Hunayn Ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations 9780842529341

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HUNAYN HIS

GALEN

IBN

ISHAQ

ON

TRANSLATIONS

MIDDLE FOUNDING

EASTERN

EDITOR

TEXTS

DIRECTOR

Daniel C. Peterson

INITIATIVE ASSOCIATE

D. Morgan Davis

$ p*

Φ

EDITOR

Muhammad Elissa

C 4,

.

EASTERN

CHRISTIAN

TEXTS

EDITOR

Kristian S. Heal ACADEMIC

ADVISORY

BOARD

Sidney H. Griffith (The Catholic University of America), Chair Sebastian P. Brock (University of Oxford) S. Kent Brown (Brigham Young University) 5. Peter Cowe (University of California, Los Angeles) John Gee (Brigham Young University) Brian Hauglid (Brigham Young University) Bo Holmberg (Lund University) Edward G. Mathews Jr. (Hill Museum and Manuscript Library) Samir Khalil Samir (St. Joseph University) David G. K. Taylor (University of Oxford) Richard A. Taylor (Dallas Theological Seminary) Herman Teule (Radboud University) Witold Witakowski (Uppsala University) Robin Darling Young (The Catholic University of America) .

NEAL FOR

A.

MAXWELL

RELIGIOUS

BRIGHAM

YOUNG

INSTITUTE

SCHOLARSHIP UNIVERSITY

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen ‘Translations

A parallel English-Arabic text edited and translated by

John Οὐ. Lamoreaux with an appendix by

Grigory Kessel

Brigham Young University Press ¢ Provo, Utah

© 2016 by Brigham Young University Press. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Lamoreaux, John C., editor, translator. | Kessel, Grigory, writer of supplementary textual content. | Hunayn ibn Ishaq al-“Ibadi, 8092-873. Risalah Hunayn ibn Ishaq ila “Ali ibn Yahya fi dhikr ma turjima min kutub Jalinis fi-“ilmihi wa-ba‘ad ma lam yutarjam. Arabic. | Hunayn ibn Ishaq al-‘Ibadi, 809?-873. Risalah Hunayn ibn Ishaq ila “Ali ibn Yahya fi dhikr ma turjima min kutub Jalinus fi-“ilmihi wa-ba‘ad ma lam yutarjam. English. | Sileymaniye Umumf Kiitiiphanesi. Manuscript. Ayasofya 3590, folio 1v-34r.

Title: Hunayn ibn Ishaq on his Galen translations : a parallel English-Arabic text / edited and translated by John C. Lamoreaux with an appendix by Grigory Kessel. Other titles: Eastern Christian texts (Provo, Utah)

Description: Provo, Utah : Brigham Young University Press, [2016] | Series: Eastern Christian texts | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Text in Arabic and English; translated from Syriac into Arabic then into English. Identifiers: LCCN 2016010613 | ISBN 9780842529341 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: | MESH: Galen. Works. | Manuscripts, Medical | Translations | Roman World | Bibliography Classification: LCC R135 | NLM WZ 290 | DDC 610.938—dc23 LC record available at https://Iccn.loc.gov/2016010613 Permissions. No portion of this book may be reproduced by any means or process without the formal written consent of the publisher. Direct all permissions requests to: Permissions Manager, Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT 84602. © This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). Printed in the United States

http:/meti.byu.edu

of America

L/69PS/

Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction

Outline of Hunayn’s Treatise

69,9)

Abbreviations

Vill 1X ΧΧΧΙΙ ΧΧΧΙΠΣ

]

Translation and Edition

Appendix | Talkhis, Takhallus, and Talakhkhus

133

Appendix 2 Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

138

Appendix 3 Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn

155

Appendix 4 Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac, by Grigory Kessel

168

Bibliography

193

Index

205

Acknowledgments

For helping fund this and other research, I wish to thank the Joint Committee on the Near and Middle East of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies (with funds provided by the US Information Agency). For help in obtaining permits, I am thankful to the Commission for Educational Exchange between the United States and Turkey and to the American Research Institute in Turkey. For facilitating work in their incomparably rich collection of manuscripts,

I wish

to

thank

Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi.

the

administrators

and

staff of the

Introduction

During the ninth and tenth centuries, scholars in the lands of Islam fell under the thrall of the philosophy and science of ancient Greece. Their fascination with the works of the ancients led to the translation into Arabic of hundreds upon hundreds of texts: works by Aristotle and his commentators, Hippocrates and Galen, Euclid and Ptolemy, and many others.! So comprehensive was the translation movement? that it has been compared, both in scope and consequence, to the European Renaissance.’ Very nearly all of the surviving nonliterary works of Greece found themselves rendered into Arabic over the course of these centuries.* Many works, now lost in their original, were thus preserved in Arabic. The process of recovering those lost works through their Arabic versions has now begun—if slowly. Even so, during the last century an astonishing amount of new material has come to light. For Galen alone, since the Second World War the size of his extant and already-massive corpus has grown by no less than 25 percent—“the largest accession of

The

1. For an overview, see Reynolds and Wilson, Scribes and Scholars, 55-58. best introduction remains Ibn al-Nadim’s Fihrist, which consists of a life-

time’s collection of bibliographic notes by a tenth-century bookseller (Dodge, Fihrist of al-Nadim). For a comprehensive modern analysis, see Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture. Also suggestive are the early chapters of Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance. The studies of Bergstrasser (Hunain ibn Ishak und seine Schule) and Steinschneider (Die arabischen Ubersetzungen

aus dem griechischen) are still important. 2. The translation movement goes by a

variety of names:

Greco-Arabic

Translation Movement, Greco-Arabic Renaissance, Renaissance of Islam, etc.

3. Rosenthal, Classical Heritage, 14. For a discussion of the applicability of the term, see Kraemer, Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam, 1-10.

4. The point is well made by Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, 1-2. 1X

x

Introduction

writings to any classical author since the Renaissance.” For this we have to thank the scholars of the ninth- and tenth-century translation movement, as well as the patrons who encouraged and funded their work. For some eyewitnesses, the translation movement was nothing less than a latter-day despoiling of the Egyptians. Such an attitude is reflected in an oft-cited tale about the movement’s origins.® We are told that the caliph al-Ma’mun (d. 833) had a dream in which he saw a theophanic sage. Standing in his presence, filled with awe, the caliph inquired as to his identity and received the reply, “I am Aristotle.” In the ensuing conversation, the philosopher instructed the caliph that the good consists not just of religion and custom, but also of “what is good according to reason.” The caliph then wrote to the defeated emperor of Byzantium, we are told, and informed him of his desire for Greek scien-

tific books. The caliph also sent scholars who took and translated what they wanted. And thus did the philosophy and science of Greece make their way from the prostrate Byzantium to the victorious caliphate of Baghdad, according to this tale. Other contemporaries believed that the Christians of Byzantium, precisely because they were Christians, had forfeited their rights to the science and philosophy of Greece. We are told there was an ancient temple, some three days from Byzantium, that was constructed of marble and beautifully colored stones.’ It was adorned with inscriptions and sculpture. It was also full of books. These were in a sorry state, worn with age and eaten by worms. The man who claimed to have seen them reported that a thousand camels would be required to remove them from their tomb. These books remained in the temple, however, where they had been held

under lock and key since the introduction of Christianity. Other reports also told of the alleged stultifying effects of Christianity: how learning had been forbidden to the Romans upon their conversion to Christianity, how books had been burned, how discussions of philosophy had been forbidden because “it contradicted the prophetic laws.”® While there had been a brief revival under the emperor Julian (the Apostate), the country eventually again became Christian, philosophy was prohibited anew, and books were stored away once more to await their rescue by the caliphs.

5. 6. 7. 8.

Nutton, Unknown Galen, vii. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 303-4. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 304. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 302-3.

Introduction

xi

The recovery of the works of the ancients was taken to indicate the ascendancy of the Muslim empire over the degenerate successors of the ancient Greeks, who by neglect or divine decree had been deprived of their custodianship of Hellenic culture. As a later observer, the famous historian Ibn Khaldun, explained, when the Romans

accepted Christianity,

they were required by their religious laws to shun the intellectual sciences.” Fortunately, the works of the ancients had been preserved in their libraries. “It was then that God brought Islam,” whose victorious followers “dispossessed the Byzantines of their rule.” The early Muslims were simple folk, he continued. With the growth of sedentary culture, however, they conceived a desire to study philosophy. The caliph al-Mansir (d. 775) sent to the emperor of Byzantium, asking for books. He received Euclid and other works. These were eagerly read and studied by Muslims. “It was then that al-Ma°min came.” Aroused by his zeal for scientific knowledge, he sent messengers to the emperors of Byzantium to recover the Greek sciences and provide for their translation into Arabic. Ibn Khaldiin concluded that it was only thus that the Greek sciences had been preserved.'° While he had heard rumors to the effect that they were again being studied in Byzantium and Europe, he was disinclined to believe the veracity of these reports. “God only knows what there takes place!” Such stories capture a measure of the excitement occasioned by the translation movement. For all that, they are decidedly misleading. They are the views of relative outsiders who seem to have known little about the movement’s history and social context. The translators themselves understood things differently. For them, the translation movement had begun not with the Abbasid caliphs but centuries earlier: it was a product of the patient labors of many generations of translators, mostly Christians but also Jews and others.'' It involved the rendering of works not just into Arabic but also, and perhaps more importantly, into Syriac.” Its patrons were a varied lot: some Muslim, some Christian, some Jewish;

9. 10. 11. 45-52;

Ibn Khaldin, Ja’rikh, 1:532-33. Ibn Khaldin, Ja’rikh, 1:534. For helpful correctives, see Daiber, “Nestorians of Ninth-Century Iraq,” and Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 176-79.

12. Very little survives in Syriac. For medical works in particular, see Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 133-61; and appendix 4 of the present volume (by Grigory Kessel).

ΧΙΙ

Introduction

some courtiers, some medical practitioners, some simply readers eager for new materials.'? Nor did the translation movement require the importation or plunder of the books of Byzantium: it made use of resources widely and well preserved in the ancient cities of the eastern Mediterranean."

Hunayn ibn Ishaq Our most vivid glimpse of an insider’s understanding of the translation movement is the text edited and translated here: the account of the Galen translations by Hunayn ibn Ishaq (d. 873), the most accomplished and prolific of the ninth-century translators. Hunayn was born in the first decade of the ninth century in the Iraqi city of al-Hirah.'’’ His was a Christian family, members of the Church of the East.’® His father was a pharmacist by trade. Hunayn grew up in a bilingual environment, fluent in both Syriac and Arabic. A married layman, he desired to study medicine. This led him to Baghdad, where Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, a coreligionist and one of the most

13. Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, 121-36, provides a good discussion of the complexity of the circles of patronage that funded the translators. 14. See van Koningsveld, “Greek Manuscripts in the Early Abbasid Empire,” 345-72, for a critical investigation of the issue. 15. I here follow the main medieval sources, some of whose information on

Hunayn is suspect: al-Andalusi, Kitab tabagat al-umam, 36-37; Ibn Juljul, Tabagat al-atibba’, 68-72; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-a‘yan, 2:217-18; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 352-53; Ibn al-Qifti, Ta’rikh, 171-77; Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyun al-anba’, 257-73.

What purports to be an autobiographical account of Hunayn’s downfall has been preserved by Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (‘Uyin al-anba’, 264-71). Whether it was actually by Hunayn remains unclear, although it does seem to be fairly early and written by someone familiar with the details of Hunayn’s life. See Cooperson, “Autobiography of Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 107-18, and “Purported Autobiography of Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 235-49, as well as Strohmaier, “Hunain ibn Ishaq und die

Bilder,”

525-33.

For modern

overviews

of Hunayn’s

life, see Anawati

and

Iskandar, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 230-49; Gabrieli, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 282-92; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:122-29; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 685-724; Strohmaier, “Hunain ibn Ishaq,” 163-70. 16. For a brief but accessible introduction to the Church of the East (Nesto-

rian Church), see Baum and Winkler, Church of the East, who are especially good on “the Age of the Arabs” (pp. 42-83).

Xili

Introduction

prominent physicians of the day, accepted him as a student. A fallingout with his teacher caused Hunayn (around the age of twenty) to leave the capital. He returned some years later having acquired a solid knowledge of Greek. So good was it that he was thought by some to have spent his missing years in Constantinople. Again taking up his studies with Yuhanna, Hunayn began to acquire a reputation as a translator. During the next decade, he established himself as a master of the ancient works and as their most able translator. In time his labors brought him to the court of the caliph al-Mutawakkil (d. 861). Because of the machinations of his fellow physicians, Hunayn fell afoul of the caliph: his home was destroyed, his books were confiscated, and he was cast into prison, where for months he was tortured. Upon his restoration, Hunayn enjoyed caliphal favor again until his death in 873. During many productive years, Hunayn translated hundreds of volumes of Greek scientific and philosophical texts into Syriac and Arabic." While the majority of these were medical works, other topics were also of interest, including astronomy, divination, mathematics, and philoso-

phy. Hunayn was also an author in his own right. Most of his own voluminous corpus has been lost. The great medieval historian of medicine, Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, listed some one hundred works by Hunayn, although surely Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah himself had seen only a few of these.'!®One of Hunayn’s main topics of interest was medicine, on which subject he wrote a variety of textbooks. The most important of these was his Kitab al-masa’il fi al-tibb (The book of questions on medicine), which became a popular text for students.’ It was also early translated into Latin and quickly became influential in the medical curriculum of medieval Europe.”” Also noteworthy was Hunayn’s handbook of ophthalmology, his Kitab al-‘ashr maqalat fi al-‘ayn (The book of ten discourses on the eye).”' It too was early rendered into Latin and enjoyed success in the medieval West, where it circulated under the name of its

translator.

Equally

popular

with

medieval

readers

were

Hunayn’s

17. For an uncritical survey of Hunayn’s works, see Sa‘di, “Bio-Bibliographical Study.” 18. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “Uyiin al-anba’, 271-74.

19. For an English version, see Ghalioungul, Questions on Medicine for Scholars. 20. Newton, “Constantine the African and Monte Cassino,” 16-47.

21. For an edition and English translation, see Meyerhof, Ten Treatises on the Eye.

XiV

Introduction

numerous concise guides to the sometimes laborious and occasionally turgid works of Galen.?? A number of Hunayn’s theological works survive as well.2? These were not the works of an amateur, but of one well

trained in theology and intimately familiar with the nascent Christian Arabic theological tradition. They deserve to be better known than they are. In the year 855 or 856, at the age of about forty-eight, Hunayn was at the height of his career as a translator and writer. In that year he was asked to give a comprehensive account of which ancient medical works had been translated. The request came from his friend and patron ‘Ali ibn Yahya, a courtier with an interest in medicine. Hunayn begged off, citing the recent loss of his library, but noted that he had already written a book along these lines in Syriac. This Syriac text must have been written fairly recently, as it too was composed after Hunayn’s downfall and the loss of his books (§2.4). This is said to have happened under al-Mutawakkil (τ. 847-861) and, according to Hunayn’s purported autobiography,” during the Catholicate of Theodosius (r. 853-858). Hunayn went on to explain that this earlier Syriac work had dealt more or less with the subject about which “Ali ibn Yahya was asking, although it was limited to the works of Galen: there he had described which works of Galen had been rendered into Syriac and Arabic, who their translators were, and which Galenic

works were known but not yet translated.” Rather than write a new work, Hunayn decided to translate this earlier Syriac work into Arabic for “Ali ibn Yahya. Hunayn’s treatise fulfilled its purpose admirably: well over a hundred works by Galen are discussed. Far more than this, however, it provides modern readers with a vivid glimpse of the social context of the translation movement. For example, it tells us who the translators were, for whom they worked, and how they worked. It also illumines the

22. For an overview of this genre and Hunayn’s contributions, see SavageSmith, “Galen’s Lost Ophthalmology,” 121-38. 23. For an overview, see Haddad, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq apologiste chrétien,” 292-302; Roggema, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 768-79; and the introduction to Samir

and Nwyia, Correspondance Islamo-chrétienne. 24. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyiin al-anba’, 267. 25. The name of its addressee is not known. One gathers, though, that he was a Christian proficient in both Syriac and Arabic (§2.3) since he wished to know about translations into both languages.

Introduction

XV

circles of patronage that funded their labors and indicates where the translators and their patrons located manuscripts, how they established texts to translate, and what stylistic concerns governed their work. The treatise also helps us understand how Hunayn and those around him

understood the translation movement and their place in it. As is clear from his treatise, Hunayn saw himself as standing in a line of translators that stretched back to the late fifth and early sixth centuries. It was then that the need first arose for Syriac versions of

Galen’s works. The most notable of the early translators for Hunayn was Sergius of Resh‘ayna (d. 536), who reportedly translated nearly the whole of the Alexandrian canon of Galen’s works. Hunayn’s judgment on the quality of Sergius’s work varied. He considered most of his translations to be rather poor (see, e.g., §§6.6, 9.5, 13.4, 15.3).

He had

to con-

cede, however, that Sergius’s work improved as he gained experience (§8.7), especially after he had received training in Alexandria (§16.9).”° From Hunayn’s treatise it would seem that the process of translation slowed in the seventh century, in the years immediately following the Muslim conquests, but only temporarily and by no means entirely. New Syriac versions continued to be produced during these lean years, though their translators were for Hunayn (and for us) rather obscure figures such as Ibn Sahda of al-Karkh.*’ By the early years of the Abbasids, the process of translation had once more begun in earnest. Under the patronage of Christian physicians, men such as Jibril ibn Bukhtishu* (d. 828), a significant number of works were again being rendered into Syriac. The most prominent translator of this generation was Job of Edessa (d. ca. 835), who was responsible for translating doz-

ens of important works by Galen. It is difficult to know what Hunayn thought of Job’s work: in speaking of him, he seems curiously reluctant to do more than note the existence of Job’s translations.” According to the picture offered by Hunayn’s treatise, it was also in the early Abbasid period that translations into Arabic began. Initially, Arabic versions were made not directly from Greek but from Syriac intermediaries. The patrons encouraging and funding these translations were mainly

26. Modern evaluations of Sergius are more positive. See, e.g., Bhayro, “Syriac Medical Terminology,” 152-56; and Brock, “Syriac Background,” 150-52. 27. For Hunayn’s lack of knowledge of the great seventh-century translators, see Brock, “Syriac Background,” 152. 28. Two exceptions are §§39.3 and 94.2.

XV1

Introduction

associated with the court or served as physicians in Baghdad, not just Christians but also Muslims. As for the translators, almost all were mem-

bers of the Church of the East, although a number were Jewish or adherents of the traditional religion of Harran (the so-called Sabians). Not a single Muslim translator is mentioned by Hunayn. It was during this period that Hunayn himself came of age. Already by the age of seventeen, Hunayn had begun his career as a translator (§§15.4, 19.6, 116.1). His early translations were into Syriac.

His later translations were into both Syriac and Arabic, although Syriac continued to predominate. The present treatise mentions approximately 105 of his translations into Syriac, of which a couple were partial. On the other hand, it mentions only some 45 translations into Arabic, of which some 10 were partial. The predominance of Syriac over Arabic was also noted by Ibn al-Nadim.” With some exaggeration, he concluded after reading the present treatise that almost all of Hunayn’s translations were into Syriac, while his Arabic versions were usually just corrected editions of the versions of others. He also suggested that Hunayn’s reputation as an Arabic translator was at least partly the result of mistakenly attributing to him the Arabic versions produced by his disciples Hubaysh and ‘Isa ibn Yahya. Hunayn’s first patron was Jibril ibn Bukhtisha* (d. 828), for whom Job of Edessa had also worked. Hunayn’s work was later supported by a variety of patrons: Christian physicians like Salmawayh ibn Bunan (d. 840 or 841), Yuhanna ibn Masawayh (d. 857), and Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril (d. 870), as well as Muslim

courtiers like Abu

Ja far Muhammad

ibn

Musa (d. 873) and Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Yahya (d. 888), the recipient of the present treatise. Not a single caliph is mentioned as a patron, either of Hunayn himself or of any other translator. Not all of Hunayn’s patrons were passive participants in the translation process. They assisted in finding manuscripts (§§71.4, 126.4) and at times in collating texts. Salmawayh directed me to correct for him this second part [of Therapeutic Method], desiring that it be smoother and better than his [Sergius’s] translation. He thus collated with me some of the seventh volume. He had the Syriac, while I had the Greek. As he would read it to me, whenever I chanced on anything contrary to the Greek, I would tell him about it. He began to make corrections until the

29.

Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 348.

XVii

Introduction

process became intolerable for him and it became clear to him that to translate would be more useful and more precise, as well as a more orderly way of proceeding. (§22.15)

Hunayn’s

patrons also had something to say about the style of the

translations. Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, for instance, seems to have pre-

ferred more literary and less literal versions (§9.6). Bukhtishu® ibn Jibril, on the other hand, was partial to Hunayn’s “weighty style,” a precise representation of the Greek, but not so literal as to transgress the rules of Syriac (§59.3).°° Sometimes Hunayn had to prepare two translations, one in each style (§59.4). At times his patrons would them-

selves undertake stylistic revision of the translations. Hunayn was not always happy with their meddling (§§40.4, 94.3), in part because it gave rise to the circulation of multiple versions, which seems to have frustrated him (§§15.5, 40.6).

One gathers from Hunayn’s treatise that manuscripts of some works were plentiful, especially those that formed part of the curriculum of medical instruction. Other works were rarer, or even already lost in part or in whole. He notes, for instance, with regard to the first part of Therapeutic Method: It would be better for me to collate it a second time, if I could find another copy, for copies of this book in Greek are rare, as it was not read in the school of the Alexandrians. (§22.19)

Hunayn offers a number of vivid glimpses of the lengths to which both he and his patrons would go in search of rare works. Until now, none of our contemporaries has found a complete copy of [Logical Demonstration] in Greek, notwithstanding that Jibril ibn Bukhtishu* has sought it with great care and I myself looked hard for it and for that purpose journeyed through al-Jazirah, the whole of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, until I reached Alexandria, and I found not a bit of it—except in Damascus, roughly half of it, although its volumes were neither consecutive nor complete. Jibril has also found some of its volumes, not all of which are identical with what I found.

(§126.3-4)

30. For a discussion of these styles of translation and their history in Syriac, see Brock, “Syriac Background,”

139-62.

138-42, and “Translation: Greek and Syriac,”

XV1ll

Introduction

In the end, the impression that emerges from the treatise is that copies of Galen’s works were still to be found in many of the great ancient cities of the early medieval Near East, throughout Iraq, Syria,

and Egypt. One may note too a silence of the text: Hunayn never once mentions the need to acquire books from Byzantium. During the second half of the ninth century, the work of translation continued. From Hunayn’s treatise it would seem that Arabic versions became more and more common, although without replacing Syriac versions. It may well be, however, that this impression results from the fact that Syriac versions of most of Galen’s extant works were already available, often more than one version. In addition to Hunayn’s own continuing labors, the next generation of translators now comes into view: most prominently, Hunayn’s son Ishaq and Hunayn’s disciples Hubaysh and ‘Isa ibn Yahya, all members of the Church of the East. As a result of their efforts, nearly all the remaining works of Galen were translated into both Syriac and Arabic. With the death of Hunayn, his disciples continued his work, but the light thrown on the translation movement by Hunayn’s treatise comes to an end. The magnitude of what was accomplished by Hunayn and the other translators is staggering. It is estimated that the surviving works of Galen comprise no less than 10 percent of extant ancient Greek literature.°! Almost all of these same works, as well as many that have not survived in Greek, were rendered into Syriac and Arabic by Hunayn and his colleagues—and some works were translated not just once or twice but three or even four times. If the modern edition of Galen fills many a lengthy shelf, consisting of some sixteen thousand pages,” the work of Hunayn and his fellow translators fills a small library. Nor should it be forgotten that the present treatise deals only with medical works by Galen. Other medical texts were translated, as were works in other disciplines.

Publication History of Hunayn’s Treatise To the best of our knowledge, Hunayn’s treatise is fully extant in just two manuscripts. Today both are preserved in the Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi

31. See Nutton, Ancient Medicine, 390n22, for literature predating AD 350.

32. The figure is from Nutton, Ancient Medicine, 390n22.

xix

Introduction

in Istanbul. The first is Ayasofya 3631 (hereinafter designated as “A”). This manuscript is a medical miscellany. In addition to Hunayn’s trea-

tise, it contains summaries and translations of Galenic works by Thabit ibn Qurrah, Hunayn, and “Isa ibn Yahya. The manuscript is well pre-

served and consists of 116 folios. It was probably copied in the fourteenth

or fifteenth

century

AD.

Hunayn’s

treatise

is found

at folios

9v—-27r. This copy of the treatise was discovered by G. Bergstrasser and published by him in 1925 from what he admitted was a hasty transcript.*> His edition and German translation appeared as Hunain ibn Ishaq iiber die syrischen und arabischen Galen- Ubersetzungen, in the Abhand-

lungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes (vol. 17, fascicle 2).** In preparing his edition, Bergstrasser had access to two indirect witnesses. In his Fihrist, Ibn al-Nadim

(d. 995) used Hunayn’s treatise

for his inventory of Galen’s works.» He mostly followed Hunayn’s order of presentation and usually incorporated Hunayn’s account of the number of volumes in each work, and very occasionally he also included the name of its Arabic translator. Similarly, Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (d. 1270) used Hunayn’s treatise for his entry on Galen in his “Uyun al-anba’ fi tabaqat al-attiba’ (hereinafter “U”).*° His borrowings were more extensive than Ibn al-Nadim’s. He followed Hunayn’s order of presentation and incorporated, often verbatim, parts of Hunayn’s descriptions of the contents of Galen’s works. He omitted, however, almost all of Hunayn’s

references to patrons, manuscripts, and translators. Bergstrasser closely collated both indirect witnesses. He sometimes incorporated their evidence into the body of his edition, either adopting their readings or supplementing A; more often he was content to record their testimony in his textual apparatus.

33. Bergstrasser, Hunain ibn Ishaq, x. 34. “Abd al-Rahmaan al-Badawi has reprinted Bergstrdsser’s apparatus in his Dirasdt wa-nusus, 1981, at pages 147-79. Mahdi also reprinted Bergstrasser’s edition (Risalat Hunayn ibn Ishaq, with a Persian translation, which was published separately in his

edition without Muhaqqiq has 2001), together Bist guftar, 1976,

367-416. A small portion of the text (sections 1-- 18) was translated into English

in the unpublished master’s thesis of ΕἸ] Khamloussy (“Commented Translation,” University of Ottawa, 1994), together with a copy of the corresponding sections of Bergstrasser’s Arabic text. Rosanna Budelli is preparing an Italian version for inclusion in the series Patrimonio Culturale Arabo Cristiano. 35. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 348-51.

36. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “Uyun al-anba’, 134-48.

XX

Introduction

In 1930, Bergstrasser again turned his attention to Hunayn’s trea-

tise. In that year, a visit to Istanbul afforded him the opportunity to reexamine A, collate his earlier transcription, and correct some of its errors. At the same time, he examined a second version of Hunayn’s treatise that had recently been discovered by H. Ritter. It is found in Ayasofya 3590 (hereinafter “B”). The manuscript probably dates from the fifteenth century. It is a medical miscellany consisting of 228 folios and containing about a dozen works, mostly translations of Galen. Hunayn’s treatise is found at folios lv—34r. Bergstrasser collated this new version, examined its differences from A, and used it to correct his

earlier edition.*’ The results of his research were published in 1932, the year before

his tragic death, as Neue Materialien zu Hunain

ibn Ishaq’s

Galen-Bibliographie, which appeared once again in the Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes (vol. 19, fascicle 2).*° Bergstrasser’s collation of B presents a formidable obstacle to users. Some of B’s differences from A are discussed in his overview of the new recension.*’ Others are included in his lengthy list of corrections to the earlier edition.*° Other variants are presented over the course of some thirty dense pages where Bergstrasser organizes B’s differences from A by way of topic: differences in the use of personal names, demonstrative pronouns, relative pronouns, verbs, helping verbs, prepositions, and so on.*' One can understand why Bergstrasser approached the matter as he did. It is a question of two substantially different recensions of the treatise. A full collation would have been longer than a complete edition of the text. Accordingly, he was content to improve his edition and to offer a more general analysis of differences between the recensions. Bergstrasser’s manner of presentation confronts the user with a number

37. Additional corrections were originally suggested by Bergstrasser’s friends and colleagues in published reviews and private communications. For a list of those adopted by Bergstrdsser, see his Neue Materialien, 30. 38. Bergstrasser also included (Neue Materialien, 84—98) an edition and trans-

lation of a second work by Hunaypn, also preserved in Ayasofya 3590. This is a short account by Hunayn of those works that Galen did not mention in the catalogue of his own works. Hunayn mentions this short treatise at §3.7. 39. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 31-52. 40. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 13-30, with improvements to text, apparatus, and translation. 41. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 53-83.

Introduction

XX1

of difficulties, however. There are differences between the two recensions that are passed over in silence, some of historical significance. Furthermore, it is an onerous task to examine any particular passage’s differences. They may be discussed in his overview of the recensions, in his corrections to his edition, or anywhere in his topical analysis—and there is no index to help. Moreover, his manner of presentation makes it hard to discern which differences were merely stylistic and which were of historical import. Lastly, Fabian Kas has recently disclosed a new witness to Hunayn’s treatise, of which he has published an edition and German translation.” This third witness is found in Ayasofya 3593 (hereinafter “C”), a medical miscellany containing works by Galen and dating to the eleventh or twelfth century AD. It contains in its closing folios (104r—105r) a heavily abridged epitome of Hunayn’s treatise. Like Ibn al-Nadim, the anony-

mous redactor was largely uninterested in Hunayn’s extensive discussions of patrons, manuscripts, and translators or in his descriptions of the subject matter of Galen’s works. He was usually content to reproduce only Hunayn’s list of the titles of Galen’s works, his account of the number of volumes in each of those works, and the name of each work’s

Arabic translator. As argued by Kas, this epitome, which aligns itself most closely to B’s version of the text, was not produced by the scribe of C but must have been copied from an earlier exemplar now lost.

Textual History of Hunayn’s Treatise As noted above, Hunayn’s original version of the treatise was written in Syriac. As for his Arabic translation, it first appeared in 1167 of the Alexandrian era (§143.3), that is, AD 855 or 856. Hunayn did not then

stop working on the text. At the end of the treatise, he stated that it was his intention to keep the book up to date, to list in it newly discovered and newly translated works: “I determined to list in this book anything that I could translate or find, among what I did not find” (§143.4). Hunayn remained true to his promise. As the years passed, he did find and translate other books, and these were duly noted in his copy of the

42. Kas, “Eine neue Handschrift von Hunain ibn Ishaqs Galenbibliographie,” 135-93.

ΧΧΙΙ

Introduction

treatise, probably in the margins.* At times the process of updating introduced into the text rough transitions and seeming contradictions. The following entry is typical: I have not had the time to translate [Unknown Motions], although I did own a copy. Later, I translated it into Syriac, then into Arabic, for Abi Ja‘ far. (§49.4—5)

That is to say, initially, Hunayn had not translated it; at some later point, however, he prepared Syriac and Arabic versions. While the new versions were noted, Hunayn did not change his earlier statement that he had not translated the text. About ten years after his initial Arabic version of the treatise, Hunayn produced a clean copy and put a second Arabic version into circulation. This took place in March 864 (§144.1).

Thereafter, Hunayn continued to update and revise until his death in 873. It is hard to trace in detail the course of Hunayn’s revisions to his treatise: too much has been lost. The Syriac original seems to have disappeared in the early medieval period. To my knowledge, nothing further is known of it. So too, Hunayn’s first Arabic version (made in 855 or 856) has disappeared. As for his second Arabic version (made in 864), it has not been preserved in its original form. Instead, we have access to it via two distinct recensions, both derived from Hunayn’s continually evolving second Arabic version. The earliest of the two recensions is the one witnessed by B. It is difficult to know how closely B stands to Hunayn’s second Arabic version. It may represent that second version with just minor additions and corrections, or it may reflect a form of the text that has been substantially updated and rewritten. Without more evidence, it is impossible to say. It is clear, however, that the recension witnessed by B predates that of A.** The latter represents a substantially revised version of the treatise: occasional errors are corrected, poor Arabic is rewritten, obscuri-

ties are clarified, rough information are added.

edges

are smoothed,

a few pieces of new

43. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 33. 44. For a detailed analysis of the main differences between B and A, see Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 31-52, who shows beyond doubt that A is a revised version of B.

Introduction

XXili

Complicating matters, neither recension B nor A represents the text as it left Hunayn’s hand: both were subject to revision after Hunayn’s death.*® Most of these revisions must have occurred shortly after Hunayn’s death, probably by members of his school or other interested acquaintances. Whoever these revisers were, they occasionally added material to Hunayn’s text, updating it in much the same way that Hunayn had updated it before his death. In some cases, one can identify these later additions with certainty, most notably in those passages that explicitly state that they were added either “after Hunayn had written this book” or “after Hunayn’s death.”*® Similarly, passages that speak of Hunayn in the third person are all almost certainly later additions.” The possibility cannot be excluded that other additions and revisions exist in the text but betray less explicit indication of stemming from a later hand.* Be that as it may, later additions seem to be more frequent in A than in B.*”

45. Cf. Bergstrasser, Hunain ibn Ishaq, vii—vii. 46. Examples include the following: “Ishaq finished his translation after the death of his father” (§64.5, recension B). “Hunayn translated [Difference of the Homoiomerous Body Parts] after [writing] this book. His disciple ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated it into Arabic” (§34n4, recension A). “Ishaq ibn Hunayn translated [Usefulness of the Pulse] after the death of his father” (§43n3, recension A). “After these things

were said, Hunayn translated the seventeenth volume of [Uses of the Parts of the Body| into Arabic” (§51n5, recension A). “After having said these things, Hunayn abridged the book [Simple Drugs] in Syriac and translated the first five volumes for “Ali ibn Yahya” (§56n9, recension A).

47. Examples include the following: “Ishaq ibn Hunayn translated the remainder” (§126.9, recension B). “(Black Bile] also is one of those that he himself [Hunayn] abridged and “Isa translated” (§67n1, recension A). “He [that is, Hunayn] collated

[Exemplary Cases of Prognosis] with the original, except for a little, and later his son Ishaq finished the collation” (§73n2, recension A). “Later, Ishaq ibn Hunayn translated [The Olfactory Organ] into Arabic” (§50n2, recension A). 48. See, e.g., §§43.5 and 126.9, with notes.

49. Further complicating matters, in the course of the treatise’s transmission, one or more of the scribes of A seem to have collated their exemplar against other copies of the text—including a copy once owned by ‘Ali ibn Yahya, the original addressee of Hunayn’s treatise. For instance, at §49, B renders the title of Galen’s De motibus liquidis as Unknown Motions (Kitab al-harakat al-majhilah). The corresponding passage in A entitles the work Obscure Motions (Kitabuhu fi al-harakat al-mu‘tasah). There follows in A what must originally have been a marginal comment by a scribe: “Unknown (al-majhilah) [Motions], in the copy of “Ali ibn Yahya.” In his edition, Bergstrasser gave Kitabuhu fi al-harakat al-mu‘tasah al-majhilah as

XXIV

Introduction

The original version of B must have appeared in or after March 864, the date of Hunayn’s second version, but before A. The original version of A must have appeared after B but before Hunayn’s death in 873.” How much time separated the two versions? Is it possible to specify the dates of the recensions? While certainty is lacking, two considerations suggest that both recensions may have been prepared at around the same time and that both may date from near the end of Hunayn’s life. First, if Hunayn had mentioned in A numerous translations that he had not mentioned in B, one would be inclined to think that a fair num-

ber of years separated the recensions. This he did not do, however. A includes notices on eighteen works that were not mentioned in B. Of these, eleven notices were clearly added by a later hand.” It is mostly a question of epitomes or translations of epitomes. These Hunayn had not systematically recorded. The remaining seven additions are in the first person and likely by Hunayn himself. Of these, five refer to epitomes.” Another mentions an improved version of What He Believes by Way of

the work’s title and deposed to his apparatus the phrase “in the copy of ‘Ali ibn Yahya” (fi nuskhat ‘Ali ibn Yahya). He later corrected the passage (Neue Materialien, 38n1). Again, at §144.1, A alone describes seven anonymous epitomes of Galen’s works, which Hunayn translated into Arabic. One then reads: “The owner of the copy from which I copied it, at the end of his copy, said, reporting from the owner of the copy from which he himself made his copy, that he did not find these excerpts [mentioned] in the copy of ‘Ali ibn Yahya, but in another copy.” 50. Bergstrasser, too, argued that B and A appeared between 864 and 873. See especially Neue Materialien, 30-31, 51-52. He was inclined to place B closer to 864 and A closer to 873, however. Four times in B, Hunayn invokes God’s blessings on persons mentioned in his text (§§3.6, 4.4, 47.3, 81.7). The death dates of

two of these persons are known with precision: Salmawayh (§47.3) died in 839 or 840; Muhammad ibn Musa (§3.6) died in 872 or 873. Bergstrasser argues that this suggests that Hunayn was writing after Salmawayh died (for whom he offers a blessing of the dead) but before the death of Abu Jafar Muhammad

ibn Misa

(who receives a blessing of the living). Bergstrasser goes on to suggest, however, that B must therefore have been written at least eleven years before Hunayn’s death (“mindestens 11 Jahre vor Hunain’s Tod”). I am unable to follow the logic.

It would be tempting to posit a typographical error had Bergstrdsser not incorporated the dates into his stemmatic representation of the transmission of Hunayn’s treatise. 51]. §§34n4,

51n5,

56n9,

67nl,

73n2,

80nl1,

139n2. 52.

See §§12n3, 79n5, 100n1, 101n7, 104n1.

107n6,

108n3,

135n9,

138nl,

Introduction

XXV

Opinion, a work in one volume.” The text of A is likely in error, however: the improved version was probably prepared not by Hunayn but by his son Ishaq. The final addition treats Galen’s single-volume Periods of Fevers and Their Compositions.°* Again, however, A’s text is problematic. It adds: “Later, I translated it into .” The language is never named. Perhaps it has fallen out of the text. Perhaps Hunayn could not remember and left the text blank, in hopes of supplementing it later. Whatever the case, in the time separating the two recensions, Hunayn seems to have prepared almost no new translations, which would suggest that very little time separated the two recensions. Second, it may be that both recensions were prepared just a few months before Hunayn’s death. At §64.4—5, B has the following: Later, I began translating some of [Parts of Medicine] into Arabic. Ishaq finished his [Hunayn’s] translation, after the death of his father.

The parallel in A offers this: Roughly two months before his death, Hunayn translated more than half of this book. His son Ishaq finished it, into Arabic. (§64nn3—4)

At the time Hunayn was revising B, he had evidently only begun his translation of Parts of Medicine. He did not live to finish the translation. This is explicitly noted in B, in what must be a later addition by an intimate of Hunayn. Another intimate, in revising A, must have struck

from his text Hunayn’s statement about having begun the translation and substituted his own, more accurate dating of this partial translation. He too then added that Ishaq finished the translation. If this interpretation is correct, B would seem to be descended from a version of Hunayn’s text produced about two months before his death, while A would be descended from a revision of the text prepared during the two months leading up to Hunayn’s death. One can well imagine that Hunayn might have wished to revise the account of his life’s work as his end drew near. He may even have presaged in A his approaching death. In B’s version of the present work’s conclusion (§143), Hunayn notes that Galen wrote other works, and he

593. See §123n2. 54. See §68n1.

XXVI1

Introduction

suggests that readers wishing to acquaint themselves with those works should consult Galen’s own Catalogue. Hunayn then expresses the hope that “I shall be able in the future to translate works that I have not translated” (§143.2). Thus did Hunayn write in B. In the parallel in A, contrariwise, Hunayn writes: “... that I have not translated until now, if I am allowed to live” (§143n3). The phrase “if I am allowed to live” is striking. One wonders whether these are the words of a man who sensed that he was about to depart from this life. In sum, Hunayn first composed the account of his Galen translations in Syriac. Of this Syriac version no trace remains. He translated it into Arabic for ‘Ali ibn Yahya in 855 or 856. Thereafter, he continued to update the text until, in March 864, he put a second Arabic version into circulation. Although Hunayn’s first Arabic version has been lost, his second version survives in two recensions. The older of these is attested in B; the younger, in A. Both recensions may have been prepared at about the same time, and both may date from the final months of Hunayn’s life, though both continued to be updated by Hunayn’s intimates following his death in 873.

On the Edition

The present volume offers an edition and translation of Hunayn’s earlier version of his treatise (B). It also provides, in the notes to the translation, a detailed account of what I hope are all those passages where A differs from B in historically significant ways. Although my collation of A is based directly on the manuscript rather than on Bergstrasser’s edition, I have noted all passages where my reading departs from his. When

one

consults

Bergstrasser’s

edition,

as explained

above,

it 15

important to note the corrections he offered in 1932 to both his text and apparatus.” It is also important to observe where Bergstrasser is supplementing or emending his text based on the indirect testimony of Ibn al-Nadim and Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah. In the final analysis, I did not find a single passage that could be improved from Ibn al-Nadim, and only a few that could be improved from Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (U). These I dis-

cuss in the notes to the edition. As for the new fragment discovered and

59. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialien, 13-25.

Introduction

edited by Kas

XXVI1

(C), it has been carefully collated and was occasionally

helpful in clarifying the reading of proper names of foreign origin. The Arabic of the present treatise is businesslike, simple, and usu-

ally clear, but not always strong. Hunayn occasionally departs from the standards of Classical Arabic with respect to orthography, employment of moods, observation of concord, use of cases, and so on. When a text

is preserved in multiple manuscripts and exhibits excessive variations in these regards, it is sometimes possible to conclude that its deviations stem not from the author but from later scribes. In the present case, almost all of B’s deviations from Classical Arabic are also present in A.*°

The independence of the two recensions suggests that they thus reflect Hunayn’s own usage. For all his efforts to revise the text, such grammatical niceties seem to have been of little or no concern to him. He probably aimed to write in a classical register. Owing to indifference to detail, and to the still-mutable standards of usage, however, his work

was a hybrid of Classical Arabic and his own form of spoken Arabic. The present treatise is typical both of Hunayn’s work as a whole and of his school, as well as of other forms of Middle Arabic.

In editing the text, I have sought to preserve the distinctive character of its language. While this editorial technique may make for a text that is occasionally jarring to the eye, it does preserve the distinctive character of what was almost certainly the language of Hunayn himself. Accordingly, no attempt has been made to standardize the text’s Arabic or otherwise rewrite it according to the rules of Classical Arabic. Apart from the few orthographic points noted below, I depart from the reading of the manuscript only when I consider that it has been subject to scribal corruption or suffers from lacunae.°’ In every case, corrections are incorporated into the body of the text and the reading of the manuscript is noted. Where parallels are strong, I also note the reading

56. On the whole, and especially in the case of grammatical irregularities, Bergstrasser followed his manuscript closely or noted his corrections. In matters of orthography, however, he was sometimes less careful, even if this entailed departure from the ductus. 97. No attempt has been made to reproduce the occasional, sporadic vocalization of the manuscript, which is almost always trivial and sometimes contrary to the rules of standard Arabic.

XXVIII

of A and (where helpful) C and U.* If A, C, or U

Introduction

is not cited, the reader

can assume that the reading was not helpful in establishing the text of B. In the case of lacunae (almost always saut du méme au méme), the text of B is supplemented from A, with the missing materials supplied in angle brackets (":ii r:.f' A ~ 01 ,-ull .!l~I , ~ l i (r) ,,!ll.; .!ll ~ I wl JI

.:;.,.ui 0I..1.a! ,JL w~.u ~li.r--1'

~

~J i:.i~ ,~ ...:-.- d1..

JI ~ I ~ ~fo.J ~I ..:;-.-JI.. .J ~I wl ...;,- --:--IJ ~~ I.J".f-:l~

~

.:;.,.ui .u

/i

4 J I.lr. ~ •✓

15 -~J ~~I -ci!--J ✓I~ ~J.1I ~I~ .:;.,yi ~li.r-J~ ~i.£.J ..:.pSJ ,~~~ ~li.r-JI p. 2 ~ I .!lh-:,J ~ 41.AI JA ~ ,ull ~ w l JI ,~lall

J ,!ll.; .!ll r;101,,ull .!,L.fl,.:;...,-~ (r)

1.. ;L. FJi.f~w~i:.i,~l.)"r.:l~4~yl::SJt.!ll.;J~fl 1..JI~1;,4~~

6A

reads: and other languages. In fact, the present work discusses only translations into Syriac and Arabic. 7A reads: that had escaped my notice. 8 1:lunayn does not devote much attention to works written by anyone other than Galen, and when he does, it is only in passing: for instance, Soranus (§l07.4), Proclus (§47.5), Oribasius (§85.8), and Hippocrates (§§92-I08).

3 Ci r

..

4@%

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

[Preface to Hunayn’s Earlier Syriac Treatise] §2

(1) That book I began—may God give you strength—by naming the man! and describing what he had asked. I then said: You asked me to describe for you the number of Galen’s books, by what [titles] they are known, and what was his purpose in each of them, as well as how many volumes each has and what he describes in each of those volumes. (2) I

informed you that Galen has written a book along these lines, in it outlining his books—he entitles it the Pinax,? which translated means “the Catalogue”—and that he has written another volume in which he described the order in which his books should be read.’ Surely it is better to seek to understand the books of Galen from Galen rather than from me. (3) You answered as follows: “Even if the matter is as you describe,

we and all our contemporaries who read the books [of Galen] in Syriac and Arabic need to know: which have been translated* into Arabic and Syriac’ and which have not been translated; which translated works you alone undertook

to translate and which others alone have translated;

which were translated by someone else before you that you then either translated again or corrected; who those other people were that translated each of these books and the skill of each of them as translators;°® for

whom you translated each of those books that you translated and how old you were when you translated it (it is necessary to know these two things in that [the value of] a translation accords solely with the skill of

the book’s translator and the person for whom it was translated); for which of those books hitherto not translated has a Greek copy been discovered and for which of them has one not been discovered or discovered only in part (this must [be known] both that care might be taken to translate what we have discovered® and that the undiscovered ones might be sought).” (4) When you responded to me in this fashion, I realized that you had hit on the truth in what you said and that you had

§2 'The identity of the recipient is unknown. 7?For this work, see §3 below. *That is, The Order of Reading His Books; see 84. *A reads: which I translated. In the remainder of this section, A transposes the second-person references to Hunayn into the first person. This is odd: they are part of a direct quotation from Hunayn’s correspondent. °A reads: into Syriac and Arabic. °A adds: and for whom [these books] were translated.

‘It was important to know the patrons of the transla-

tions because their wants determined stylistic considerations such as whether the translation was to be literal or literary. °A reads: what has been discovered.

Preface to Ifunayn's Earlier Syriac Treatise

5

0

{Q} 5

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10

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quarter of Baghdad. See Fiey, Oriens Christianus Novus, 63; and Steck and Lassoer, "Al-Karkh," 4:652-53. 7 Gondeshapur was an important Persian city in Khuzistan. Beginning already in late antiquity, it was a significant intellectual center for the Church of the East, renowned especially for its hospital and instruction in medicine. See Becker, Fear ef God, 94-95. 8 For the form of this person's name, see appendix 2, s.v. "Sabrishoc ibn Qutrub." 9 A reads: lfubaysh my disciple. §6 1A reads: entitle it to (ilii,) learners. See §5nl.

12

@ wv

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

both the learner and the proficient. (3) As for the learner, he first gets a general grasp of the whole discipline of medicine by way of a brief sketch and then returns to each of its parts and learns how it is exposited and expounded, as well as the proofs for it, from the books in which he went into greater depths of exposition.’ (4) The proficient, on the other hand, has an aid for memorizing all he has read and learned in greater detail [elsewhere]. (5) As for the instructors who long ago used to teach medicine in Alexandria, they taught this book after Sects, following it up with Pulse, 10 Learners and then the two volumes of Treating Diseases, To (ila) Glaucon.’ All these they treated as one book in five volumes, to which they gave a single title: For (li-) Learners.* (6) A number of people have translated into Syriac® this volume, that is, The Art [οὕ Medicine]. Among them: Sergius al-Ra’si, but before he was a good translator; Ibn Sahda al-Karkhi;° and Job of Edessa. (7) Later, I myself translated it for David the physician. This David was intelligent and eager to learn. At the time of my translation, I was a young man of about thirty years of age, although I had [already] acquired a solid scientific preparation from the books I possessed. (8) Later, I translated it into Arabic, along with Sects,’ for Abi [α΄ ἴδ Muhammad

ibn Musa.®

Pulse, To Teuthras’

37

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) Galen entitled it Pulse, To

(ila) Teuthras and the Rest of the Learners.' (3) His purpose in it is to describe what learners need to know about the pulse. He enumerates, first, the

different kinds of pulse, although he did not mention all of them, but only what learners are able to understand. He then describes the causes

At the end of the treatise, Galen provides a list of his major works on each of the subjects treated in the compendium. Similar references to more extensive treatments of various subjects are found throughout. *On which see, respectively, §§5, 7, and 8.

‘4A reads: a single title: To (ila) Learners. See §5n1.

°A omits: into

Syriac. °A omits: al-Karkhi. ΤΑ omits: along with Sects. ®Cf. §5.9. 87 “A adds: and the Rest of the Learners. 'A omits §7.1-2, seemingly as a result of scribal error.

II" @ 13

Works in the Alexandrian Medical Curriculum

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14 @ κὶ

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

that change the pulse: those that are nonnatural, those that are natural, and those that are unnatural.’ (4) Galen wrote this volume too at the same time he wrote Sects.> (5) Prior to me,’ this volume was translated into Syriac by Ibn Sahda al-Karkhi.° (6) Later, I myself translated it for Salmawayh, after I translated The Art [of Medicine].° As that man was possessed of a natural intelligence, familiar with books, and an

attentive reader of them, I was exceedingly eager to produce excellent corrective editions’ of all that I translated for him. (7) Later, I translated it into Arabic for Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Misa, along with Sects and The Art [of Medicine/.®

To Glaucon

§8

(1) This book consists of two volumes. (2) Galen entitled them Treating Diseases, To Glaucon. He did not give them the title “to (4) learners.” Rather, as I just explained,' the Alexandrians added them to the num-

ber of books “to (44) learners.”? (3) His purpose in these two volumes is briefly to describe the treatment of those diseases that occur frequently. [He wrote it] for a certain philosopher: this man, when he saw some of his wondrous medical feats, requested that he write this book for him.’ (4) Since one cannot treat diseases without diagnosing them, before discussing their treatment he presents the signs by which they are diagnosed. (5) In the first volume, he describes the signs of fevers and their treatment. He does not mention all of them, but is content to describe

*Nonnatural causes of changes in the pulse include things like exercise, baths, food, and drink. Natural causes include such things as whether one is a man ora woman, young or old, what season it is, and the climate where one lives. Unnatural causes are a result of a quantitative excess of natural and unnatural causes. Examples include a lack of food, excessive exercise, and illness. *That is, during

Galen’s first stay in Rome (see §5.5). This information was probably derived from Galen’s De libr. propr. 1 (ed. Κύμη, 19:12). ΤΑ omits: prior to me. °A omits: al-Karkhi. °According to §6.7, Hunayn would have been around thirty years old at the time.

/’For the sense of “corrective edition” here and in what follows, see

the discussion in appendix |. §8

'See §6.5.

"See §5nl.

ὅδεε §§5.9 and 6.8. °Cf. De loc. aff (ed. Kiihn, 7:361), where Galen reports

that when he was first visiting Rome he was greatly wondered at by Glaucon the philosopher, on account of a certain diagnosis he made.

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

those that occur frequently. This volume is divided into two parts. In the first part, he describes those fevers devoid of unusual symptoms; in the second part, those accompanied by them. In the second volume, he describes the signs of tumors and their treatment. (6) Galen wrote this book at the same

time that he wrote Sects.* (7) Prior to me, this

book was translated into Syriac by Sergius al-Ra’si—after he acquired some abilities as a translator, but before he had reached peak. (8) Later, I translated it into Syriac for Salmawayh. This after I translated Pulse for him.° (9) Later, I recently translated it Arabic for Abi Jafar Muhammad ibn Misa.

had his was into

Bones

§9

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) Galen entitled it “for (d-) learners.” He did not entitle it “to (i/a) learners.” There is a difference between the two expressions. When he entitled a book “to (a) learners,” he indicated that he was teaching with an eye to the ability of the learner and that he had further materials on the subject, but that these surpass the learner and are only for the proficient. When, however, he entitled a book “for (di-) learners,” he indicated that the book contains all there is to know on that subject, but that he was teaching it only for the learner. This was because Galen wanted the medical learner to give precedence to learning the science of anatomy in! all fields of medicine, for he thought that without an understanding of anatomy one could learn nothing of analogical medicine. (3) Galen’s purpose in this book is to describe each bone in and of itself, as well as its relations to other

[bones]. (4) Galen wrote it when he wrote the rest of his books “to (ida) learners.”” (5) Sergius al-Ra’si has translated it into Syriac, but quite poorly. (6) Later, I translated it a few years ago for Yuhanna ibn

*That is, during Galen’s first stay in Rome (cf. §5.5). This information was likely inferred from Galen’s De libr. propr. 1 (ed. Kiihn, 19:11—12).

°Cf. §7.6.

§9 'A reads: over. ?That is, during his first stay in Rome. learned this from Galen’s De libr. propr. 1 (ed. Kiihn, 19:11—12).

Hunayn

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18 @ ιλ

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Masawayh. In translating it, I sought to render his ideas as lucidly and as clearly as possible—and that, because this man is enamored of the clear style’ and does not cease to press for it. (7) I also translated it into Arabic, before that, for Abu Ja far Muhammad

ibn Musa.

Muscles

$10

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) Galen did not entitle it “to (t/a) learners.” Rather, the Alexandrians added it to the number of his books “to (t/a) learners.” This was because they combined with these two volumes!

three others that Galen wrote to learners, that is,

Anatomy of Nerves, Anatomy of Veins, and Anatomy of Arteries.? These they treated as a single book in five volumes, to which they gave the title Anatomy, To (ila) Learners.’ (3) Galen’s purpose is to describe, as thoroughly as possible, all the muscles in each part of the body: how many there are, which muscles they are, where each begins and ends,* and what each does. (4) Everything I said to you® concerning Bones about Galen, Sergius, and myself also applies to the present book, except that hitherto I have not translated it into Arabic—although Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it® for Abu Ja‘ far.

Nerves

δ}

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) He wrote it “to (ila) learners.” (3) His purpose in it is to describe how many nerve pairs have their origin from the brain and the spinal cord, which nerves they are, how and where each divides, and what each does. (4) Everything I said' concerning Muscles applies to the present book. *This clear style stands in evident contrast to Hunayn’s more literal, weighty style. Cf. the further discussion of the two styles at §59.3. 810

'That is, the present volume and Bones.

reads: Anatomy, for (li-) Learners. See §5nl. °A adds: into Arabic. §11

‘See §10.4.

*On which see §§11 and

*A omits: and ends.

12.

°A

°See §9.4-7.

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Veins and Arteries’

§12

(1) This book, according to Galen, consists of a single volume. (2) In it he describes the vessels with and without pulse. (3) He wrote it “for (d-) learners” and entitled it “to (4) Antisthenes.” (4) As for the Alexandrians, they divided it into two volumes, one on veins and one on arteries.’ (5) His purpose in it is to describe how many vessels have their origin from the liver, which vessels they are, how and where each of them divides, and how many arteries have their origin from the heart, which arteries they are, and how and where they divide. (6) Everything I said concerning the aforementioned volumes? applies to the present book.’

10

The Elements according to Hippocrates §13

(1) This book also consists of a single volume.' (2) His purpose in it is to show that all substances subject to generation and corruption (that is, the bodies of animals and plants, as well as substances generated within the earth)? are composed of only four elements (that is, earth, water, air, and fire), and that these are the primary, remote elements of the

human body. As for the secondary, proximate elements that constitute the body of the human being and all other animals that are born,’ these are the four humors (that is, blood, phlegm, and the two biles).* (3) This book is one of those that must of necessity be read before Therapeutic Method.’ (4) This book was translated before me by Sergius al-Ra’si. He did not understand it, however, and thus corrupted it. (5) Later, I translated it into Syriac for Bukhtisha* ibn Jibril, carefully

§12

*For Veins and Arteries, A reads: Vessels.

'At §10.2 the two parts of this work

are entitled Anatomy of Veins and Anatomy of Arteries. That is, Bones, Muscles, and Nerves. ὅ“Α adds: I extracted its main points and translated it [that is, this epitome] into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Misa. For this abridgment, see Savage-Smith, “Galen’s Lost Ophthalmology,” 129. §13 'That it was in a single volume was also implied by Galen in his De libr. propr. For the passage in question, lacking in the Greek, see Boudon, “Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1217, and “Galen’s On My Own Books,” 18. Although the extant

Greek manuscripts divide this work into two volumes, as originally composed it likely consisted of a single volume. See De Lacy, Galeni De elementis, 20, 44-45.

I]

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He begins with the brain and proceeds in order, describing the signs by which one diagnoses each ef them when they are ojfected, [that is,} how its ojfection is diagnosed, until he reaches the last efthem. 4 A reads:.for Theodore the bishop ef al-Karkh. For Kharkhjuddan, a city in Beth Garmai, on the border between Iraq and Iran, see Grainger, Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 774; Fiey, Oriens Christianus Novus, 100; and Yaqiit, Mucjam al-buldiin, 4:449. 5 A reads:.for a certain man named Elisha.

28 ὦ YA

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

translating it a second time would be more accurate and more suitable.° (7) In that the copyists did not incorporate its corrections as they should,

but rather each of them proceeded in his copy according to his abilities, the book was left in a state that was utterly imperfect, until the present time.’ (8) I have thought about translating it a second time.® (9) After I wrote these things, my beloved brother Israel the Great asked me to translate it, which I have begun to do.?

Large Book of the Pulse’ $18

(1) Galen wrote this in sixteen volumes, each of its four parts being divided into four volumes. (2) As for the first part, he entitles it Different Kinds of Pulse. His purpose in it is to describe the number and identity of the highest genera of the pulse and how they are divided, until he reaches their lowest species. (3) As for the first volume in this part, in it he mentions all of the genera of the knowledge of the pulse and its species. As for the last three volumes, in them he defines the pulse, differentiates its genera and species from one another, and makes distinctions regarding acquaintance with them and investigation of them.' (4) It is for this reason that the reading of the first volume of this part is necessary, while the reading of the latter three is not, for it is possible to read the first volume and then immediately move on to the second part. Galen himself makes this clear,* and he thus includes in the first vol-

ume all that must be known of the genera of the pulse and its species.

°A reads: Bukhtishi‘ ibn Jibril asked me to examine it and correct its errors, which I did,

after telling him that a [new] translation would be better and [stylistically] “smoother.” For the meaning of ashal (“smoother”), cf. §§22.15 and 59.4. ΤΑ reads: The copyist did not incorporate the corrections of the passages that I had fixed in it, but each of them incorporated the corrections of some of those passages, according to his ability; and thus, the book has remained imperfectly correct and accurate, until the present time. The use of the singular here (“copyist”) is odd, and inconsistent with the rest of the sentence, where multiple copyists are presupposed. °A reads: J had it continually in mind to translate it anew, but other matters distracted me from it. °A reads: Finally, Israel ibn Zakariya, who is known as al-Tayfiri, asked me to translate it anew, which I did. A then adds:

Hubaysh translated it into Arabic for Ahmad ibn Misa. §18 “For Large Book of the Pulse, A reads: Pulse. 'A reads: In the first volume of this part, he takes up all that is needed to describe the genera of the pulse and its species, in it offering a complete summary. He devotes the remaining three volumes of this part to the defense and

16

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investigation ef the genera ef the pulse and its species, as well as its definition. differ. 1.2 (ed. Kiihn, 8:499).

De puts.

2

30 @ y¥.

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

(5) As for the second part, he entitles it Diagnosis of the Pulse through Touch, [and explains] how to diagnose the slow pulse and the rest of the remaining kinds in the same fashion.’ (6) As for the third part, he entitles it Causes of the Pulse. His purpose in it is to explain which causes give rise to each species of the pulse, that is, which causes gives rise to the large pulse and which to the quick pulse, and which to each of the remaining kinds. (7) As for the fourth part, he entitles it Prognosis from Each Species of the Pulse, that is, from the large and the small, from the fast, and from all the rest.‘ (8) Al-Ra’si translated’ seven discourses® from this book: from each of the three parts (the first three), its first volume; he then translated the whole of the last part (that is, four volumes). This was because he thought, following the Alexandrians from whom he borrowed, that even as it holds for the first part (that is, it is enough to read the first volume, as Galen said, for it contains all the

information that he intended to include in that part), so also with regard to the rest of the parts. (9) Great was their error in this regard— except that the Alexandrians, even as they were content with only individual volumes from the first three parts, so also they were content with only the first volume of the fourth part. (10) So too, we find many Greek manuscripts that have just these four volumes, selected from each one of those four parts and copied out in succession. We also find that the commentators who set themselves to exposit Pulse exposited from it only these four volumes—in this they disgrace themselves. (11) As for al-Ra’si, he was closer than they to what is right. That was because, as if waking from his torpor and’ slumber, he noticed that there was an absolute need for® the rest of the volumes of the fourth part, which he thus translated in their entirety. (12) Later, Job of Edessa translated for Bukhtishu® ibn Jibril the nine volumes that remained, after what Sergius translated.’ (13) I myself translated the whole of this book into

Syriac a few years ago, for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, trying my hardest to produce a corrective edition, as well as to employ proper diction.

7A reads: He entitles the second part Diagnosis of the Pulse. His purpose in it is to describe how one can diagnose each of the different kinds of the pulse by touching the vessels, that is, how to diagnose, for instance, the large and the small pulse, or the quick and the slow pulse, and so on, similarly, for the other kinds. *A reads: He entitles the fourth part Prognosis jrom the Pulse. His purpose in it is to describe how a prognosis might be inferred from each of the different kinds of the pulse, that is, from the large and the small, the quick and the

Works in the Alexandrian Medical Curriculum

,!Jl!ll ,._).-1 \...19 (i) ...!lJj "':--Jc ~~I ;L.._, ,.~I ~ I Jc J ~ 4l,J'If ~~I ;....wJ ~ ('.J'.. ~1 IJ° .\.>I_, J'iJ" 15 r:;1 J_,-YI ,._).-1.;fi (,..:&- ~ J ~~ ~ \ ; U.\i....1 ~ ..:i~j ~ _:rJI !.J ~ I

-~ IJ. ~ ~11:J )' ½..,-JI JI l...a:1 ~]J (A)

0w1yl::S" r-1401 JI 0W)'I

J..a:4~01 ~~.fJ (r) ...:i)'lu.:.,')\t!.) ..,.._f:16:-~ I.a (1)

p.16 0~.l.iJ(I") ,orl JJ~ ...~'-?IJIJ0~1.)lc..,.:.,~~ ,0~01_, ,)' r10w10~j,,,~ ~1....-:1..;J (o) ,"-!..,...~,:;: 1.:.-..,::l~ J..:..il~J..:i~L~I_, (t) ,-u.j~i)l-r:-r ·I.S"Y,:;: Ji,~':?.)' ½..,-JI JI

§r•

34 ὦ γι

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Critical Days §21

(1) This also he wrote in three volumes. (2) In its first two volumes, his

19

purpose is to describe how the days differ in strength, in which of them crises occur and in which of them they seldom occur,' and as for those in which crises occur, in which of them is the crisis that occurs praiseworthy and in which of them is the crisis that occurs blameworthy, as well as the rest of what relates to this subject. (3) In the third volume, he describes why the days differ thus in their strengths. (4) Sergius has translated this book into Syriac. (5) I myself corrected it at the same time that I corrected the preceding volume. (6) I also translated it into

Arabic for Abu [α΄ ἴα Muhammad ibn Musa. (7) This and the preceding book are included among those on prognosis.”

Therapeutic Method §22

(1) He composed this book in fourteen volumes. (2) His purpose in it is to describe how every disease is treated by means of the analogical method. He relates all' the general symptoms that must be attended to in that regard, from them infers that by which each disease should be treated, and gives a few examples of particular things. (3) He wrote six of its volumes for a man named Hieron. (4) In its first and second volumes, he explains the sound principles on which this field of knowledge is based and refutes the erroneous principles put forth by Thessalus and his colleagues. (5) In the remaining? volumes, he describes the treatment of the dissolution of union in each of the parts of the body. (6) Hieron then died, and Galen did not finish the book. While matters stood thus, Eugenianus asked him to finish it.’ He then wrote for him the remaining eight volumes. (7) In the first six of these, he describes how to treat diseases of the homoiomerous bodily parts; in the remaining two volumes, how to treat diseases of the compound bodily parts. (8) In the

§21

ΙΑ reads: they do not occur.

?Cf. §§18.16 and 69.1.

δ22 'A reads: He restricts himself to. It is possible that A’s yagtasiru represents a corruption of yaqtassu (B), to which “ala has been added to smooth the sense. 7A adds: four. °As Galen himself explained at Meth. med. 7.1 (ed. Κύμη, 10:456).

20

Works in the Alexandrian Medical Curriculum

ro@ 35

0w1r~1yl::S"' 5 J!J.l...:,~1~01..:..o.:r.::JJ~1~l.l1J~_j,J(Y) ...::.,~\u..:.,~J~~11..i.11(1) §n 0!r.11

Y 0§: JI -!ll. ',?1., ~ 0§: .)~ ~ lr.-1., 0w1 b~ aw§: lr.-1., o_,.11 J r~~1 '-1'"

.~.ii ~ I.. JL.J ~_,..l.

y

..!,.)\J.10W10_f:: lr.-1., i.,~

y

..!,.)\J.10W1 w_f:: lr..lJ

10 0~ (i) ....:,~~11..i.ll lAlj Jr~~1 ~ 1 ~ I '-1'" JI J\J.1 ~l:!1.Jl.11

J c~J (r)

~]J (1) -~ ':?~1 yl::SJI 1./'"".)L.ol C: bl .o.::...l..,IJ (o) .Jlv-JI JI yl::SJl 1..i.11 ~ (.J"":".r" · f l J!L. '-1'" 01~ ~ ':?~1 yl::SJ1., yl::SJl 1..i.llJ (V) ·I.S"Y 0: Ji- r.-lJ ~ ~ya)I JI ~1

,.fl.l~y\::S"' 15 '-1'" -1>-IJ

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~ 01 ~ ~_j,J (Y) ..Jiu .fa, ~)

J ~ yl::SJl 1..i.llJ (1)

~.) J lA..i...ai ~ 01 ~ JI ~l,JI _;.,~ ~1 ~ ~ ~ . , ._,..l:,JI ~ _;.,~ ~1 ,.~1 '-1'" 0~..::.,~\!. dl~ y .r":J '-'"'~~1 '-1'" _;.,.r ,f~ '>JI~ 01 ~I..~ d ~ 20 J.-,..P~1~~l:l1JJJ~1J~ (t) f01 ~1,JJ~~)~..::.,~lu..:....t"J0~(r) .e~.r. hv-Llt

g~I 05"JI .,.Ua;LI J.-,..P ~1

p.17 {(1) .... ~~1 '-1'" -1>-IJ

f! f 11..i.ll J.r~1 ~ 0§.: ~ JI ~ 1 J

,f'-1'" JL,a.;~1 J.faolJl-1..o ~l:)1..::.,~l.11 J I....A,,,OJ ((o) -~~IJ

,J t"} ,J .....~1 ._,.._,;l:,;~JI .JL .)1 dl.:Cyi .)IJ yl::SJI r~I ._,.._f.:l~ ~ ,.~~1 ~\..:.il.1.,.~~1 _;.,~1 ;IJl-1..o ~JIJ~l ..:.....11

.1>\tlr

AB¾,.r-e

A~BG?d

Ji 01 ~1 01

J il....A,,,Oj(v) -~l:JI ..::.,~l.110~1

A........,_,B..........;_,c

A~Bl)b

A.:;.f..B.:;fo• A.;;JLIB

g The original reading of B was ~ I . In the margin, one finds 4-L,.,I cll, seemingly in the first hand. A reads 4-L,.,I.

§rr

36 Ὁ τῇ

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

first volume,‘ he describes how to treat the different kinds of bad mix-

ture, when they occur in a single bodily part, and he proceeds by taking as an example what occurs in the stomach. (9) Next, in the following vol-

ume (that is, the eighth overall), he describes how to treat the different kinds of fever that arise in the pneuma (that is, ephemeral fevers). (10) In

the following volume (that is, the ninth), he describes how to treat fevers that are continuous. (11) Next, in the tenth, [he describes] how to treat fevers that occur in the elementary bodily parts (that is, hectic [fevers]. In it, he also describes everything one needs to know about the use of baths. (12) Next, in the eleventh and twelfth, he describes how to treat fevers that arise from putridity of the humors: as for the eleventh, those devoid of unusual symptoms; as for the twelfth, those accompanied by unusual symptoms.” (13) Sergius al-Ra’si has translated this book into Syriac (or rather, its first six volumes), while he was still weak and had not acquired any abilities as a translator. (14) Later, he translated the remaining eight volumes, after he had acquired experience. His translation of these 15 thus more accurate than his translation of the initial volumes. (15) Salmawayh directed me to correct for him this second part, desiring that it be smoother and better than his [Sergius’s] translation. He thus collated with me some of the seventh volume. He had the Syriac, while I had the Greek. As he would read it to me,° whenever I

chanced on anything contrary to the Greek, I would tell him about it. He began to make corrections until the process became intolerable for him . and it became clear to him that to translate’ would be more useful and more precise,® as well as a more orderly way of proceeding. (16) He thus asked me to translate those volumes, which I did, in their entirety. We \were at the time in al-Raqqah,’ at the time of al-Ma°min’s razzias.'° He gave them to Zakariya ibn “Abd Allah, who is known as al-Tayfuri, when he wanted to come to the City of Peace," that they might be copied for him there. There was a fire on the boat in which Zakariya was riding, *A adds: of the first six. This is an error, as this subject is actually treated in the first of the remaining eight volumes, that is, in volume 7. °Neither B nor A describes the contents of the last two volumes. In that the omission is present in both recensions, it is unlikely to be a result of scribal error. °A adds: in Syriac. "A adds: anew. °A reads: would be easier and more elegant. °The classical Callinicus, a city in northern Syria on the banks of the Euphrates, for a time the capital of Harun al-Rashid. '°Al-Ma°min’s campaigns against Byzantium took place between 830 and his death in 833. He was in al-Raqqah in 833—the year of the mihnah. ''That is, Baghdad.

rv@ 37

Works in the Alexandrian Medical Curriculum

5 a JJ~I ~IAl.l _) l,,.,A,,#JJ (A) .WI F - ~~I if~I ;;IJl.l.o ~L:JI .:e:)IAl.I.)J .;..wl _) .::.!.b- d~ J::!.::ll ~ _} t.o...,.-I i.S.r-lJ c.b-1_, ~ 6 ..:,.:~l~I \¥~'JI F-J""

J i)_fo JI ~ I ...:,L:..,.,I ;IJl..1..- ,y~I ~ If ~l!ll ',fJ ,Lo.~ JI ~lit I.) l,,.,A,,#J ( (\) IO

J( (11) . ~ I ~ I olJl..1..- ,~l:1I ',fJ ,Lo.fa JI ~IAll _j l,,.,A.,,#JJ (1•) ·rY-d"" ~J (JJI ~JI~~ L.. er:- y l,,.,A.,,#JJ ,JJI ',/J ' ~~, F - ~~,.) wfo

J' ~' olJl..1..- ;_pl.JI

If i)_fo JI ..:.,1:J-I olJl..1..- fa ~l!IIJ fa ~Jl.,L.I _) l,,.,A.,,#J ( (IY) ·rU.I Jt....:...I..,.-I If 15 ~ i)~U fa ~l!ll.) L..IJ -~.f if'rl i:r i_,1.:- w~U fa ~Jl.,L.I _) L..I ..1~~I ;.;p ..:-II .::J:-J ..:..:~ '="'!)' ,J":"J"" ~Iv-JI JI y~I I.a~ 0~.UJ (Ir) -~.f if'r' C: ..:.;~yJ..1rwl~i:r~L:Jlw~'r-f~'t(1t).~_;ll.)JA:t~~~JJJ~l..:.,~lu

.).-1 l.iA 41

&' wl _} J)JI ~ 0~.uJ (10) .JJ~I ..:.,~Li..U .::J:-J If c1--"I t. .::J:-J

20 JlvJl~w~~Ul~IAl.l~~l,i; .J_r.lJ.::J:-J i:rJr..' ..!.ll~w~wl.)~JJl!ll p. 18

~ f_j'~ , ~ ~ ~ .;;.r.> Jb-'=1] ul~ F-~ 1J ..,.- L.. ~ ·if' ~~J Jb~I .,rJ ~..:.,~IAl.l ..!.lli~; JW(11) .t.Ua:::1..1..!.I y ..,..~,J y}'JE' ~_;i, wl 41 ~Jr~'

L..~ ':?J~½ ...:,J_;aJ.I ~I~ 0: ~_Jj JI ~.)J .w_,.lll ..:.,IJ_; r~I.) ~)½ ~ Lo.__,,:..i ~ 5 y~IJ.Jt;~_Jjyw~Jl½:Wl.)~c!_}.!lla41rr~l~.l.oJl)~~IJ~I

• I have supplemented the text from A. A_r)B))r

6

I have supplemented the text from A.

A-.;lutvid.B..,;j
IJ~B..1.>l_,.-c

38 Ὁ YA

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

however, and the book was burned up. Not a single copy of it remained. (17) Later, after a few years, I translated the book from the beginning for

Bukhtishi* ibn Jibril. I had numerous copies in Greek of the last'* volumes. I collated and corrected them,” producing a single accurate copy, which I translated with as much precision and eloquence as I could. (18) As for the first six volumes, I think’* I have run across only a single copy of them. Moreover, the copy was full of errors. For this reason, it was not possible for me to produce as correct an edition of those volumes as I should have. (19) Later, I happened on another copy, which I collated and corrected as much as I could. It would be better for me to collate it a second” time, if I could find another copy,'° for copies of this book in Greek are rare, as it was not read in the school of the Alexandrians.

(20) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated this book into Arabic’ from the Syriac copy,'® for Abu Ja°far Muhammad ibn Misa. (21) Later, after his translation of it, Abu Jafar asked me to examine the last eight volumes of this book for him and correct any errors I found in it. agreed to do so and have begun this project.

[Works on Anatomy]"

§23

(1) These are the books to the reading of which they used to restrict themselves in the place of medical instruction at Alexandria. They used to read them in the order in which I have presented them. They used to gather each day for the reading of a lesson' from them and then endeavor to understand it, even as today our Christian colleagues gather each day in the places of instruction known as the “school”? for

ΖΑ adds: eight. ‘A omits: and corrected. ‘tA omits: I think. 'A reads: third. '°A reads: could find a third copy. '’A omits: into Arabic. '*A adds: which I translated. §23. “Among the numerous discussions of this passage, which is of great importance for understanding the Alexandrian medical curriculum, see Iskandar, “Attempted Reconstruction,” 237-39; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:144-46; and Strohmaier, “Die christlichen Schulen in Bagdad,” 268-75, and “Der syrische und der arabische Galen,” 1992 and 1997-99. 'According to Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. “imam,” an imam can refer to “the lesson of a boy, that

is learned each day in the school.” Cf. Kazimirski, Dictionnaire arabe-frangais, sv.

Works on Anatomy

1/xs, ..:,.;l(,j,~ 0: tJ.~~-✓ ~JI 0-" yl::SJI ..:..>.J ~.I.If./ 0-" ijl ((IV)-~~ ,.j? tJ ~11..~~ lf.i:-JJ ~

~ ~ J ~~ ~ ~l.dijb~~r .~.P."~I ~~I.Lll

IO ;~~~~~I lJ,a..:,.a;J':)I ~ I f JJ~I ~~la.ll ..:-ll l..19(1A) -~~~ .. ~~10-" ((1'1) -~I..~~ ~ ~~la.ll .!ilr ~ .!ll.:U ~

f .. tY-1 ;;/~Io.a C: ..:,.;I(,

i)I ~lt ~ JI.ii 011J Jl>~ ,._')L,.,I ~11.. ~~ ~ ~w .s_rl ~ ~ ..:...iJ ijl 15

-~~~~I J~I i,) ~~ t.;~ ,~ ~b~~ yl::SJI I.a r ·IS"Y 0: Ji,

I)\; .s_rl ~ bI). - eeil

r.- 1J~ ~10: ~ ~__,.II JI ~lv-)1 ~10-" yl::SJI I.a r]J (r•)

&IJ "!-'l::SJI I.a 0-" OP.-~I ~~I~ ~la.ti~ ~ I wl

JL lJ, ~J .I.If./_;-.. ~I wl ( (n)

-~ ~.1,:.IJ .!l)j JI ~ i ; J.li...10-" lc9 ~~JI..

20 ~YJj}:l_,;l(,~~~~~lr-W~Y'i)Lf.. l}~~w~Jl~l',/'o.aJ(I) §rr

r, c~J ~ rl..1 o..l} ~ ry.J"w~ I_,;~ .•_fl ~_r-1 ':?.:UI ~jill 1.a .d~..\a::1.1 ~0-" r1..1 ... I} ~ ry.J"J J~~~ ...:,fi':?.:u1 r-1-=11 ~~ J-s}-.a:.l10-"

r~I ~IP"I ~

AJB',:¼ b c

This seems to be the reading of B. A reads either

~

A.;:...j_,B.;.;;_,•

or "-1'U·

See the note to the translation. A ~.i..::11 ut vid. B ',?~Id

"imam," who offers "devoir, pensum d'un ecolier, tache dujour." In his translation Bergstrasser took imam here to mean "Hauptwerk." 2!:lunayn here transliterates the Greek word sxole.

40 @ ¢.

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

the reading of a lesson from the books of the ancients.’ (2) As for the other books, they used to read them only individually, each one by himself, after having received training in the ones that I have mentioned, even as our colleagues today read the commentaries on the books of the ancients. (3) As for Galen, he did not intend that his books be read in this order. Rather, he directed that after his book on sects* one should read

his book° on anatomy.° For that reason, I shall begin treating his books by enumerating his books on anatomy, following them up with the rest of his books, in the order, sequence, and arrangement that he enjoined.’

Anatomical

§24

Procedures

(1) He composed this book in fifteen volumes. (2) In the first volume,' he describes the muscles and ligaments in the hands; in the second, the muscles and ligaments in the feet; in the third, the nerves and vessels in the hands and feet; in the fourth, the muscles that move the cheeks, the lips, the lower jaw, the head, the neck, and the shoulder blades; in the fifth, the muscles of the chest, the abdomen, the loins, and the spine.

(3) In the sixth, he describes the organs of nutrition (that is, the stomach, the intestines, the liver, the spleen, the kidneys, the bladder, and the rest of what is like that). (4) In the seventh and eighth, he describes the

anatomy of the organs of respiration. (5) As for the seventh, he describes

Β bears the unintelligible al-fh.ri, which I have tentatively emended to accord with A’s kutub al-mutagaddimin (“books of the ancients”), although it is difficult to imagine the process whereby the corruption occurred. Bergstrasser (Neue Materialen, 17) wondered whether al-fh.ri might be a corruption of al-qudama’ (also meaning “the ancients”). Strohmaier

(“Die christlichen Schulen in Bagdad,”

273) has cleverly

suggested that al-{h.ri may be a corruption of al-“ahdayn (the Two Testaments, that is, the Christian Bible), as it is relatively easy to imagine the process of corruption and Hunayn’s statement would accord well with the social function of the sxolai in the Church of the East (cf. Becker, Fear of God, 155-68.) *On which see §5. °Areads: books. °Cf. De ord. libr. suor. 2 (ed. Κύμη, 19:54), where Galen sug-

gests that the serious student of medicine should read Anatomical Procedures after Sects. ‘A reads: that he wrote down. In what follows, Hunayn closely follows the order of Galen’s presentation in his De libr. propr. It is, though, far from accurate for Hunayn to suggest that this is the order in which Galen wished his books to be read (as in B). The changed wording of A serves to correct the mistake.

2]

Works on Anatomy

ii O 41

~ J=-\;;)/1 J.a.i ,~.b- ~ .b-I_, p. 19

J ~f

J'U"'l:JI ,:r bJ~)/I ay_,_;_A lei 01Q ~ I J'- ~I_, (T)

U"'r.:16:- ~\; (1") ,c ~~,~(,..:.,fa

J' ~'

J '½\£J_;JI J '½\£J.a.i ~0~ r~ ~ rlla.:JI I.a~ ✓-,.I)

·"':►.JI ':?.:UI ~.;JI_,,.".i_,JI_, rlla.:JI ~ ✓;l...i ~I {~I':) cl ✓

5

~'r!..~yl:5' ijl ..:.,U.lJI_, J.:-1I ~ J_,".ii ~W.I ':)

u.,Al.J (r)

.~li... fa ~ ':) ✓y~I I.a (1) §n

J JI J_,_.,.JI_, ~ I ~WI J_, ~JI J JI ..:.,U.lJI_, J.:-1I ~WI J_, 0:,-l;:II J ~I_,~)I_, U"'!}I_, Ji... ".ii ~I_, ~I_, 0:,..uLI .!lfi ':?.:UI J.:-1I 4'1/~I J_, ~)I_, ,,.1.i..11 ..:.,)IT~_, ~JUI J_, (1") .~I_, ~I_, Ja.:1I J~_, ;.L,all ~ ~l;L.I J_, ~WI_, ~UI J_, (t) ...!,ll~ yl ~ ;'-_, 4)l!J.I_, J(ll_, J~I_, ~I_, ,.t...".ii_, i.lal.I 4:t_,

~.l;:11 10

J_u.11_,~)I_, ~ I J ~I,:r _xi;,~ ....u,} 4A1UI J ~I (o) ! ~ I ..:.,".il ~ ....u,_,

AB YJfia b B and A read ~~\11. It is possible, however, that the definite article in B has been cancelled. c I have supplemented the text from A. d I have supplemented the text from A.

A~IB~I• §24 1The following account of the contents of the work is taken directly from Galen's De libr. propr. 3 (ed. Kuhn, 19:24-25). I:Iunayn departs from Galen, though, in transposing books 12 and 15. Galen had said that these treated, respectively, arteries/veins and the organs of generation. l:lunayn's transposition accords with the order of books in the extant Arabic version. See the English version by Duckworth et al., Galen: On Anatomical Procedures.

42 ὦ ty

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

what dissection reveals about the heart, the lungs, and the arteries after the death of animals and while they are still alive. (6) As for the eighth, he describes what dissection reveals about the whole of the chest. (7) He

devotes the entirety of the ninth volume to describing the anatomy of the brain and the spinal cord. (8) In the tenth volume, he describes the anatomy of the eyes, the tongue, and the esophagus, as well as what is connected with those bodily parts. (9) In the eleventh volume, he describes

what is in the larynx and the bone that resembles the /am in the characters of the Greeks (that is, A),? as well as the related nerves that come to

these places. (10) In the twelfth, he describes the anatomy of the bodily parts responsible for procreation; in the thirteenth, the anatomy of the arteries and veins; in the fourteenth, the anatomy of the nerves that have their origin from the brain; in the fifteenth, the anatomy of the

nerves that have their origin from the spinal cord. (11) Job of Edessa translated this book into Syriac for Jibril ibn Bukhtisha’. (12) I corrected it not too long ago for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh the physician, trying my hardest to make it as accurate as possible.

Epitome of Marinus’s Anatomy §25

(1) He states' that he composed this book in four volumes. (2) Until now I have not seen it, nor do I think that anyone has reported to us that he has seen it or knows where it can be found. (3) In his book known as the

Catalogue,’ Galen gives an account of the number of volumes by Marinus that he summarized in this book,’ as well as what is in each one of them.‘

*That is, the hyoid bone. §25 'De libr. propr. 3 (ed. Kithn, 19:25). ?De libr. propr. 3 (ed. Κύμη, 19:2530). %Hunayn’s statement here is less than clear. He seems to suggest that Galen did not comment on all twenty volumes of Marinus’s work, which is not the case. What he means to say is that Galen gave an account of which of Marinus’s twenty volumes he summarized in each of his own four volumes. It would be tempting to posit a corruption in the text were it not that the text of A is very nearly identical. *A adds: It has not been found.

22

tY'

Works on Anatonry

c;r:- i) ~ I If

p. lo ....u_,i ;.;..l!ll J

Loi_, (1)

0 43

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;f'l.11 ~l..1.I i) ....UJJ (A) -t,L:..:.IIJ t_L...ill 6? ~ t.,,.J""'4 ;......l::lI ~l..1.I.ljlJ (V) •J~I

J Lo fa, ~.llJ-I ~l..1.I J

....UJJ (\) .• ~ )'I

o~

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~.'.Ill ~ I IJ° .!.ll~ ~ L.J ,A i./'J ,(>\!4 ~b~l ...:,_rl J °½.!:! ~.'.Ill ~I_, i ~ I J.,_,.ll 6? fa, ~l!ll i)J -½:1_;:ll .~16? fa, ~l!ll J ....UJJ (1•) ·t"l_,1.I o.i.A

Jt

fa ;.....I.LI i)J t_L...ill If a ~ ~.'.Ill ~ 1 6 ? fa, ~~I i)J YJ~I J'.h YJ~I ~j,~~JlA)I y_y.l l)lv-JI JI yl::S::11I.i.Ar;0~(11) ·t_L:..:.1I If .::..il:ll ~ 1 6 ? - ~ : ~1:..11 i) ~4J ~ I ~lo~~'-:'!-} .l:.. o,.L,.,IJ (Ir) ·tJ • fi;

~ I ij b"-"'faJl.. yl£j.P.-

4ll cbp:-I i~1 ~L )'J ~\ill o.l.A JI "-=:L L.J (r) ..:.,)flu ~Ii) ~-.;I

fj yl::SJI I.a (1)

J' d"-"'faJL. .:.,)flu .l..la/ ..::...._;til4 ...:,J_;a1I ~l::(J """r.:l~ p:-I.uJ (Y') .-.;~ t JI ;G .lr,- ~lu ~lu J L.J y\::SJI I.a J lA_ra::>-1

A .r"Jl. B i.rrJl. b c

A......., B 4. a

After this word, 'YJ '½ has been cancelled in B, seemingly by the first hand. A .r"Jl. CB i.rrJl. d

§ro

44 ὦ {ἰ

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Epitome of Lycus’s Anatomy §26

(1) He states! that he wrote this book in two volumes.’

(2) I have not

23

seen this book also, nor am 1 aware of any traces of it.’

Disagreement in Anatomy §27

(1) He composed this book in two volumes. (2) His purpose in it is to 24 explain the differences of opinion among the earlier anatomists, such as are found in the books on anatomy: which were merely verbal and which were substantive, and what caused them. (3) Job of Edessa has translated this book. (4) As correcting it exceeded my best efforts, I translated it anew into Syriac for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh and produced as correct an edition as I could. (5) Hubaysh translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja’ far.

Dissection of Dead Animals

§28

(1) This book consists of a single be learned from the dissection they are. (3) Job has translated along with the preceding book. into Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.

§26

volume. (2) He describes in it what can of dead animals, what kind of things it. (4) I translated it anew into Syriac, (5) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it

'In his De libr. propr. (Boudon, “Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1215,

and “Galen’s On My Own Books,” 16).

7A adds: The aim (wa-qasd) of this book is [the

same as] the aim (qasd) of the previous book. Bergstrasser emended the text, reading wa-qissah and gissah for wa-gasd and qasd. If he is correct,

A would read: The account

of this book is [the same as] the account of the previous book. It is tempting to adopt this emendation, especially because of parallels elsewhere (§§11.4, 12.6, 62.3, 63.1, 96.2, 113.1). On the other hand, the emended version is somewhat more redun-

dant, in that Hunayn goes on to say that he has not seen the book or found any trace of it—precisely what he said of the previous work. 3A adds: It has not been Sound.

25

to

Works on Anatonry

~

45

~IJ~)yl:5'~ .l}I 4l ci.r ~J ~I y~I l.a~L t..J(r) .~luJ.u-.~I fjy~I l.iA(1) §r,

~I

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J

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a

I have supplemented the text from A.

46 @ «ἡ

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Dissection of the Living" §29

(1) He composed this book in two volumes. (2) His purpose in them is

26

to show what can be learned from the dissection of live animals, what

kind of things they are. (3) Job has translated this too. (4) I translated it anew,' along with the book? I just mentioned. (5) Hubaysh translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.

Hippocrates’s Knowledge of Anatomy §30

(1) Galen composed this book in five volumes.' (2) He wrote it as a young man for Boethus.? (3) His purpose in it was to show that Hippocrates was thoroughly versed in anatomy. To show this, he adduced proof texts from all of his books. (4) Prior to me,’? Job translated this book into Syriac. (5) I myself then translated it, along with the books I mentioned above, and I produced a corrective edition that was as thorough’ as possible. (6) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.

27

Erasistratus’s Knowledge of Anatomy §31

(1) He composed this book in three volumes. (2) It too he wrote as a young man for Boethus.' (3) His purpose in it is to explain what Erasistratus said about anatomy, in all his books, and then to show where

he was correct and where

he was wrong.

(4) Prior to me, this

book had not been translated. (5) I translated it into Syriac, along with the books that I? mentioned above, notwithstanding that I could find for

§29

Α reads: Dissection of Live Animals.

'A adds: into Syriac.

?A reads: books.

§30 'According to De libr. propr. (ed. Κύμη, 19:14; Boudon, “Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1216, and “Galen’s On My Own Books,” 17), this work consisted not of

five but of six volumes.

*Hunayn could have learned this from De libr. propr. | (ed.

Κύμη, 19:13-14). 2A omits: Prior to me. ‘It is thus that I render B’s talkhis and takhallus. A omits: and takhallus. See the discussion of this passage in appendix I.

§31 and.

'As Galen himself states at De libr. propr. 1 (ed. Κύμη, 19:13).

?A adds: translated

28

t.V O 47

Works on Anatomy

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48 ὦ ἐλ

Hunayn ibn Ishag on His Galen Translations

it only a single copy, one full of errors and lacking a bit at its end. It was only with great effort that I was able to produce a corrective edition of it. In the end, however, it left my hands fully intelligible. In it I strove not to deviate from the thoughts of Galen, to the best of my ability.’ (6) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.

What Lycus Did Not Know about Anatomy §32

(1) He' states? that he composed this book in four volumes. (2) As for me, I have not seen it, nor have I heard that anyone else has seen it.

29

Disagreements with Lycus on Anatomy §33

(1) Galen states! that he composed this book in two volumes. (2) I have not seen it, nor am I aware of any traces of it.’

30

Anatomy of the Womb §34

(1) He composed this book in a single, small volume. (2) He wrote it as a young man for a midwife.’ (3) It contains everything that needs to be known about the anatomy of the womb and about what is generated in it

31

during pregnancy. (4) Job has translated it. (5) I then translated it,’ along with the rest of what I translated.’ (6) Hubaysh translated it into

Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.*

*Hunayn seems to be suggesting that he corrected this manuscript’s errors and filled its lacunae ex ingenio. 832 'Before this sentence, A adds: Jt has not been found. *De libr. propr. (Boudon, “Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1216, and “Galen’s On My Own Books,” 17). 833 'De libr. propr. (Boudon, “Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1216, and

“Galen’s On My Own Books,” 17). 7A adds: It has not been found. §34 'As Galen states at De libr. propr. 2 (ed. Kiihn, 19:16). ?A adds: into Syriac. 3A reads: along with the rest of the books on anatomy that I translated. *A adds: Articulation of the First of the Cervical Vertebrae. One volume. Difference of the Homoiomerous Body Parts. One volume. Hunayn translated it after [writing] this book. His disciple ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated it into Arabic.

32 33

Works on Anatomy

,.re IJ..,.11 JI~_, (1) .~U. & ..r.f::l~ I)~ tJ' J_,jl )'I~~_;_, L.JtA-0 i f .u -~,J)' • 11. -· i..r- u:

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§n

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• 'J'

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• Damage to B has rendered the last letter or perhaps two letters unclear. Cf. the parallel at §26.2.

50 Ὁ

o.

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Anatomy of the Organs of the Voice §35

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) It is falsely ascribed to Galen: it is not by him, nor by another of the ancients, but by someone more recent who compiled it from Galen’s books. Moreover, the one who compiled it was weak. (3) Nonetheless, Abu Zakariya Yuhanna ibn Masawayh the physician asked to me translate it. I agreed to do so. I do

34

not remember, however, whether I translated it or corrected it, although

I do know that I produced a corrective edition of it, as best I could.

Anatomy of the Eye §36

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) Its title too is false: that is, it is ascribed to Galen, but it is not by him.’ It is likely to be by Rufus, or perhaps by someone inferior to him. (3) Job has translated this book. (4) Later, I produced a corrective edition of it, with the aid of Yuhanna ibn Masawayh.

35

[Works on the Activities and Uses of the Parts of the Body]

§37

(1) Such are his books on anatomy.' (2) They are followed? by his books on the activities and uses of the parts of the body, which I shall now treat.’

Motion of the Chest and Lungs §38

(1) He composed this book in three volumes. (2) He wrote it during his youth, after his first return from Rome. He was at the time staying in Smyrna, studying with Pelops. He was asked to write it by one of his

836

'A omits: but it is not by him.

837 'A adds: both the authentic and those attributed to him. This section of Galen’s De libr. propr. has been lost in the Greek. For the Arabic version, see Boudon,

“Deux manuscrits médicaux arabes,” 1216-17, and “Galen’s On My Own Books,” 17-18. °%A adds: apart from what has already been mentioned on this subject, and that which has already been mentioned is Natural Faculties; see §15.

36

Works on the Activities and Uses ef the Parts ef the Body

01

0 51

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§l"A

52 Ὁ ΟΥ̓

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

fellow students.' (3) In its first two volumes and in the first part of its third, he describes what he had learned from his teacher Pelops on this subject. (4) In the rest of the third volume, he then describes what he himself had discovered. (5) I did not translate this book into Syriac,? although Istifan ibn Basil translated it into Arabic.’ (6) Later, Abu Ja‘ far Muhammad

ibn Musa asked me to translate the Greek* and correct its

errors,” if there were any, which I did. (7) Later, Yuhanna ibn Masawayh asked Hubaysh to translate it® from Arabic into Syriac, which he did.

Causes of Breathing

§39

(1) He composed this book in two volumes, during his first visit to Rome, for Boethus.' (2) His purpose in it is to show which organs give rise to breathing, both that which is unforced and that which is forced. (3) Job

_has produced an unintelligible translation. (4) Istifan also translated it into Arabic. (5) Abu Ja’far made the same request regarding it that he made regarding the preceding book. He bade Istifan to collate it with me, and I corrected the Syriac and Arabic together until the Syriac became stylistically intelligible, with nothing to fault’ (as I desired to have a copy for my son) and the same regarding the Arabic, except that it was* far more accurate than the Syriac.

§38 ‘For the circumstances of Galen’s composition of this book, Hunayn’s memory either failed him or he misunderstood the relevant passage in Galen’s De libr. propr. 2 (ed. Kiihn, 19:16—17). Because of an outbreak of plague in Rome, Galen returned to Pergamum. He did not then go to Smyrna to study with Pelops. Galen’s studies with Pelops had taken place before his first stay in Rome. While Galen does discuss this book (and three others) in the context of events

that took place after his return from Rome, he is quite clear that they were composed before his first visit to Rome. ?A adds: nor did anyone else before me. °A adds: for Muhammad ibn Misa. *A reads: to collate it. Cf. §39.5. °A corrects the rather broken Arabic of B. °A adds: for him. 8390 'As Galen states at De libr. prop. 1 (ed. Kiihn, 19:13). *A adds: for Muhammad ibn Musa. °A reads: and I corrected the Syriac, with a style that was intelligible, proper, with nothing to fault. *A adds: originally.

37

Works on the Activities and Uses ef the Parts ef the Body

01" 0 53

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54 Ὁ o¢

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Voice

§40

(1) He composed this book in four volumes, after the book I just mentioned.' (2) His purpose in it is to show how the voice arises, its nature and its essence, through which organs it arises, which organs also aid in

38

its arising, and how voices differ. (3) I did not translate this book into

Syriac, nor did any of my predecessors, although I did translate it into Arabic for Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik,? some twenty years ago, and tried my hardest to produce a corrective edition of it, in accordance with that man’s fine intelligence. (4) Muhammad read it and changed many of its words, according as he considered it better. (5) Later, Abu Ja‘ far Muhammad ibn Misa took a look both at it and at the first version and

chose to have the first copied. might know the reason for the they are both to be found. Hubaysh to translate this book

(6) I wanted to explain this so that one differences between the two copies, since (7) Yuhanna ibn Masawayh had asked from Arabic into Syriac, which he did.

Motion of Muscles’

§41

(1) He composed this book in two volumes. (2) His purpose in it is to elucidate the nature of the motion of the muscles, how these varied motions arise from the muscles, and that their motion is but one motion.

In it he also investigates the breath, whether it arises from natural motions,! and examines a number of other subtle matters in this field.

(3) I have translated this book into Syriac. Prior to me, no one had translated it. (4) Istifan ibn Basil also translated it into Arabic. (5) Abu

Jafar asked me to collate it with the Greek and correct it, which I did.

§40 ‘At De libr. propr. 1 (ed. Κύμη, 19:13) Galen mentions this book in connection with Causes of Breathing and states that both were composed for Boethus. He does not, however, provide information on their order of composition.

7A adds:

the wazir. It should be noted that I have corrected B’s ‘Abd Allah to read “Abd alMalik, which is also the reading of A. No Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah is elsewhere mentioned in the text. §41 ‘For Motion of Muscles, A reads: Muscles. 'A reads: whether it arises from voluntary motions or from natural motions.

39

Works on the Activities and Uses of the Parts of the Body

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56 ὦ on

Hunayn ibn Ishag on His Galen Translations

Mistaken Beliefs on the Distinction of Urine

§42

(1) This book consists of a single volume.’ (2) I have happened on a copy of it in Greek, but it has not been possible to read it, let alone translate it. No one else has translated it either.

40

Usefulness of the Pulse’

§43

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) In it he shows the useful-

4]

ness of the pulse. (3) I have translated it into Syriac for Salmawayh. (4) Hubaysh translated it from my version! into Arabic, along with Pulse.’ (5) My son Ishag has translated this book into Arabic for “Isa ibn Yiinus.’

Usefulness of Respiration’ §44

(1) This book consists of a single volume, but one that is copious.' (2) In it he investigates the usefulness of respiration. (3) Ido not know whether this book was translated into Syriac. (4) As for Arabic, Istifan has translated it. (5) I myself also translated roughly half of it into Arabic, for Abu Ja far—something happened to prevent its completion. (6) Later, my disciple “Isa ibn Yahya asked me to translate it into Syriac, which I did.

§42

'Prior to this sentence, A adds: Jt has not been translated.

§43 “A reads: The Need for the Pulse. ‘A omits: from my version. 7A reads: along with The Large Book of the Pulse. Cf. §18.15. *A reads: Ishaq ibn Hunayn translated it after the death of his father. Something seems to be wrong with the text here, perhaps in B, perhaps in A. If one accepts the testimony of A, one has to conclude that the corresponding passage in B is a later addition to the text, and that the person adding it was willing to speak in the first person, writing as if he were Hunayn himself. Either that, or B has suffered some sort of scribal error. Bergstrasser (Neue Materialen, 35) too recognized the problem and was inclined

to think that a later scribe erroneously either added “my son” (zbni) or changed “his son” (ibnuhu) to “my son” (ibni).

§44

“A reads: The Need for Respiration.

‘A reads: large.

42

Works on the Activities and Uses

ef the Parts ef the Body

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58 ὦ

oA

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Whether Blood Is Naturally Contained in the Arteries’ §45

(1) This

book

also consists of a single volume.

(2) His purpose

in it

43

accords with its title. (3) I translated it into Syriac! while still a young man. Moreover,” my translation of it was made from a single copy that was full of errors. (4) Later, I finally put all my efforts into translating it into Syriac. (5) “Isa ibn Yahya translated it into Arabic.

Powers of Purgative Drugs §46

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) In it he shows that purgative drugs are able to purge what they purge not because each drug attracts’ to its own nature what it encounters in the body, so that it can then be discharged and expelled, but rather because each attracts a humor that corresponds and 15 similar to it. (3) Job of Edessa translated this volume into Syriac. (4) I have a copy of it in Greek, which I have translated into Syriac.’

44

Habits

§47

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) His purpose in it is to show that habit is one of the symptoms that should be examined. (3) I have translated this volume into Syriac for Salmawayh—may God have mercy on him.’ (4) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.’ (5) This volume is followed by a com-

mentary derived from Proclus on the Platonic proof texts that Galen had cited in it, as well as by a commentary derived from Galen on the sayings of Hippocrates that he had cited.’

845 “Areads: On the Arteries, Whether or Not Natural Blood Naturally Flows in Them. ‘A adds: for Jibril. *For Moreover, A reads: I was not, however, confident about its accuracy, as. §46 ΙΑ reads: changes. 2. adds: ‘Isd ibn Yahya translated it into Arabic. δ47 ΙΑ omits: may God have mercy upon him. *A places this sentence after §47.5. This must originally have been a marginal note. *Meyerhof (“New Light,” 695) wrongly identified the two commentaries mentioned in §47.5 as Galen’s Definitiones medicae. For the commentary of Proclus, see Pfaff, “Kommentar des Proklos,” 53-60.

45

Works on the Activities and Uses

ef the Parts ef the Boc[y

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70 ὃ ν.

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Repletion 859

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) In it he describes and classifies superfluities of the humors, describing also the signs for each of their kinds. (3) I have translated it into Syriac, not long ago, for Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril, employing my customary weighty’ style. It is, in my opinion, the most elegant style, as well as the more precise and forceful representation of the Greek, without, however, [requiring] abandoning’ the rules of Syriac. (4) Later, Bukhtisha® asked me to translate it again, in a style more loose, smooth, and expansive than the first, which I did. (5) Istifan ibn Basil has translated it into Arabic, although I have not been able to examine

96

[his version].

Tumors

$60

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) Galen entitled it The Different Kinds of Unnatural Masses. (3) In it he describes all of the different kinds of tumors and their signs. (4) Until now, it has not been possible for me to translate it, although I did make an epitome of it.' (5) I think that Job has translated it. (6) Ibrahim ibn al-Salt translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.’

97

Initial Causes, That Is, First [Causes], Which Are External”

$61

(1) This book consists of a single volume.

(2) In it Galen

shows

that

initial causes have an effect on the body, while refuting those who reject their effect.’ (3) Job has translated it. (4) I owned a copy in Greek, although I did not have time to translate it.

§59 'A omits: weighty. 7A reads: overstepping. §60 'A reads: 7 made an epitome of this book in tabular form, along with the ten [other] volumes which I epitomized. For this abridged version, see Savage-Smith, “Galen’s Lost Ophthalmology,” 129. ?A adds: Later, it was found in the translation of Hubaysh and in his handwriting. §61 “A adds: to the Body. ‘Following the Stoics, Galen distinguished three types of efficient cause: the initial cause (prokatarktikon = sabab badi’), the antecedent cause (proégoumenon = sabab sabiq), and the cohesive cause (sunektikon = sabab wasil

38

Works to Be Read before Therapeutic Method

VI

O 71

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or miisik). As explained by Nutton ("Seeds of Disease," 4), the initial cause, which is external to the body, leads to "harmful changes in the body's condition by an alteration of the humours"; the antecedent cause is "a predisposition of the body to be affected by a disease"; and the cohesive cause, which is "brought about by the other two, acting either singly or together, was a state of an organ or bodily part which prevented it from exercising its proper function."

§11

72 @ vy

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Cohesive Causes

§62

of Disease

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) In it he describes the cohesive causes of disease,’

[that is], its efficient

[causes]. (3) What

39

I said

regarding the previous book applies also to this one.

Tremor, Rigor, Palpitation, and Spasm’ $63

(1) Everything I said regarding the previous book applies also to this one. (2) Later,! I translated about half of it into Syriac.’ (3) Later, I finished translating it.’ (4) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic.

60

Parts of Medicine

$64

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) In it he divides medicine in a variety of ways.' (3) I have translated this book into Syriac for a certain man named ‘Ali, who is known as al-Fayyum.? (4) Later, I began translating some of it into Arabic.’ (5) Ishaq finished his transla-

tion after the death of his father.’

§62

'See δ61η].

§63 “The order of items in the title follows Galen’s De libr. propr. 3 (ed. Κύμη, 19:30). 'A omits: Later. ?A omits: into Syriac. *A adds: into Syriac. §64 'That is, Galen discusses the various ways that the art of medicine can be divided into subdisciplines. *For the form of his name, see the comments in appendix 2, s.v. ““Ali, who is known as al-Fayyim.” °A reads: Roughly two months before his death, Hunayn translated more than half of this book. For a discussion of this and the following sentence, see the introduction, p. xxv. *A reads: His son Ishaq finished it, into Arabic.

6]

Works to Be Read before Therapeutic Method

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92 ὦ vy

Hunayn ibn Ishag on His Galen Translations

Regimen of the Healthy’ $89

(1) Galen wrote this book in six volumes. (2) His purpose in it is to teach

84

how the healthy might be preserved in their health: those who are at the pinnacle of health and those whose health falls short of the pinnacle, and those who are freeborn and those who are slaves. (3) Theophilus of

Edessa has translated this book into Syriac, but very poorly. (4) Later, I myself translated it for Bukhtishi® ibn Jibril the physician, although at the time of my translation I had only a single copy. (5) Later, I found another copy in Greek. I thus collated and corrected it.' (6) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for

Abi Ja’ far Muhammad ibn Misa.’

Thrasybulus’ $90

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) His purpose in it is to inves- 85 tigate whether the healthy are preserved in their health through the art of medicine or through the art of the proponents of exercise. (3) This is the volume to which he makes reference at the beginning of Regimen of the Healthy,' when he says: “The art that undertakes to take care of bodies is one, as I showed in another book.”? (4) I have translated this volume into Syriac. (5) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.

§89 “A reads: Method of Preserving Health. Later, Ishaq translated it for ‘Ali ibn Yahya.

'A adds: from the Greek.

*A adds:

§90 “Lit. “His book called Thrasybulus.” 'For this work, see 889. ?In Greek: tés peri to soma tanthropou technés mias ousés, hos en heterdi dedeiktai grammati (ed. Kuhn, 6:1).

Works on the Treatment

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94 ὦ %

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Exercise with the Small Ball

δ0]

(1) This book consists of a single, small volume. (2) In it he praises the

86

exercise of playing with the sawlajan and the small ball,' preferring it to all other forms of exercise. (3) I translated it,? along with the previously mentioned volume. (4) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.’

[Commentaries on Hippocrates] §92

(1) {I shall now] recount his commentaries on the works of Hippocrates.

Commentary on Hippocrates’s Oath §93

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) I translated it into Syriac and to it added my own exposition of its difficult passages. (3) Hubaysh

87

translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa!

Commentary on Aphorisms §94

(1) He composed this book in seven volumes.

(2) Job has translated it,

but poorly. (3) Jibril ibn Bukhtishu® wanted to correct it but ended up making it worse. (4) I then collated it with the Greek and corrected it in

such a way that it was like [a whole new] translation. I also added to it,

§91 'The sawlajan was a type of long-handled mallet, used in the Persian game of polo. The game Galen described, however, was akin to rugby. See Marindin, ““Harpastum’ or ‘Pheninda,” 145-49. It did not require a bat of any kind. Hunayn may be adapting his description in order to make it applicable to his contemporaries. 7A adds: into Syriac. °A adds: Ishaq collated this book and corrected it. 893 'A adds: ‘Isa ibn Yahya also translated it.

88

Commentaries on Hippocrates

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96 en

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

separately, the lemmata of Hippocrates’s treatise.’ (5) Ahmad ibn Muhammad, who is known as Ibn al-Mudabbir, asked me to translate for him one

of its volumes, into Arabic.” He then told me not to begin the translation of another volume until he might read that first volume I had translated for him. He got busy, however, and the translation of the book was interrupted. (6) When Abi Jafar Muhammad ibn Musa saw that,’ he asked me to finish translating the book, which I did, in its entirety.

Commentary on Fractures §95

(1) He composed this book in three volumes. (2) I have found a copy of it in Greek, but I have not been able to translate it. (3) Later, I translated it into Syriac, along with the lemmata of Hippocrates’s treatise.

89

Commentary on Dislocation’ $96

(1) Galen composed this book in four volumes. (2) Everything I said concerning the previous book also applies to the present.

90

Commentary on Prognosis §97

(1) He composed this book in three volumes. (2) Sergius al-Ra’si has translated it into Syriac. (3) Later, I myself translated it' for Salmawayh. (4) I also translated it? into Arabic for Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn Misa.’

§94

'The lemmata were the passages on which Galen was commenting. These

passages

were

sometimes

complete,

sometimes

partial,

and

sometimes

peri-

phrastic. Fortunately, they often amounted to the whole treatise. Many Arabic versions of Hippocrates’s treatises are based on these lemmata rather than on

independently transmitted versions of the treatises. *A reads: asked me to translate it for him, and I translated one volume into Arabic. *A adds: volume. §96 “A reads: Commentary on Reduction of Dislocation. 807 'A adds: into Syriac. ?A reads: translated the lemmata of his treatise. *A adds: and ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated the commentary into Arabic.

9]

w O 97

Commentaries on Hippocrates

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al-anbii', 145): "Galen says in the catalogue of his books that he commented on it [Regimen in Acute Diseases] in five volumes and that these three volumes are the commentary on the authentic part of this book, while the remaining two volumes contain a commentary on [the part] about which there are doubts." A adds: IJ (r) .o.>.>IJ 41\a.. y~I l.ui (1) §1,, .J..~I r-J6'~~~I tJ ~lv-JI JI .l"! ;r

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in §101.7. AB-.!ll!l\C

102 Ὁ wy

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

the [other] three volumes, that is, the fourth, fifth, and seventh, Galen

did not comment on them, as he believed that they were falsely attributed to Hippocrates and, moreover, that the forger was off target. (15) I have added to the part I translated of Galen’s commentary on the second volume of this book a separate translation into Syriac and into Arabic of the lemmata of Hippocrates’s treatise in that volume. (16) Later, I translated into Arabic the eight volumes of Galen’s commentary on the sixth volume.’

Commentary on Humors §102

(1) He states' that he composed this book in three volumes. I have not seen them.? (2) Later, I found them and translated them into Syriac, along with the lemmata of Hippocrates’s treatise. (3) “Isa ibn Yahy4 translated it into

96

Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.

Commentary on Prediction’ §103

(1) Until now, I have not found a copy of this book.

"A adds: In that there were a total of nineteen volumes in Galen’s commentary on these four volumes of Hippocrates’s Epidemics (that is, the first, second, third, and sixth), I epitomized it

in Syriac, by way of question and answer. ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated them into Arabic. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (“Uyiin al-anba’, 272) gives as its title Thimar al-sab° “ashrat al-maqalah al-mawjitdah min Kitab Jalinus li-Kitab Abidhimiya li-Ibuqrat ‘ala tariq al-mas°alah wa-ljawab (The fruits of the nineteen [reading al-tis for al-sab‘] extant volumes of Galen’s

book on Hippocrates’s Epidemics, by way of question and answer). Cf. Savage-Smith, “Galen’s Lost Ophthalmology,” 129; and Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:256. 8102 'De libr. propr. 6 (ed. Κύμη, 19:36). 2A adds: in the past, in Greek. §103 “A reads: Commentary on Forewarning.

97

Commentaries on Hippocrates

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Commentary on In the Surgery §104

(1) He commented on this book in three volumes. (2) I have found a copy

98

of it in Greek, but it has not been possible for me to read it as I should, let alone translate it, nor do I know whether anyone else translated it. (3) There is a copy in Greek among my books. (4) Later, I translated it into Syriac.’ (5) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja far.

Commentary on Air, Water, and Places

§105

(1) He wrote this book in three volumes. (2) I translated it into Syriac for Salmawayh. (3) I also translated the lemmata of Hippocrates’s trea-

99

tise. To it I added a short exposition, which I did not finish.' (4) I also

translated the lemmata into Arabic for Abu Jafar. (5) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated Galen’s commentary into Arabic for Abu Ja far Muhammad ibn Musa. |

Commentary on Nutrition §106

(1) He

composed

this book

in four volumes.

(2) I translated

it into

Syriac for Salmawayh. (3) I also translated the lemmata of Hippocrates’s treatise [found] in this book and to it added a short exposition.!

§104

'A adds: and made an epitome of it. Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah (‘Uyiin al-anba’, 272)

entitles this work Thimar tafsir Jalinis li-Kitab Qatitriyin li-Ibugrat ‘ala tarig al-mas°alah

wa-l-jawab (The fruits of the commentary of Galen on Hippocrates’s In the Surgery, by way of question and answer). §105 ‘Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (‘Uyiin al-anba’, 272) gives as its title Sharh Kitab al-hawa’ wa-l-ma’ wa-l-masakin li-Ibugrat (Exposition of Hippocrates’s Air, Water, and Places)

and says that Hunayn did not finish it. §106 ‘Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (“Uyin al-anba’, 272) gives as its title Sharh Kitab al-ghidha” li-Ibugrat (Exposition of Hippocrates’s Nutrition).

100

Commentaries on Hippocrates

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44

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Commentary on Nature of the Embryo §107

(1) As for this book, we have not found a commentary on it by Galen, nor

10)

have we found that Galen mentioned in his Catalogue that he wrote a commentary on it, although we did find that he divided this book into three parts! in his book on anatomy.” (2) He mentioned that the first and

third parts of this book are forgeries. They are not by Hippocrates. The only authentic part is its second. (3) Gesius of Alexandria commented on

this part.’ (4) I have found two commentaries that treat all three parts. One of these is in Syriac and is ascribed to Galen. Sergius al-Ra’si has translated it. When we investigated it, we knew that it was by Pelops.* The other is in Greek. When we investigated it also, we knew that it was by Soranus,” an adherent of the sect of the Methodists.°

Commentary on Nature of Man §108

(1) According to what I remember, he composed this book in three volumes. (2) There is a copy of it in Greek among my books, but it has not been possible for me to translate it, nor do I know whether anyone else translated it. (3) Later, I translated the lemmata of this book into Syriac and began to translate the commentary. (4) Later, I finished? it.’

8107 ‘Cf. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (‘Uyan al-anba’, 54), where this work is said to consist of three volumes: on sperm, on the generation of the embryo, and on the generation of the members of the body (that is, De semine, De natura pueri, and De morbis). *A reads: in the book he wrote on Hippocrates’s Knowledge of Anatomy. That is, Galen’s lost De Hippocratis anatomia (discussed in §30). B’s reading (cf. §23.3) suggests that it is a question of Galen’s De anatomicis administrationibus (discussed in §24). This is not a topic anywhere treated in that book, however. *For this commentary, which is no longer extant, see Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum, 123 no. 100; and

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:160-61. *There is controversy over the correct reading of the name here. Possibilities include that provisionally adopted here (Pelops), as well as Thessalus and Polybus. For an overview of the evidence and extensive

bibliography,

see Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum,

182 no.

197,

185 no.

203, and 216 no. 259. °Hanson and Green (“Soranus of Ephesus,” 1020-21) argue that no such commentary is likely to have been written by Soranus, but that the manuscript at Hunayn’s disposal likely erroneously ascribed to Soranus a work originally written by Sabinus. Cf. also Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum, 200; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifitums, 3:61; and Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 77. °A adds: Hunayn

102

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Commentaries on Hippocrates

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

The Substance of the Soul, What It Is, accordingto Asclepiades §116

(1) I have translated this volume into Syriac for Jibril ibn Bukhtisha*. I was young at the time, and I am not at all confident as to its accuracy, as I, moreover, translated it from a single, inaccurate copy.

108

[Works on the Empiricists] $117

(1) As for works after the manner of the proponents of empiricism, I have found three volumes, which I shall now mention.

Medical Empiricism §118

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) In it he relates the proofs put forth by the proponents of empiricism and by the proponents of reason, one against the other. (3) Not long ago, I translated it into Syriac for Bukhtishu’.

109

Exhortation to the Learning of Medicine’ §119

(1) In it he expounded the book of Menodotus.' (2) This book also consists of a single volume, one that is nice, elegant, and beneficial. (3) I

have translated it into Syriac for Bukhtishu*.? (4) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.

§119 “A reads: Exhortation to the Teaching of Medicine. ‘A omits this sentence. Hunayn seems to be drawing this inference from one of the variant forms of the work’s title: Galénou paraphrastou tou Ménodotou protreptikos logos epi tas technas. 7A reads: Jibril.

110

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Outline of Empiricism §120

(1) This book also consists of a single volume. (2) There is a copy of it among my books, but I have not translated it.

11]

[Works Not Mentioned in Galen’s Catalogue] δ12]

(1) As for the rest of the books after the manner of the third medical sect,' I have found only a single volume, which I did not own.’ (2) I knew that it was a forgery, but I nevertheless translated it into Syriac for Bukhtishu*. (3) I have found other medical?’ works of his that he did not mention in the Catalogue, which I shall now mention.

Examination of Physicians" §122

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) I have translated it into Syriac for Bukhtishu*. (3) I translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja‘ far.

112

What He Believes by Way of Opinion §123

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) In it he describes what is

known and what is not known. (3) Job has translated it into Syriac. (4) I translated it into Syriac for my son Ishaq. (5) Thabit' translated it into Arabic for Abi Jafar Muhammad ibn Misa.?

§121 'That is, the Empiricists. *A omits: which I did not own. °A omits: medical. §122 “A reads: Examination [to Determine] the Best Physicians. 8123 'A adds: Ibn Qurrah. *A adds: ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated it into Arabic, which Ishaq collated with the original and corrected, for ‘Abd Allah ibn Ishaq. 1 have tentatively followed Bergstrdsser’s emendation of wa-aslahtuhu (“and I corrected it”) to wa-aslahahu (“and he corrected it”). It should be noted, though, that Hunayn did translate at least one work for ‘Abd Allah ibn Ishaq (§110.4).

113

Works Not Mentioned in Galen's Catalogue

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116 ὦ ww

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Medical Names

§124

(1) He composed this book in five volumes. (2) His purpose in it is to explain the names that physicians use, in what sense they use them. (3) There is a copy of it in Greek among my books, but I have not translated it, nor has anyone

114

else. (4) Later, I translated into Syriac three

volumes from it. (5) Hubaysh translated into Arabic a single volume.’

[Works on Logic] §125

(1) As for what I have found of his books on logical demonstration, I shall now mention the following:

Logical Demonstration’ §126

(1) He wrote this book in fifteen volumes. (2) In it his purpose is to elucidate the method of demonstrating what is demonstrated by way of necessity. This was also the purpose of Aristotle in his fourth book on logic. (3) Until now, none of our contemporaries has found a complete copy of this book in Greek, notwithstanding that Jibril ibn Bukhtishu" has sought it with great care and I myself looked hard for it and for that purpose journeyed through al-Jazirah,'’ the whole of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, until I reached Alexandria, and I found not a bit of it—except in Damascus, roughly half of it, although its volumes were neither consecutive nor complete. (4) Jibril has also found some of its volumes, not all of which are identical with what I found. (5) Job translated for him those that he had found. (6) As for me, I had no desire to translate any of it,

nor even to finish reading it,” because of its lacunae,’ and because of my

8124 'The whole of this paragraph (in the recension of A) has been independently preserved in Leiden or. 585. For an edition, see Dozy et al., Catalogus, 3:225-26. §126

“That is, his Posterior Analytics.

'That is, northwest Mesopotamia.

?For

nor even to finish reading it, A reads: unless [it were possible] to read it completely. 1 have not adopted Bergstrasser’s correction but have kept the manuscript’s illa, which is also the reading of Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyiin al-anba’, 147. °A adds: and disrepair.

115

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118 ὦ wa

Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

hope and expectation.‘ (7) I translated’ into Syriac those parts of it that I found: that is, a small part of the second volume, most of the third volume, roughly half the fourth volume,’ the ninth volume (excepting part of its beginning, which was lacking), and the rest of the volumes to the end of the book’ (excepting the fifteenth volume, there being at the end a lacuna). (8) ‘Isa ibn Yahya translated into Arabic those parts of this book that had been found,’ to the eleventh volume.’ (9) Ishaq ibn Hunayn translated the remainder.”°

[Works on Moral Philosophy] §127

(1) As for Galen’s other books on this subject, despite their great number, as indicated by the Catalogue,' I have not run across any of them at all—(2) excepting his volumes? Hypothetical Syllogisms, which I did not properly examine, nor do I know what is in them; some fragments of his book The Structure of Constructions;> and some volumes that I shall mention when I discuss the books concerning the philosophy of Aristotle*— (3) for this reason, there is no need for me

to mention

each of these

books, since the one who wishes may learn about them from the Catalogue. (4) As for what we have discovered of his works on moral philosophy:

*A adds: of finding a compete copy of this book. It is possible that there is here a lacuna in B. As B now stands, Hunayn is laconic to the point of obscurity, and the transition to §126.7 is rather abrupt. I have not adopted Bergstrdsser’s correction of A’s wa-tashawwuf al-nafs to read wa-taswif al-nafs. °Before I translated, A adds: Later. ®A adds: from its beginning. ‘For and the rest of the volumes to the end of the book, A reads: and as for the rest of the final volumes, they were found [or perhaps: I found (them)], up to the end of the book. The text of A thus seems to suggest that Hunayn did not translate into Syriac these final volumes. °I am vocalizing the verb w.j.d. as wujida. One could also vocalize it as wajada and translate: that he found. °Before to the eleventh volume, A adds: from the second. '°A reads: translated into Arabic the twelfth through fifteen volumes. §126.9 is the only place in B (apart from §§1.1 and 145.1—both passages evidently scribal in origin) where Hunayn is spoken of in the third person. One would

expect

his

more

regular

“Ishaq

my

son.”

Cf.,

e.g.,

§§4.3,

82.4,

123.4,

116 117

Works on Moral Philosophy

II\ 0 119

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133.4, 139.4. It may be that a later scribe has changed B's text. Or perhaps §126.9 represents a later addition to the text. §127 1Cf. De libr. propr. 11 (ed. Kiihn, 19:43-45), where more than twenty works are mentioned. 2A reads: his volume. Ns correction is appropriate, as the work in question consisted of but a single volume. See De libr. propr. 11 (ed. Kiihn, 19:43). 3 For the title of this work, see Rescher, "Some Arabic Technical Terms," 204. 4 See below at §§138-40.

120

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Diagnosis of One’s Own Faults’ §128

(1) As for Galen, he states' that he wrote two volumes on this subject. (2) As for me, I have been able to find only a single volume, and that incomplete. (3) Some time ago, I translated part of it into Syriac for David the physician. The translation, however, was interrupted, without my being able to finish translating what I had found on the subject in Greek—and this because of an incident that occurred. (4) Later, not long ago, Bukhtishi*® asked me to finish it for him. I thus gave it to a certain

118

man from Edessa named Thomas, who translated what remained. I, in turn, examined, corrected, and added it to the preceding.

Dispositions of the Soul” §129

(1) He wrote describe

this book in four volumes.

the different

(2) His purpose

kinds of dispositions,

their causes,

in it is to their signs,

and their treatment. (3) Later,’ this book was translated into Syriac by a certain Harranian? named Mansir ibn Banas.’ (4) It is claimed that Job of Edessa has also translated it. (5) As for Mansur’s

translation, I

have seen it but was not pleased with it. (6) As for what they claim Job translated, I have not seen it, nor do I know whether or not he actually translated any of this book. (7) As for me, I did not translate this book

into Syriac, although I did translate it into Arabic. It was the first thing I translated for Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Musa.‘ I then got busy with my association with Muhammad ibn “Abd al-Malik, and its translation was interrupted.° Later, Abu Ja far learned of where the book stood and® asked me to finish translating it, which I did. (8) Hubaysh the physician translated it from my translation into Syriac, for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh the physician, although I have not seen that version.

§128 “A reads: How One Diagnoses One’s Own Misdeeds and Faults. ‘Galen, De libr. propr. 12 (ed. Kiihn, 19:45). 8129 *A omits: of the Soul. ‘A omits: Later. ?A reads: Sabian. *A reads: Athanas. Both forms of the name should be considered provisional. See the comments in appendix 2, s.v. “Mansur ibn Banas.” ‘A reads: My translation was for Muhammad ibn Misa. °A reads: I then got distracted from this book by my association with Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. °A omits: learned of where the book stood and.

119

Works on Moral Philosophy

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Averting Grief §130

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) He addressed it to someone who had asked him just why he had never seen him grieve. He explained the reason for this and showed for what one must grieve and for what one must not. (3) Job of Edessa then! translated this book into Syriac. (4) Later, I translated it? a second time for David the physician. (5) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abu Ja far.

120

That the Virtuous Benefit from Their Enemies

§131

(1) This book also consists of a single volume.

(2) I translated it into

Syriac for David the physician. (3) Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated it into Arabic for Abi Ja’ far.’

[Works on Plato]

§132

(1) As for the books after the manner of the philosophy of Plato, I have found only two, apart from Opinions [of Hippocrates and Plato], which we already mentioned.' (2) I shall now mention the two books that I found.?

8130 813] 8132

ΙΑ omits: then. Cf. 8129η1. ΤΑ adds: into Syriac. ΙΑ adds: ‘Isa also translated it into Arabic. 'See §48. 2A omits this sentence.

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Hunayn ibn Ishaq on His Galen Translations

Plato’s Medical Statements in the Timaeus

§133

(1) He composed this book in four volumes. (2) I found [a copy of] it,' although a small portion of its beginning was lacking. I have not been able to translate it. (3) Later, I translated it into Syriac, supplying what

122

was lacking at its beginning.’ (4) I translated one volume’ into Arabic,

while Ishaq my son finished translating it.’

That the Faculties of the Soul Follow the Mixtures of the Body §134

(1) This book consists of a single volume. (2) His purpose in it is clear from its title. (3) Job translated it into Syriac. (4) I translated it a second time!’ for Salmawayh. (5) From my translation, Hubaysh translated it into Arabic for Abi Ja‘ far. (6) I have heard that Abu Ja‘ far, with the help

123

of Istifan, collated it with the Greek? and corrected some passages in it.

[Epitomes of Plato’s Dialogues]

§135

(1) On this subject, I have found another book by Galen, containing four out of a total of eight volumes,' in which are found epitomes of Plato’s books. (2) The first volume contains epitomes of five of Plato’s books: Cratylus,? Sophist,’ Statesman,* Parmenides,? and Euthydemus. (3) The second volume contains epitomes of four volumes of Plato’s book Politics.® (4) The

8133 ΙΑ adds: in Harran. 7It would seem that Hunayn filled the lacunae in this work ex ingenio. See Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 166 no. 28, and cf. above at §31.5. 3A reads: translated its first volume. *A reads: while Ishaq translated the remaining three volumes into Arabic.

8134 ΙΑ reads: I translated it into Syriac. *One might also translate: 7 have heard that Abu Ja‘ far, with the help of Istifan the Greek, collated it. While this might appear the more natural mterpretation of the clumsy Arabic, the parallels at §§72.5 and 94.4

do not support it. §135 'That there were a total of eight books is stated by Galen himself at De libr. propr. 13 (ed. Kiihn, 19:46). *A adds: on names. °A adds: on division. *A adds: on the governor. °Aadds:on form. °®That is, the Republic. Cf. Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 155 no. 96.

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copy from which I copied it, at the end of his copy, said, reporting from the owner of the copy from which he himself made his copy, that he did not find these excerpts [mentioned] in the copy of ~li ibn Ya!rya, but in another copy. The reference is to the seven epitomes. For a discussion of this passage, see the introduction, pp. xxiii-xxiv n. 49. §145 1A reads: Here ends the book ofAbu Zayd Ifunayn ibn Is&aq on which of Galen's books have to the best of his knowledge been translated. Much praise be to God!

Appendix 1 Talkhis, Takhallus, and Talakhkhus

Hunayn’s

use of the terms ¢alkhis, takhallus, and talakhkhus is peculiar.

The following instances are encountered in the treatise.’ (If the reading of A is not also noted, it can be assumed to be the same as B.) §7.6 Of Salmawayh: “I was exceedingly eager to talkhis [takhallus ΑἹ thoroughly all that I translated for him.” §17.7 Of his corrected version of Diagnosis of Affected Places: “In that the copyists did not takhallus the corrections as they should, but rather each of them proceeded (sadara) in his copy [takhallus-ed some of those passages A] according to his abilities, the book was left in a state that was utterly imperfect, until the present time.” §18.13 Of his translation of Large Book of the Pulse for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh: I tried “my hardest to attend to the talkhis of it, as well as to proper diction.” §22.18 Of the first six volumes of Therapeutic Method, whose sole Greek manuscript was full of errors: “For this reason, it was not possible for me

to takhallus those volumes as much

as I should.” Later, however,

Hunayn found another copy, which he collated and corrected.

Ι. At §57.3, Hunayn uses talkhis in one of its standard senses, “to summarize.”

In speaking of Galen and his book Signs of the Eye, Hunayn writes: “In it he summarizes (talkhis) the diseases that occur in each of the tunics of the eye and describes their signs.” For this sense of the term, cf. Benmakhlouf and Diebler, Averroés, 11-13.

133

134

Appendix 1 §27.4 Of his Syriac version of Disagreements in Anatomy: “1 translated it anew into Syriac for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, and _ talkhis-ed [takhallus-ed A] it with a good talkhis [takhallus A].”? §30.5 Of his Syriac version of Hippocrates’s Knowledge of Anatomy: “and I talkhis-ed it and takhallus-ed [A omits: and takhallus-ed] it as much as possible.” §31.5 Of his Syriac translation of Erasistratus’s Knowledge of Anatomy, for which he could find only a single Greek manuscript, which was incomplete and full of errors: “It was only with great effort that I was able to takhallus [talkhis A] it. In the end, however, it left my hands fully intelligible.” §35.3 Hunayn could not remember whether he translated or only corrected Anatomy of the Organs of the Voice: “although I do know that I takhallus-ed {talakhkhus-ed A] it as best I could.” §36.4 Job had translated Anatomy of the Eye. Later, Hunayn “takhallus-ed [talakhkhus-ed A] it, with the aid of Yuhanna ibn Masawayh.” He seems to be speaking of Job’s version. §40.3 Of his Arabic version of Voice for Muhammad ibn “Abd alMalik: “[I] tried my hardest to ¢talkhis it, in accordance with that man’s fine intelligence.” §56.8 Of Job’s Syriac version of Simple Drugs, compared to that of Joseph al-Khiri: “Later, Job of Edessa translated it, in a manner more correct than Joseph, although he did not takhallus it as thoroughly as he should have. §56.9 Of his own Syriac version of Simple Drugs: “Later, I translated it for Salmawayh ibn Bunan, and I tried my hardest to ¢akhallus it.” §101.8 Of the second part of Commentary on Epidemics, for which Hunayn had only one Greek manuscript, which was full of errors and gaps: “I takhallus-ed it in the Greek, and then translated it into Syriac,

and then into Arabic.” While the Ayasofya manuscript of A is identical to B, the excerpt of A preserved in Escurial ar. 805° reads talkhis.

2. Cf. Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyin al-anba’, 262, where it is reported of Hunayn that “he elucidated the meaning of the books of Hippocrates and Galen, talkhis-ed them with a good talkhis, clarified what was obscure in them, and expli-

cated their difficulties.” 3. See the introduction, p. xxvili n. 58.

Talkhis, Takhallus, and Talakhkhus

135

In the text, the terms talkhis, takhallus, and talakhkhus would appear to

be used interchangeably, although both recensions seem slightly to prefer takhallus. Even in Classical Arabic, lakhkhasa and khallasa are recorded

to be used interchangeably.* One may note, also, the introduction to the Karaite Yefet’s Arabic version of Genesis (tenth century AD), where its

translator says that his intention was to “translate the words of the book” and to “takhlis [in alliis: talkhis] its meanings (ma°anihi).”’ Be that as it may, Hunayn’s use of the fifth form as transitive is striking and seems to be unattested in the standard dictionaries of Classical Arabic. While some of the text’s variability in usage may reflect scribal carelessness, those passages where the two recensions agree suggest that at least some of the variability was authorial. For this reason, the edition does not regularize the forms. If one were to do so, however, perhaps it would be best to use talkhis throughout. B’s use of both talkhis and takhallus at §30.5 (wa-bdlaghtu ft talkhisiht wa-takhallusihi) would then best be accounted for by supposing that takhallus was originally a marginal correction, now incorporated into the body of the text, but without the cancellation of the earlier reading. But, again, the presence of shared but variable forms in both recensions suggests that at least some of the variability was authorial and ought not be corrected. Judging from their context in Hunayn’s treatise, the terms refer to the final stage in the production of a book, the final process of editing and correcting before transcribing or translating. Hunayn performs this process on Greek manuscripts that he is preparing to translate (§§31.5, 101.8). He performs it on the versions by others (§§35.3, 36.4),

as well as on his own versions (§§7.6, 27.4), whether Syriac or Arabic. It is a process sometimes undertaken by professional copyists (§17.7). It entails the correcting of errors and gaps (§§22.18, 31.5, 101.8) and the

producing of a clean copy (§17.7). It is a product of collation and correction (§22.18). It can be performed thoroughly (§§7.6, 30.5) or less than thoroughly (§§17.7, 22.18, 56.8). To do so well results in a text that is

“fully intelligible” (§31.5). Some patrons demand that the process be done especially thoroughly (§§7.6, 40.3).

The terms seem to be technical expressions from the book trade. The usage does not appear to be attested in the standard dictionaries of

4. See Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, sv. “khallasa” and “lakhkhasa.” 5. See Polliack, Karaite Tradition of Arabic Bible Translation, 41-42.

136

Appendix |

Classical Arabic. I have elsewhere encountered only one other strong parallel—and this in another work by Hunayn. In comments on his translation of Galen’s De vocibus in arte medica usitatis,° Hunayn writes: “The Greek text from which I translated this book into Syriac has so many mistakes and gaps that I was not able to ta/khis their meanings (ma‘aniha).” He thus supplemented the Greek with materials from other works by Galen. Hunayn continues by noting that one passage was especially hard “to takhallus.” It contained a quotation from Aristophanes. This passage Hunayn ended up omitting, both because it was superfluous to Galen’s argument and because he himself was not comfortable with Aristophanes’s language. In his translation of the above-cited passages, Bergstrasser consistently renders all three terms as herstellen (“to produce”). In his later corrections, he suggests that takhallus means “(den Text) genau herstellen (herausbekommen)” and that ftalkhis means “prazis darstellen, wiedergeben.”’ He suspects, however, that some of the variability in usage may stem from scribal error, or perhaps from error on Hunayn’s part. In the rendering of some of these passages, others have offered “parfaire la paraphrase de l’essentiel” (§7.6);° “to be extremely precise” (§7.6);? “débrouillage des passages que j’avais corrigés” (§17.7);'° “did not transcribe ... only corrected” (§17.7);'' “using the utmost care, clarity and a fluent style” (§18.13);'? “to reconstruct the faulty parts” (§22.18);'° “to produce these books” (§22.18);'* “an extract from it was made” (§36.4); “je me suis efforcé 4 la précision” (§40.3);'° “restore it as it should

have

been

restored”

(§56.8);'’ “restore

it as well as possible”

6. For an edition, see Dozy et al., Catalogus, 3:26.

7. Bergstrasser, Neue Materialen, 69-70. 8. Salama-Carr, Traduction a lépoque Abbasside, 64n39.

9. Khamloussy, “Commented Translation,” 59. 10. Salama-Carr, Traduction a lépoque Abbasside, 46n8. 11. Khamloussy, “Commented Translation,” 73. 12. Khamloussy, “Commented Translation,” 77.

13. Meyerhof, “New Light,” 707. 14. Rosenthal, Classical Heritage, 21. 15. Meyerhof, “New Light,” 694. 16. Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 17. Meyerhof, “New Light,” 707.

172.

Talkhis, Takhallus, and Talakhkhus

(§56.8);'° and “so daB ich sie griechisch abschrieb”

137

(§101.8).'? Those

translations that speak of the correction, restoration, or reconstruction

of the text probably come closest to Hunayn’s sense. It may be that Hunayn is attempting to reproduce the Greek technical term diorthosis, which can refer to the process of revising, emending, and editing a work for publication.” In other texts by Hunayn and his school, the term talkhis and its variants often translate diorthosis or dior-

izein, or similar terms such as prosdiorizein.?' The process described by him must have been very like the diorthosis of the editors of late antiquity. To avoid confusion with the methodology of modern critical editions, G. Nagy suggests that diorthosis in this sense should be rendered “corrective editing.”*? This seems to capture well Hunayn’s sense. In translating the passages mentioned above, I have accordingly used the expressions “to produce a corrective edition” or “to produce a correct edition,” or slight variants of these expressions.

18. Meyerhof, “New Light,” 707. 19. Degen, “Epidemienkommentare,” 74. 20. See Gamble, Books and Readers, 122-24; Grafton and Williams, Christianity

and the Transformation of the Book, 13; and Nagy, Poetry as Performance, 118-22. 21. See, e.g., Lyons, Arabic Translation, 58.14, 71.18, 197.1; and Wernhard, “Galen: Uber die Arten der Fieber,” 98.1, 206.2, 210.14. Cf. Benmakhlouf and Diebler, Averroés, 13. One may compare a similar usage in Syriac, where tares and its variants (“to set right, correct”) are used both for book production (Braun,

“Ein Brief des Katholikos Timotheos,” 302—a text contemporary with Hunayn’s treatise) and for rendering Greek terms such as diorthoun, epanorthoun, epidiorthoun, and katorthoun (Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 4808-9).

22. Nagy, Homer’s Text and Language, 22—23, 85.

Appendix 2 Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

‘Abd Allah ibn Ishaq (fl. mid-9th century) This relatively minor patron is mentioned twice by Hunayn, both times in connection with Galen’s philosophical works. It was for him that Hunayn prepared an Arabic version of Galen’s The Best Doctor Must Be a Philosopher (§110.4). This notice is present only in B. For him, Ishaq ibn Hunayn also produced an Arabic version of Galen’s What He Believes by Way of Opinion, a notice found only in A (§123n2). The text is somewhat doubtful, however; it may have been

Hunayn that prepared the translation. Meyerhof suggests that this person may have been the qadi of Baghdad under al-Wathiq (d. 847).

Bibliography:

Meyerhof,

“New

Light,”

716;

Ibn

Abi

“Usaybi‘ah, “Uyun al-anba’, 284. Abii al-Hasan. See Abu al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Musa Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Musa (fl. mid-9th century) Ahmad

ibn Musa was one of the Banu Musa, three brothers who

attained fame in the ninth century for their contributions to philosophy and science, both for their patronage and for their original compositions. He is frequently mentioned by Hunayn as a patron of translations, all into Arabic. Hunayn made a few versions for him (§§4.4, 55.5, 19n1, 144n2). A few versions were also made for him by Ibrahim ibn al-Salt (§60.6) and ‘Isa ibn Yahya (§§86.5, 98.5, 102.3,

73n1). Hubaysh, on the contrary, prepared for him no fewer than ten translations (§§47.4, 54.5, 65.4, 90.5, 91.4, 93.3, 119.4, 17n9, 56n9, 81n4). Bibliography: Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 330—31; Kahhalah,

Mu‘jam al-muallifin, 1:315; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 715; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 167—70.

138

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

139

Abi al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Yahya (d. 888) A scion of the famous Munajjim family, ‘Ali ibn Yahya was a Muslim courtier who served under al-Mutawakkil (d. 861) and later caliphs. He was a patron of translators and accomplished in the arts and sciences, with a library reputed to be among the largest in the world. It was for him that Hunayn wrote the present treatise (8111), and it was through him that Hunayn hoped to recover his lost collection of books (§1.3). For him Hunayn translated numerous works of Galen into Arabic (§§13.6, 19.8, 53.5, 56n9, 138n1, 139n2), as did his son Ishaq and his disciple Hubaysh (§§54.4, 16n11,

89n2,

111n2). Bibliography: Fleischhammer,

“Bana |-Munaggim,”

215-20, and “Reste zweier Dicterbiicher,” 79; Kahhalah, Mu‘jam al-mu“allifin, 2:544; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 714; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 164-69; Samir and Nwyia, Correspondance Islamochrétienne, 538—39; Strohmaier, “Hunain ibn Ishaq,” 163.

Abi Ja‘far. See Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Musa Abi Jafar Muhammad ibn Misa (d. 873) Abu Jafar was another of the Bani Musa,

on whom

see “Abu

al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa.” He was one of the main patrons of the

translation movement. For him Hunayn made numerous Arabic versions of Galen (e.g., §§3.6, 5.9, 6.8, 7.7). Hunayn also mentions other translations made for him by Hubaysh (e.g., §§22.20, 84.8, 89.6, 105.5), Istifan ibn Basil (§§67.4, 38n3, 39n2), and Thabit ibn Qurrah (§§81.5, 123.5). Bibliography: Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 330-31; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 714-15; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 167-70.

Abia Misa ibn ‘Isa al-Katib (fl. second half of 9th century) This person seems to be otherwise unknown. In the present text, he is mentioned

once,

at §87nl, where

it is stated

that ‘Isa ibn

Yahya prepared for him an Arabic version of Galen’s Theriac, to Pamphylianus. Bibliography: Meyerhof, “New Light,” 715. Abi Zakariya Yuhanna ibn Masawayh. See Yuhanna ibn Masawayh Abu Zayd Hunayn ibn Ishaq. See Hunayn ibn Ishaq Ahmad ibn Muhammad, who is known as Ibn al-Mudabbir (d. 883 or 884) This person was an administrative official under a number of ninthcentury caliphs. He performed his duties in localities as diverse as

140

Appendix 2 Samarra, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. He is also said to have been himself a writer and poet. Hunayn mentioned him once, at §94.5, where he records that Ibn al-Mudabbir commissioned an Arabic ver-

sion of the first book of Galen’s Commentary on Aphorisms. Bibliography: Bianquis, “Autonomous Egypt,” 92; Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, “νάπη al-anba’, 284; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 715; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 172-74.

Ahmad ibn Masa. See Abi al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Misa “Ali, who is known as al-Fayyum About him very little is known. apparatus, even the form of his the form found in a variety “Usaybi‘ah,

“Uyun

al-anba’,

(fl. mid-9th century) As can be seen from the edition’s name is uncertain. I have followed of other Arabic sources: Ibn Abi

283;

Ibn

Sina,

Qanun,

4.546;

Ibn

al-Mutran, Bustan al-atibba’, 49. The manner of Hunayn’s single reference to him (§64.3) would suggest that he was not well known even to his contemporaries. Bibliography: Meyerhof, “New Light,” 720; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 163. Cf. Sezgin, Geschichte des

arabischen Schrifttums, 3:231, for a certain Fathyin who flourished in the mid-ninth century.

the physician,

‘Ali ibn Yahya. See Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Yahya

Bukhtishi‘. See Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril Bukhtishu* the Great. See Bukhtishi* ibn Jibril Bukhtishi* ibn Jibril (d. 870) A member of the Church of the East, Bukhtishi®

was the son of

Jibril ibn Bukhtishu‘’, for whom Hunayn had translated medical works in his youth. Bukhtishu® served as personal physician to a number of caliphs, including al-Ma’miun (d. 833). He also authored a number of medical works. Hunayn says that his translations for Bukhtishu® were done with much care and toward the end of his prime (§§13.5, 16.10). He notes too that his son Ishaq undertook

translations for Bukhtishu® (§82n2). Bibliography: Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:110-11; Kahhalah, Mu‘jam al-mu“allifin, 1:422; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 718; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 158-59; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:243,

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

David the physician

14]

(fl. ca. 850)

David was a medical practitioner and a patron to Hunayn. In the present text, Hunayn records having prepared versions of five Galenic works for him

(§§3.6, 6.7, 128.3, 130.4, 131.2). All of these

were translated into Syriac. One was prepared when Hunayn was around thirty years of age (§6.7), that is, ca. 840. Hunayn had a fairly high opinion of his abilities: “This David was intelligent and eager to learn” (§6.7). Meyerhof suggests that it may be a question of David ibn Serapion, who attained renown as a medical practitioner in the last decades of the eighth century. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyun al-anba’, 284; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 719; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 159-61; Sezgin, Geschichte des

arabischen Schrifttums, 3:228-29. Elisha (fl. 6th century) This person seems to be otherwise unknown. He was a contemporary of Sergius of Resh‘ayna. According to Hunayn, it was for him that Sergius (§17.5) translated Galen’s Diagnosis of Affected Places. Hubaysh. See Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan (d. end of 9th century) A member of the Church of the East, Hubaysh was originally from Damascus. He was the nephew and a prominent disciple of Hunayn. While Hubaysh was himself the author of a number of medical works, he is best remembered for his translations. Of these transla-

tions and Hubaysh’s abilities, Hunayn opined (§18.15): “Hubaysh is a man of natural intelligence who seeks to emulate my manner of translation, although I do not think that he is being as careful as by nature he could be.” Of Hubaysh’s numerous translations mentioned in the present treatise, most were made from Hunayn’s Syriac versions into Arabic, most commonly for Abu Ja far Muhammad ibn Musa and Abi al-Hasan Ahmad

ibn Musa. Occasionally, Hubaysh

translated from Arabic into Syriac for Yahanna ibn Masawayh (§§38.7, 40.7, 129.8). Bibliography: Kahhalah, Muam al-mu“allifin, 1:528; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 708-9; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen

Schrifttums, 3:265—66.

Hunayn ibn Ishaq (808-873) See the introduction (pp. xiil—xvill).

142

Appendix 2

Ibn Sahda. See Ibn Sahda of al-Karkh Ibn Sahda of al-Karkh

Little is known about this person. Hunayn mentions him on three occasions. At §5.6, he says that a certain “Ibn Sahda of al-Karkh” translated Galen’s Sects into Syriac. A reads: “Sahda of al-Karkh.” At §6.6, he notes that “Ibn Sahda

al-Karkhi”

translated Galen’s

The Art of Medicine into Syriac. A omits: “al-Karkhi.” At §7.5, he records that “Ibn Sahda al-Karkhi” translated Pulse, To Teuthras. A omits: “al-Karkhi.” At §6.6, Hunayn lists him, perhaps chronologi-

cally, after Sergius (d. 536) but before Job of Edessa (d. ca. 835). Of these translations Hunayn did not think much. Ibn al-Nadim (Fihrist, 305) mentions “Ibn Shahda al-Karkhi,” too, as a translator

(rather poor) of Hippocrates, from Syriac into Arabic. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (‘Uyun al-anba’, 280) mentions an “Ibn Shahda al-Karkhi” and repeats the information of Ibn al-Nadim, mentioning also Ibn Shahda’s father, who is also said to be a translator. It may be noted that both B and A agree that his name was not Ibn Shahda but Ibn Sahda, which would accord with the spelling of the name in Syriac. A certain Bar Sahde of Karka d-Beth Slokh, author of a history of the church and a work against the Magians, was placed by Assemani (Bibliotheca Orientalia, 3:1.229) under the patriarchate of Pethion (731-40). Wright (History of Syriac Literature, 185), Chabot (Littérature syriaque, 105-6), and Duval (Littérature syriaque, 213) accepted Assemani’s date. Baumstark (Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 135) was dubious and wished to place him in the pre-Islamic period. Another Bar Sahde (d. 745) is known to have studied in the East Syrian school at Basra (Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 361). Yet another Bar Sahde taught at the School of Nisibis in the early decades of the seventh century (Becker, Fear of God, 1). All of these figures are rather too early to identify with the person mentioned by Hunayn—if, in fact, he was responsible for an Arabic version of Hippocrates’s works. Bibliography: Meyerhof, “New Light,” 704; Mingana, Book of Treasures, xvi; Ritter and Walzer, “Arabische Ubersetzungen,” 805, 830; Sezgin, Geschichte

des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:83.

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

143

Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn Misa (fl. second half of 9th century) Perhaps a son of Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Musa, of the Banu Musa. He is mentioned once, at §97.4, where Hunayn states that it was for him that he produced an Arabic version of Galen’s commentary on Hippocrates’s Prognosis. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uytn al-anba’, 284; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 715. Ibrahim ibn al-Salt (fi. mid-9th century) He was a member of the Church of the East and translator of medi-

cal, philosophical, and astronomical works into Syriac and Arabic. Little is known about the details of his life. He is mentioned three

times in the present text, as a translator of Galenic works into both Arabic and Syriac (§§60.6, 75.2, 78.4). In that one of his transla-

tions was prepared for Abu al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Musa (§60.6), he must have flourished in the mid-ninth century. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “Uyin al-anba’, 282; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 305, 311, 327; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 705.

“Isa. See “Isa ibn Yahya. “Isa ibn ‘Ali Mentioned in A at §58n2 as a result of scribal error. Read: ‘Isa ibn

Yahya. “Isa ibn Musa Mentioned in B at §98.5 as a result of scribal error. Read: ‘Isa ibn Yahya.

“Isa ibn Yahya (fl. second half of 9th century) He was a member of the Church of the East, a prominent disciple of Hunayn, a translator of Galenic works into both Syriac and Arabic, and himself the author of medical works. He is mentioned

many times by Hunayn. For him Hunayn translated Galenic works into Syriac (§§44.6, 99.3, 111.3). He himself usually translated into Arabic (e.g., §§45.5, 58.6, 126.8, 46n2, 93n1, 97n3), and occasionally into Syriac (§73.6). Some of his translations were made for Abu al-Hasan Ahmad tbn Musa (§§86.5, 98.5, 102.3). Hunayn had spe-

cial words of praise for his version of Galen’s Exemplary Cases of Prognosis (§73.6). Bibliography: Fiey, ““Isa ibn Yahya,” 249-54; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:131; Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, “Uyiin al-anba’, 277, 279; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 709-10.

144

Appendix 2

“Isa ibn Yunus (fl. late 9th or early 10th century) Hunayn mentions him once (§43.5). It was for him that his son Ishaq translated into Arabic Galen’s Usefulness of the Pulse. He will thus have flourished in the late ninth or early tenth century. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah also mentions him but provides little useful information. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “νάπη al-anba’, 283. Ishaq. See Ishaq ibn Hunayn. Ishaq ibn Hunayn (d. 910) Hunayn’s son Ishaq was born in 830 and died in 910. accomplished translator of medical and philosophical both Syriac and Arabic, and he also wrote a number compositions. In the present text, Ishaq is recorded to

He was an works into of original have trans-

lated Galenic works into Syriac (§§4.3, 82.4) and Arabic (§§43.5, 126.9, 133.4, 139.4). Hunayn also occasionally notes that he himself,

with exceeding care, translated works into Syriac for him (§§19.7, 39.5, 53.4, 72.5, 79.5, 110.3, 123.4). Bibliography: Anawati and Iskandar, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 236-37; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:129-30; Rosenthal, “Ishaq B. Hunayn’s

Ta°rif al-Atibba’,” 55-80; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:267—68; Ullmann, Medizin, 119.

Ishaq ibn Ibrahim al-Tahiri (d. 849 or 850) Probably to be identified with Ishaq ibn Ibrahim ibn Mus‘ab al-Tahiri, chief of police of Baghdad under al-Ma’min (d. 833) and cousin to Tahir ibn Husayn (d. 822), founder of the Tahiri dynasty.

Ibn al-Qifti (Ja’rikh, 441) records that al-Ma’min appointed him to protect the Bani Musa. He is mentioned once in the present text (§79n5), where Hunayn states that it was for him that he translated his epitome of Galen’s Properties of Foodstuffs into Arabic. Bibliography: Kilpatrick, Making the Great Book of Songs, 188; Kraemer, History of al-Tabari, 11n26; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 715-16; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 174-76. Ishaq ibn Sulayman

(ca. 855-ca. 955)

He is better known as Isaac Ben Solomon Israeli, a Jewish doctor and philosopher from North Africa and author of numerous works on these subjects, some of which were known to the West through medieval Latin versions. In the present work, Hunayn states that it

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

145

was for Ishaq that he prepared Arabic versions of four works by Galen ($§14.7, 15.6, 80.4, 110.3). Bibliography: Altmann and Stern, Jsaac Israeli; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 170—71; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:295—97; Ullmann, Medizin, 137-38.

Israel ibn Zakariya, who is known as al-Tayfiri. See Israel the Great Israel the Great (fl. second half of the 9th century)

This person was a member of the Church of the East, a personal physician to the wazir al-Fath ibn Khaqan (d. 861) and perhaps one of those responsible for Hunayn’s downfall from his position as court physician. He was the son of Zakariya ibn ‘Abd Allah (see below). For him Hunayn prepared a Syriac version of Diagnosis of Affected Places (§17.9). In B, Hunayn calls him his “beloved brother.” The corresponding passage in A treats him less affectionately. Bibliography: Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 228; Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyiun al-anba’, 225, 284; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 719; Micheau, “Mécénes et méde-

cins,” 161-62; Wright, History of Syriac Literature, 211. Istifan. See Istifan ibn Basil

Istifan ibn Basil (fl. mid-9th century) That is, Stephen the son of Basil. Stephen was a member of the Church of the East. He was a disciple of Hunayn and a translator of Greek works into Arabic, including not only works of Galen but also Dioscorides’s Materia Medica. It seems that he came from a scholarly family, as his brother too was likely a translator of Greek philosophical works. Little else is known of his life. According to the present text, Stephen was responsible for translating numerous works of Galen, all of them into Arabic, his patron sometimes being Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Misa (§§38.5, 39.4, 41.4, 44.4, 59.5, 67.4, 76.6, 77.5, 134.6). At §39.5, Hunayn gives a vivid account of how he and

Stephen collaborated on a translation of Galen’s Causes of Breathing. Bibliography: Anawati and Iskandar, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 238; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:131; Lameer, al-Farabi

and

Aristotelian

Syllogistics,

4;

Meyerhof,

“New

Light,”

705-6;

Nasrallah, Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans | Eglise Melchite, 2:2.70-81; Ullmann, Medizin, 259.

146

Appendix 2

Jibril. See Jibril ibn Bukhtishi Jibril ibn Bukhtishu‘ (d. 828) Jibril was a member of the Church of the East and part of a family of physicians, originally from Gondeshapur, in service to the Abbasid caliphs for nearly three centuries, beginning around 765. He was the father of Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril, who is also frequently mentioned in the present text. Although the author of a number of medical works, Jibril is best remembered for his patronage of translators. From the present text we learn that Jibril was Hunayn’s earliest patron. It was for him that Hunayn, around the age of seventeen,

produced his first Syriac versions: Different Kinds of Fevers (§19.6), followed by Faculties (§15.4). The Substance of the Soul, What It Is, according to Asclepiades (§116.1) and Whether Blood Is Naturally Contained in the Arteries (§45.3) were also translated for him while Hunayn was young. Hunayn also records that Job of Edessa produced Syriac translations for Jibril (§24.11), as well as that Jibril tried his hand at improving a Syriac version by Job, only to make it worse (§94.3). Bibliography: Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 227; Duval, Littérature syriaque, 275-76, 385; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:110; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 717-18; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 156-59; Ullmann, Medizin, 109; Wright,

Mistory of Syriac Literature, 214-15. Job. See Job of Edessa Job of Edessa (d. ca. 835) He was a member of the Church of the East, a translator of medical works, and the author of a number of medical treatises, as well as a

work on theology. He was sometimes called al-Abrash (“the Spotted”) because of a skin disease. He was born around 760, was still alive in

832, and seemingly died around 835. According to the present work, Job was responsible for dozens of Syriac versions of Galen’s works, a number of which were produced for Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril and Jibril ibn Bukhtishu® (§§18.12, 24.11, 67.3, 126.3—5). Hunayn on no occasion

praises his work and occasionally suggests that his versions were poor (§§39.3, 94.2). Bibliography: Lewin, “Job d’Edesse,” 21-30; Mingana, Book of Treasures, xix—xxiil; Reinink, “Communal Identity,” 282-83; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:230—31.

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

147

Joseph al-Khiuri (fl. early 9th century?) That is, Joseph the Priest. Hunayn records (§56.7) that a certain Joseph al-Khiri prepared a Syriac version of the first part of Galen’s Simple Drugs. This translation was not well done, however, with the

result that Job of Edessa prepared a new version. As Job died ca. 835, this Joseph must have flourished before that date. The Joseph mentioned by Hunaypn is usually identified with Joseph al-Qass (the priest), also called Joseph al-Sahir (“the sleepless,” as a tumor on his head kept him awake, reportedly), who was a member of the Church of the East, a translator of Greek medical and scientific works, and himself the author of a medical work in Arabic. The

identification is problematic, however, as Joseph al-Qass/al-Sahir is recorded by Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah to have flourished in the days of the caliph al-Muktafi (r. 902-8). Bibliography: Bos, “Ibn al-Jazzar,” 374; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:131—32; Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “Uyun al-anba’, 278; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:268--69; Ullmann, Medizin, 124. Mansur ibn As noted name of found in

Banas (fl. early 9th century?) in the edition, B and A differ in their transmission of the Mansur’s father. I have followed the form of the name a variety of Arabic sources (Ibn Sina, Qanun, 4:545; Ibn

Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyun al-anba’, 282; Ibn al-Mutran, Bustan al-atibba?, 48). Little is known about this person. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah’s brief reference treats him among figures who flourished in the early ninth century. Hunayn’s sole reference to him (§129.3, 5) states that he was a Harranian (in A: a Sabian) and that he produced a rather

poor Syriac version of Galen’s Dispositions of the Soul. Bibliography: Meyerhof, “New Light,” 705. Muhammad. See Abi Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Misa’ Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah A textual error in B (§40.3) for Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. Muhammad

ibn ‘Abd al-Malik (d. 848)

Muhammad ibn “Abd al-Malik al-Zayyat served as wazir to a number of caliphs in the mid-ninth century. According to Ibn Abi

1. At §40.4, the reference is to Muhammad ibn “Abd al-Malik.

148

Appendix 2 “Usaybi‘ah, he was patron to many of the great translators, including Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, Jibril ibn Bukhtishu*, Bukhtishu* ibn Jibril, David

the son of Serapion, Salmawayh

ibn Bunan,

Elisha,

Israel the great, and Hubaysh. Hunayn (§40.3) considered him a man of “fine intelligence” and records having prepared an Arabic version of Voice (§40.3) for him. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uytn al-anba’, 284; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 714; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,”

171-72.

Muhammad ibn Musa. See Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Musa

al-Ra’si. See Sergius al-Ra’si Sabrisho’ ibn Qutrub

(fi. ca. 825)

This person’s first name bears no points in either A or B. Bergstrasser read Shirishu*. In this he was probably being guided by Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, who has a short notice on one Shirshi* ibn Qutrub. Both Shirishu® and Shirshu® would appear to be otherwise unattested. It is surely a question of Sabrisho* (that is, Sabar-Yeshu*), a common name among Syriac-speaking Christians, especially those of the

Church

of the

East.

See,

e.g., Smith,

Thesaurus

Syriacus,

2:2516. Qutrub is rare as a personal name, but not unattested. Meaning “night owl” as well as being the name of a type of ghoul, it was probably a nickname. See Carter, Sibawayhi, 137-38. Little is known of the details of Sabrisho’’s life, although Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah records that he was from Gondeshapur, that he was a patron of translators, and that he preferred Syriac to Arabic. He is mentioned once

in the present work

(§5.7), where

Hunayn

states

that as a

young man he translated Galen’s On Sects for him and that he was a physician from Gondeshapur. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, “‘Uyun al-anba’, 283; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 719; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 162-63.

Sahda of al-Karkh. See Ibn Sahda of al-Karkh Salmawayh. See Salmawayh ibn Bunan Salmawayh ibn Bunan

(d. 840 or 841)

He was a member of the Church of the East, a physician to al-Mu‘tasim (τ. 833-42), and author of a number of medical works. For him Hunayn translated numerous works of Galen, always into Syriac

(e.g., $§7.6, 8.8, 43.3). He

and

Hunayn

collaborated

on a

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

149

revised Syriac version of Therapeutic Method (§22.15). They were at the time in al-Raqqah, accompanying al-Ma°’min (d. 833) on campaign. Hunayn had a high opinion of Salmawayh, stating that he was a man “possessed of a natural intelligence, familiar with books,

and an attentive reader of them” (§7.6). The present text also provides a vivid description of their method of collaboration (§22.15—16). Bibliography: Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:131; Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyun al-anba’, 234-40, 284; Ibn al-Qifti, Ta’rikh, 207-8; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 150-52; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:227; Ullmann, Medizin, 112.

Sergius. See Sergius al-Ra’si Sergius al-Ra’si (d. 536)

He was better known as Sergius of Resh‘ayna (Theodosiopolis), a city in Mesopotamia. Sergius was born into the Syrian Orthodox Church, but toward the end of his life he became a Chalcedonian. He was one of the first to translate Greek medical works into

Syriac. He was responsible for rendering nearly the whole of the Alexandrian canon of Galen’s works. He also authored

numerous

original compositions and translations in the fields of theology and philosophy. In the present text, Hunayn recounts Sergius’s many translations. While Hunayn frequently faults him (§§9.5, 13.4, 15.3, 19.5, 22.13), he does recognize that Sergius’s later attempts were better than his earlier ones (§§6.6, 8.7, 16.9, 22.13). Bibliography: Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 167-69; Brock, “Syriac Background,” 139-62; Griffith, “Sergios of ReS‘aina,” 3:1879—88;

Honigmann, Evéques et évéchés, 149; Hugonnard-Roche, “Aux origines de l’exégése orientale,” 1-17, and “Note sur Sergius,” Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:177. Shamli

121-43;

(fi. mid-9th century)

This person was a member of the Church of the East. Little is known about him. Bar Bahlul mentions him in the introduction to his lexicon, calling him a physician and recording from him a quotation of Hunayn. Ibn al-Nadim records that he translated medical works into Arabic and that he translated Aristotle’s Metaphysics. Hunayn mentions him once (§81.7), saying that he was responsible for a translation of Galen’s Good and Bad Chyme. Hunayn invokes God’s blessings on him, which would suggest that he was a

150

Appendix 2 contemporary. Bibliography: Hyvernat, “Ancient Syriac Lexicographer,” 61, 63; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 305, 312, 349.

Thabit. See Thabit ibn Qurrah Thabit ibn Qurrah

(d. 901)

Abi al-Hasan Thabit ibn Qurrah was a Sabian of Harran, renowned for his scientific contributions, especially in mathematics and astronomy, and for his translations. Hunayn mentions two of his Arabic versions: Good and Bad Chyme (§81.5) and What He Believes by Way of Opinion (§123.5). Both were made for AbuJa far Muhammad ibn Misa. Bibliography: Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uydn al-anba’, 295300; Ibn Juljul, Tabagat al-atibba’, 75; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen

Schrifttums, 3:260-63. Theodore the bishop of Karkh Juddan (fi. 6th century) Perhaps Syrian Orthodox (to judge from his affiliation with Sergius), Theodore

is mentioned once in the present text (§17.5). In B, he is

called “Theodore the bishop of Karkh Juddan”; in A, “Theodore the bishop of al-Karkh.” According to Hunayn, it was for him that Sergius translated Diagnosis of Affected Places. According to other sources, Sergius dedicated further translations to him and also sought his help in correcting his own Syriac versions. Bibliography: Brock, “Translation: Greek and Syriac,” 937; Hugonnard-Roche, “Note sur Sergius,” 124, 130-33; Walker, Legend of Mar Qardagh, 182-83.

Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785) A Maronite, Theophilus wrote astrological works and served as astrological adviser to al-Mahdi (d. 785). He is also said to have translated

Homer into Syriac and is believed to have written a history of the Umayyad period, one extensively used by later Arabic, Greek, and Syriac chroniclers. According to Hunayn (§89.3), Theophilus translated Regimen of the Healthy into Syriac, but poorly. Bibliography: Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 341-42; Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 400-409; Hoyland, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle, 6—7; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 704-5; Papaconstantinou, review of Theophilus of Edessa’ Chronicle, 459-65; Pingree, “Theophilus of Edessa,” 3:2066-—67; Suer-

mann, Griindungsgeschichte, 208-9. Thomas of Edessa (fl. ca. 850) This person would appear to be otherwise

unknown,

apart from

later texts that made use of Hunayn’s treatise. He is mentioned

Prosopography of Translators and Patrons

15]

once (§128.4). Hunayn records that he asked this Thomas to produce a partial Syriac translation of Diagnosis of One's Own Faults. This Hunayn corrected and added to his own partial translation of the text. Hunayn’s manner of referring to him as “a certain man from Edessa” suggests that he was not well known to Hunayn’s readers. Bibliography: Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, Ta’rikh, 131; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 705.

349;

Ibn

al-Qifti,

Yahya ibn al-Bitriq (d. ca. 815) Yahya, sometimes known as Yuhanna, was a Chalcedonian, perhaps originally from North Africa. He authored medical works and translated philosophical and scientific works into Arabic. Later readers often considered his versions to have been overly literal. He is mentioned once in the present text (§88.3), where Hunayn suggests that

he was responsible for an Arabic version of Galen’s Theriac, to Pison. Bibliography: Brock, “Syriac Background,” 147; Dunlop, “Translations,” 140—51; Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:32,

112-13; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 705; Mingana, Book of Treasures, xvi; Nasrallah, Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans ἰ Eglise Melchite, 2:2.82— 86; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:225; Strohmaier, “Hunain ibn Ishaq,” 167; Williams, Secret of Secrets, 8-9.

Yuhanna ibn Bukhtishi‘ (d. ca. 912) A member

of the Church

of the East, Yuhanna

was

the son of

Bukhtishi* ibn Jibril. He was a court physician, author of medical works, and minor translator. He is mentioned once in the present text (§86.5), where

it is said that he produced a Syriac version of

Galen’s Drugs That Correspond to Sicknesses. A adds that this translation was made with Hunayn’s help. Bibliography: Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:111; Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah, ‘Uyan al-anba’, 282; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:258; Ullmann, Medizin, 111.

Yuhanna ibn Masawayh (d. 857) In the present text, his name

15 variously spelled Yuhanna and

Yuhanna. As the notes to the edition indicate, the later form of his

name is usually indifferently pointed. Indeed, it might better be rendered Yahyd, a reading frequently encountered in other texts. A member of the Church of the East, Yuhanna was born in Gonde-

shapur and went to Baghdad to study under Jibril ibn Bukhtishu’.

152

Appendix 2 Yuhanna was the teacher of the young Hunayn and served as physician to a number of caliphs. He was a translator of medical works and author of medical treatises, mostly lost. Hunayn translated numerous works of Galen into Syriac for Yuhanna. He also revised for him earlier Syriac versions by Sergius (§§20.4, 56.11) and Job of Edessa (§§24.12, 36.4). Yuhanna seems to have been a demanding

patron, as Hunayn often mentions that he had to take special care to make the translations as clear and as correct as possible (§§9.6, 18.13, 35.3, 36.4). Hunayn also notes that Hubaysh was responsible for translating other works for Yuhanna, from Arabic into Syriac (§§38.7, 40.7, 129.8). Bibliography: Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2:113-14; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 354; Strohmaier, “Hunain ibn Ishaq,” 164-65, 169; Micheau, “Mécénes et médecins,” 152-55; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:231—36; Ullmann, Medizin, 112-15.

Zakariya ibn “Abd Allah, who is known as al-Tayfuri (fi. mid-9th century)

A member of the Church of the East, Zakariya was part of a dynasty of physicians in service to the caliphs during the late eighth and ninth centuries. His father had served the caliph al-Hadi (d. 786). His sister was married to Yuhanna ibn Masawayh. His son was Israel the Great (see above). Zakariya was in the employ of both al-Ma’min (d. 833) and al-Mu‘tasim (d. 842). It was probably for him that Hunayn composed his treatise Prick of the Rose. Zakariya is mentioned once in the present text. At §22.16, Hunayn records that

on completion of his translation of Therapeutic Method, the manuscript was entrusted to Zakariya, who was to take it from al-Raqqah to Baghdad. On the way, the boat in which he was riding caught fire and the text was entirely lost. Bibliography: Bosworth, History of al-Tabari, 45n182; Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, 118-19, 133; Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, “Uyin al-anba’, 224—25; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 353; Meyerhof, “New Light,” 719.

Appendix 3 Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn

The reader will here find a guide to the works of Galen mentioned by Hunayn. I provide first the Latin title of the work. If a work is known by more

than one title, I offer what seems to be its most common

form.

The Latin title is followed by a reference to Kiihn’s edition if the treatise is present there. References to the standard bibliographic discussions of the textual history of Galen’s works in Arabic, Greek, Latin,

and Syriac follow. Degen provides an account of Galen’s texts preserved in Syriac, whether in their original form or by way of citations. Fichtner offers a fairly up-to-date (2004) and comprehensive account of editions and versions in all languages, including Arabic and Syriac. Sezgin and Ullmann provide independent and complementary surveys of the Arabic tradition. Both treat manuscripts as well as quotations in later works. If any one of these four surveys is not cited, it can be assumed that it contains no entry on the work in question. For some works, I provide additional references, especially when there is controversy as to their identity. It will be remembered that Bergstrasser reproduced A’s continuous numeration of Galen’s works and that A includes discussions of a number of works not present in B. It is via these numbers that Hunayn’s treatise is usually cited in modern literature, including the bibliographical surveys mentioned above. In what follows, I have accordingly followed Bergstrasser’s continuous numeration, which is included in the present volume in the verso inner margins of the translation. 1

De libris propriis (ed. Κύμη,

19:8-48)—Degen,

“Galen im Syri-

schen,” 153 no. 81; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 76 no. 114; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:78 no. 1; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 35 no. 1.

153

154

Appendix 3

De ordine librorum suorum ad Eugenianum (ed. Kiihn, 19:49-61)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 153 no. 82; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 77 no. 115; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:79 no. 2; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 35 no. 2. De sectis, ad eos qui introducuntur (ed. Kiihn, 1:64-105)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 134 no. 3; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 10 no.

4; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:79 no. 3; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 38 no. 1.

Ars medica (ed. Κύμη, 1:305—412)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 135 no. 5; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 12 no. 7; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:80 no. 4; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 45 no.

38; appendix 4, no. 1. De pulsibus ad tirones (ed. Κύμη, 8:453-92)—Degen,

“Galen im

Syrischen,”

47

144

no.

48;

Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

no.

61;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:81 no. 5; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 44 no. 32.

Ad Glauconem

de medendi methodo libri ii (ed. Kiihn, 9:1-146)—

Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 146 no. 56; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 54 no. 70; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:82 no. 6; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 45 no. 40.

De ossibus ad tirones

(ed. Kiihn,

2:732-78)—Degen,

“Galen

im

Syrischen,” 136 no. 10; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 18 no. 12; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:83 no. 7; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 13.

De

musculorum

dissectione

(ed.

Κύμη,

18B:926-1026)—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,” 152 no. 80; Fichtner, GC, 75 no. 112; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:84 no. 8; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 13.

De nervorum dissectione (ed. Κύμη, 2:831-56)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 136 no. 12; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 19 no. 14; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:85 no. 9; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 13.

10

De venarum arteriarumque dissectione (ed. Kithn, 2:779—830)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 136 no. 11; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 19 no. 13; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:85 no. 10; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 13.

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn 11

155

De elementis secundum Hippocratem libri ii (ed. Kiihn, 1:413-—500)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 135 no. 6; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 14 no. 8; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:86 no. 1]; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 38 no. 4.

12

De temperamentis libri iit (ed. Κύμη,

1:509-694)—Degen,

im

Corpus

Syrischen,”

135

no.

7; Fichtner,

Galenicum,

“Galen 14 no. 9;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:87 no. 12; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 39 no. 5; appendix 4, no. 9. 13

De facultatibus naturalibus libri τ (ed. Kiihn, 2:1-214)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 136 no. 8; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 15 no. 10; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:88 no. 13; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 11.

14

De differentiis morborum (ed. Κύμη, 6:836-80); De morborum causis (ed. Κύμη, 7:1—41); De symptomatum differentiis (ed. Κύμη, 7:42-84);

De

symptomatum

causis

libri iii

(ed.

Κύμη,

7:85-272)—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,” 140 no. 34 and 141 nos. 35-37; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 38 no. 42, 39 nos. 43-44, and 40 nos. 45-47; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:89 no. 14; Ullmann,

Medizin im Islam, 42 no. 22; appendix 4, nos. 10-11. 15

De locis affectis libri vi (ed. Kithn, 8:1—452)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 143 no. 47; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 46 no. 60; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:90 no. 15; Ullmann, Medizin im

Islam, 41 no. 21; appendix 4, no. 12. 16

De pulsuum differentiis libri iv (ed. Κύμη, 8.493-765); De dignoscendis pulsibus libri iv (ed. Κύμη, 8:766—-961); De causis pulsuum libri iv (ed.

Κύμη, 9:1—204); De praesagitione ex pulsibus libri iv (ed. Κύμη, 9:205-430)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 144-45 nos. 49-52; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 48-50 nos. 62—65; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:91 no. 16; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 43 no. 31.

17

De differentiis febrium libri ii (ed. Κύμη, 7:273-—405)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 141 no. 38; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 41 no. 48; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:94 no. 17; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 42 no. 24.

18

De crisibus libri iii (ed. Κύμη, 9:550—768)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

145 no. 53; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 50 no. 67; Sezgin,

156

Appendix 3 Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:95 no. im Islam, 43 no. 29.

19

18; Ullmann, Medizin

De diebus decretoriis libri iit (ed. Kihn, 9:769—941)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 145 no. 54; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 51 no. 68;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:96 no. 19; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 43 no. 30; appendix 4, no. 3.

20

Methodi medendi libri xiv (ed. Kiihn, 10:1—1021)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 145 no. 55; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 52 no. 69;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:96 no. 20; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 45 no. 39; appendix 4, no. 13. 21

De anatomicis administrationibus (ed. Κύμη, 2:215-731)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 136 no. 9; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 16 no. 11; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:98 no. 21; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 54 no. 78.

22

Excerpta ex libris anatomicis Marini—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 131 no. 371; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:132 no. 130.

23

Librorum anatomicorum Lyci omnium epitome—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 140 no. 409; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:133

no. 131. 24

De anatomiae dissentione—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

111; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 93 no.

157 no.

172; Sezgin, Geschichte des

arabischen Schrifttums, 3:133 no. 132. 25

De anatomia mortuorum—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 157 no. 112;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 92 no. 169; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:100 no. 22; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 53 no. 74.

26

De anatomia vivorum—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

156 no. 102;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 92 no. 171; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifitums, 3:100 no. 23; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 54 no. 75.

27

De Hippocratis anatomia—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

158 no.

113; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 107 no. 243; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:133 no. 133; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 54 no. /6.

28

De Erasistrati anatomia—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 158 no. 114; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 104 no. 229; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:101 no. 24; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 54 no. 77.

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn 29

157

De ignoratis Lyco in dissectionibus—Fichtner, GC, 108 no. 250; Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:134 no. 134. 30

Meyerhof, “New Light,” 694, followed by Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 71 no. 103, identifies the work mentioned by Hunayn as Galen’s Adversus Lycum (ed. Kithn, 18A:196—245); as does Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:134 no. 135, but with some hesitation. Degen

and Ullmann did not mention the work; neither did Bergstrdsser (Uber die syrischen und arabischen Galen-Ubersetzungen, 46-48). It does not seem likely that it is a question of Adversus Lycum, which consists of a single short volume, not two, and is concerned with the interpretation of Hippocrates, not anatomy. 31

De uteri dissectione (ed. Κύμη, 2:887-908)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 137 no. 14; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 20 no. 16; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:101 no. 26; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 14.

32

I have been unable to identify this work.

33

De homoeomereis corporibus—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 154 no. 92; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 107 no. 247; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:101 no. 25; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 55 no. 80.

34

Vocalium instrumentorum dissectio—Degen,

“Galen

im Syrischen,”

156 no. 106; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 146 no. 441.

35

De oculis—Degen,

“Galen

im

Syrischen,”

Corpus Galenicum, 115 no. 287; Sezgin, Schrifttums, 3:67 no. 23 and 101 no. 27. 36

156 no.

101; Fichtner,

Geschichte des arabischen

De motu thoracis et pulmonis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 157 no. 110; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 113 no. 280; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:134 no. 137; UlImann, Medizin im Islam, 55 no. 82.

37

De causis respirationis (ed. Kiihn, 4:465-69)—Degen,

“Galen

im

Syrischen,” 137 no. 17; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 22 no. 20; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:102 no. 29; Ullmann, Medizin

im Islam, 55 no. 81. The extant Greek probably represents just an excerpt of the original or perhaps an epitome by a later author.

Appendix 3

158 38

De voce—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 157 no. 107; Fichtner, Cor-

pus Galenicum, 128 no. 358; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:103 no. 30; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 54 no. 79.

39

De motu musculorum libri ti (ed. Κύμη, 4:367—464)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 137 no. 16; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 22 no. 19; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:103 no. 31; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 18.

40

At De atra bile 6 (ed. Kiihn, 5:130), Galen states that he wrote a work entitled Pros tén kainén doxan peri tés ton ourdn diakriseos, of which no trace appears to have survived. Bergstrdsser (Die syrischen und arabischen Galen-Ubersetzungen, 48), followed by Meyerhof (“New Light,” 694 n. 17), suggests that Hunayn’s title reflects kenén rather than kainén. Ibn Abi “Usaybi‘ah (“Uyan al-anba°, 140) has a somewhat different form of this work’s title: Magalah fi mundagqidat al-khata’ alladhi u’tuqida fi tamyiz al-bawl min al-dam. Cf. Ya°qubi, Tarikh, 1:116 and 118, who mentions a Galenic

work entitled, respectively, Magalah fi al-bawl min al-dam and Magalah fi al-bawl min al-dam fi al-badan. See Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:134 no. 136. 41

De usu pulsuum

(ed. Kiihn, 5:149-80)—Degen,

“Galen im Syri-

schen,” 139 no. 27; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 31 no. 32; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:104 no. 32; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 16.

42

De usu respirationis (ed. Kithn, 4:470—511)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 137 no. 18; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 23 no. 21; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:104 no. 33; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 17.

43

An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur (ed. Κύμη, 4:703-36)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 138 no. 20; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 24 no. 24; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:104 no. 34; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 19.

44

De purgantium

medicamentorum facultate

(ed. Kithn,

11:323-42)—

Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 146 no. 57; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 56 no. 75; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:105 no. 35.

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn 45

159

De consuetudinibus—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 153 no. 87; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 98 no. 202; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:105 no. 36; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 45 no. 37.

46

De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis libri ix (ed. Kiihn, 5:181-805)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 139 no. 28; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 31 no. 33; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:105 no. 37; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 12.

47

De motibus liquidis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 158 no. 119; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 113 no. 279; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:106 no. 38; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 55 no. 85.

48

De instrumento odoratus (ed. Κύμη, 2:857—-86)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 136 no. 13; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 20 no. 15; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:106 no. 39; Ullmann,

Medizin im Islam, 344 at addition to page 41 no. 17. 49

De usu partium libri xvii (ed. Kiihn, 3:1-939; 4:1-336)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 137 no. 15; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 21

nos. 17-18; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:106 no. 40; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 15.

50

De optima corporis nostri constitutione (ed. Kiihn, 4:737—49)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

138 no. 21; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 25

no. 25; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:108 no. 41; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 39 no. 8.

5]

De bono habitu (ed. Κύμη, 4:750-—56)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 138 no. 22; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 26 no. 26; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:108 no. 42; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 9.

52

De inaequali intemperie (ed. Κύμη,

7:733-52)—Degen,

“Galen im

Syrischen,” 143 no. 45; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 45 no. 58; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:108 no. 43; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 39 no. 7.

53

De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis et facultatibus libri xi (ed. Kiihn, 11:379-892; 12:1-377)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 146 no. 99; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 57-58 nos. 78-79; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:109 no. 44; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 47 no. 49; appendix 4, no. 4.

160 54

Appendix 3 De morbis oculorum et eorum curis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 156 no. 104; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 112 no. 275; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:102 no. 28; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 56 no. 87.

55

De morborum temporibus (ed. Κύμη, 7:406-—39)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 142 no. 39; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 41 no. 49; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:110 no. 45; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 42 no. 23.

56

De plenitudine (ed. Κύμη, 7:513—83)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 142 no. 41; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 42 no. 53; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:111 no. 46; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 43 no. 26.

57

De tumoribus praeter naturam (ed. Κα μη, 7:705-32)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

145 no. 44; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 44 no. 57;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:111 no. 47; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 43 no. 28.

58

De causis procatarcticis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 143 no. 86; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 95 no. 188; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:135 no. 138; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 57 no. 91.

59

De causis continentibus—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 153 no. 85; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 95 no. 187; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:112 no. 48; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 58 no. 92.

60

De tremore, palpitatione, convulsione et rigore (ed. Kiihn, 7:584-642)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 142 no. 42; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 43 no. 54; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:135 no. 139.

61

De partibus artis medicativae—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 135 no. 95; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 116 no. 291; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:112 no. 49; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 52 no. 69.

62

De semine libri τὶ (ed. Kiihn, 4:512—651)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 137 no. 19; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 23 no. 22; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:113 no. 50; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 41 no. 20.

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn 63

161

De septimestri partu— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 155 no. 99; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 122 no. 323; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:113 no. 51; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 55 no. 83.

64

De atra bile (ed. Kiihn, 5:104—48)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 139 no. 26; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 30 no. 31; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:113 no. 52; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 40 no. 10.

65

Adversos eos, qui de typis scripserunt (ed. Kithn, 7:475—-512)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 142 no. 40; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 42 no. 52; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:114 no. 53; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 42 no. 25.

66

Synopsis librorum suorum sedecim de pulsibus (ed. Kithn, 9:431—533)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 156 no. 105; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 50 no. 66; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:93—94, 149 no. 11, and 159 no. 3.

67

Archigenis tractationis de pulsibus et expositio et usus—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 88 no.

148; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,

3:62 and 135 no. 140. 68

De difficultate respirationis libri iti (ed. Kithn, 7:753-960)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

143 no. 46; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 45

no. 99; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:114 no. 54; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 44 no. 33.

69

De praenotione ad Epigenem (ed. Kithn, 14:599-673)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 150 no. 66; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 63 no. 88; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:114 no. 55; and Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 44 no. 34.

70

Synopsis methodi medendi—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 159 no. 121; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 145 no. 434; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:115 no. 56; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 59 no. 96.

71

De

venae sectione adversus Erasistratum

(ed.

Kiihn,

11:147-86); De

venae sectione adversus Evasistrateos Romae degentes (ed. Kithn, 11:187249); De curandi ratione per venae sectionem (ed. Kiihn, 11:250—316)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 153 no. 84; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 55 nos. 71—73; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:115 no. 57; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 46 no. 42 and 59 no. 97. It

should be noted that Degen and Ullmann, and in part Sezgin,

162

Appendix 3 identify the work with the Ps.-Galenic De venae sectione (ed. Καπη, 19:519—28), on which see Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 82 no. 125.

72

De marcore (ed. Kiihn, 7:666—704)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 142 no. 43; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 44 no. 56; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:116 no. 58; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 43 no. 27.

73

Puero epileptico consilium (ed. Κα μη, 11:357—78)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 146 no. 58; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 57 no. 77; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:116 no. 59; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 46 no. 43.

74

De alimentorum facultatibus libri iii (ed. Kuhn, 6:453-748)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 139 no. 32; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 36

no. 38; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:117 no. 60; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 47 no. 45; appendix 4, no. 2.

75

De victu attenuante—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

155 no.

100;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 126 no. 349; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:117 no. 61; UlImann, Medizin im Islam, 47 no. 47.

76

De probis pravisque alimentorum sucis (ed. Kiihn, 6:749-815)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 140 no. 33; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 37 no. 39; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:118 no. 62; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 47 no. 46.

77

De Evasistrati curandi ratione libri v—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 159

no.

123;

Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

104

no.

230;

Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:136 no. 141. 78

Ps.-Galen, De victus ratione in morbis acutis ex Hippocratis Κύμη, 19:182-221)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 79 no. 118; Sezgin, Geschichte Schrifttums, 3:118 no. 63; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 59

79

De compositione medicamentorum per genera libri vii (ed. Kithn, 13:3821058); De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos libri x (ed. Kiihn,

sententia (ed. 153 no. 83; des arabischen no. 100.

12:378-1007; 13:1-361)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 147 no. 60 and 148 no. 61; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 60 no. 82, 58 no. 80, and 99 no. 81; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:118 no. 64;

Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 48 no. 50; appendix 4, nos. 14-15. 80

De remediis parabilibus libri iii (ed. Κύμη, 14:311-581)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 149 no. 65; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 62

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn

163

no. 86; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:120 Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 49 no. 54; appendix 4, no. 16.

81

De antidotis libri it (ed.

Kiithn,

Syrischen,”

Fichtner,

149

no.

62;

14:1-209)—Degen, Corpus

no. 65;

“Galen

im

60

83;

Galenicum,

no.

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:121 no. 66; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 49 no. 53.

82

De

theriaca

ad Pamphilianum

(ed.

Κύμη,

14:295-310)—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,” 149 no. 64; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 61 no. 85; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:121 no. 67; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 49 no. 52.

83

De theriaca ad Pisonem liber (ed. Κύμη, 14:210—-94)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 149 no. 63; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 61 no. 84; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:121 no. 68; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 49 no. 5].

84

De sanitate tuenda Syrischen,” 139 Sezgin, Geschichte Medizin im Islam,

85

Thrasybulus sive utrum medicinae sit an gymnasticae hygiene (ed. Kiithn, 5:806-98)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 134 no. 4 and 139 no.

libri vi (ed. Kiihn, 6:1—452)—Degen, “Galen im no. 31; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 35 no. 37; des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:122 no. 69; Ullmann, 46 no. 44.

29; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 33 no. 34; Sezgin, Geschichte des ara-

bischen Schrifttums, 3:136 no. 142. 86

De parvae pilae exercitio (ed. Kiihn, 5:899—910)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

139

no.

30;

Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

33

no.

35;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:136 no. 143. 87

In Hippocratis legem commentarius—Degen, 156

no.

103;

Fichtner,

Corpus

“Galen im Syrischen,”

Galenicum,

135

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:28 no.

no.

1 and

389;

Sezgin,

123 no. 70;

Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 62 no. 111.

88

Hippocratis aphorismi et Galeni in eos commentarii vii (ed. Kihn, 17B:345-887; 18A:1-195)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 15] no. 79; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 70 no. 101 and 71 no. 102; Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:28 no. 2 and

123

no. 71;

Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 50 no. 58; appendix 4, no. 7.

89 628)—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

152 no. 78; Fichtner, Corpus

Appendix 3

164

Galenicum, 74 no. 110; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:44 no. 28 and 123 no. 72; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 50 no. 57.

90

In Hippocratis de articulis librum commentarii iv (ed. Κα μη, 18A:300767)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 152 no. 76; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 72 no. 105; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:44 no. 28.

91 Degen,

“Galen

im

Syrischen,”

152

no.

77;

Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum, 73 no. 109; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:29 no. 5 and 123 no. 74; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 50 no. 59;

appendix 4, no. 8. 92

In Hippocratis librum de acutorum victu commentarii iv (ed. Kihn, 15:418-919)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 150 no. 69; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 65 no. 93; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:33 no. 4 and 123 no. 75; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 6].

93

In Hippocratis de ulceribus librum commentarius—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

157 no.

109; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum,

134 no. 388,

and Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:123 no. 76. Cf. Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum,

94

In Hippocratis

de capitis

115 no. 86.

vulneribus

librum

commentarius—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,” 157 no. 108; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 133 no. 382; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:45 no. 1 and 123 no. 77. Cf. Ihnm, Clavis Commentariorum, 116 no. 87.

95 (ed. Κύμη,

17A:480-792); In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum secun-

dum commentarii vi (the text at ed. Kiihn, 17A:303—479 is a 17thcentury forgery); In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum sextum commentarii viii (ed. Kiihn, 17A:793-1009; 17B:1-344)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 15] nos. 71-74; 96-97, 68 nos. 98-99, and bischen Schrifttums, 3:34 no. 5 Islam, 61 no. 108. Cf. Ihm,

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 67 nos. 69 no. 100; Sezgin, Geschichte des araand 123 no. 78; Ullmann, Medizin im Clavis Commentariorum, 98-102 nos.

67-70; appendix 4, no. 6. 96 Κύμη,

16:1—-488) 15 a Renaissance forgery)—Degen,

“Galen im

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn Syrischen,”

150

no.

70;

165

Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

66

no.

94;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:35 no. 6 and 123 no. 79; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 62 no. 110.

97 16:489—840)—Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

66

no.

95;

Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:136 no. 144. 98 18B:629—925)— Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 152 no. 79; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 75 no. 111; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:36 no. 7 and 123 no. 80; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 50 no. 60.

99

In Hippocratis de aere aquis locis commentarii—Degen, Syrischen,”

154 no. 91; Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

“Galen

im

132 no. 381;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:36 no. 8 and 123 no. 81; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 61 no. 107.

100

In Hippocratis librum de alimento commentarii iv (the text at ed. Κύμη, 15:224—417 is a Renaissance forgery)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

150 no. 68; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 65 no. 92; Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:41 no. 16 and 137 no. 145. Cf. Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum, 92 no. 58; appendix 4, no. 5.

101

In Hippocratis de foetus natura librum commentarius—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

159 no.

122; Fichtner,

Corpus Galenicum,

133

no. 383;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:38 no. 10 and 124 no. 82. 102

In Hippocratis de natura hominis librum commentarii ii (ed. Kihn, 15:1173); In Hippocratis vel Polybi opus de salubri victus ratione commentarius (ed. Kithn, 15:174-223)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 150 no. 67; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 64 nos. 90-91; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:37 no. 9 and 124 no. 83; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 62. Cf. Ihm, Clavis Commentariorum, 109 no. 79.

103

Quod optimus medicus sit quoque philosophus (ed. Kiihn,

1:53-63)—

Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 134 no. 2; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 8 no. 3; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 38 no. 2.

104

De Hippocratis scriptis genuinis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 154 no. 90; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 107 no. 244; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:26 and 137 no. 146; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 53 no. 72.

166

Appendix 3

105

This work seems to be otherwise unknown. Cf. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:137 no. 147; Smith, Hippocratic Tradition, 172.

106

De comate secundum Hippocratem (ed. Kiihn, 7:643-—65)—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 43 no. 55; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:137 no. 148.

107

Linguarum seu dictionum exoletarum Hippocratis explicatio (ed. Kiihn, 19:62—157)—Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum,

77

no.

116;

Sezgin,

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:137 no. 149. 108

De substantia animae secundum Asclepiadem—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 159 no. 124; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 124 no. 332.

109

De experientia medica—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

154 no. 89;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 105 no. 235; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:124 no. 87; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 66.

110

Adhortatio ad artes addiscendas (ed. Kiihn, 1:1-39)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 134 no. 1; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 7 no. 1; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:138 no. 151; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 53 no. 73.

111

De empirica subfiguratione—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 102 no. 223; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:131 no. 118; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 52 no. 67.

112

De examinando medico—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 159 no. 120; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 104 no. 232; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:125 no. 88; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 52 no. 70.

113

De propriis placitis—Degen,

“Galen

im Syrischen,”

155 no. 98;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 119 no. 309; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 64.

114

De nominibus medicis—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 155 no. 94; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 114 no. 284; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifitums, 3:125 no. 89; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 52 no. 68.

115

De demonstratione—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 154 no. 88; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 100 no. 209; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 62 no. 112.

116

De principiis ex suppositione—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 118 no. 303.

117

De artium constitutione libri iiti—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 94 no. 180; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:140 no. 161.

Works of Galen Mentioned by Hunayn 118

167

De propriorum animi cuiuslibet affectuum dignotione et curatione (ed. Κύμη,

5:1-57); De cuiuslibet animi peccatorum

(ed. Κύμη,

5:58-103)—Degen,

“Galen

im

dignotione et medela

Syrischen,”

138

no.

24-25; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 28 no. 29-30; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 65.

119

Moralia—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 158 no. 116; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 141 no. 412; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 63 no. 113.

120

De dolore evitando—Degen,

“Galen

im

Syrischen,”

158 no.

117;

Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 101 no. 217; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:69; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 65 no. 118.

121

This work

seems

to lack a standardized

Latin

title—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,” 159 no. 125; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 91 no. 162; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 65 no. 117.

122

In Platonis

Timaeum

Syrischen,”

155 no. 97; Fichtner,

commentarii fragmenta—Degen, Corpus Galenicum,

“Galen

im

136 no. 395;

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:49 no. 1 and 126 no. 90; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 64 no. 115.

123

Quod animi mores corporis temperamenta sequantur (ed. Kiihn, 4:767-822)—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 138 no. 23; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 27 no. 28; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 39 no. 6.

124

Platonicorum dialogorum compendia viti—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 142 no. 415; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 63 no. 114.

125

In primum movens immotum—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 158 no. 118; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, Islam, 65 no. 116.

137 no. 397; Ullmann, Medizin im

126

Institutio logica—Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 154 no. 93; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 138 no. 401; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 51 no. 63.

127

De syllogismorum numero—Degen,

“Galen im Syrischen,”

158 no.

115; Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 124 no. 333. Cf. Sabra, “A Twelfth-

Century Defense,” 17. 128

In

librum

de interpretatione Aristotelis

libri

iii—Fichtner,

Corpus

Galenicum, 135 no. 391.

129

Ad eos qui voce soloecissantes reprehendunt vi [in aliis: vii/—Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, 86 no. 136.

Appendix 4 Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works 1n Syriac Grigory Kessel Austrian Academy of Sciences and University of Manchester The present inventory of Galen’s medical works in Syriac seeks to provide an update to Rainer Degen’s seminal study of 1981 (“Galen im Syrischen: Eine Ubersicht iiber die syrische Uberlieferung der Werke Galens”). In that study, relying mainly on the present treatise by Hunayn, Degen listed all the works of Galen that were known to have been translated into Syriac. Where possible, Degen also indicated extant Syriac translations, whether published or unpublished. The present inventory is more limited in scope. While Degen’s study encompassed all Syriac translations of Galen, irrespective of their availability, the present inventory is concerned exclusively with those works that are attested in extant manuscripts. The need for such an inventory is twofold. First, since Degen’s study was published, a certain degree of progress in this field has been made: new manuscripts have become accessible to researchers, and new texts have been identified.' Second, given the complexity of the problem and the amount of work that remains to be done, it is hoped that focusing solely on extant materials will stimulate further research.’

1. See more recent surveys of Syriac medicine in Habbi, “Textes médicaux grecs en syriaque,” 9-23; Gignoux, “Medicina e farmacologia,” 42-55; Pormann, “Medicine,” 282-83; Muraviev, “La médecine thérapeutique en syriaque,” 253-84;

and Bhayro and Hawley, “La littérature botanique et pharmaceutique,” 285-318. 2. For Galen in Syriac, see also Meyerhof, “Les versions syriaques et arabes,” 33-51; and Strohmaier, “Der syrische und der arabische Galen,” 1987-2017.

168

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

169

The focus here has deliberately been limited to the Syriac manuscript evidence because the Arabic versions produced by Hunayn and his school, and by others, were often made

not from Greek but from

earlier Syriac translations. The extant Arabic translations thus are often indirect witnesses to lost Syriac versions. This problem is complex and requires a detailed treatment of its own. Owing to its unique significance, as will be seen, an exception has here been made for a frag-

ment of the text In Hippocratis de alimento. Much work remains to be done on the surviving remains of Galen in Syriac: to make already-published texts accessible to classicists and historians of medicine and to prepare accurate editions and translations with due attention to the Greek Vorlage.’ This is especially so with regard to the early Syriac translations of Sergius of Résh‘ayna, which offer an important ancient witness to Galen’s texts. Potential Syriac sources of Galenic material remain largely unexplored. More than a century ago, Richard Gottheil pointed to the presence of quotations from Galen in the lexicographical works of Bar Bahlul and Bar “Ali (both fl. tenth century).* Furthermore, there are medical manuscripts that remain unstudied, and some of these likely contain Galenic material. The quest for new witnesses will undoubtedly bear fruit.° The search for additional material should not be limited to the manuscript witnesses of Galen’s original works. A great mass of evidence

Regrettably, the bibliography on Galenic corpus compiled by Gerhard Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum, does not provide more than a reference to Degen’s list with regard to the Syriac versions of Galen’s works. 3. For a rare example of collaboration between a Syriac scholar and a classicist, see Wilkins and Bhayro, “Greek and Syriac Traditions,” 95-114.

4. Gottheil, “Contributions to Syriac Folk-Medicine,” 186. This observation was recently reiterated in Bhayro, “Syriac Medical Terminology,” 151. For instance, the Lexicon of Bar Bahlul shows clear parallels with Galen’s treatment of tragedy as found in In Hippocratis Epidimiarum librum iti and De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis (see Schrier, “Hunayn ibn Ishaq on Tragedy and Comedy,” 344-48, for the details).

5. Already Degen, in “Corpus Medicorum Syriacorum,” 120n35, pointed out a few other texts that require examination: Mingana syr. 559, f. 27r—36r, BL Add. 12155, f. 135v. The present author is compiling a list of extant Syriac manu-

scripts that contain medical texts (both translations from Greek and original Syriac).

170

Appendix 4

also lies hidden in indigenous Syriac treatises on medicine,° including such rich works as Hunayn’s Questions on Medicine for Students’ and Job of Edessa’s Book of Treasures.° To the works already known to scholars one should add now also an extensive medical manual of I§6° bar ‘Ali, a dis-

ciple of Hunayn.’ Drawing heavily on Galen, such works are important because they illustrate how Galen’s ideas were received and interpreted in the Syriac milieu, especially the role of the late Alexandrian medical tradition in shaping the reception and interpretation of Galen. These indigenous works should thus be studied not only as witnesses to Galen’s works, but as documents that shed light on the Galenic tradition in Syriac. Regrettably, these and other medical texts in Syriac have received less attention than they deserve. As will be seen, the history of Galen’s Syriac heritage has something of a tragic ending. From the earliest attempts to render the Galenic canon in Syriac in the sixth century through the ensuing centuries, Syriac-speaking Christians held the science of medicine in great esteem and transmitted their appreciation to the Islamic world, together with a vast body of translations. With the coming of Islam and a new cultural context that required the mastery of Arabic to the detriment of Syriac, historical developments were not propitious for continued medical research in Syriac—or for the transmission of Syriac medical manuscripts. Eventually, Syriac medical texts came to be considered unworthy of continued transcription and were valued primarily as a source for recycled writing material for producing new books (that is why it is not unusual to find the medical texts in palimpsests). As late as in the thirteenth century, the Syriac physicians did not find it appropriate to compose medical works in Syriac or to employ indigenous Syriac sources. A polymath Gregory Bar “Ebroyo (d. 1286), who himself was trained as a physician, is a good example at hand. Out of some eight known works

6. Some of the medical texts that were originally composed in Syriac are extant today only in Arabic translation, like two Compendiums (kunnas) of Yihanna b. Sarabiyin (9th c.); see Pormann, “Yuhanna ibn Sarabiyiin,” 233-62. 7. Wilson and Dinkha, Hunayn ibn Ishaq’s “Questions on Medicine for Students”, see also my review in Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 15/2 (2012): 375-400. 8. Mingana, Encyclopedia of Philosophical and Natural Sciences. 9. Kessel, “A Syriac Medical Kunnasa.”

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

171

that deal with medicine probably none is written in Syriac." As far as the sources are concerned, the author is well-versed in coeval Islamic medi-

cal literature and does not seem to show appreciation for the original Syriac works." As evidenced by Hunayn’s treatise on his Galen translations, over the course of some five centuries virtually the entire corpus of Galen’s works was rendered into Syriac—a process that began with the labors of Sergius in the sixth century (the so-called first Syriac reception) and continued during the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries (the so-called second Syriac reception). Only a tiny portion of this once-massive corpus is extant. In total, seventeen Galenic works are attested in the extant

Syriac manuscripts,'* and of these, nine are attested solely by excerpts incorporated into the Syriac Book of Medicines. As for their translators, six translations by Sergius are attested, as well as three versions prepared by Hunayn. For one text only (De alimentorum_facultatibus) we possess the translations of both Sergius (a single fragment) and Hunayn (part of a compilation). One of Sergius’s translations (In Hippocratis de alimento librum commentarii iv) 1s attested only by a later Arabic version. With regard to the manuscripts, apart from the Syriac Book of Medicines and Hunayn’s compilation Medicinal Properties of Foodstuff (both of which are preserved only in East Syriac manuscripts), all but one are of Syrian Orthodox provenance. The single exception is Damascus, Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate 12/25, which is a unique witness to the transmission of the medical sciences from Alexandria to Persian Susa. As for the dates of these manuscripts, while the Syriac Book of Medicines and Medicinal Properties of Foodstuff are preserved in relatively recent copies, the other extant manuscripts are quite old and generally date from the sixth through ninth centuries. Three manuscripts (BL Add. 17156, Add. 14658, Add. 14661) come from the Syrian Orthodox monastery

10. A list (based on secondary sources) can be found in Takahashi, Barhebraeus, 85-88. However, according to the assumption of Micheau, two works

might have been composed in Syriac, one of those being a Canon of Ibn-Sina (Micheau, “Les traités médicaux,”

172—73).

11. See, for example, a preliminary analysis of Bar “Ebroyo’s commentary on Hippocrates’s Prognosticon, the only extant medical work by the author that was recently discovered by Joosse, “Newly-Discovered Commentary,” 499-523.

12. I count also Galen’s Commentary In Hippocratis Epidimiarum librum vi, although Gesius’s commentary is only an indirect witness to the text of Galen.

172

Appendix 4

of Deir al-Suryan in Egypt, although how they came there remains unclear.'° It is no exaggeration to maintain that every piece of manuscript evidence to Galen’s Syriac heritage is of the utmost importance and deserves to be properly studied and edited. A comprehensive study of the remains of Galen in Syriac will render a service to classical philology and to the history of medicine. It will also shed light on the reception and transmission of Greek medical knowledge among Syriac-speaking Christians. Much work remains to be done. While some of the Syriac witnesses have been known for more than a century, others have not yet been properly assessed, especially as concerns their value for the textual criticism of Galen’s works. Yet other texts remain to be edited, while oth-

ers have not been translated into a modern language. Still others have not been properly studied. The provenance of the Galenic material in the Syriac Book of Medicines, for instance, remains unknown, though it likely depends on translations made by Hunayn. Given the number of sources that remain to be fully investigated, any judgment on the impact of Galen’s works upon the Syriac tradition, as well as its contribution in the field of medicine, is premature. Hence a definitive evaluation of Galen’s heritage in Syriac is still in prospect. In the present inventory, works are listed in order of their appearance in Kiihn’s edition; the references to the latter can be used for easy lookup of a corresponding place in modern editions in the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum that have obsoleted the Kiihn edition. I also provide references to Degen’s inventory and Hunayn’s treatise on his Galen translations (according to the numeration of the present volume and of Bergstrasser). For Galenic materials preserved in the Syriac Book of Medicines, 1 follow the identifications made by Schleifer and note both strict citations and paraphrases, the latter being marked with a tilde.'*

13. A greater part of Deir al-Suryan’s library (some

250 manuscripts)

was

acquired personally by an abbot MuSe (10th c.) during his visit to Mesopotamia; on the significance of MuSé’s enterprise for Syriac studies, see Brock, “Without Mushé of Nisibis, Where Would We Be?,” 15-24.

14. Degen’s list covers only strict citations and contains some mistakes and undeliberate omissions.

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac 1. Ars medica, Kiihn, 1:305-412

173

(Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

135 no. 5; Hunayn §6 = Bergstrasser no. 4) 1. London, British Library (BL) Add. 17156 (8th c.),” f. 13-14, contains chapters 23-24 (ed. Kiihn, 1:369—72) and 28-30 (ed. Kiihn, 1:384-87) in the translation of Sergius of Résh‘ayna. BL Add. 17156 in its present form 15 a composite manuscript. It incorporates fragments from three originally independent codices that were only later bound together. In addition to fragments of Galen’s texts (f. 13-15), it also includes texts by Severus Sebokht (d. AD 666/67)

on logic (f. 1—-12)'® and services for passion week (f. 16—31).'’ The codex is of Syrian Orthodox provenance and is written in a regular Serto. It was brought to the British Library in 1847 from the Syrian Orthodox monastery of Deir al-Suryan through the mediation of the Alexandrian entrepreneur Auguste Pacho.'® The fragments of Ars medica (f. 13-14) and De alimentorum facultatibus (f. 15) share identical codicological and paleographical characteristics and must have come from one and the same manuscript, which very likely originally contained both texts in their complete form. Edition: Sachau, Inedita syriaca, 88*-94*. Literature: Sachau, “Reste der syrischen Ubersetzungen,” 74; Baumstark, Lucubrationes Syro-Graecae, 470-72; Hugonnard-Roche, “Note sur Sergius de ReS‘aina,” 125; Boudon-Millot, Galien, 228-31.

2. Within the Syriac Book of Medicines (page, line; e.g., Budge, 37, 18-38, 17 equals Budge, p. 37, line 18—p. 38, line 17):'9 Κύμη, Κύμη,

1:320, 4-12 1:323, 4-13

= =

Budge, 36, 7-11 Budge, 36, 20-24

15. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:1187; Degen opted for sixth—

seventh century (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 135). 16. Fragment of a commentary on De interpretatione (f. 1-2), A discourse on syllogisms in Prior Analytics (f. 3-5), a letter to Yonan the Periodeutes on some points in De interpretatione (f. 5-10), a letter to the priest Aitalaha on certain terms in De interpretatione (f. 11-12). Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:1162—63, dates this part to the ninth century. 17. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 1:302, dates this part back to the tenth century.

18. For a history see Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:xiv—xv. 19. On this text, see below.

174

Appendix 4 Kiihn, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

1:324, 1:326, 1:332, 1:337, 1:348, 1:349,

8-326, 9-329, 2-336, 3-339, 3-349, 10-350,

7 7 13 12 7

= =

14

=

Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

37, 1-18 37, 18-38, 17 259, 5—260, 16 331, 1-332, 8 283, 21-284, 12 221, 8-21

Literature: Boudon-Millot, Galien, 231-34; Bhayro, “Reception of Galen’s

Art of Medicine,” 123-44. 2. De alimentorum facultatibus, Kiihn, 6:453-748

(Degen, “Galen

im Syrischen,” 139 no. 32; Hunayn §79 = Bergstrasser no. 74) 1. The above-mentioned manuscript—London, British Library 17156 (8th c.),2° f. 15rv—contains the end of chapter 57, and chapters 58—59 from Book 2 (in Kiihn’s edition, 6:643-—47, these are chapters 58-61) in the translation of Sergius of Résh‘ayna. Edition: Sachau, Inedita syriaca, 94*-97*, Wilkins and Bhayro, “Greek and Syriac Traditions,” 99-112 (the study provides a side-by-side comparison of the original Greek and its Syriac translation). Literature: Sachau, “Reste der syrischen Ubersetzungen,” 74; Noldeke, review of Inedita syriaca, by Sachau, 282—87; Baumstark, Lucubrationes Syro-Graecae, 472; Hugonnard-Roche, “Note sur Sergius de ReS‘aina,” 125; Wilkins and Bhayro, “Greek and Syriac Traditions,” 95-114.

2. Another witness to the text is Hunayn’s compilation Medicinal Properties of Foodstuffs, which is largely based on Galen’s text but contains complementary material from the works of Rufus of Ephesus, Dioscorides,

and others. Edition: The text remains unpublished but the critical edition of both original Syriac text and the Arabic version is under preparation by the ERC-funded project ‘Floriental’ (CNRS, Paris, headed by Robert

Hawley). Literature: Degen, “Kitab al-Aghdhiya of Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 291-99; Degen, “Oldest Known Syriac Manuscript of Hunayn ibn Ishaq,”

20. On the manuscript, see above.

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

175

63-71; Hawley, “Preliminary Notes on a Syriac Treatise,” 81-104;

and Hawley, “Three Fragments of Antyllus,” 241-56. Extant manuscripts:

Birmingham, Mingana syr. 661 (East Syriac, llth c., 4 f.).?! Paris,

Bibliothéque

nationale,

syr.

423

(East

Syriac,

aD

1901),

f. 54v—165v.”? Louvain-la-Neuve/Leuven (9), CSCO syr. 22 (East Syriac, aD 1903), f. 30v—9lv.? Birmingham, Mingana syr. 594 (East Syriac, AD 1932), f. 58v—150r.* There is also an Arabic version of the compilation (Kitab al-Aghdiya), on which

see Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 3:253; Ullmann,

Medizin im Islam, 199; Degen, “Kitab al-Aghdhiya of Hunayn ibn Ishaq,” 291-99. 3. De diebus decretoriis, Kihn, 9:769-941

(Degen, “Galen im

Syrischen,” 145 no. 54; Hunayn §21 = Bergstrasser no. 19) London, British Library Add.

14658 (7th c.),” f. 141r—149r, contains an

astronomical pendant to Book 3 (entitled On the Influence of the Moon according to the Astronomers) addressed to Theodore of Karh Guddan. Although not directly related to Galen’s work, this text is still an important witness to Sergius’s translation and deserves a thorough investigation. The manuscript is a unique collection of various texts of non-Christian origin, including Sergius of Résh‘ayna’s works on logic, Porphyry’s Eisagoge, and Aristotle’s Categories.*° The codex is of Syrian Orthodox provenance and was brought to the British Library from the Syrian Orthodox monastery of Deir al-Suryan in 1843 by the British scholar Henry Tattam.?’

21. Mingana, Catalogue of the Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, 3:94-95. 22. Briquel-Chatonnet, Manuscrits syriaques de la Bibliothéque nationale

de

France, 162-63.

23. De Halleux, “Les manuscrits syriaques du CSCO,” 45-46. The present location of the entire collection is unknown. 24. Mingana, Catalogue of the Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, 1:1132-33. 25. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:1154-—60. 26. On this unique codex, see a special study (which contains also an updated bibliography for each text): King, “Origenism in Sixth-Century Syria,”

179-212. 27. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:xiil.

176

Appendix 4

Edition: Sachau, Jnedita syriaca, 101*—124*; Claude-Villey, Textes astronomiques

syriaques (new edition with French translation and study). Literature: Renan, “Lettre ἃ M. Reinaud, sur quelques manuscrits syriaques du Musée

britannique,” 321-23; Hugonnard-Roche, Logique

d‘Aristote, 126-27 n. 2; “Textes philosophiques et scientifiques,” 413; and “Note sur Sergius de ReS‘aina,” decretoriis, 16-20.

124; Cooper, Galen, De diebus

4. De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis et facultatibus, Κύμη, 11:379-892, 12:1-377 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 146 no. 59; Hunayn §56 = Bergstrasser no. 53) 1. London, British Library Add. 14661 (6th—7th c., 73 f.)?* contains the text of Books 6-8 (Κύμη, 11:789-892 through 12:1-158) in the translation of Sergius of Résh‘ayna. The text is addressed to Theodore of Karh Guddan and includes introductions to each part by Sergius himself. The manuscript contains only the text of Galen’s De simplicium. It is of Syrian Orthodox provenance and 15 written in a regular Estrangela. The codex was brought to the British Library from the Syrian Orthodox monastery of Deir al-Sury4n in 1843 by the British scholar Henry Tattam.” Edition: This manuscript has been partially edited with a German translation in Merx, “Proben der syrischen Ubersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift,” 237-305. Literature: Renan, “Lettre 4 M. Reinaud,” 324; Sachau, “Reste der syrischen Ubersetzungen,” 73; Low, “Bemerkungen zu Merx,” 76365; Hugonnard-Roche, “Note sur Sergius de ReS‘aina,” 124; Bhayro, “Syriac Medical Terminology,” 147-65; Pormann, “Development of

Translation Techniques,” 143-62. 2. Another witness to this text is manuscript olim Hiersemann 500/20 (226 f.)°° that at present belongs to a private collection in Washington, DC. The manuscript is palimpsest throughout and contains in its upper

28. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:1187. Renan opted for the seventh century (Renan, “Lettre ἃ M. Reinaud,” 324).

29. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, 3:xiii. 30. [Baumstark], Katalog 500, 13 and a plate XI.

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

177

layer a Rum Orthodox (Chalcedonian) Parakletike, a liturgical book of hymns arranged according to the eight modes (copied in the 11th c.), whereas the Galenic material is at the lower layer (ca. 9th c.) and written in a neat Serto. The original manuscript was of Syrian Orthodox provenance. Thanks to the Syriac Galen Palimpsest initiative launched by manuscript’s present owner and conducted by a team of specialists at the Walters Art Museum (Baltimore, Maryland), multispectral images of the text of the lower layer were produced and are now freely available for study.*' Some folios were identified as containing De simplicium in the translation of Sergius, and these present basically the same text (although with some variations) as can be found in the British Library manuscript. Remarkably, according to preliminary research, the text preserved in the manuscript is not limited to Books 6-8, as is the case in BL Add. 14661, but also covers Books 2, 4, and 9. It may well be that in its original form the manuscript contained the whole of Galen’s treatise. Further investigation of the manuscript will undoubtedly bring to light more data on Galen’s works in Syriac. The AHRC research project The Syriac Galen Palimpsest: Galen’s On Simple Drugs and the Recovery of Lost Texts through Sophisticated Imaging Techniques based at the University of Manchester (headed by Peter E. Pormann) is promising to produce the transcription and a comprehensive study of the manuscript. Literature: Bhayro and Brock, “Syriac Galen Palimpsest,” 24-43; Bhayro et al., “Collaborative Research on the Digital Syriac Galen Palimpsest,” 261-64; Bhayro et al., “Syriac Galen Palimpsest: Progress, Prospects and Problems,” 131-48; Bhayro, Pormann, and Sellers, “Imaging the Syriac Galen Palimpsest,” 297—300; Hawley,

“More Identifications of the Syriac Galen Palimpsest,” 237-72; Kessel, “Membra disjecta sinaitica I: A Reconstitution of the Syriac Galen Palimpsest.” 3. An indirect witness to Books 9-11 is provided by an alchemical treatise preserved in the Cambridge University Library, Mm. 6.19, f. 120v—129v,

which

is of Syrian

Orthodox

provenance

(15th c.) and

is

attributed to the Egyptian alchemist Zosimos of Panopolis (fl. ca. AD 270). According to Martelli, the text was produced

in a Syriac milieu

and should be considered either to be a result of the selective translation

31. http://digitalgalen.net.

178

Appendix 4

of the respective part of Galen’s De simplicium (Books 9-11) or to have been created from an available Syriac translation of Galen’s text. Edition:

A

French

translation

is available

in Berthelot

and

Duval,

Alchimie syriaque, 297-308. Literature: Martelli, “Medicina ed Alchimia,” 207-28.

5. In Hippocratis de alimento librum commentarii iv, Kiihn, 15:224417 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 150 no. 68; Hunayn §106 =

Bergstrasser no. 100) New York, Jewish Theological Seminary of America 2761, f. 8v—10r, preserves a Judaeo-Arabic version of an introduction by Sergius of Résh‘ayna to In Hippocratis de alimento.*? The introduction is written according to a late antique Alexandrian model and covers the treatment of eight so-called preliminary points. It has been argued that the Arabic translation was made by Joseph al-Khuri, whom Hunayn mentions in the present text. Edition: Bos and Langermann, “Introduction of Sergius of Résh‘aina,”

179-204 (Sergius’s introduction only).

6. In Hippocratis Epidimiarum librum vi commentarii viti, Kihn, 17:793-1009, 17B:1-344 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 151 no. 74;

Hunayn §101 = Bergstrasser no. 95) Damascus, Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate 12/25 (ca. ap 700, 94 f.)** con-

tains a commentary on Book 6 of the Hippocratic Epidemics. The text is damaged and in its present state covers roughly the second half of Book 6 (V 316, line 3-356, line

15, ed. Littré). The identification of the text’s

authorship requires special research. Given the fact Epidemics is remarkably close to a source used in the Epidemics VI by John of Alexandria, it is likely that its Alexandrian Iatrosophist Gesius, who is considered to be

that the Syriac commentary on author was the the main source

32. The text of the article does not clarify how much of Galen’s commentary is preserved in the manuscript. 33. On it, see Westerink, “Alexandrian Commentators,” 325-48. 34. Dolobani et al., “Catalogue des manuscrits,” 607.

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

179

of John of Alexandria. However, based on some hints, we cannot postu-

late that in the Syriac Epidemics we deal with a mere Syriac translation of Gesius’s work; rather, it may well be that it is an original work that was produced by a Syriac-speaking student of Alexandria who attended the lectures on medicine delivered by Gesius. We also cannot exclude the possibility that the Syriac Epidemics may also be a kind of adaptation of an original Gesius commentary. Whatever the precise nature of the text may be, the person of Sergius of Résh‘ayna (who is known to have studied in Alexandria precisely at the time Gesius was teaching there) seems to be a central one, acting either as a translator or as an author or adapter. The manuscript is written in early East Syriac handwriting and was commissioned by a certain “Mar Sem‘6n of Bét Hizayé from the city of Sian.” Since the commentary draws extensively upon Galen’s commentary on Epidemics VI, the Syriac text is a unique indirect witness to the Syriac translation of the latter. Furthermore, the text is a valuable source for other Galenic

texts cited in the treatise

(e.g., Epidemics IT,

Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms).*° Edition: The edition is under preparation by Grigory Kessel. Literature: Kessel, “Syriac Epidemics,” 93—124; and Kessel, “Triseudemon maximus noster sophista,’ 123-37.

7. In Hippocratis Aphofrismos commentarii vii, Kihn, 17B:345-887, 18A:1-195 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 151 no. 75; Hunayn §94 = Bergstrasser no. 88) 1. Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, arabe 6734 (AD 1205), f. 29v—92v, con-

tains a Syriac translation of Hippocrates’s Aphorisms. According to a common practice of the late antique period, the text of Hippocrates

35. One wonders if another copy of the same treatise was reused by the scribe Smi’él bar Qiryaqis for the production of at least three manuscripts (British Library Add. 14490 and Add. 17127, Deir al-Suryan, Syriac Fragment 41) copied near Alexandria at the end of the eleventh century. Albeit the medical text was erased painstakingly, William Wright was able to discern the names of Galen and Gesius present in the running title. 36. The catalogue description (Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits arabes, 35091) is unsatisfactory.

180

Appendix 4

derives from Galen’s commentary.*’ Degen’s claim in favor of Hunayn’s authorship of the translation was recently supported by Overwien, but disapproved by Mimura. The codex is of Syrian Orthodox provenance and is written in Serto. It was acquired in 1899 in Aleppo by the French consul Henri Pognon. The Syriac and Arabic versions are given in parallel columns. Edition: Pognon, Version syriaque des Aphorismes d’Hippocrate, vol. 1 (edition), vol. 2 (French translation).

Literature: Degen, “Zur syrischen Ubersetzung der Aphorismen Hippokrates,” 36-52; Overwien,

“Paradigmatic Translator,”

des 158--

87; Mimura, “Comparing Interpretative Glosses.” 2. Within the Syriac Book of Medicines*® there is a single excerpt from Galen’s Commentary: Κύμη,

17B:500, 1-13

=

Budge, 289, 9-22

(Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 152 no. 77; Hunayn §97 = Bergstrasser no. 91) Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, arabe 6734 (aD 1205), f. 93r—127v, besides the Aphorisms contains also the Syriac translation of Hippocrates’s Prognosticon that, not unlike the Aphorisms, goes back to Galen’s commentary. Basically no study has been done on the text. Edition: The text remains unpublished.*° Literature: Degen, “Zur syrischen Ubersetzung der Aphorismen des Hippokrates,” 47; and Degen, “Corpus Medicorum Syriacorum,” 119 n. 26.

37. On this practice, see Overwien, “Einige Beobachtungen zur Uberlieferung der Hippokratesschriften,” 196-210. 38. On this text, see below. 39. On the manuscript, see above.

40. The present author has made a

preliminary study of the text and is

planning to prepare an edition. The evidence of the Syriac version (based on present author’s translation) was used by Jacques Jouanna in the new critical

edition of Hippocrates’s Prognosticon (Jouanna, Hippocrate: Pronostic).

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

18]

Texts Attested Exclusively in the Syriac Book of Medicines The so-called Syriac Book of Medicines preserves an enormous number of passages from the works of Galen. While this work has not yet been properly investigated with respect to its origin and authorship, it must have been compiled before the twelfth century since the manuscript copied in Algosh in northern Iraq at the request of E. A. Wallace Budge was based on an exemplar dating to that period.*' There is no agreement in scholarship with regard to the homogeneity of the text edited by Budge, which has a tripartite composition. Degen, for example, considered it a compilation consisting of three independent works, whereas for Bhayro all three texts constitute the integral parts of one treatise. The first part (of which its first two chapters are lacking in all extant manuscripts), is heavily dependent on Galen’s De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos and presents a consecutive treatment following the principle a capite ad calcem of therapeutic and pathologic issues.*? The second consists of astrological forecasts.** The third offers a long list of prescriptions for various kinds of diseases, as well as advice for domestic problems (often not related to health—e.g., how to kill mice).** With regard to Galenic material, it is the first part that needs to be taken into consideration. As argued recently by Bhayro, that first part should not be regarded as simply a translation. Instead, it is more appropriate to describe its approach to the underlying sources as a “thematic abridgment,” whereas the whole treatise is labeled “a brazen misappropriation of Greco-Roman medical lore.” At the same time, a close examination suggests that the compiler made use of a variety of sources and sometimes even merged different opinions regarding certain issues, not always smoothly.*® Concerning the authorship of the first part, it

41. This is an estimation of Budge, Syrian Anatomy Pathology and Therapeutics, 2:xl. The whereabouts of the original manuscript are unknown. 42. Budge, Syrian Anatomy Pathology and Therapeutics, 1:1—441 [ed.], 2:1-519 [tr.]. 43. Budge, Syrian Anatomy Pathology and Therapeutics, \:441—553 [ed.], 2:520655 [tr.].

44. Budge, Syrian Anatomy Pathology and Therapeutics, 1:553-610 [ed.], 2:656-726 [tr.]. Degen assumed that this part is very likely to be a modern composition (Degen, “Corpus Medicorum Syriacorum,”

118n21).

45. See, for example, discussion of a passage on ophthalmology in Zipser and Fischer, “Neue Quellen zur antiken Augenheilkunde,” 21-23.

182

Appendix 4

has been suggested by Degen that although the work is based on Hunayn’s translations, the text itself was produced by a later author.*® Bhayro, in turn, argued that the treatise is based on Sergius of Résh‘ayna’s translations. Manuscripts that include the first (Galenic) part:*’ Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, or. fol. 3119 (East Syriac, 17th/18th and 19th c.,

130 Ὁ). Baghdad, Chaldean Monastery 939 (East Syriac, olim Alqosh, Notre Dame des Semences/Vosté 237, AD 1882, 18 quires). London, British Library Or. 9360 (East Syriac, AD 1894, 290 f.)—it is this manuscript that was used by Budge for his edition.°° Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, syriaque 424 and 425 (East Syriac, AD 1900, 958 p.).” Edition and translation: Budge, Syrian Anatomy, Pathology and Therapeutics, or ‘The Book of Medicines, vol. | (edition), vol. 2 (translation).

Literature: Baumstark, review of Syrian Anatomy, Pathology and Therapeutics, by Budge, 185-203; Low, “Bemerkungen zu Budge,” 525-31;

Meyerhof,

“Augenheilkunde,”

257-68;

Schleifer,

“Zum

syrischen Medizinbuch,” 4 (1926): 70-122, 161-95; 5 (1927): 195237; 6 (1928): 154-77, 275-99; and Schleifer, “Zum syrischen Medizinbuch, II,” 18 (1940): 341-72; 20 (1941-43): 1-32, 162-210, 383-98; 21 (1946): 157-82; Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,

46. Degen, “Ein Corpus Medicorum Syriacorum,” 118n21; and Degen, “Zur syrischen Ubersetzung der Aphorismen des Hippokrates,” 49. 47. It is not clear which part contains the manuscript described by Delaporte, “Rapport sur une mission scientifique a Charfé,” 41 no. 94. I was unable to identify it in the available catalogues of Sharfeh’s library. The popular genre of folk medicine that fuses the elements of magic and astrology is attested by dozens of extant copies with varied text form; see, most recently, al-Jeloo, “Kaldayutha,” 457-92; and Lyavdansky, “Syriac Charms,” 15-21). 48. Assfalg, Syrische Handschriften, 139-41. 49.

Haddad and Ishaq, Syriac and Arabic Manuscripts, 415-16; Vosté, Catalogue

de la bibliothéque syro-chaldéenne, 118-19. 50. The manuscript is not yet catalogued, although there exists an unpublished description in the Asian and African Studies Room of the British Library in London. 51. Briquel-Chatonnet, Manuscrits syriaques de la Bibliothéque nationale de France,

144-46.

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac 3:177-79;

Gignoux,

“Traité

“Doctoring the Past,”

syriaque

183 anonyme,”

725-33;

Becker,

175-215; Zipser and Fischer, “Neue

Quellen

zur antiken Augenheilkunde,” 3—28; Bhayro, “Reception of Galen’s Art of Medicine,” 123-44; and Bhayro, “Theory and Practice,” 147-58.

9. De temperamentis, Kihn, 1:509-694 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 135 no. 7; Hunayn §14 = Bergstrasser no. 12)

Kiihn, 1:629, 14-630, 8

=

Budge, 284, 12-22

10. De symptomatum differentiis, Kiihn, 7:42-84 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 141 no. 36; Hunayn §16 = Bergstrasser no. 14) Κύμη, 7:60, 14-61, 9; 61, 11-19; 62, 4-6 = Budge, 4, 21-25, 5

As shown by Overwien, the given fragment of the Book of Medicines is a paraphrase of three passages from De symptomatum differentiis. The identity of the translator cannot be ascertained owing to the lack of relevant material for comparison.” Literature: Overwien, “Die spatantike/orientalische Uberlieferung,” 109-ll.

11. De symptomatum causis, Kihn, 7:85-272 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 141 no. 37; Hunayn §16 = Bergstrasser no. 14) Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη,

7:86, 2—23 7:94, 4-7 7:102, 16-104, 2 7:104, 3-9 7:105, 2-12 7:106, 6-11 7:108, 3-115, 2 7:128, 5-138, 4 7:139, 16-141, 17

=

Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

69, 10-23 77, 8-11 100, 3-24 95, 4-10 97, 11-17 97, 17-22 111, 5-115, 11 275, 3-282, 10 1, 13-3, 1

52. It is worth noting that the passage identified by Overwien was overlooked by Schleifer. Overwien rightly urges scholars to undertake a thorough investigation of the Book of Medicines (Overwien, “Die spatantike/orientalische Uberlieferung,” 110n2).

184

Appendix 4 Kiihn, 7:143, 5-145, 13 Kiihn, 7:262, 18-263, 19

Budge, 3, 2-4, 19 Budge, 65, 21-66, 11

12. De locis affectis, Kuhn, 8:1-452 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 143 no. 47; Hunayn §17 = Bergstrasser no. 15) ~ Κύμη, 8:47, 1-2 ~ Κύμη, 8:47, 5 Κύμη, 8:98, 12-15 Κύμη, 8:99, 2—4 Κύμη, 8:160, 14-168, 10 Kiihn, 8:169, 6-170, 11 Kiihn, 8:171, 2-173, 4 Κύμη, 8:173, 5-179, 17 Κύμη, 8:179, 18-183, 9 Κύμη, 8:184, 14-189, 19 Κύμη, 8:189, 19-193, 6 Κύμη, 8:193, 7-201, 16 Κύμη, 8:20], 17-207, 17 Κύμη, 8:208, 1-214, 6 Κύμη, 8:217, 17-220, 16 Κύμη, 8:221, 12-224, 7 Κύμη, 8:225, 10-13 Κύμη, 8:227, 11-228, 4 Κύμη, 8:229, 5-231, 4 Κύμη, 8:233, 11-234, 7 Κύμη, 8:234, 13-235, 4 Κύμη, 8:235, 5-237, 14 Κύμη, 8:237, 15-238, 7 Κύμη, 8:238, 7-240, 15 Κύμη, 8:241, 8-254, 10 Κύμη, 8:247, 15-250, 10 Κύμη, 8:254, 10-259, 18 Kiihn, 8:261, 4-264, 8 Kiihn, 8:264, 9-265, 12 Κύμη, 8:266, 16-272, 11 Κύμη, 8:272, 15-282, 14 Κύμη, 8:282, 16-284, 11 Κύμη, 8:284, 12-287, 4

Budge, 424, 17-18

Budge, 421, 2-3 Budge,

117, 22-118, 1

Budge, 118, 1—4 Budge, 5, 6-10, 15 Budge, 115, 11-116, 12 Budge, 116, 12-117, 22 Budge, 10, 16-15, 12 Budge, 15, 13-18, 3 Budge, 18, 4-21, 20

Budge, 21, 21-24, 2 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

24, 3-30, 4 30, 5-34, 12 118, 4-121, 6 69, 23-72, 4 72, 7—74, 9 74, 9-10 74, 13-24 95, 10—96, 21 96, 22-97, 11 99, 17-100, 3

Budge, 121, 7-122, 21 Budge, 122, 22-123, 8 Budge, 155, Budge, 123, Budge, 154, Budge, 130, Budge, 200,

15-157, 9-130, 2-155, 19-134, 8-202,

6 18 15 20 14

Budge, 204, 2—23 Budge, 176, 15-180, 19 Budge, 186, 18-193, 24 Budge, 215, 21-217, 3 Budge, 217, 3-218, 23

185

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

8:287, 8:287, 8:288, 8:290, 8:298, 8:301, 8:306, 8:324, 8:326, 8:327, 8:333, 8:343, 8:343, 8:345, 8:354, 8:358, 8:372, 8:381, 8:384, 8:390,

8—10 10-14 7-290, 6 6-293, 8 3-300, 15 1-306, 12 13-310, 4 17-326, 5 6-327, 12 13-332, 17 3-343, 2 7-9 13-345, 8 12-354, 12 15-357, 16 1-372, 14 15-376, 7 3-384, 5 5-389, 18 1-394, 3

Budge, 202, 14-16 Budge, 199, 19-23 Budge, 202, 18-204, 1 Budge, 218, 23-221, 4 Budge, 253, 1-254, 20 Budge, 254, 20-258, 18 Budge, 221, 22-224, 6 Budge, 224, 6-225, 3 Budge, 225, 3-226, 4 Budge, 226, 5-229, 16 Budge, 267, 20-275, 3

Budge, 282, 10-11 Budge, 282, 12—283, 17 Budge, 332, 9-338, 19 Budge, 381, 21-383, 21 Budge, 342, 24-349, 24 Budge, 383, 21-386, 18 Budge, 405, 14-407, 23 Budge, 421, 5-424, 14 Budge, 437, 14-440, 24

13. De methodo medendi, Kiihn, 10:1-1021

(Degen, “Galen im

Syrischen,” 145 no. 55; Hunayn §22 = Bergstrdasser no. 20) Κύμη, 10:211, Κύμη, 10:338, ~ Κύμη, 10:343, ~ Kiihn, 10:341, Κύμη, 10:471, Κύμη, 10:479, Κύμη, 10:498, Κύμη, 10:503, ~ Κύμη, 10:508, 10-13 Κύμη, 10:509, Κύμη, 10:509, Kiihn, 10:510, Κύμη, 10:516, Κύμη, 10:903, Κύμη, 10:913,

5-9 1-7 2-8 9-16 7-14 5-16 4-17 8-17 1-5, 509, 7-10 13-17 3-14 18—517, 11 1-904, 2 2-914, 3

Budge, 287, 22-24 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

229, 205, 205, 285, 285, 286, 287, 287,

18-24 20-23 24-206, 7 8-13 19-286, 3 15-20 3-9 9-12

Budge, 287, 12-15

Budge, 287, 45-18 Budge, 288, 15-289, 2

Budge, 288, 6-12 Budge, 350, 16-351, 1 Budge, 352, 4-15

186

Appendix 4

14. De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos, Kihn,

12:378-1007, 13:1-361 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 147 no. 60; Hunayn §84 = Bergstrasser no. 79) Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, ~ Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

12:582, 12:584, 12:585, 12:585, 12:586, 12:588, 12:588, 12:593, 12:594, 12:597, 12:597, 12:600, 12:610, 12:631, 12:636, 12:638, 12:638, 12:639, 12:642, 12:648, 12:652, 12:654, 12:658, 12:659, 12:679, 12:68], 12:697, 12:730, 12:730, 12:731, 12:737, 12:738, 12:739, 12:743, 12:744,

18-583, 6 5-10 13 14-15 10—13 3-8 16-589, 1 16-594, 6 6-11 10-14 17-598, 1 7-16 4-11 15-17 10-13 6—10 12-639, 3 13-16 5-7 3-7 8—12 2-6, 15-16 4-16 5~8 9-13 13-16 6-9 10-15 15-731, 1 4-8 5-11 10-15 6-9 10-15 12-17

Budge, 53, 2-8 Budge, 53, 13 Budge, 53, 13

Budge, 53, 18-20 Budge, 53, 20-21 Budge, 53, 22-54 2 Budge, 54, 3-4

Budge, 60, 5-11 Budge, 60, 12-16 Budge, 60, 16-20 Budge, 60, 21-22 Budge, 102, 15-19 Budge, 105, 13-19 Budge, 104, 5-7 Budge, 104, 8-10 Budge, 104, 10-13

Budge, 104, 14-22 Budge, 105, 20-21 Budge, 106, 6-10

Budge, 106, 11-17 Budge, 107, 19-22 Budge, 103, 16-18 Budge, 106, 19-20 Budge, 107, 16-19 Budge, 63, 9-12 Budge, 63, 14-17 Budge, 78, 7-9 Budge, 90, 10-14 Budge, 90, 14-16 Budge, 90, 16-21 Budge, 91, 4-9 Budge, 86, 20-87, 1 Budge, 87, 2-5 Budge, 85, 8-13

Budge, 85, 15-19

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Kiihn, ~ Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, ~ Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

12:745, 6-9 12:748, 1-5 12:748, 5-9 12:758, 8—11 12:761, 10-17 12:767, 3-6 12:767, 12—768, 4 12:787, 10-788, 2 12:790, 12-14 12:799, 1-5 12:799, 8-10 12:800, 8-11 12:801, 3-6 12:802, 3-4 12:802, 6-8 12:802, 12-18 12:848, 5-12 12:864, 3-7 12:870, 14-871, 1 12:87], 1-3 12:876, 1--4 12:880, 6—7 12:880, 11-16 12:883, 1-3 12:896, 1-900, 11 12:910, 4-914, 18 12:938, 5-16 12:956, 15-18 12:957, 14-16 12:971, 10-972, 2 13:3, 8-4, 1 13:7, 17-8, 4 13:8, 9-9, 7 13:11, 12-12, 10 13:17, 5-14 13:23, 12-24, 16 13:28, 10-29, 4 13:31, 6-16 13:35, 6-9

187 Budge, 85, 20-22 Budge, 81, 8-11 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

81, 82, 81, 83, 82, 87, 80, 92,

11-16 4-7 20-82, 3 1-5 17-83, 1 6-13 4-6 19-22

Budge, 92, 22-24 Budge, 93, 9-11

Budge, 91, 9-14 Budge, 88, 22-23

Budge, 91, 24-92, 2 Budge, 88, 23-89, 4 Budge, 166, 21-167, 7 Budge, 173, 4-8

Budge, 173, 9-14 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

173, 171, 172, 173, 172, 157, 160, 161, 164,

14-15 19-23 9-10 18-21 3-5 12-159, 4 10-22 5-12 19-22

Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

165, 165, 181, 182, 182, 181,

12-14 16-22 13-23 8-11 1-8 3-13

Budge, 182, Budge, 182, Budge, 183, Budge, 183, Budge, 184,

23-183, 7 16-21 10-18 21-184, 4 5-8

188 Κύμη, ~ Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Kiihn, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kiihn, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

Appendix 4 13:35, 18-36, 8 13:40, 8-42, 8 13:48, 2-3 13:48, 9-15 13:50, 4—5 13:51, 3-7 13:51, 13-52, 1 13:72, 8-12 13:72, 14-73, 4 13:73, 15-74, 11 13:74, 16-75, 14 13:76, 2-5 13:76, 5-11 13:83, 4-14 13:84, 5-9 13:84, 10-85, 1 13:85, 13-17 13:86, 3-12 13:86, 17-87, 6 13:87, 6-10 13:87, 11-14 13:87, 15-88, 4 13:88, 9-14 13:91, 5-10 13:91, 11-92, 2 13:97, 3-11 13:98, 3-13 13:103, 7-104, 6 13:104, 7-105, 5 13:105, 6-12 13:105, 19-107, 2 13:108, 10-13 13:108, 13-16 13:108, 16-109, 3 13:109, 3-7 13:109, 8-13 13:109, 13-17 13:109, 17-110, 3 13:110, 8-11

Budge, 184, 9-15 Budge, 235, 9-20

Budge, 184, 20-22 Budge, 184, 15-20 Budge, 184, 23-185, 2 Budge, 185, 9-13

Budge, 185, 3-9 Budge, 243, 7-11 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

243, 205, 206, 207,

11-15 4-15 10-24 1-5

Budge, 207, 6-11 Budge, 207, 12-15 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

207, 207, 208, 208, 208, 208, 208,

16-19 19-208, 2 3-6 6-13 13-18 18-23 23-209, 3

Budge, 209, 3-8 Budge, 209, 9-14 Budge, 209, 14-18

Budge, 412, 4-8 Budge, 209, 19-210, 2

Budge, 210, 2-12 Budge, 243, 16-244, 1

Budge, 244, 1-14 Budge, 244, 14-19 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

194, 197, 197, 197, 196,

2-195, 1 7-10 4-6 1-4 22-197, 1

Budge, 196, 17-21 Budge, 196, 12-17 Budge, 196, 9-12 Budge,

196, 5-9

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

~

~

~

~

Kiihn, 13:110, 8-11 Kiihn, 13:110, 15-111, 11 Κύμη, 13:112, 10-14 Κύμη, 13:113, 1-5 Κύμη, 13:113, 5-7 Κύμη, 13:113, 13-114, 1 Κύμη, 13:115, 2-4 Kiihn, 13:115, 4-6 Κύμη, 13:120, 14-18 Κύμη, 13:133, 4-134, 2 Κύμη, 13:142, 4-8 Κύμη, 13:142, 14-143, 4 Κύμη, 13:145, 3-9 Κύμη, 13:145, 13-18 Κύμη, 13:152, 6-12 Κύμη, 13:158, 3-9 Κύμη, 13:165, 2-167, 1 Κύμη, 13:172, 14-173, 1 Κύμη, 13:174, 9-11 Κύμη, 13:178, 15-179, 2 Κύμη, 13:179, 3-15 Κύμη, 13:182, 14-18 Kihn, 13:183, 14-184, 5 and 977, 15-978, 3 Κύμη, 13:184, 6-15 Kiihn, 13:184, 16-185, 7 Κύμη, 13:185, 8-186, 8 Κύμη, 13:202, 15-203, 4 Κύμη, 13:204, 1-9 Κύμη, 13:204, 10-16 Kiihn, 13:205, 7-18 Κύμη, 13:209, 15-210, 2 Κύμη, 13:213, 6-11 Κύμη, 13:213, 12-214, 2 Κύμη, 13:214, 14-215, 4 Κύμη, 13:218, 1-5 Kiihn, 13:231, 1-2 Κύμη, 13:233, 3-7 Kiihn, 13:233, 7-11

189 Budge, 197, 21-198, 1 Budge, 198, 22-199, 8

Budge,

196, 1-4

Budge, 197, 10-14

Budge, 198, 5-9 Budge, 197, 14-21 Budge, 198, 1-2

Budge, 198, 3-5 Budge, 292, 6-9 Budge, 297, 23-298, 10 Budge, 294, 2-6 Budge, 294, 7-15

Budge, 295, 16-21 Budge, 295, 21-296, Budge, 296, 16-21 Budge, 296, 22-297, Budge, 297, 3-18 Budge, 292, 19-23 Budge, 292, 23-24 Budge, 322, 10-18 Budge, 322, 19-323, Budge, 323, 15-19 Budge, 320, 22-321,

1 3

6 5

Budge, 317, 6-15 Budge, 320, 7-18 Budge, 321, 18-322, 6

Budge, 356, 10-17 Budge, 370, 17~371, 2 Budge, 371, 21-372, 3

Budge, 397, 3-9 Budge, 354, 5-9 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

355, 370, 370, 372, 391, 390, 390,

21-356, 4 11-17 2-11 4-7 13-15 10-13 14-16

190

Appendix 4 Κύμη, 13:238, Κύμη, 13:240, Κύμη, 13:241, Κύμη, 13:242, Kiihn, 13:243, Kiihn, 13:245, Κύμη, 13:245, Kiihn, 13:245, and 246, Kiihn, 13:257, Κύμη, 13:258, Κύμη, 13:262, Κύμη, 13:267, Kiihn, 13:284, Κύμη, 13:288, Kiihn, 13:290, Κύμη, 13:293, Κύμη, 13:294, Κύμη, 13:295, Κύμη, 13:296, Κύμη, 13:297, Κύμη, 13:298, Kiihn, 13:301, Κύμη, 13:301, Κύμη, 13:302, Κύμη, 13:302, Κύμη, 13:302, Kiihn, 13:304, Κύμη, 13:305, Κύμη, 13:306, 8-16 Kiihn, 13:307, Κύμη, 13:308, Κύμη, 13:309, Κύμη, 13:312, Κύμη, 13:312, Κύμη, 13:313,

9-16 17-241, 7 7-10 14-243, 2 6-12 3-8 10-12 15-18 1-7 18-258, 4 14-259, 6 14-17 10-269, 2, 3-7 1-7 18-289, 4 3-5 4-294, 3 10-17 15-296, 4 6-9 8-12 8-299, 3 3-9 12-302, 2 2-8 8-11 11-14 8-14 11-306, 1 16-18, 307, 18-308, 3 15-18 1-7 7-10 11-13 1-4

Budge, 396, 16-21 Budge, 398, 19-21

Budge, 398, 10-12 Budge, 398, 13-15 Budge, 398, 15-19 Budge, 402, 15-19 Budge, 402, 19-21 Budge, 402, 21-403, 3 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

376, 401, 376, 425, 427, 412, 412, 412, 413, 418, 417, 417, 417, 413, 413,

18-20 11-16 22-377, 7-12 16-20 14-18 19-21 21-413, 10-15 4-8 22-418, 9-13 15-21 15-19 19-414,

2

10

4

3

Budge, 414, 4-9 Budge, 414, 9-12

Budge, 414, 12-14 Budge, 416, 12-21 Budge, 416, 21-417, 6 Budge, 432, 24-433, 8

Budge, 433, 9-11 Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

433, 433, 433, 433, 434,

12-14 14-18 19-21 23-434, 1-5

1

Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac

19]

15. De compositione medicamentorum per genera, Kuhn, 13:3821058 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,” 148 no. 61; Hunayn §84 =

Bergstrasser no. 79) Κύμη, 13:388, 11-16 Κύμη, 13:630, 3-631, 2 Κύμη, 13:646, 19-648, 12 Κύμη, 13:650, 14-651, 3 Κύμη, 13:834, 5-8 Kiihn, 13:834, 9-12 Κύμη, 13:967, 14-968, 3 ~ Κύμη, 13:978, 3-979, 2 and 261, 5-262, 5 Kiihn, 13:1012, 18-1013, 7 Κύμη, 13:1014, 4-8 Κύμη, 13:1016, 4-12 Κύμη, 13:1018, 5-12 Κύμη, 13:1018, 12—1019, 2 Κύμη, 13:1026, 11-1027, 5 Κύμη, 13:1027, 11-1028, 10 Κύμη, 13:1050, 17-1052, 15

=

=

Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

403, 151, 151, 152, 213, 213, 251, 321,

18-21 3-14 14-152, 6 6-11 12-16 18-22 10-15 5-18

= = =

Budge, Budge, Budge,

146, 10-15 146, 15-21 146, 22-147, 6

Budge, 147, 7-12 Budge, 147, 13-20

=

Budge, Budge, Budge,

147, 20-148, 6 148, 8-20 148, 23-149, 10

16. De antidotis, Kihn, 14:1-209 (Degen, “Galen im Syrischen,”

149 no. 62; Hunayn §86 = Bergstrdasser no. 81) ~ Κύμη, 14:152, 4-153, 10

=

Budge, 244, 19-245, 19

17. De remediis parabilibus, Kiihn, 14:311-581

(Degen, “Galen im

Syrischen,” 149 no. 65; Hunayn §85 = Bergstrasser no. 80)” Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη,

53.

14:334, 14:357, 14:358, 14:364 14:364, 14:366,

Passages

3-7 5-7 10-12 8-10 10-11 9-11.

marked

with

=

=

an asterisk

medicamentorum secundum locos as well.

Budge, 107, 1-4 Budge, 171, 19-- 25} Budge, 172, 3-5* Budge, 184, 5-8* Budge, 184, 20-—22* Budge, 197, 4—6*

may

come

from

the De compositione

192

Appendix 4 Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Κύμη, Kihn, Κύμη,

14:369, 14:371, 14:374, 14:376, 14:376, 14:407, 14:455,

13-370, 2 5-11 3-4 3-6 9-10 3-5 9-11

Budge, 294, 2—6*

Budge, 295, 16—21* Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge, Budge,

292, 372, 391, 107, 392,

23-24* 4—7* 13-15* 16-19* 3-5

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Index

“Abd Allah ibn Ishaq, 108, 114, 138 Abi Misa ibn ‘Isa al-Katib, 90, 139 Ahmad ibn Muhammad (known as Ibn al-Mudabbir), 96, 139-40 Ahmad ibn Misa, Abi al-Hasan, 8, 28, 32, 58, 64, 66, 68, 70, 74, 80, 85, 90, 92, 94, 98, 102, 112, 130, 138, 141, 143 Aitalaha, 173 Aleppo, 78 Alexandria, xv, xxi, xxxii, 12, 38, 116, 130, 149, 170-71, 179 Alexandrians, xv, xvii, 14, 18, 20, 24, 26, 30, 38

“Ali (known as al-Fayyum), 72, 140 “Ali ibn Yahya, Abi al-Hasan, xiv, xvi, XX11I—XXiv, xxvi, 2, 22, 26, 32, 61, 64, 68, 92, 108, 126, 128, 131, 139 Algosh, 18] Antisthenes, 20

Book of Medicines (Syriac), 171-73, 180-92 Budge, E. A. Wallace, 181 Bukhtishi* ibn Jibril (the Great), xvi-xvil, 8, 20, 26, 28, 30, 38, 70, 74, 86, 88-89, 92, 112, 114, 120, 140, 146, 148 Byzantines, ΧΙ Byzantium, x—x1, ΧΙ], Xviil

Callinicus. See al-Raqqah Chalcedonians, 149, 151, 177 Church of the East, xii, xvi, xviii, 11, 40,

140-49, 151-52 City of Peace. See Baghdad Constantinople. See Byzantium Damascus, xvii, 116

David ibn Serapion (David the physician), 8, 12, 120, 122, 141, 148

Archigenes, 26, 78 Aristophanes, 136

Degen, Rainer, 153, 168, 172

Aristotle, ix—x, xxxii, 60, 74, 110, 116, 118, 126, 128, 149, 175 Asclepiades, xxxii, 110, 112 Athanas, 120,

Dioscorides, 145, 174

Deir al-Suryan (Egypt), 172-73, 175-76

Edessa, 120

Bani al-Munajjim, 139

Egypt, xvii—xvill, 116, 140 Elisha (patron of Sergius of Resh‘ayna), 26-27, 141, 148 Empiricism, 112, 114

Bani Misa, 138-39, 143-44 Bar “Ali, 169 Bar Bahlul,149, 169

Empiricists, xxxii, 112, 114 Erasistratus, 46, 80, 86, 110, 134 Euclid, ix, ΧΙ

Bar Hebraeus (Gregory Bar “Ebroyo),

Eugenianus, 34 Euphrates, 36

Baghdad, x, xii, 36, 138, 151-52

170-71 Bar Sahde, 142 Basra, 142 Bergstrasser, G., xix—xx, XXIV, XXV1, XXX], 137, 148, 153, 172 Beth Garmai, 10, 27 Boethus, 46, 52

al-Fath ibn Khaqan, 145 Fathyin the physician, 140 Gesius of Alexandria, Glaucon, 12, 14, 80

205

106, 171, 178-79

206

Index

Gondeshapur, 10-11, 146, 151 Gottheil, Richard, 169 al-Hadi (caliph), 152 Harran, xvi, 120, 124, 147, 150 Harranians, 120, 147 Hieron, 34 Hippocrates, 1x, xxxii, 3, 20, 22, 46, 58, 60-61, 64, 78, 86, 94, 96, 98, 100, 102, 104, 106-8 110, 122, 134, 142-43, 178-80 al-Hirah, xii Homer, 150 Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan, xvi, xviii, 10-11, 18, 26, 28, 32, 38, 44, 46, 48, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 68, 70, 72, 74, 84, 88, 92, 94, 104, 112, 116, 120, 122, 124, 126, 138-39, 141, 148, 152

Hunayn ibn Ishaq: language of xxvii; life of, ΧΙ

Jibril ibn Bukhtishi‘, xv-xvii, 24, 32, 42, 94,

112, 116, 146, 148, 15] Job of Edessa (al-Abrash), xv, 6, 8, 12, 30, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 52, 58, 60, 66, 68, 70, 74, 78, 80, 82, 84, 90, 94, 98, 100, 108, 114, 116, 120, 122, 124, 134, 142, 146-7, 152, 170 John of Alexandria, 178-9 Joseph al-Khuri (Joseph the Priest), 66-68, 134, 147, 178 Joseph al-Sahir. See Joseph al-Khiri Julian the Apostate, x Karka d-Beth Slokh, 10, 142

Karkh (quarter of Baghdad), 10-11 Karkh Juddan, 27 Kas, Fabian, xxi, xxvi, XXvil Khuzistan, 1]

ΧΙ, xvi-xviii; literary activities of,

x1l1—xiv; his reasons for writing the

Lycus, 44, 48

present treatise, xiv; patrons of, xvi-xvil Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi‘ah, xili, xix, xxvi, 142 Ibn Khaldin, xi Ibn al-Mudabbir. See Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ibn Mutran, xxviii, 26, 61, 140, 147 Ibn al-Nadim, ix, xvi, xix, xxi, xxvi, 142, 149 Ibn Sahda al-Karkhi, xv, 10, 12, 14, 142 Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn Misa, 96, 143 Ibrahim ibn al-Salt, 70, 80, 82, 138, 143 Iraq, xii, xviii, 10, 181 “Isa ibn ‘Ali, 68, 143 Isa ibn Musa, 98, 143 “Isa ibn Yahya, xvi, xix, xviii, xxiii, 48, 56, 58, 68, 74, 80, 82, 84, 90, 94, 96, 98-99, 102, 107-8, 114, 118, 122, 126, 138-39, 143 “Isa ibn Yunus, 56, 144

Isaac Ben Solomon Israeli. See Ishaq ibn Sulayman Ishaq ibn Hunayn, xviii, xxili, xxv, 8, 32, 56, 62, 64, 72, 78, 80, 84, 86, 92, 94, 108, 114, 118, 124, 126, 128, 138-40, 144 Ishaq ibn Ibrahim al-Tahiri, 84, 144 Ishaq ibn Sulayman, 22, 24, 84, 108, 144-45 [ξδ΄ bar ‘Ali, 170

Israel ibn Zakariya (known as al-Tayfiri, or Israel the Great), 28, 145, 148, 152 Istifan ibn Basil, 52, 54, 56, 70, 74, 82, 124, 139, 145 Jacobites. See Syrian Orthodox Church al-Jazirah, xvii, 116

al-Mahdi, 150 al-Ma°min, x, 36, 140, 144, 149, 152 al-Mansir, xi Mansur ibn Banas, 120, 147

Mar Sem‘én of Bet Hizayé, 179 Marinus, 42 Maronites, 150 Menodotus, 112 Methodists, 106

Monophysites. See Syrian Orthodox Church al-Muktafi, 147 Muhammad ibn “Abd Allah, 54, 147 Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, 54, 120, 134, 147-48 Muhammad ibn Musa, Abi Ja‘ far, xvi, xxii, xxiv, xxix, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 32, 34, 38, 44, 46, 48, 52, 54, 56, 60, 62, 74, 78, 82, 84, 86, 88, 92, 96, 100, 104, 114, 120, 122, 124, 126, 139, 141, 143, 145, 150 al-Mu‘tasim, 148, 152 al-Mutawakkil, xiii, xiv, 88 al-Mu‘tazz, 107 Nestorians. See Church of the East Nisibis, 142 Oribasius, 3, 88 Pacho, Auguste, 173 Palestine, xvii, 116, 140

Pamphylianus, 90

207

Index

Pelops, 50, 52, 106

Smyrna, 50, 52

Pergamum, 52 Pethion (Catholicos), 142 Philagrius, 88-89

Sophists, 128 Soranus of Ephesus, 3, 106

Pison, 90 Plato, xxxii, 58, 60, 122, 124, 126 Pognon, Henri, 180

Polybus, 106

Stoics, 128 Susa (Sian), 171, 179 Syria, xvi-xvill, 116, 140 Syrian Orthodox Church, 150, 171, 173, 175-78, 180

Pormann, Peter E., 177

Porphyry of Tyre, 175

Tahir ibn Husayn,

Proclus, 3, 58

Tahiri dynasty, 144

Ptolemy, ix

Tattam, Henry, 175-76

Quintus, 110 al-Raqgah, 36, 149, 152 Renaissance, 1x

Resh‘ayna, 149 Ritter, H., xx Romans, x-xi Rome, 10, 14, 16, 50, 52, 80

Rufus of Ephesus, 50, 174

144

al-Tayfiri. See Zakariya ibn “Abd Allah Theodore the bishop of al-Karkh (or Karkh Juddan), 26-27, 150, 175-76 Theodosiopolis. See Resh‘ayna Theodosius Theophilus Thessalus, Thomas of

(Catholicos), xiv of Edessa, 92, 150 12, 34, 106 Edessa, 120, 150-51

Thrasybulus, 92 Thabit ibn Qurrah, xix, 84-85, 114, 139, 150

Timothy (Catholicos), 137 Sabians, xvi, 120, 147, 150 Sabinus, 106 Sabrisho’ ibn Qutrub, 10-11, 148 Salmawayh ibn Bunan, xvi, xxiv, 14, 16, 36, 56, 58, 62, 68, 74, 96, 104, 124, 133-34, 148-49 Samarra, 140

Sergius of Resh‘ayna (Sergius al-Ra’si), xv—xvi, 12, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 30-32, 34, 36, 62, 68, 76, 78, 82, 84, 88, 96, 106, 141-42, 149, 150, 152, 169, 171, 173-79, 182 Severus Sebokht, 173 Shamli, 84, 149-50 Shirshu‘, 148 Shirishu‘, 148

Smi’él bar Qiryaqis, 179

al-Wathiq, 126, 138 Yahya ibn al-Bitriq, 90, 151 Yefet (Karaite bible translator), 135 Yonan the Periodeutes, 173

Yuhanna ibn Bukhtishi*, 90, 151 Yuhanna (or Yuhanna) ibn Masawayh, Abi Zakariya, xii—xiil, xvi, xvii, 16, 18,

30, 32, 42, 44, 50, 52, 54, 68, 84, 88, 120, 133-34, 141, 148, 151-52 Yuhanna ibn Sarabiyun, 170 Zakariya ibn “Abd Allah (known as al-Tayfiri), 36, 145, 152

Zosimus of Panopolis, 177