation. Early Syriac culture and liturgy were formed by three cultural backgrounds: Judaism, Hellenism and Mesopotamian cultures.

7. Andreas Schmoller, Believing and/or belonging: Diaspora Identities

The paper explored the different roles, religious and non-religious, of the Church concerning the sense of belonging among community members and advocated a strong sensitivity with regard to the connections between believing and belonging. Instead of prioritising between believing or belonging, it is important to pay attention to both concepts.

8. Mar Antoine Audo, Syriac Identity in Ecumenical Context: Different Pastoral Experiences and Pastoral Agreement in the Middle East and Diaspora There are two major challenges which the Oriental Churches encounter today, namely the process of globalisation and religious radicalisation. Ad intra, there is a rich plurality of rites embracing different theological and liturgical traditions; ad extra, there are ‘the Christians’ representing a unique and common destiny within the Muslim world. The vocation of the Oriental Christians is to promote the positive aspects of modernity and freedom of conscience, leading to equal citizenship in the Muslim societies today.

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9. Mar Theophilose Kuriakose, Syriac Identity in Ecumenical Context in India and Diaspora: A Syriac Orthodox Perspective on Different Pastoral Experiences and Pastoral Agreements

Syriac Christians in India – predominantly located in the state of Kerala – live in a cultural and multi-religious context. Existing in India since the beginning of Christianity, they are part of the Indian social system, sharing this with their Hindu and other non-Christians neighbours, with whom they live in peace and harmony. In tradition and liturgy they are Syriac and this unites the different branches of the St. Thomas Christians. In this context, ecumenical dialogue is a duty and great opportunity. Major achievements have been made, especially between the Syrian Orthodox Church and the Catholic Church, both at the local and global level. This has important consequences not only in India, but also in the diaspora. The diaspora communities are facing different challenges, based on cultural differences and the desire to keep the Syriac tradition alive.

10. Mar Paul Matar, The Syriac Identity and its Relations with the Society of its Insertion

In spite of the difficulties experienced under the successive political regimes, the Syriac churches have lived a theological tradition that represents a great richness for the world wide church. In a significant way they have contributed to the development of the regional and universal cultures. Their identity is shaped by three elements: language, religion and active-engagement in their societies. Syriac communities have long experience of co-existence with other cultures and religions. It is today a necessity to build up plurality in the Middle East.

11. Fr. Philip G. Nelpuraparampil, Syriac Identity, Integration and Relations with Society: India and Diaspora

The St. Thomas (Syrian) Christians in India have succeeded in adapting to the environment without compromising their faith. They are ‘Hindu in Culture, Christian in Religion, and Oriental (Syrian) in worship’. They developed their own system of Church administration in which the laity play an active

5TH PRO-ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM – FINAL REPORT 167 role. While Christian in faith, they remained attached to the Hindu culture. They continued to follow the architecture, social customs, diet, inter-dining, ritual purity etc. The Thomas Christians, living for centuries in a positive encounter with the Hindu community, developed a theological vision, which is inclusive and pluralistic.

FIFTH COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM PRESS RELEASE In the light of the discussions a number of recommendations emerged, in particular in the relation to the following fields: language, liturgy, ecumenism, inter-religious dialogue, and politics and society

A. SYRIAC LANGUAGE

1) Syriac language is a constitutive element of identity for Syriac Christianity. Syriac language is regarded as a spiritual heritage throughout the Syriac tradition in East and West and continues to be unifying element of the Syriac communities. 2) Syriac is not only a language of communication, but also a language of theology. This illustrates the need to preserve the language for the future. A possible contribution of the churches in preserving the language is to teach Syriac at least on the level of a second language. This can take place in Sunday schools, public schools, seminaries as well as at universities. 3) Syriac is a living language spoken in various dialects. In case of the necessity of transliteration, a unified system is to be developed and applied. One example can be the Aramaic Online Project (www.surayt.com).

B. SYRIAC LITURGY 1) Liturgy is considered a fundamental element of the Syriac

identity. It unites the churches of the Syriac tradition regardless to their diverse backgrounds, since liturgy was often the 169

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most important factor that enabled Christians to survive and maintain their unity, in various times and locations. Syriac liturgy in India unites the different branches of the St. Thomas Christians. 2) Because of Syriac liturgy, many communities who belong to different cultural and linguistic backgrounds, identify themselves as Syriac Christians. Syriac liturgy is important in expressing a unique identity and, therefore, all efforts should be taken to keep it alive. 3) Nevertheless, the adaptation of the local culture into the liturgy is necessary for the spiritual dimension. A careful study of the history of the Syriac liturgy is an important step to achieve a successful organic liturgical renewal. 4) In matters of the language, it is recommended to provide translations of liturgical texts for the laity. This includes the possibility to produce bilingual liturgical books. Therefore, the Church should guide its own people in providing translated and understandable liturgical text for the youth, so they can participate actively in liturgy.

C. ECUMENISM

1) The Churches should aspire to study the rich Syriac tradition jointly and transmit it in an ecumenical spirit. By providing opportunities to study Syriac Theology and language on an academic level, SEERI (St. Ephrem’s Ecumenical Research Institute in Kottayam/India) and the University of Salzburg (Austria) are highly valuable for upholding the common Syriac roots and mutual exchange. Hierarchs should encourage their students to attend the offered theological programmes. By teaching the clergy and laity of the different Syriac churches together, these institutions play an important ecumenical role, which has to be maintained and intensified. 2) There is a need for the scholars from the Syriac Churches, as well as Western scholars to deepen their study in the field of Syriac literature and poetic theology. Syriac scholars have to make more efforts to increase the knowledge about the Syriac poetic theology in their communities and beyond.

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3) The Syriac communities in the diaspora often face similar challenges. Therefore, the churches should work together in coping with them. Possible ways to do so can be in sharing the church building, organising socio-cultural activities and cooperate in education and training of the young people.

D. INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE

1) Due to the fact that Christians, Muslims and other believers have been living together and next to each other for centuries in the Middle East, Syriac Christians should try to contribute to a peaceful living together in a multi-religious society. This may include encouraging dialogue and thus permitting to acquire objective knowledge of the other’s religion and promote the attitude of recognition, mutual respect and equality. 2) Syriac Christians and Muslims should reaffirm the fact that both contributed significantly to the development of their common civilisation. It should be taken into consideration to re-read and rediscover this shared history together with intellectuals of both sides. 3) Regarding the Indian context, Syriac Christians have made positive experiences of peaceful co-existence with people of other religions, which could be an inspiring model for other multi-religious cultures.

E. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHURCHES

1) Despite the turmoil for Christianity in the Middle East today, it is worth to remember that the Syriac churches were in almost their entire history not in a position of political power, and in course of history they achieved flexibility and creativity, which is a reason for hope that they will be able to adapt to new situations and conditions in the future. 2) Regarding the question of identity and the different names used to identify themselves (e.g., Aramean, Assyrian, Chaldean, Syriac), a position of mutual respect and acceptance is recommended. Unity does not mean uniformity. 3) The churches are still the strongest entities within the diaspora communities and they are not isolated institutions. Therefore, they are encouraged to emphasise their role in

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accordance with the necessities of different local contexts, while remaining faithful to the Syriac tradition. 4) The Syriac churches in the diaspora are invited to make use of the opportunities provided by state authorities and civil organisations in their host countries. This may include stronger efforts in achieving support for the preservation of their cultural heritage, e.g., language instruction in schools.

FIFTH COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM LIST OF PARTICIPANTS From the Churches of Syriac Tradition:

Mar Audo Antoine SJ, Bishop Aleppo/Syria (Chaldean Catholic Church) Mar Paul Matar, Archbishop Metropolitan, Beirut/Lebanon (Maronite Church) Mar Joseph Powathil, Archbishop em., Changanassery/India (Syro-Malabar Church) Mar Kuriakose Theophilose, Metropolitan Prof. Dr., Ernakulam/India, Malankara Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary, (Malankara Jacobite Syrian Church) Mar Mouawad Joseph, Prof. Dr. Beirut/Lebanon (Maronite Church) Mar Polycarpus Augin Aydin, Metropolitan Dr., Glane/Losser, The Netherlands (Syrian Orthodox Church) Mgr. Masri Georges, Patriarchal Representative (Syriac Catholic Church) Mgr. Semaan Nizar, Chorbishop Dr., London/UK (Syrian Catholic Church) Fr. Chediath Geevarghese, Prof. Dr., Pathanamthitta/India, (SyroMalankara Catholic Church) Fr. Khoshaba Georges, Archdeacon, London/Great Britain (Ancient Church of the East) Fr. Nelpuraparampil Philip, Dr., Changanassery/India (Director of Ecumenism and Dialogue at the Syro-Malabar Archdiocese of Changanassery) 173

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Fr. Thekeparambil Jacob, Dr., Kottayam, Kerala/India (SyroMalankara Catholic Church) Fr. Thomas Abraham, Prof. Dr. Kottayam, Kerala/ Indien (Malankara Orthodox Church) Fr. Toma William, Dr., USA (Assyrian Church of the East) Fr. Varghese Baby, Prof. Dr. Kottayam, Kerala/India (Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church) External expert scholars:

Atto Naures, Dr., Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Cambridge/UK Brock Sebastian, Prof. em. Dr., Oxford University/UK (prevented) McCallum Fiona, Dr., School of International Relations, University of St Andrews (Scotland/UK) Schmoller Andreas, Dr., Center for the Study of Eastern Christianity (University of Salzburg) Teule Herman, Prof. em. Dr., Radboud University Nijmegen/Netherlands Observers:

Mgr. Quicke Gabriel, Dr., Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Rome/Vatican Fr. Saliba Er Saliba, Doctorate Student (University of Vienna), Syrian Orthodox Church P. Kolliyelil Thomas Prasobh OIC, Doctorate Student (University of Vienna) Ishac Ephrem (Aboud), Dr (University of Salzburg) Jakob Joachim, Doctorate Student (University of Salzburg) Paulau Stanislau, Doctorate Student (University of Göttingen) Pieper Lukas, Doctorate Student (University of Göttingen) Pro Oriente

Fr. Bouwen Frans, MAfr, Jerusalem/Israel Shemunkasho Aho, Assoc.Prof. Dr., Director of Syriac Theology, University of Salzburg/Austria Winkler Dietmar W., Prof. Dr., Scientific Director of the “PRO ORIENTE Studies in Syriac Tradition”, University of Salzburg/Austria.