Historiography and Episcopal Authority in Sixth-Century Gaul: The Histories of Gregory of Tours interpreted in their historical Context 9783666551659, 3525551657, 9783525551653

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V&R

Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte

Herausgegeben von Adolf Martin Ritter

Band 57

Göttingen · Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht · 1994

Historiography and Episcopal Authority in Sixth-Century Gaul The Histories of Gregory of Tours interpreted in their historical context von Adriaan H. B. Breukelaar

Göttingen · Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht · 1994

CARISSIMAE MEAE

Die Deutsche Bibliothek-

CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Breukelaar, Adriaan H. B.: Historiography and episcopal authority in sixth century gaul: the histories of Gregory of Tours interpreted in their historical context / von Adriaan H. B. Breukelaar. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1994 (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte; Bd. 57) ISBN 3-525-55165-7 NE: GT

© 1994 Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 37070 Göttingen Printed in Germany. - Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Druck und Bindearbeiten: Hubert & Co., Göttingen

CONTENTS

Preface

9

Acknowledgements

10

Introduction

13

PARTI History of composition & Genre of the Histories Chapter 1 The history of composition Different theories a. The two versions b. The unity of the Histories The residence of the cleric Georgius Florentius The beginning of writing Contemporary historiography The final structuring The ending of the Histories and the date of closing a. A natural ending b. The dating of the Epilogue X 31 Conclusion Chapter 2 The literary genre of the Histories Traditional determinations of the genre of the Histories a. Manuscript evidence and traditional genres b. Problems of traditional genre definitions c. A historical conception of the historiographical genre Historia and the genre of the Histories a. Form, contents and function of historia according to the Histories b. Historiography and hagiography c. The audience and the social setting of the Histories Conclusion

25 25 25 29 30 41 50 51 56 56 59 69 71 72 73 81 89 95 95 106 116 129

PART II Motives, Intentions and Functions; a rhetorical analysis of the Histories Introduction: on method

135

Chapter 3 Inventio: selection of the material

140

6

CONTENTS

3.1 Time: Determinations of time and temporal horizon of report Treatment and significance of determinations of time a. Datings b. Exact determinations of time Contemporary historiography a. New things: the motive for the selection b. The contemporary between past and future Conclusion

142 142 144 152 165 166 175 183

3.2 Place: The local horizon of report Change of perspective a. The geographical horizon of report in the Arvernan corpus b. The geographical horizon of report in the Turanian corpus Local identity a. Settlements: an urban identity b. Regions: a Gallic identity Conclusion

186 186 187 188 196 198 207 224

3.3 Person, Fact and Cause

226

3.3.1 Person: The social horizon of report: kings and bishops a. Kings b. Bishops The other order: heavenly saints, God and the Devil a. Saints in heaven b. God c. The Devil

227 227 230 240 257 257 261 264

3.3.2 Fact and cause Fact: bliss and disaster Cause: Credulitas pura and credulitas mala a. Credulitas pura : the evidence of miracles b. The coherence of the Histories Conclusion

268 268 271 281 285 288

Chapter 4 Dispositio: arrangement of the material The formal division a. The dichotomy b. The division into books Ordo naturalis: chronology and chronography Ordo artificialis: antithesis Conclusion

291 293 294 297 299 306 309

Chapter 5 Elocutio: Styling the Material The state of the question The language of fishermen, God and peasants Conclusion General Conclusion

311 311 319 332 334

CONTENTS

7

Appendices, Bibliography & Indices Appendix I: Verbs for historiographical activity Appendix II: Quantifying the inventio Appendix III: The Arvernan and the Turanian corpus in Hist. I-IV

341 344 350

Bibliography

357

Index I: Persons and places Index II: Passages cited from Gregory's works

378 386

PREFACE

A note on Latin quotations and the spelling of Frankish names It is common knowledge that the orthography of the Monumenta Germaniae histórica textus receptus of Gregory's Histories is heterodox, to put it mildly. For the reader's convenience I conformed the spelling of quotations to classical usage whenever it would clarify a word's meaning. The alterations are indicated by square brackets, e.g., quod v[e]rum cognovimus for quod virum cognovimus. The reader should be warned, however, not to expect consistency here, but be prepared to find occasionally a quotation that might provoke his or her own imagination. Variant spellings most commonly found are those reflecting Merovingian vowel gradation (i/e, o/u), changes of diphthongs into monophthongs (aele, o e/e, oe/i), syncope (domnus for dominus) and the loss of the accusative ending -inconsistency is also the last thing one should expect from English spellings of Frankish names. One of the few spellings which do follow a rule is a chronic infection of French fantasy, which generated Clovis as the original name of the Merovingian who Gregory and other Latin authors call Chlodovechus and German scholars Chlodwig. In order to prevent never-ending discussions on proper spellings I decided to follow Wallace-Hadrill's The Long-haired Kings.

A note on footnotes and references Footnotes are useful for many things. I am no dogmatist as to the question of whether they should be confined to references to sources and secondary literature, or whether discussions on variant opinions should be banished from them. I use footnotes for explaining details or for further substantiating the parts they refer to, for things, in short, that ancient rhetoric art prohibits as diverting from the main discourse. This implies that footnotes can be very long, because details and contradicting opinions are often the most interesting issues to expatiate on. References to page and line numbers of editions, on the other hand, usually follow a quotation in the main text.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS cum autem proprium sit Academiae iudicium suum nullum interponere, ea probare, quae simillima veri videantur, conferre causas et, quid in quamque sententiam dici possit, expromere, nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iudicium audientium relinquere integrum ac liberimi, tenebimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate tradì lam Cicero, De divinatione 11,150

An interpretative study is an evanescent stage in a continuing dialogue. It is indebted to the author's discussion partners more than it hopes to contribute to the advancement of the conversation. I want to extend my gratitude in the first place to all those whose names occur in the bibliography, and in particular to those mentioned in the introduction. Many persons not named contributed in their own way to the realization of this book: my teachers in various disciplines who provided me with an inspiring compendium of approaches in the arts and humanities, librarians who helped me find my way to un-cut volumes lying dusty in forgotten corners, and my colleagues trained in other disciplines, who as a proof-audience had to endure my dry and technical expositions, but managed to improve my style. They all will pardon me for omitting their names, in order to mention those I want to thank in particular. The very beginning of this study is shrouded in the smoke of cigars and the summer noise of Amsterdam trams. Late afternoon conversations in 1985 with Jan W. Smit on antique Latin Christianity and early medieval literature accompanied its start. As my teacher in early Christian and medieval Latin he has been omnipresent ever since. The present study owes its existence to two albi genii who acted as the patrons of its first version, which was a dissertation defended at the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam. With an invaluable personal concern my teacher in history Ulrich Gabler charted its courses, appointed me for the quest, and navi gated the project through the Scylla and Charybdis of academic endeavours. Knut Schäferdiek warded off the wild billows by making it proceed under many an encouraging comment. To my fellow-goliard in Bonn Rob Meens the accurate information on the depositories of the Histories' medieval manuscripts is the least I owe him. His companionship made my travels enjoyable, and the small circle of earlymedievalists we started meant a comforting stopping place to me. Phillip Wynn presented me with the greatest delight in scholarship I enjoyed. His help in revising the entire work was far beyond the mere correctional, and

Acknowledgements

11

his wit provoked discussions so far-reaching as to provide material for a scholar's lifetime. He made me fathom that scholarship is indeed opening new, even transatlantic, horizons. In matters of scholarly policy Peter van Rooden and Wolfram Kinzig were my commensals at the Symposium. They strengthened me in the opinion, that the desire of the intellect will never reach the end of total understanding, but is continually drawing nearer only by query and counterquestion, and that in scholarly discourse arguments are valued without respect of persons, which does not imply, of course, a lack of respect of persons. By making me acquainted with its revival by French humanists, my wife introduced me to antique Latin art poétique et rhétorique. Without her support in matters non-scholarly as well this book would never have been even started. Finally, I owe a large debt of gratitude to the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, which by its generous award made its wish materialize that this study would be available for a wider audience, and to Martin Ritter, who amiably was inclined to support its insertion in the present series.

INTRODUCTION

In recent decades historians of late antiquity and the early middle ages have increasingly become sociologists of the past. The structures of society in this great age of transition have been progressively laid bare, the social functions of its institutions gradually clarified. The prosopography of the administrative apparatus has been examined, the varying forms of social control analysed, the balance of rival powers on different social levels unraveled, and the importance of authority and repression for the type of society in that period demonstrated. The breakdown of the empire into kingdoms has been elucidated in terms of social processes. Religious conversion, explained in similar terms, has been indicated as the predominant factor in the survival and growth of Christendom.1 The present study originates from the type of interest motivating this trend in historical scholarship. It treats Gregory of Tours' Histories as historiography made instrumental to the social interests of a Gallo-Roman ecclesiastical elite and examines the social impact this literary work originally was intended to have. Gregory of Tours (|594) actively engaged in the striving of his group for the defence of its social territory. He was energetically involved in exploiting the possibilities for enhancing and consolidating his group's power and authority. This he did in several ways, among other things by writing history. By the sixth century, Gallo-Roman aristocrats had lost one opportunity to exercise their power: high office within imperial central administration. 2 Although the ecclesiastical hierarchy had already proved to be an alternative for ruling aspirations, by then it had become the most important one. The occupation of bishoprics was a successful means to perpetuate traditional aristocratic patronage under Frankish rule. 3 This move was of central importance to the preservation of the catholic church in the Latin West. Gregory's Histories are a prominent witness to the ideology by which GalloRoman aristocrats legitimated their ecclesiastical patronage. The main thesis of the present study is that Gregory's Histories as a literary artefact were instrumental to the establishment of episcopal power in late antique Gaul. The work is treated as a relic of social process. It was a medium to communicate values and views to an audience. More precisely, it was a persuasive means for a bishop to exhort his flock, the commanding media of episcopal On the socio-historical approach of this period see Angenendt 1990,45f, cf. 49f. Prinz 1974. 3 Heinzelmann 1976 and Van Dam 1985 are the most detailed and comprehensive studies of this development. 1

2

14

INTRODUCTION

authority which ruled local community. Sociologically speaking, the Histories were eufunctional to the structures of late antique society. The object of this study is to substantiate how they did this. Its approach is to interpret the work radically within the historical context from which it emerged. There are several aspects to the problem of the Histories as posed by this approach. The problem is to be more exactly defined, firstly, as the purposes and motives of the Histories and, secondly, as the values and views, in terms of trends or tendencies of the book, which were being conveyed to its audience. A third but preliminary question relevant to the problem bears upon the genre of the Histories and the chronology of its composition. In the chronology of composition lies part of the explanation of the present 'episodic' form of the work and the key to understanding incongruities and the varying of themes and trends. An analysis of its genre, insofar as it is not confined to a typology of form and contents but is understood historically, reveals generic functions, rhetorical situations and types of audience. It opens the way to perceiving the socio-historical functionality of the literary artefact and to interpret it within this framework.

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM

The material problem of the present study, insofar as it concerns the motives, purposes and views of the Histories, relates to firmly established fields of historical research. Four fields of interest are distinguishable, the first concerning the history of concepts of history, the second concerning historiography as a scholarly discipline, the third concerning historiography as a literary genre, the last concerning historiography as a historical source. The history of these separate, though interfering fields of interest is considerable, and is in itself a subject of historical survey. 4 The following paragraphs confine themselves to outlining briefly its contours, subsequently to survey the history of interpretation of Gregory's work. As far as the history of concepts of history in general is concerned, this field has been explored by historians of theology, philosophy and historiography ever since historicism made history a problem. The type of interest predominant in this field is that of the history of ideas. The concept of history is treated as a historical phenomenon, an expression of changing attitudes towards the past and of changing self-definitions of the group to which the historiographer belonged. 4

Surveys and overviews of the history of these fields of problem can be found in monographs on modern historical discipline, introductions of general histories of historiography and introductions of monographs on specific historiographical periods or on specific historiographers. For a historical survey of the history of the problem as far as medieval historiography is concerned see especially Spörl 1933.

History of the problem

15

This field relates to the history of theology and of philosophy. Theologically speaking, the concept of history forms part of the dogmatic locus de Deo. In pre-modern Christian historiography, at any rate, history was conceived of as divine Providence in action. Philosophically speaking, the concept of history forms part of the world-view. As a field of research the history of the concepts of history was first formulated by German idealistic historians, such as Ferdinand Christian Baur, who treated it under the aspect of Geistesgeschichte,5 Heir to this school, Johannes Spörl developed a full program for investigating medieval concepts of history.6 In more recent years this field of research has been reformulated in terms of the history of mentalities.7 As to the second field of interest, the history of historiography as a scholarly discipline, its history is strongly connected with the critical periods historical discipline went through in the 19th and 20th centuries. The interest in this question emanates from the historian's self-reflection. The question of the origins of his profession arises whenever the historian is compelled to legitimate his labour and turns to the fathers to discuss his right of existence.8 The history of ancient and medieval historiography belongs to the prehistory of the historian's own discipline. In this type of interest concerning the use and relevancy of the historical discipline, the historian's own social and ideological allegiances naturally interfere. Especially in Gregorian scholarship, the nationalist drive illustrates this nicely. Gregory's most recent biography, published in 1989, still honours him with the subtitle "Le père de l'Histoire de France."9 The last two fields of interest, historiography as a historical source and as a literary genre, are covered respectively by an auxiliary historical discipline and a discipline labelled auxiliary by the historian. The first is source typology, the second literary history. The interests of both these disciplines need to be mentioned, because it is these interests that prevail in Gregorian scholarship. Source typology, which ranges historiographical works under the class of secondary sources, is interested in their contents and in their value as historical sources. Literary history is traditionally interested in the form and the aesthetic value of historiography as a literary artefact. In both respects, as a historical source and as a literary artefact, the Histories of Gregory of Tours fell short of the expectations and classicist norms of 19th century scholarship. This negative rating of the work reverberates well into the present century. Students in things Gregorian and Merovingian tend to join parties, taking position as Gregory's art critics and historical critics, either as advocates of originality and credibility or as prosecutors of gloominess and credulity. 5 6 7 8 9

Baur 1852; cf. Spörl 1933,11-15. Spörl 1933. See Lettinck 1983, 12-15. Breisach 1983, XI and 1-4. Verdón 1989.

16

INTRODUCTION

Insofar as the interest in motives, views and form of the Histories is motivated by literary and historical criticism, its direction is negative. As a law of the school of Gustav Droysen goes, for example, the historian who wants to know the facts behind historiographical works must be aware of the intentions of the historiographer in question. "Internal criticism analyses the text from three points of view," Heinz Quirin states, "in order to ascertain the truth of the account. Firstly, it asks h o w the author reports, next what he c o u l d report, and finally what he w a n t e d to report." 10 Intentions tend only to one thing: distorting the truth of the account, that is, facts. The Histories of Gregory of Tours are a major source for the study of early Merovingian times. Without it next to nothing would be known of Frankish rule and long-haired warrior-kings, of Gallo-Roman aristocrats, episcopal patronage and authority, even less of education, church-life and Visigothic and Byzantine relations in Gaul in the late fifth and sixth centuries. The Histories are the sole entrance to a large range of historical facts. But they are a difficult one. To historians who investigate the facts behind the Histories, Gregory's presentation of them proves to be an obstacle. The use of Gregory's book as a source-book has a heavy impact on the interpretation and the assessment of the work itself. To the historian it is mainly a difficult book to understand. It tells too much he does not want to know and too little of what he does. Its historical reliability is questionable. At first glance it lacks unity of theme, comprehensive treatment of material, adequate organising principles. It seems a series of unconnected highlights and too often awkward, exotic topics, isolated strange moments of Dark Age life, for which the euphemisms 'episodic' and 'anecdotal' rank as the most flattering descriptions. The plots are often hilarious and some say the author is seriously joking. Its genre is difficult to define, if it has any. Its latinity is corrupt, obscure and too often darkens sense. Gregory's narrative style is thought to be artless. The author is praised for his talent as a story-teller, but the naïveté of his realism, thought to be typical of his age, seems to be obvious. In this tradition, the history of the problem of motives, views and form of the Histories passes virtually without discussion. According to this tradition, the Histories record the history of a people, the Franks. They offer a providential perspective on history, sometimes called ecclesiastical, or a history of salvation (Heilsgeschichte), which means the same thing. Its motives are 'national Frankish' and apologetic or anti-heretical. Gregory started the work shortly after his consecration in 573 more or less at the beginning of the book and ended his

10 Heinz Quirin, Einfiihrung in das Studium der mittelalterlichen Geschichte, Stuttgart 1985, 168: 'Innere Kritik analysiert den Text unter drei Gesichtspunkten, um so die Wahrheit des Berichteten festzustellen. Sie fragt zunächst, w i e der Verfasser berichtet, weiter was er berichten k o n n t e , und schließlich, was er berichten w o l l t e."

History of the problem

17

work, without putting a real end to it, in the year of his death, which is conjectured to be 594. Most of the results of traditional examination of motives and views, as well as of chronology of composition and genre, can be found in prefatory material, such as introductions to editions and translations of the Histories, 11 typologies of historical sources, 1 2 histories of antique and medieval literature, 1 3 encyclopaedic entries, 1 4 histories of historical writing and concepts, 1 5 or histories of historiographie themes. 16 The most critical representative of this tradition is Gabriel Monod's 1872 Etudes critiques sur les sources de l'histoire mérovingienne.17 Other more comprehensive representatives are Siegmund Hellmann, 'Studien zur mittelalterlichen Geschichtsschreibung I: Gregor von Tours,' published in 1911, Gustavo Vinay, San Gregorio di Tours (Saggio), published in 1944 and F.L. Ganshof, Een historicus uit de Vie eeuw: Gregorius van Tours, published in 1966. 18 Apart from reproductions of the traditional opinion on the whole subset of the problem of the Histories' motives, views and form, each aspect of which will be discussed in its proper place, in recent decades a number of studies on central or related questions appeared which modify or even challenge tradition. The first author to do this on central points was John Michael Wallace-Hadrill in 1951. In his article 'The work of Gregory of Tours in the light of modern research,' he stated that the cult of St. Martin was central to the motivation of the Histories, as well as to their presentation of history. Miracle-stories and the eminence of holiness range among the most remarkable features of the Histories, according to scholarship. Traditional evaluation is inclined to depreciate these features and takes them as an argument for Gregory's superstitious or at least credulous mind and, consequently, for his historical unreliability. In the past thirty years scholars in late-antique and medieval studies in general have increasingly paid attention to relic-cult and a far greater understanding of its functionality has been achieved. For sixth century Gaul this has been the merit of Frantisek Graus' Volk, Herrscher und Heiliger im Reich der Merowinger; Studien zur Hagiographie der

11 Giesebrecht 1851, Arndt 1885, Giesebrecht/Hellmann 1913, Krusch 1937-1951, Latouche 1963, Dalton 1967, Thorpe 1974, Buchner 1977. 12 Monod 1872, 21-146, Wattenbach/Levison 1952, 99-108, Van Caenegem/Ganshof 1978, 27f. 13 Ebert 1874 I, 539-544, Manitius 1911 I, 216-223, de Ghellinck 1939 I, 60ff„ Brunhölzl 1975, 128-140, Martin/Gaillard 19811, 144f. 14 Leclercq 1925 (DACL), Vollmann 1983 (RAC), Pietri 1985 (TRE), Anton 1989 (LMA). 15 Baur 1852, 36f„ Grundmann 1965, 13f„ Nigg 1934, 40f. Meinhold 1967, 177-180, Breisach 1983, 89-97passim, Ganshof 1970,632-637. 16 Von den Brincken 1957,95-98. 17 Monod 1872,21-146. 18 See also Hugenholtz 1960 and Verdón 1989.

18

INTRODUCTION

Merowingerzeit, Praha 1965, and Peter Brown's 1976 article 'Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours.' 19 In 1966 Émile Walter examined the miracle-stories in the Histories in respect to their relevancy for Gregory's concept of history. Assuming the traditional picture of the naive Gregory and the violent times in which he lived, Walter's treatment attempts to understand Gregory's empirical belief in the power of saints as a fundamental component of his interpretation of reality. It concludes: "understanding Gregory as a hagiographer means doing justice to him as an historian." Sophia Boesch Gajano examined Gregory's entire oeuvre, including the Books of Miracles, on 'Il santo nella visione storiografico di Gregorio di Tours,' in a paper she delivered at the 1971 congress of the Centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale in Todi, which was devoted to Gregory. Gregory and the miracles of saints form the most dense subject of Gregorian scholarship in the past two decades.20 Miraculous events in Gregory's Miracles as well as in the Histories are also the concern of Giselle de Nie's essays, collected in 1987, which from an anthropological and depth-psychological perspective try to inquire into Gregory's "thinking, and especially imagining." 21 Her 1979 essay confined itself to the Histories. It draws attention to the prodigies and takes Gregory's interpretation of them as evidence of his changing views regarding the approaching end of times, although without treating the historical problem of the Histories' genesis first. The conference at Todi was a turning point in the history of the problem, insofar as it opened the discussion on the Histories' interpretation and examined sources rather than reproduced opinions. The shift is punctuated by the departure of the title Historia Francorum which tradition since early medieval times had attached to Gregory's work. This title reflects the interest post-Gregorian readers took in the work as a source for Frankish (and French) history. The president of the conference, Raffaelo Morghen, indicated that the use of this title is the brand of earlier scholarly interpretation. He started the meeting with an introduction to the reading of the work Gregory himself called Historiae and pointed to "the exaltation of Christian Gaul" as its central motive. The conference made some progress in related problems as well. Michel Rouche examined the relationship between Franks and Gallo-Romans in Gregory. Political thoughts and practices of Gregory were highlighted by Marc Reydellet, who later on, in his comprehensive study on kingship in late-antique literature, from Sidonius Apollinaris to Isidore of Seville, published a thorough inquiry into Gregory's presentation of kings. Gregory's opinions on Frankish

19

Also the letter's 1976 Stenton Lecture (Brown 1981). Corbett 1981, Corbett 1983, Peterson 1983, Corbett 1985, Van Dam 1985, 177-300, Mitchell 1987. 21 De Nie 1987,22. 20

History of the problem

19

kings, especially on Clovis, stand out as a major subject of Gregorian scholarship in general. 22 Other related problems treated by the congress are the literary and rhetorical aspects of the work. These were examined by Massimo Oldoni and J.-B. Jungblut respectively. The first took up the work Godefroid Kurth had started a century ago by reviewing the written sources used by Gregory. The second analysed the rhythm of speech, which he demonstrated to be that of the sermon. Literary, rhetorical and linguistic aspects of the Histories have been examined ever since Max Bonnet published his classic work on the Latinity of Gregory in 1890. Gregory's use of the Bible and biblicising phraseology were reviewed by Paul Lehmann in 1963 ('Der Einfluß der Bibel auf frühmittelalterliche Geschichtsschreiber'), by Paul Antin in 1967 ('Emplois de la Bible chez Grégoire de Tours et Mgr. Pie') and his biblical paratactic style by Jennifer T. Roberts in 1980 ('Gregory of Tours and the Monk of St. Gall: The paratactic style of medieval Latin'). In 1946, Erich Auerbach had revealed some literary and stylistic peculiarities of Gregorian story-telling. He was the first to recognise the artificiality of Gregory's representation of reality. Some twenty years later, the lower style, the sermo rusticus and Gregory's consciousness of using it, is the subject of Helmut Beumann's 1964 article. In 1974 Felix Thiirlemann analysed some literary techniques of historical discourse on the basis of Gregory's Histories and questioned in a radical way the author's naïveté. On oral and written sources of the story of Clovis' conversion and Gregory's handling of them, W. von den Steinen published an outstanding critical study. In 1978 Michel Banniard reconstructed the way in which Gregory treats his material and merges it into his story, exemplifying Gregory's methods by a cluster of three chapters. Although new findings have emerged since 1951 on some of Gregory's ideas, his literary capacity, his forging of reality, his treatment of miracles, saints and kings, a comprehensive study of the Histories incorporating these and interpreting the work within its socio-historical context is still absent. Also, the genesis of the Histories has not been examined since Monod and Krusch left the discussion unfinished and, although literary history and theory since the crisis of classicism has found new inspirations, particularly fruitful for the historian in the field of the sociology of literature, the Histories' literary genre has not been treated accordingly.

22 On Gregory and Clovis see, for example, Levison 1898, Kurth 1919f and 1923, Halphen 1925, Krusch 1933, Steinen 1963, Tessier 1964, Weiss 1971 (contra: Schäferdiek 1973), Demyttenaere 1984, Wood 1985. On other Merovingians: Beyer 1933 on Guntramn, Collins 1983 on Theudebert, James 1988, pp. 162-182 on Chilperic and Guntramn. Wallace-Hadrill 1962, 148-206, Wallace-Hadrill 1968 and Reydellet 1981, 345-437 cover most of Gregory's Merovingians, including Clovis.

20

INTRODUCTION

In the last decade two studies appeared which treat the Histories in a more comprehensive way. The first is incorporated in Luce Pietri 's major work on the history of Tours, published in 1983. In a section which describes the activities of the successive bishops of Tours, much space is given to the nineteenth in order by his own account. 23 In the framework of the history of Tours the focus is on Gregory's contribution to the cult of St. Martin and the local ideology of Tours. Without saying so, Pietri applies to the Histories the fruitful functional approach to literature. However much traditional judgement there may be in her interpretation, at least she takes the Histories back to where the book in its present form came from, viz., the bishopric of Tours. The second comprehensive interpretation appeared during the preparation of the present one. In 1988 Walter Goffart published his The Narrators of Barbarian History. One of the four narrators dealt with is Gregory, on whom the author had published some preparatory articles. 24 The Narrators focuses on the Histories, not without treating the Miracles first. It is the most original interpretation of the Histories Gregorian scholarship has hitherto produced. Its major merit is its being the first to question tradition in a comprehensive way. Goffart's exposition of the status quaestionis relieves one from the obligation to expound in further detail the history of the Histories' interpretation. As he stated earlier, in 1987, "[Gregory's] fame was earned by an often shortened History of the Franks. What he amounts to as an author oí Histories still needs investigation." 25 Goffart's study correctly defends the artificiality of the Histories, which is the starting point of the present study. 26 It concludes that Gregory's central interest was to portray "at great lengths the miseries and wonders of contemporary Gaul in order to illustrate adversum philosophes the perennial condition of humanity, fallen and redeemed." 27 However, it only sporadically hints at the socio-historical context of the Histories, and does not interpret the work within this context. Although it explicitly attempts to define Gregory's identity within late antique Christian historiographie tradition, it conceives of the Histories' genre as at least intermingled with satire. Gregory was "the most astonishingly original" of the four narrators treated and "an entertaining edition of Salvian." 28 The absence of any treatment of the question of the Histories' audience and Sitz im Leben causes an authoritarian Gallo-Roman bishop on the verge of excommunicating Merovingian kings look like a Petronian maitre des plaisirs amusing Nero. This representation of the author and his work results from an essential

23

Pietri 1983, 247-334 (Gregory's biography), 744-756 (on VSM), 756-786 (on die Histories). 24 Goffart 1982,1985 and 1987. 25 Goffart 1987,68. 26 See the introduction of Partii. 27 Goffart 1988,432. 28 Goffart 1988,435.

History of the problem

21

shortcoming The Narrators shares with other studies of pre-modern historiography: the absence of methods for literary analysis.

THE DIVISION

Method, the impediment to impressionism, is the major desideratum in the interpretation of pre-modern historiography. The interpretation of the Histories presented in this study is based on a method explicitly formulated in the introduction of the second part, which is dedicated to the central problem. The division of that part emanates in a natural way from the method applied. The chapters follow the parts of the rhetorical art and analyse the inventio (Ch.3), dispostilo (CH.4) and elocutio (Ch.5) respectively with regard to the motives, tendencies and functions of the Histories. On logical grounds the examination of the chronology of composition and of the genre of the Histories will precede the analysis of contents. Both questions determine the frame of interpretation. Therefore, the study begins with the reconstruction of the chronology of composition (Ch.l) and with the examination of Gregory's definition of historiography (Ch.2).

PARTI History of composition & Genre of the Histories

1 THE HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

DIFFERENT THEORIES

Gregorian scholarship has advanced two theories on the history of composition of the Histories. The first is characterised by arguments derived from the curious manuscript tradition of the Histories. The second confines itself strictly to internal textual evidence. Both theories are commonly found in the introductions of popular modern translations. Of the first the most recent exponent is Lewis Thorpe, of the second Rudolf Büchner provides the latest example. Both theories are self-contained, the first ignoring the existence of the second for more than a century now. Since Bruno Krusch in the early 1930s convincingly refuted the possibility of using evidence from the manuscript tradition, no new substantial attempt has been made to reconstruct the history of composition.1 To investigate the genesis of the work is to confront the internal textual evidence gathered and evaluated by Krusch. This evidence, though, is scarcely overwhelming, due partly to a structural lack of it in the sources, partly to questionable interpretation and partly to a too narrow focusing on the Histories alone. In the present chapter this evidence will be discussed and other evidence will be advanced in order to trace, as exactly as possible, the chronology of the start, progress and finish of the Histories. As a starting point for the discussion, it is useful and of present interest to expound critically the theories of Thorpe and Büchner and to glance at their history.

a. The two versions According to Lewis Thorpe, Gregory started writing a contemporary chronicle only after his consecration as bishop of Tours in 573. 2 The earliest part of the Histories he supposes to be the present preface of Book V. This preface mentions the murder of king Sigebert, which occurred in 575. Although according to Thorpe Gregory's writing of contemporary history continues in a smooth and consecutive way from that passage on, he accepts the possibility that some fragments from preceding books had already been roughly drafted before 575. This he infers from the observation that the theme of the preface of Book V is 1

Krusch 1932/33. Only Büchner 1977 proposes minor adjustments. The most recent scholar to mention the problem left it discouraged: Goffart 1988, 124 (reiterating Goffart 1987, 65; n. 56 reiterating Goffart 1987, 62 n. 53 and n. 54). 2 Thorpe 1974,24. For the following exposition cf. o.e. 24-27.

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

foreshadowed by the opening sentence of IV 50. 3 It should be noted that any argument as to why this preface of Book V is to be considered as the start of the Histories is absent, as is any reason for supposing that Gregory started his work only after his consecration. As the chronicle-like work progressed, according to Thorpe, Gregory conceived of prefixing a narrative of the times from Creation onwards to the death of St. Martin, that is, the narrative which became Book I. Subsequently he had to close the gap between the death of St. Martin and the murder of Sigebert by writing Book II, III and IV. Thorpe does not mention any dates for these initiatives, although he rather inconsistently suggests that parts of Book I-IV might have been written before 575. He admits that "it is perhaps too ingenious to suggest that Gregory acted in [this] simple logical way," but "something of this sort may well have happened."4 A final stage of the composition of the Histories is suggested to have begun in 584. From that moment onwards Gregory would have commenced interpolating 68 chapters into Books I-VI, which nearly all deal with churchmen and ecclesiastical affairs. Gregory's reason for doing so is alleged to be that he found the ecclesiastical aspect too sparingly treated in those first six Books in comparison with the narrative of secular events. This initiative would have been reinforced by Gregory's simultaneous compilation of a number of the Libri Miraculorum. The argument Thorpe puts forward for the date of this initiative is that no interpolations appear in the four Books written after 584 (VII-X). In 591, according to Thorpe, Gregory finished the revised and continued Histories with chapter X 30. "In a last renewal of strength," however, "he picked his pen up again" to write X 31 and to add the final computation of the age of the world up to 594, that is, the supposed year of his death.5 Two concepts are, though suppressed, of major influence upon Thorpe's reconstruction, especially upon the hypothesis termed the "fourth stage" of the composition. First, a traditional view of a specific class of manuscripts is presupposed. This class, designated by the siglum Β by the editors in the Monumenta series, transmits only the first six Books, and is furthermore lacking some 65 to 68 chapters, mainly treating ecclesiastical events. It is not, however, lacking in authority, because it is headed by the oldest known manuscripts and because the so-called "Chronicle of Fredegar," the earliest witness to the existence of the Histories, knows the work only by this text. Thorpe reflects a scholarly tradition according to which class Β represents a first version of the Histories which was published by Gregory towards 584, whereas the other classes represent a revision and continuation. The second unexpressed argument is a modem differentiation between secular and ecclesiastical history, which is supposed to have been known to the late antique historiographical culture of 3

O.e. 25, n. 118.

4

O.e. 25.

5

O.c 27, cf. p. 9.

Different theories

27

Gregory. Both presuppositions reinforce each other. The text transmitted by class Β can be explained as a first version if it is assumed that Gregory originally wanted to write secular history, while confining the narrative of ecclesiastical events to other works. Reversely, the text of class Β potentially supports the presupposition that Gregory was aware of a difference between ecclesiastical and secular history.6 With his harmonising model of the chronology of composition, Thorpe popularises views developed by Gabriel Monod in 1872 and adhered to by Max Bonnet in 1890.7 In the second half of the nineteenth century, the reconstruction of the chronology of composition was partly grounded on theories about the manuscript tradition. Already before the aforesaid French scholars, in 1851 Wilhelm (von) Giesebrecht, facing the curiosities of the manuscript corpus, supposed that Gregory, after finishing the bulk of his work, but before 590, had redacted the first six Books and published them as a first version. 8 A year later Rudolf Köpke was of the same opinion. 9 With more sustained argument, although starting from the same point, Monod stated that Gregory had published the first six Books upon their conclusion. Subsequently Gregory would have revised them by interpolating a great number of chapters, in the meantime continuing the work until it reached the present size. In this way, the manuscript tradition that transmits the complete work is supposed to consist of a revised and an unrevised part. In his introduction to the first Monumenta edition of the Histories (1884), Wilhelm Arndt refuted these interpretations, giving new life to the thesis of the Benedictine Thierry Ruinart. According to Arndt, the manuscripts that transmit the shorter version originated from an excerpt that was not produced by Gregory himself. 10 Bonnet, who was nearing the conclusion of his magnum opus Le Latin de Grégoire de Tours, maintained the opinion of Monod. Thereupon Bruno Krusch entered into a discussion with Bonnet.11 Krusch, who had edited Gregory's minor works in the 1884 volume of the Monumenta, defended the stemma as mounted by Arndt. A profound, independent investigation into the manuscript evidence of the Histories followed during the Great War of 1914-18. From that time on Krusch was preparing a new edition of the Histories for the 6 The difference is a major obstacle for an adequate perception of the genre of the work. See below, pp. 106-116. 7 Monod 1872,39-49 and 60-64; Bonnet 1890, 14ff.; on the earlier history of these views see now Goffart 1987. 8 Giesebrecht 1911-1913 I, XXXIII n. 3 (introduction of the 1878 edition referring to the 1851 edition); cf. also Vinay 1940,75-79 (plus 173-192). 9 Köpke 1852,289-323. 10 MGH SRM I 1 , 14-19. Cf. Bruno Krusch ed. cit. 452-456 (=MGH S R M I / 2 2 , 2-6). Ruinart himself (ed., Paris 1699, § 90) had explained the editorial interest of this excerpt, viz., the history of the Franks. 11 Bonnet in Revue critique 19 (1885), Krusch in MGH SRM I 1 ,912, n. 1, Bonnet in Revue critique 20 (1886), Krusch va. Neues Archiv 11 (1886) and Neues Archiv 12 (1887), Bonnet 1890,14-16, Krusch in Neues Archiv 16 (1891) and Neues Archiv 17(1892).

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

Monumenta series. In the course of this inquiry he found new arguments which supported the thesis of Arndt in its outlines. In the early 1930s he publicly reported his views. Bonnet especially, though posthumously, had to endure vehement criticism. 12 Krusch's notes, from which Walter Holtzmann compiled the introduction for his edition, reflect this discussion.13 There is little need to review the pros and cons of the discussion on the primacy of manuscript classes. However, it is important to note that the stemma codicum put up by Krusch, together with the arguments published in the early 1930s, convincingly oppose any appeal to manuscript tradition in the reconstruction of the chronology of composition. A first version of the first six Books, published by Gregory himself, whether revised (Giesebrecht, Köpke) or unrevised (Monod, Bonnet), is out of the question. The oldest, incomplete manuscripts witness to an inauthentic excerpt. The later, more or less complete manuscripts which head other classes witness to copies which drew from a continually deteriorating archetype in Tours. 1 4 These are the lines along which Krusch expounds the complex manuscript tradition. Krusch, though, takes into consideration that Gregory might have redacted his work at the end of his life. This redaction, eventually traceable in the first six Books only, he considers unfinished, as he does the entire work. 15 Rudolf Büchner, whose views will be expounded below, adopted Krusch's idea of a redaction with due caution. French scholarship, in the meantime, has not been affected by the complicating considerations advanced by the German scholars. Robert Latouche maintains Monod's reconstruction and the alleged two versions, without more ado. 1 6 Until recently, the opinion of English-speaking scholars on the present issue has been exclusively oriented towards the French-speaking. O.M. Dalton and Lewis Thorpe are no more informed of the progress made by German-speaking scholarship since the age of Monod. 17

Krusch 1932; Bonnet died in 1917. Krusch ed., X X I . Krusch died in 1940. He had only seen the first fasciculum (libri I-V) through the press. The impression of the second, the proofs of which were ready in 1939, was detained by the outbreak of World War II. It appeared in 1942. Wilhelm Levison, who in an earlier stage had assisted Krusch and actually had taken over the work in Krusch's last years, was banished from Germany and took refuge in England in 1941. He died in 1947. From his inheritance, among which were Krusch's notes, Holtzmann compiled the Preface (in the name of Krusch), among other things. On this history cf. Holtzmann's prologue of fase. III (1951), Vsq. 12 13

1 4 Krusch 1932, 6 8 2 , 694f. The thesis of a deteriorating archetype had already been advanced by Monod 1 8 7 2 , 5 4 : 1 5 Ed., XXII. 1 6 Latouche 1 9 6 3 , 9 - 1 3 . 1 7 See now Goffart 1987 and Goffart 1988,124ff.

Different theories

29

b. The unity of the Histories The reconstruction of the genesis of the Histories proposed by Buchner in the introduction to his translation is based on Krusch's inquiries, as is his edition of the text. Büchner, as might be required after Krusch, relies solely upon internal textual evidence to determine the chronology of composition. 18 According to Büchner, the first four Books originally formed a unit. As the sole argument for this Büchner refers to the computation of the years at the end of Book IV, which once would have marked the close of this unit (1). Because Book IV concludes with the murder of Sigebert, the unit might have been finished shortly after this event, which occurred in 575 (2). Furthermore, Büchner states that Gregory started writing after his consecration in 573, since there is no evidence for dating the beginning of writing earlier (3). In addition, Büchner draws the conclusion from the preface of De virtutibus sancti Martini, while qualifying it as questionable, that this work was the first fruit of Gregory's authorship. Gregory would not have started the work on St. Martin before he, as the bishop of St. Martin's town, came into closer relationship with its patron saint. The argumentative basis of Buchner's reconstruction is small and needs to be examined. As to the first point, in the first four Books there is admittedly some form of unity, as will be argued later on. The computation of the years at the end of Book IV does indeed reinforce this impression. It does not, however, necessarily follow from this observation that those four Books were originally written as an independent unit. Marking a structural element of the composition does not automatically lead to conclusions regarding the chronology of composition. In fact, other explanations of the separateness of the first four Books are more plausible, explanations involving structure rather than chronology. 19 As to Buchner's second point, there are no grounds whatsoever to assume that Books I-IV were in their entirety concluded at the same time the last chapter of the series was actually written. On the contrary, there is some evidence to suggest a much later date for the composition of the first four Books as a whole. 20 Contrary to Buchner's third point, evidence can be advanced to suppose that Gregory started writing parts of the Histories before his consecration in 573. This evidence indicates that he started writing history at the time he occupied clerical office in Clermont. Before expounding this evidence, however, it is necessary to substantiate that Georgius Florentius, who would later adopt the name

18

Büchner 1977, XX-XXV; cf. Krusch ed., XXIsq. and the internal textual evidence advanced by Monod 1872,45-49. 19 On the structure of the Histories, see below chapter 4, especially pp. 294-297. See below pp. 54ff. (cross-references to other works) and pp. 291-297.

30

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

of Gregorius,21 indeed occupied clerical office in Clermont. For scholarly tradition unanimously maintains that as a young man Gregory stayed with the uncle of his mother, bishop Nicetius, performing clerical duties in Lyons.

THE RESIDENCE OF THE CLERIC GEORGIUS FLORENTIUS

The early youth of Georgius Florentius Gregory's fatherland was the territory of Clermont. Gregory's father Florentius was a civis Arvernus, his grandfather Georgius a senator.22 Gregory seems to have passed his early youth uninterruptedly at Clermont and at his father's estates in the Auvergne, from his birth (30 November 538? 23 ) until the death in the year 551 of his uncle Gallus, who was bishop of Clermont from A.D. 525. After his father Florentius had died in an unknown year before Gallus' death, Gregory must have been entrusted to the latter's care,24 since Gregory was thirteen years old or younger, and so a juridically incompetent impúber, whereas Gallus was the sole brother of Gregory's father. Gallus must have been tutor for his nephew Gregory, because as a legal construction such was the natural way to have the inheritance administered, which according to the praetorian law of intestate succession would devolve to Gallus, the next agnate, in case Gregory died. 2 5 Thus, the inheritance would remain within the family branch of Florentius' father Georgius, a branch of the Ruricii.26 The conclusion that Gregory until 551 passed his early youth in Clermont and its surroundings may be inferred from the sparse information which Gregory provides for this period. Gregory received his primary formation in

21

Krusch ed., IX. VP VI,1; XIV ,3; GMS3. The best documented biography is in Pietri 1983, 247-334. 23 Gregory's birth-year 538 has been inferred from the canonically prescribed minimum age of twenty-five years for consecration as a deacon and the fact that Gregory was a deacon in the second year of king Sigebert (563; cf. VSMI 32). Although there is a question as to whether Gregory's consecration was canonical (cf. Pietri 1983, 259), there is some other evidence supporting Gregory's birth year as 538. 24 Pietri 1983,256ff. 25 Roman law prescribed that in case the paterfamilias died when a son in patria potes tate was still juridically an incompetent impúber, the son needed a tutor. In classical Roman law boys younger than 14 were juridically incompetent impúberes. Until they reached the age of 25 they remained partially incompetent as minores and their juridical acts needed the consensus of & curator. In post-classical Roman law the distinction between impúberes and minores disappeared and the minores were treated as impúberes. In their relation to their tutores or curatores they were called pupilli, see Kaser 1986, § 14, II, l-3b, § 62,1-II, 2 and § 64,1-II, 2b. For the rules of inheritance according to the praetorian law of intestate succession see Kaser 1986, § 6 6 , 3 . 22

The kinship of Gregory's parents and the house Ruricii is a hypothesis drawn up by Wieruszowski 1922,52, cf. 1-83. The hypothesis is accepted by Pietri, o.e. 136. For a refutation, see Stroheker 1970, nr. 175. For reasons of convenience, in the following paragraphs Gregory's consanguinity with the Ruricii is assumed, with the recognition of its hypothetical character.

The residence of Georgius Florentius

31

Clermont, at the time his father was still alive. 27 Also, Gregory mentions a pilgrimage he made with his father to the basilica of Iulianus at Brioude, the local place of pilgrimage for the Arvernan population.28 Brioude belonged to the territory of Clermont 29 at a distance then measured 360 stadia (about 72 km) from that city. 30 Finally, in Clermont he had decided to become a cleric, at the time Gallus was still alive. The decision was a votum he had brought to the Arvernan saint Illidius at his sanctuary in Clermont in exchange for his being cured.31 On the years of Gregory's adolescence and early manhood, the long period between the death of Gallus (551) and Gregory's consecration (573), only a few direct data are available, which, however, deserve to be newly evaluated. From other material yet to be evaluated, some additional indirect information may be induced. Relations with Avitus When Gallus died in 551, Gregory was probably thirteen years old, still an impúber and in need of assistance of a tutor according to Roman law. Since Gallus left no heirs, and since it seems there were no other successors in the male line of his father Georgius to assume the care for his brother Florentius' heir and inheritance, Gallus' responsibilities for Gregory had to be entrusted to a reliable outsider. To evade the possible danger of the praetorian law of intestate succession that in case the pupilis died before coming of age the inheritance would devolve to a relative who the original testator did not want to become the bonorum possessor, Roman law stipulated that the inheritance could be bequeathed by substitutio pupillaris, that is, by assigning a substitute heir. 32 27 GC 39, where Gregory recalls a vision he had had in his youth (infamia), when his father was ill. In this vision a person appeared asking Gregory whether he knew the book of Joshua. Gregory replied: Nihil aliud litterarum praeter notas agnovi, in quorum nunc studio constrictus adfligor (322,10sq.). On the basis ofVP II praef. I 218,27-219,6 it is generally accepted, e.g. by Pietri 258, that Gregory received his primary formation from Avitus, then archdeacon and later bishop of Clermont. However, Gregory here only relates that Avitus had urged him to the study of ecclesiastical writings, which hardly can be identified as primary education (grammar). According to Krusch ed., XII, Gregory received his primary schooling from the later bishop of Lyons, Nicetius. Krusch appeals to VP VIII,2, but this passage is not convincing (see below n. 31). On the contrary, it may even be doubted whether Gregory refers here to his own education at all. Incidentally, the assumption that he received some sort of education by Nicetius, primary or secondary, is commonly accepted. 28 VSJ 24 (Gregory's father explicitly mentioned) and 25 (sequentifestivitale). 29 Cf. for instance the closing of GM64. 30 Hist IV 5 and VP VI,61234,27. 31 VP II, 2. There is one more event known from Gregory's youth before 551. In VP VIII,2 Gregory recalls how in adolescentia mea, cum primum litterarum elementa coepissem agnoscere et essem quasi octavi anno aevo Nicetius, an uncle of his mother and at that time a priest, treated him in a fatherly way. However, this story is not localized, nor is it clear where Nicetius exercised his priestly office before he became bishop of Lyons (552-573). 32 Kaser 1986, § 68, II, 5b.

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Such an outsider was Avitus, archdeacon of Clermont under Cautinus (551-571) and from 571 himself bishop of this city. Although probably no kinship existed between Avitus and Gregory, 33 there are good grounds to suppose that, at the death of Gallus, the latter's responsibilities for Gregory were transferred to him, and that Avitus became Gregory's tutor, at least in a broader sense than the mere juridical. This is suggested by three facts. Firstly, Avitus introduced Gregory into the study of ecclesiastical literature. 3 4 Secondly, Gregory developed a special affection towards him, which he continues to show even after his consecration. 35 Finally, in 576, the court poet Venantius Fortunatus compliments Gregory with the qualification "ward of Avitus." 3 6 Avitus' being Gregory's tutor implies that after Gallus' death Gregory stayed at his ancestral estates in the Auvergne. The pilgrimage to Tours In De virtutibus sancii Martini, Gregory reports that because of illness he had made a pilgrimage to Tours in the second year of the reign of king Sigebert (=A.D. 563) and that he was then a deacon. 37 Further, in De vita patrum he mentions the fact that, likewise at the time of his deaconship, he had once reclined at the table of his uncle, bishop Nicetius of Lyons (552-573). 3 8 Connecting both data, together with a questionable interpretation of De vita patrum VIII 2, namely, that Gregory would have received his secondary education from Nicetius, 39 Pietri assumes that after 552, at any rate after 563, Gregory's residence was Lyons. 40 According to Pietri, he probably exercised the 33 Hericus, in his versified Miracula s. Germani (cf. Krusch MGH SRM 1/2, 322 n. 5) quotes Gregory's GC 40, but reads cum Avito, avuncub meo, 323,21. According to Krusch o.e., 323 n. 7, this is a doubtful interpretation. Gregory nowhere mentions consanguinity between him and Avitus. He only calls Avitus in a metaphorical sense a father and a fatherland: Hist IV 35/168,13sq.: Iam si peregriniti ad eum advenerit, ita diligitur, ut in eodem se habere et patrem recognoscat et patriam. 34 VP II praef. I 218,27-219,6. 35 After his consecration as bishop, Gregory kept in touch with Avitus, see esp. VSMII 60, and VP XII 3. Also, the meeting mentioned in VP X I 3 may have taken place after 573 (between 571 and 576); another meeting is mentioned in GC 40. Gregory stayed well-informed about Avitus' doings: GM 64; 66; VSJ 48; VP 4; Hist IV 35; V 11; X 6. In Hist IV 35, the story of Avitus' consecration as bishop of Clermont, A.D. 571, closes with a warm prayer for the future. 36 Carm. V 5 on the occasion of the conversion by Avitus of the Jews at Clermont A.D. 576, vii.\ASsq. / MGH A AIV/1, 112: Non fuit in vacuum, quod te provexit alumnum : / Sic cui mente fldem, reddis amore vicem. Cf.vsj. 141-148, in which the poet praises the mutual affection of both bishops. 37 VSMl 32-35. 38 VP VIH 3. 39 Above, ns. 27 and 31. 40 Pietri o.e. 259-263. The station of the deacon Gregory is localised in Lyons by Monod 1872, 27 and Leclercq 1925, 1711-13. Dalton 19711, 6, Krusch ed., XIII and Büchner 1977, X think this identification possible. Coville 1928, 332f. opts for an ordination as deacon in Lyons A.D. 563 and for a subsequent occupation of this office in Tours, until Gregory was consecrated bishop. This opinion, however, lacks any evidence in the sources.

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33

diaconate under Nicetius. An argument in support of this is that the then twenty five year old Gregory had undertaken the pilgrimage to Tours at the instigation of Nicetius. This argument follows from the observation that the veneration of St. Martin was especially vigorous among the family of Gregory's mother Armentaria. Nicetius belonged to this family and had himself, likewise in his youth, experienced the virtus of St. Martin. 41 The Arvernan family of Gregory's father, on the other hand, gathered under the patronage of Iulianus. 42 Undoubtedly Gregory was a deacon in 563. It is, however, doubtful whether Gregory was at Lyons during a great part of the period 551-573. Apart from the question raised by Pietri as to whether a deacon actually had a benefice at that time, 4 3 there are indications that in 563 Gregory did not depart on his pilgrimage from Lyons, but from the Auvergne. The story of the pilgrimage as such in no way suggests that Lyons was the place of departure, 44 but at the end contains a clear hint that the pilgrimage set off from the Auvergne. After his return from Tours, Gregory went to his family estate in order to free it from a plague by means of the beneficial wax he had brought as a benediction from the tomb of St. Martin. 45 The rural estate, a field (ager) or vineyard (vineae) which was scourged every year by hailstorms, belonged to the properties of Gregory's family: [ager] possessionis nostrae. The term possessio nostra can only refer to the properties of the Ruricii in the Auvergne, not to properties of the family of Nicetius. There existed no hereditary relations between Gregory and Nicetius which possibly could have enabled Gregory to label estates of Nicetius' family - which were concentrated in Burgundy: Chalón, Dijon, Lyons - possessio nostra. Nicetius' family ties with 41

VP v i m . Pietri o.e., 263f„ but cf. 134-137. 43 O.e. 259. 44 It is, for that matter, important to note that the pilgrimage was not a private enterprise of Gregory, but a group tour organised by ecclesiastical authorities. This is apparent from the fact that there were more people involved, and that the mutual relations within the group were of different degree. Gregory differentiates between a group with which he maintained close relations and a group with which his ties were less strong. The first party he refers to as "my people," the second as "our people" (Mei: VSM I 32/154,4; nostri: id. 135 /155,4.) The first group, which forms the centre of action in VSM I 32-34, consisted of at least two friends and at least one servant of his (Amici: I 32/154,6, resp. unus ex clericis meis I 33/154,16, that is Armentarius, a puer familiaris, qui mihi servirei, I 33/154,24^.). Of the other group Gregory mentions only one man, who is the centre of action in the subsequent chapter, VSM I 35. Gregory distances himself from this man by using the third person singular to refer to himself, by mentioning his diaconate in relation to this man, and by calling him "one of ours" instead of "one of mine" (Gregory uses the figure of quoting in the direct speech (sermocinano): Dicit ei persona: '... defer eum Gregorio diacono', I 35/155,11 sq.\ quidam ex nostris: I 35/155,4.). All this suggests that the pilgrimage was organised in the first place for the benefit of two members of the same familia, to wit, the ill deacon Gregory and his ill servant, the clergyman Armentarius, who as a servant in a juridical way belonged to the familia of a Ruricius. They were accompanied by some bosom friends of Gregory. In addition, a retinue of an indeterminate size travelled with them. 42

45

VSM I 34.

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

his great-nephew ran along the weak, not the obligatory line. Gregory's mother Armentaria was a daughter of Nicetius' sister. After his return, then, Gregory put the wax on the highest tree in the vineyard. "From that day to the present time," Gregory states, the hailstorm shied away from that place. 46 Apparently, the care for the patrimonial estates rested with Gregory, the heir. The period between Gregory's return and "the present time," the moment at which Gregory wrote down this story, lasted at least a decade, from 563 until the moment Gregory started the work De virtutibus sancti Martini, probably after his consecration in 573. Even if some pious overstatement is taken into account, it has to be supposed that Gregory was able to note the beneficial effect the wax allegedly had on his vineyard. In short, in and after the year 563 Gregory is to be found in the Auvergne, as a clergyman caring for his family estates. The visits to Nicetius This position did not keep Gregory from visiting his great-uncle Nicetius (a. ep. 552-573) in Lyons. In three instances he mentions a visit: in VSJ 2; in GC 61 and in VP VIII 3. It is not clear whether these passages refer to different visits or to the same one. The visits mentioned in VSJ 2 and GC 61 are not exactly datable, although the death of Nicetius in 573 poses a terminus ante quem. In VP VIII 3 Gregory himself plays a part as diaconus, which is why the action is dated in or around 563. In the first two passages Gregory explicitly refers to a visit. 47 Because in VP VIII 3 he does not explicitly do so, scholarship takes this passage to be the crown witness for the supposition that he fulfilled his diaconate in Lyons. The relevant passage runs as follows: "He [Nicetius] was then reclining at the table, and I, when I still performed the office of deacon, had lain at his left, being a close relative of his." 48 The sentence interrupts the line of the story, in a way thought typical of Gregory's narrative, to pay arrears of information. The information that he was present, was reclining next to the bishop, and was then a deacon is obligatory, because it explains the conditions for the role Gregory played in the story he is telling. In such a position and function, Gregory was charged with a commission by Nicetius. He had to request the priests making up the convivium to pray for another priest. Because these priests did not react, Nicetius instructed Gregory himself to pray.

46

VSM134/155,lsq. VSJ 21114,20sq. : Quodam autem tempore dum ad occursum beati Nicetii antestitis usque Lugduno processissem...·, GC 61/333,25: Dum... quadam vice ad occursum... [Nicetii] pontificis ambulassem. In the last instance, Gregory also adds that he visited the loca sancta, which sheds some light on the nature and goals of that journey. 48 Erat autem [Nicetius] convivio recumbens, ad cuius et ego levam, cum adhuc diaconatus jüngerer officium, propinquus accubueram, MGH SRM1/2, 244,lsq. 47

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35

In this story there is no indication whatsoever suggesting that the benefice of the deacon Gregory was in Lyons. Gregory only says that the bishop had appealed to him, because, firstly, he was lying next to him and, secondly, he was a deacon. The seating plan, in fact, suggests rather that Gregory was a guest. Although he was lying at the less honourable place, to the left of the bishop, because he was only a deacon,49 he was placed next to the host, because he was his propinquus, a close relative. If he had been a regular member of the convivium, he would have been separated from the bishop by the priests of Lyons, ranging higher in holy orders. That Gregory, in spite of his minor orders and lower rank, was placed next to the bishop may only be explained by the fact he was visiting relatives. The supposition that Gregory had been stationed in Lyons proves untenable. The town and country of Gregory's ancestors, Arvernus, has more credit. In fact, there is some indirect evidence to identify his benefice more precisely as the basilica of St. Iulianus at Brioude, the place of pilgrimage for the Arvernan population. The first indication is the honorary title "ward of the holy martyr Iulianus" by which Gregory was referred to by himself and by others. The second is the book Gregory dedicated to the miracles of this saint. The third piece of indirect evidence is the circumstances under which Gregory was consecrated bishop of Tours. In the following sections this evidence will be evaluated. Alumnus proprius sancii Iuliani martyris In VSJ 2 Gregory recounts that he had dedicated prayers in the basilica of St. Ferreolus at Vienne while on the road to Lyons. Coming from Clermont, it appears that he has made a detour, which suggests he had special reasons for visiting St. Ferreolus. He gives the following motive for the prayer: "out of long cherished love for them, I considered to become such a ward of him [the martyr Ferreolus] as I am of Iulianus."50 In this passage, the term alumnus has a technical sense, designating a special formalized devotion to a specific saint. One could love a saint, but to become an alumnus one apparently needed to make an explicit decision. Gregory uses the term alumnus Iuliani, this time with the specification proprius, in his prayer at the end of De Virtutibus sancii Iuliani martyris.51 In 49

The place to right of the host was the most honourable one, intended for the guest, according to antique etiquette; the rule was still in force in sixth-century Gaul, cf. for example GM19I 50

9135sqq.

insederai enim menti propter antiquam dilectionem eorum, me sic esse eius [sc. s. Ferreoli martyris] alumnum ut Iuliani, MGH SRM1/2, 114,22sq. VSJ 50/134,6-11: Ego autem Domini misericordiam per beati martyris Iuliani patrocinia deprecor, ut advocatus in causis alumni proprii coram Deo adsistens obt[i]neat, ut absque inpedimento maculae ullius huius vitae cursum peragam atque ilia quae confessus sum in baptismum inreprehensibiliter teneam, fideliter exerceam, viriliter usque ad consummationem huius vitae custodiam.

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

this passage he appeals to the saint to be an advocate, pleading with the Judge for the sake of "his own ward," Gregory. The patrocinia, the protection of a patron, 52 which Gregory invokes refer to the faith of the ward and to perseverance in the confession Gregory had made at the baptismal font. 5 3 By the addition of proprius to alumnus Gregory expresses still more clearly the very intimate relation between the devotee and his patron saint. This formal specification seems to be associated with solemn sacramental professions. From Gregory's applying the term to himself it appears that conscious choice, formal specification and publicity are implied. Gregory also uses the term alumnus for persons other than himself. In the prayer Gregory puts in the mouth of the anonymous priest in VSJ 6, the term alumnus proprius seems to refer to the praying priest himself. In the basilica at Brioude, this priest implores God and Iulianus to assist him in fighting paganism. He points out to the saint the duties he has regarding his alumni proprii.54 With these words, he seems to recommend himself. The other passage in which the term is used for persons other than Gregory is VSJ 27. This chapter mentions the protection of alumni proprii, a group of people gathered in the basilica, sheltering against a thunderstorm and poetically labelled falangae (sic!) and caterva. The event took place on a normal day of the week, quadam die.55 It was neither a Sunday, nor the saint's day, which means that the group may have been confined to the clergy. This might suggest a metonymical sense of the word alumnus proprius to denote an ecclesiastical official. On the other hand, because there was heavy weather the group may also have consisted of laymen who because of the protection granted them against a bolt of lightning are called alumni proprii. In that case, proprii may refer to the fact that they were famuli or pueri basilicae, for example the shepherds who belonged to the properties of the basilica.56 The latter is suggested by the use of the poetic qualifications caterva, mercenary troops, and falangae, battle arrays. 52

Patronus : V574/116,12; 6/117,25; 21 /123,25. The connection between the protection, or guardianship, of the saint and the confession of the faith of the ward made at the baptismal font may imply a reminiscence of the day of Gregory's baptism. In Gregory's age baptising catechumens on saints' days was the custom. Although, officially, Easter-day ranked as the only day on which baptism was allowed, the fact that the canons of Mâcon 585 explicitly prohibit baptising on saints' days reinforces the actual practice (Cone. Matisconense a. 585, can. 3/CCsl 148a, 240); the commandment to baptise on Easter only was repeated by the diocesan council of Auxerre A.D. 561/605 can. 18/CCsl 148a 267; cf. P. de Puniet, art. Baptême in; DACL II/1, 3290- So if Gregory in the above quoted passage is referring to the day of his baptism, it may be identified with St. Iulianus' day, 28 August, and it suggests a ritual according to which the catechumen was put under the ward of the saint. As has been stated earlier (p.33), the cult of Iulianus was vigorous among the Arvernan family of Gregory's father. In his youth, Gallus was healed by St. Iulianus (VSJ 23) and as bishop of Clermont he had initiated the annual rogationes-pilgnmages to Brioude (Hist IV 5). Florentius took his children with him on pilgrimages to Brioude (VSJ 24sq.). 53

54 55 56

M G H S R M I / 2 , 117,20. 12530 For those pueri see for exampleVSJ 16 and 17; cf. below p. 40.

The residence of Georgius Florentius

37

Either way, in this passage alumni proprii appears exclusively to designate people in the service of the saint. From Gregory's use of the term it appears that alumni sancii applied to people in the service of a saint, the "adopted children" who made up the familia of the patron saint. The term not only denotes a personal relationship between the devotee and his patron saint, but also, however vaguely, a supra-personal, official one. This may suggest that Gregory has fulfilled public office in the cult of St. Iulianus. There is a tradition more clearly pointing in that direction. In his panegyric in honour of the adventus of the new bishop of Tours, A.D. 573, Venantius Fortunatus applies the term as a honorary title to Gregory.57 From the mere fact of this poem it follows that Gregory's service of St. Iulianus was publicly known. The contents may reinforce the conclusion that the term was a metonymy for an official service. This may be inferred from the shift of tenses in the relevant verses: "Iulianus sends (present) his proprius alumnus to Martin and gives (present) to his brother, what had been (perfect) so sweet to him." This "thing so sweet" to Iulianus may be interpreted as official service, because that is what Gregory came to fulfil in Tours. Before analysing the book On the Miracles of St. Iulianus in order to retrieve Gregory's official function in Brioude more specifically, one more fact has to be mentioned, which reinforces the conclusion that, before 573, the residence of the clergyman Gregory had been in Clermont or Brioude. After his consecration, which took place in Rheims, 58 Gregory returned to Clermont and Brioude. In Brioude he tore some of the fringe from the palla of St. Iulianus, the cloth covering the tomb of the saint. 59 By his own account, the relic was meant for personal protection,60 but in Tours, Gregory dedicated a convent church close to the basilica of St. Martin with it. 61 By so doing, he introduced the public cult of St. Iulianus to Tours. At the same time he provided the opportunity to continue his personal devotion to the martyr of Clermont to such a degree that he could call himself the alumnus proprius of St. Iulianus, even as bishop of St. Martin's town. 62 These doings imply a bond of trust with St. Iulianus that could have become so close only by sustained trial and ordeal. Gregory shows a confidence

57

Carm. V,3, vss. llsq./MGH AA IV/1, 106: Martino proprium mittit Iulianus alumnum / Et fratri praebet quod sibi dulce fuit. 58 Below p. 41. 59 VSJ 34. 60 In his [fimbriis] mihi ferre praesidium credens, 128,22. 61 VSJ 34-36; on the location of the St. Iulianus convent in Tours cf. Vieillard-Troiekouroff 1977, 207-249. With those same relics he dedicated other sanctuaries in the surroundings of Tours as well, cf.VS740 and 50; Ven. Fort. Carm. X 10, vss. 13sq./MGH AA IV/1; cf. Pietri o.e. 498f. 62 VSJ 50/134,8 (quoted above n. 51).

38

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

in the saint that could only be outstripped by his longer-lasting service to St. Martin. Apparently Gregory's confidence in the patron of Tours at first was not so strong that he felt secure in his future stay in the town of that confessor-saint without the protection of the martyr-saint of his fatherland. To the landed Auvergnat whose horizon ended with the river Loire in the north, Tours was the back of beyond. 63 By bringing with him the relics of St. Iulianus, Gregory, never travelling without relics, not only proves that to him Tours was the middle of nowhere, but above all that Clermont was his home. In Tours, Gregory stayed within ibe familia to which he had belonged in Clermont. He continued to be an alumnus proprius of St. Iulianus. De Virtutibus sancii Iuliani Martyris The next indication that Gregory fulfilled a clerical office in Brioude, or at least was stationed in Clermont, is the book he wrote on the miracles of St. Iulianus. Of all his other works, this book is best comparable with the book he wrote on the miracles of St. Martin. Both books are collections of the posthumous miracles of a saint. Gregory wrote the book on the miracles of St. Martin by virtue of his episcopate of Tours, which may suggest that he started the book on the miracles of St. Iulianus by virtue of some clerical office in Clermont or Brioude. The work on the miracles of St. Martin is structured chronologically.64 The first book deals with the time before Gregory's enthronement, the last three books with the time thereafter. Gregory was contemporary and frequently an eyewitness to the miracles described in those last three books. Although the miracles of St. Iulianus are much less conveniently datable, the book Gregory wrote on them at first glance seems to be chronologically ordered as well. This is suggested by the sequence of the few stories which are datable. 65 If the Book 63

For Gregory's narrow geographical horizon in Clermont see pp. 187f. See Schlick 1966, Heinzelmann 1981,237ff„ Corbett 1983,54-60. 65 VSJ 4: Post passionem... beati martyris concludes the introduction and starts the corpus of the collection; the events related took place at the time of "the emperor of Treves" (Maximus, ca. 387); VSJ Isq. took place at the time of Gundobad of Burgundy (towards the end of the fifth century); VSJ 12 treats of a man with a Visigothic name, Anagild, and probably took place before Clovis ousted the Visigoths from the Auvergne; VSJ 13s(j. took place at the time of Theuderic's siege of Clermont and of Sigivald's residence there (A.D. 532?, cf. //¿siili 12j?.); VSJ 22 took place at the time of Gallus' episcopate (ante 551); VSJ 23 took place at the time of Gallus' youth; V5/24sq. took place at the time of Gregory's youth. This seemingly chronological structure is violated by chapter 29, which describes events which took place at the time of Germanus of Auxerre (who died during the joint reign of Flavius Placidus Valentinianus (Valentinian III) and Galla Placidia (425-437) cf. Krusch MGH S RM 1/2,322 n.6). 64

The residence of Georgius Florentius

39

on the miracles of St. Iulianus is structured chronologically, Gregory may have been a contemporary of only a few of the events he describes and an eyewitness of still less. A very small number of the events lacking any chronological indication may then be dated relatively to Gregory's own times. Of the fifty chapters constituting the book, chapters 4-31 describe events which occurred at the sanctuary at Brioude, probably all before A.D. 573. This corpus is to be completed by chapters 46a and b, which takes the relative amount of the chapters describing events that occurred at Brioude before 573 to 64% (chapters 1-3 constituting the introduction). Not until chapter 24, however, does Gregory tell of his own experience. This implies that he may have been contemporary only to the events described in the rather tiny corpus of chapters 24-31 (plus 46a and b). There is, however, clear evidence that unlike the books on the miracles of St. Martin, the main structural principle of the Iulianus book is not chronological but thematic, and that Gregory was a contemporary, or even an eyewitness, of far more of the events described. In chapter 13 the thematic principle is formulated: St. Iulianus is a benefactor and he is a vindicator as well.66 Chapters 13-21 focus on the theme of the vindicator. In chapter 21 Gregory switches over to the theme of the benefactor, as he explicitly states. 67 The benefactions are clustered in chapters 21-32, among which are the blessings which Gregory and his family had experienced. With chapter 32 Gregory turns to the miracles which took place outside of Brioude. 68 Chapters 46a and b, which deal with Brioude (before 573), interrupt this scheme. Given this structure, it is possible to take chapters 4-12 as a group apart as well. This group is separated from the subsequent chapters by virtue of a temporal distinction. This group covers the earliest miracles, whereas the other chapters describe the more recent ones. Within each cluster comprising the more recent miracles (13-20, 21-31, 32-50), a chronological sequence is vaguely discernible.69 To summarise, the structure of the book is as follows: 1-3

Introduction

4-31

Miracles at Brioude

32-50

4-12

Earliest miracles

13-20

St. Iulianus as vindicator

21-31

St. Iulianus as benefactor

Miracles outside of Brioude (excepting 46a and b)

66 Videlur mihi... quia utraque sancii gloriapraestat, ut et hos sanitati reddat, ne amplius crucientur, et illos arguat, ne in fiituro iudicio condemnentur, 119,24-27. 67 Multa quidem et alia in praevaricatoribus ostendit [Iulianus], sed satis sint ista ad cohercendam desidiam eorum. Nunc vero ad gaudia prosperitatum, qua larga pietate praestat populis, revertamur, 123, 22sq. 68 De illis dixisse virtutibus sufficiat, quae circa sanctam basilicam aut gesta sunt aut geruntur; nunc pauca de locis illis, in quibus eius [Iuliani] habentur reliquiae, disserentes, finem huius libelli facere placet, 127,21sqq. 69 See above n. 65.

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

40

A thematic rather than chronological structure for the Iulianus book implies that a larger part of the undated events enacted in Brioude may have been contemporary with Gregory and that a larger number of the stories go back to eyewitness reports of Gregory himself or of his local contemporaries. This presupposes that Gregory lived in Clermont or Brioude for a considerable period before 573. Apparently Gregory was charged, by himself or by others, with the task of recording the miracles of the saint "which have happened or still happen around the sacred basilica." 70 It may be supposed that he joined the ministerium basilicae of Brioude as a thaumatographer. There is confirmation for the existence of this office at several sanctuaries in late antique Western Christianity.71 In Tours, for example, Perpetuus, one of Gregory's predecessors, had drawn up a Charta de miraculis sancii Martini, a collection which Paulinus of Périgueux has versified in the sixth book of his De vita sancii Martini72 Gregory, too, as a bishop registered the miracles of St. Martin. Because in cathedral cities the person charged with the logging of miracles was generally and preferably the bishop himself - he being the competent authority to canonize miracles- it may be supposed that Gregory already ranked among major orders. The ministerium basilicae of Brioude was directed by an archipresbyter (archipresbyter vicanus or decanus rus tic us).13 A deacon fulfilled the office of martyrarius or aedituus 7 4 The lector, the lowest order, read the passio on the feast day of the martyr, 28 August. 75 Several custodes basilicae were in the service of the ministerium, as well as puer i or famuli basilicae, who looked after the cattle and took care of the other possessions of the basilica.76 It has to be assumed that Gregory, on whose ordination as a priest nothing is known, had been ordained in Clermont. He may have held a presbyterate or even the arch-presbyterate of Brioude. At any rate, he is remarkably well informed on events which took place in and around the basilica of Brioude before 573. Apart from the stories narrated in the Miracles of St.

70

127,21sq. (quoted above n. 68). Delehaye 1925, 5-85 and 305-325. In Hippo the miracles had to be reported to the bishop, id., o.e. 74-85. Especially for Gaul and subsequent periods cf. Heinzelmann 1981, 235259. 72 Pietri o.e. 526-533. On the genre of the virtutes collections cf. Delehaye 1910, 427-434, Delehaye 1925 and Heinzelmann 1981. 73 Ministri basilicae : VSJ 13/1203· At the time of Gallus, the arch-presbyterate was held by Publianus: VSJ 22, cf. 23. For the other office names cf. Krusch a.l.. Elsewhere Gregory uses the term sacerdos loci to indicate a certain person who directed two or more clerici: VSJ 15. In this instance, the bishop of Clermont (to whose jurisdiction Brioude belonged) is probably meant, because a lawsuit has to be supposed here. However, in VSJ 16/121,17, cf. 20, Gregory uses the term sacerdos for a priest belonging to the Iulianus basilica. 74 VSJ 46b mentions Proserius and his successor Urbanus as marlyrarii or aeditui at the time of Gallus. Urbanus was a deacon. 75 VSJ 16/121,25. 76 VSJ 20/123,16. To the pecora votiva Gregory dedicates a separate chapter: VSJ 31. 71

The beginning of writing

41

Iulianus, he mentions events at Brioude in some eight chapters in the Histories.77 As a member of the ministerium basilicae, Gregory may have resided in Brioude, since the ministerium was probably seated there. A contraindication, however, may be VSJ 46a. Here, Gregory tells of a stay at Brioude, motivated by the search for protection against the "groin disease" (lues inguinaria).78 This pest was rampant at the time of bishop Cautinus, the successor of Gallus and predecessor of Avitus. It has to be identified with the pest Gregory tells of in Hist IV 31, which was raging in A.D. 571. Clearly, Gregory came from Clermont in order to stay at Brioude. The fact that Gregory mentions a flight may suggest that this stay was only temporary and, by consequence, that Clermont was his residence. The episcopal consecration Contrary to canon law, Gregory was consecrated bishop outside the cathedral city and without the consent of the populace of Tours. His consecration was a strategic manoeuvre of king Sigebert (a. regn. 561-575). 79 This fact, finally, is important evidence that Gregory's residence before 573 must be located in the Auvergne, rather than in Lyons. Lyons belonged to the realm of Guntramn; Clermont, on the other hand, as well as Tours, fell within the realm of Sigebert, at least according to the king himself.80 In the early 570s, Sigebert was at war with his brother Chilperic, who denied Sigebert's claims to Tours, among other things. When the bishop of that city, Eufronius, had died in 573, Sigebert had to look for a loyal successor. He found his devotee among the clergy of Clermont and had him consecrated by the bishop of his capital, Egidius of Rheims. 81

THE BEGINNING OF WRITING

In the preceding section it has been argued that Gregory belonged to the clergy of Clermont until he was consecrated bishop of Tours in 573. His benefice may be localised at Brioude, where he was charged with the task of registering the 77

These chapters will be analysed below pp. 45-50. ....ego Brivatensim vicum expetii, scilicet ut... beati martyris luliani salvar er praesidio, 132,3sq. He was there with two servants or serfs: puer ex nostris, 132,5 and puer alius, 132,16. 79 Ven. Fortunatus, Carm. V 3,vss. 13-16 / MGH AA IV/1, 106: Quem patris Aegidii domino manus sacravit I ut populum recreet, quem Radegundis amet. I Huic Sigibercthus ovans favet et Brunichildis honori: I iudicio regis nobile culmen adest. 80 For Lyons and Clermont respectively, cf. for example Hist IV 30 resp. Hist V 20. According to common opinion, Tours belonged de jure to the realm of Sigebert, who, at the death of Chlotar I (A.D. 561) obtained the old realm of Theuderic, Hist IV 22. See, however, below pp. 20Iff. 81 Ven. Fortunatus, Carm. V 3,vss. 13-16 (quoted above n. 78); on Gregory's consecration in Rheims cf. Pietri o.e. 247f. On his loyalty towards Sigebert and his too loyal renderings of Sigebert's claims, cf. below pp. 201ff. 78

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

miracles of St. Iulianus. Because for the task of a thaumatographer a functionary was required who could represent the competent, episcopal authority concerning the recognition and canonisation of miracles, Gregory must have entered higher orders after 563, when he was still a deacon. The biographical fact of Gregory's residence in the Auvergne is reflected in those parts of the Histories which describe events before 573. There is evidence suggesting that Gregory had written some of these parts already before he went to Tours. This suggestion becomes apparent when comparing the occurrences of the names of the cities Clermont and Tours in, on the one hand, the chapters dealing with events before 573 (roughly Books I-IV) and, on the other, those dealing with events after that year (roughly Books V-X). In the first four Books Clermont is mentioned 47 times, whereas Tours is mentioned only 20 times. After Gregory was consecrated bishop, most of his contacts with Arvernan circles broke off. The last six Books show a sharp decrease in the number of mentions of Clermont. Its name occurs a mere 13 times, whereas the occurrences of the name of Tours increase to 57 times.82 From the first four Books to the last six the decrease of the mentions of Clermont is significant, as is the increase of the mentions of Tours. This becomes clear if the frequency of the mentions of both cities is related to the number of chapters in the respective segments. The first four Books consist of 179 chapters, the last six of 263 chapters (excluding the epilogue X 31). The frequency of the mentions of Clermont and Tours is as follows: I-IV : 179 chapters

V-X: 263 chapters

Clermont

47 = 26% (=1 mention to 4 chapters)

13 = 5% (=1 mention to 20 chapters)

Tours

20=11% (=1 mention to 9 chapters)

57 = 22% (=1 mention to 5 chapters)

From the first segment to the last the average frequency of the mentions of Clermont per chapter decreases by a factor of five, whereas the frequency of the mentions of Tours nearly doubles. Also, the average mention of Clermont in the first segment nearly equals the average mentions of Tours in the second. The suggestion following from these global figures is reinforced by a comparison of the number of times Clermont and Tours are actually the scenes of the action in, on the one hand, the chapters dealing with the time before 573 82 The figures relate exclusively to the mentions of the cities, as they occur in the stories themselves. Not included are the allusions to suburbs, churches and other buildings, officials etc. of Clermont and Tours respectively. The results are as follows: For Clermont: Book I: 5 times, Π: 13, III: 10, IV: 19 Book V: 3 times, VI: 4, VU: 0, VIH: 1, IX: 0, Χ: 5 For Tours: Book I: 1 time, II: 7, III: 2, IV: 10 Book V: 16 times, VI: 5, VII: 8, VIII: 4, IX: 14, X: 10.

43

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and, on the other, those dealing with the time after that year. In this comparison the series IV 36 (digression ending A.D. 573) to IV 47 (A.D. 573) inclusive is to be treated separately. The events dealt with here took place around the year of Gregory's consecration, with the exception of IV 38 and 41, and with the reservation that some of the events mentioned in IV 39sq, 43sq. and 46 are not exactly datable. In this series Clermont is the scene of action in three chapters (39, 42 and 46), Tours only partly in two chapters (45 and, in a very marginal way, 47). Of the actions dated before 573, then, mentioned in the 167 chapters from I 1 to IV 35 inclusive, 36 are entirely or partly situated at Clermont; a mere 15, however, are situated at Tours. 83 Of the actions dated after 573, mentioned in the 269 chapters from IV 48 to X 30, only seven or eight are entirely or partly situated at Clermont, 84 whereas 56 are entirely or partly situated at Tours. 85 The significance of this shift is apparent from computing the average frequency of the two places of action per chapter: 11-IV 35: 167 chapters

IV 48-X 30: 269 chapters

Clermont

36 = 22% (=1 time to 5 chapters)

7 = 3% (=1 time to 39 chapters)

Tours

15 = 9% (=1 time to 11 chapters)

56 = 21% (=1 time to 5 chapters)

From the first to the second segment the average frequency of Clermont as place of action decreases by a factor of six, whereas the average frequency of Tours 83

Clermont:

Tours:

84

85

Book I: 7 times (entirely: 33,44-47; partly: 30,33) II: 9 (entirely: 13,16sq„ 20-23; partly: 11,36) III: 7 (entirely: 2(b), 9, 11(b)-13; partly: 16, 25) IV: 13 (entirely: 5-7,11,12(a,b), 13, 16(a), 35(a); partly: 9 , 1 6 ( 0 , 30,31)

Book I: 2 (entirely: 48; partly: 30) II: 4 (entirely: 1,14,39; partly: 43) III: 2 (entirely: 2,17) IV: 7 (entirely: 3(b), 4(b), 15(c); partly: 1,2,11,26). Book V: 1 (entirely: 11) VI: 2 (partly: 26,38) VII:0 VIII: 2 (entirely: 18(c); eventually, but partly: 30) IX: 0 X: 3 (entirely: 6,7; partly: 8). Book V:16 (entirely: 4 , 7 , 1 4 , 21,23,43; partly: 1 , 2 , 1 3 , 2 4 , 2 6 , 3 3 , 3 7 , 4 7 , 4 8 , 4 9 ) VI: 8 (entirely: 40; partly: 9,10,11, 13,15, 18?, 21,31) VII: 8 (entirely: 12, 22,23,29,47; partly: 21, 24,43) VIII: 3 (entirely: 40; partly: 18,34) IX: 6 (partly: 6 , 1 9 , 3 0 , 3 3 , 3 9 , 4 0 ) X: 7 (entirely: 12, 13; partly: 5 , 9 , 2 3 , 2 9 , 3 0 )

44

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

more than doubles. The average frequency of Clermont as the place of action in the first segment fully equals the average frequency of Tours in the second segment. Apart from figures, a marked difference in the kind and contents of the stories which have Clermont and Tours as their scene suggests all the more that some parts of the Histories already existed before 573. Nearly all the events situated at Tours which are mentioned in the series I 1 to IV 35 are related to the succession of the bishops of Tours. 86 The events which took place in Clermont, on the other hand, are far more varied. Of the 36 chapters in this series, 22 are unrelated to the succession of the Arvernan bishops.87 Moreover, the few events situated in Tours which are not related to episcopal succession are described by short notes, whereas this kind of information in the 22 chapters dealing with events in Clermont is elaborated into full-blown stories. The reverse holds true for the series IV 48 to X 31, dealing with the time after 573. Insofar as Clermont appears at all, the events which took place there are mentioned only in a sketchy way, except for the early action in V 11 (575). Such facts may not be explained but by the assumption that Gregory started writing histories when he was still a clergyman in Clermont. The alternative opinion which assumes that Gregory started writing histories only after 573 is not plausible. It presupposes a rather exceptional memory and lively contacts with historically interested and well-informed Arvernans for those stories that cannot be reduced to written stories, that is, for the majority of the stories in Books II-IV. 88 Both explanations are insufficient, if scarcely imaginable. Even for stories implying Arvernan information for which written sources must be assumed, a composition date after 573 is hardly conceivable. Reconstructing the succession of the bishops of Clermont, for example, implies a rather specific kind of inquiry, barely possible from Tours. Assuming that Gregory did his historical research on copies of Arvernan church archives in Tours does not make good sense, because as a bishop the centre of his professional interest was Tours and his point of view gradually became a convinced Turonian one. 8 9 Moreover, given the great difference in the amount of material he gathered on the earlier history of both cities, it is inconceivable that he as the bishop of Tours was in a better position to be informed of earlier Arvernan history than of earlier Turonian. Finally and decisively, if he were to have had some Arvernan connections in Tours, or incidentally gathered information from Arvernan sources, it is inexplicable that his information on contemporary Arvernan his-

86

Above n. 83 (cf. p. 146 n. 7); exceptions: Π 43, IV 1 and 26. Dealing with episcopal succession in Clermont are (cf. p. 146 n. 7): I 3 0 , 4 4 , 4 5 (partly), 46, II 13,16,21,111 2(b), IV 5-7,11, 12(a); compare with above n. 83. 88 See Appendix III for an analysis of the sources in the first four Books. 89 See pp. 186-196. 87

The beginning of writing

45

tory remains so extremely far behind his knowledge of earlier Arvernan history; the more astonishing as his major interest lay with contemporary history. 90 Two further points are in favour of the thesis that Gregory started writing histories before 573. Firstly, an inquiry into the possible geographical origins, whether Arvernan or Turanian, of the sources of the first four Books suggests that parts of those Books are to be traced back exclusively to Arvernan sources, written as well as non-written. Some of these sources Gregory may only have consulted in Clermont with a specific, historiographical question in mind. 91 Secondly, apart from the mentions of the names of both cities and their occurrences as scenes of action, a difference in geographical perspective is perceptible in the first four books. Some parts drawing from Arvernan sources do not convey a Turanian point of view but rather an Arvernan, whereas the other parts, drawing from Turanian sources, are as Turanian as the last six Books. 92 Local identities counted heavily in late antiquity and certainly did so in sixth century Gaul. As bishop of Tours, Gregory could not afford showing off his Arvernan roots. It could, and later actually did, imperil his position there. 93 He could not conceivably have started the Histories in Tours by writing a good deal of Arvernan local history. The thesis proposed here may be substantiated by a detailed analysis of the kind and origin of each story in the Histories that has Clermont as its scene of action. Because such an analysis extends over some 46 or 47 chapters, 94 for reasons of convenience the analysis may be confined to the stories about events in Brioude (Brivate, Brivatensis vicus). These stories are comparable to the Clermont ones. Qualitatively, Gregory's biography shows a special relation to Brioude, as to Clermont. Quantitatively, the distribution over the entire Histories of the stories which have the Brioude sanctuary as their scene of action is relatively similar to that of the Clermont stories: 7 times in the first series ( I 1- IV 35), one time in the second (IV 36 - IV 47) and two times in the last (IV 48 to X 31), to wit in the last Book only. 95 II11 and 20 The first two Brioude stories in the Histories may be entirely or partly traced back to written sources held in Brioude. Gregory has probably drawn his information from inscriptions in the St. Iulianus sanctuary. In the first story (II 11), the sanctuary appears as the place of the tomb of the senator and emperor Avitus, of Arvernan origin. Avitus died as bishop of Piacenza (consecrated A.D. 456) during a flight to St. Iulianus' sanctuary. Gregory's

90 91 92

See pp. 165-174. Especially for Books I and II. See Appendix III. On the geographical perspective of the Histories and its ideological aspects cf. chapter

3.2. 93

See below pp. 203f. and 206f. 36 in the series I 1- IV 35; 3 in the series IV 36 - IV 47 (see n. 82); and 7 or 8 in the series IV 48 to X 31 (see n. 84). 95 II 11,20; III 12,16; IV 5 , 1 3 , 3 2 , 4 6 ; X 8, 29. 94

46

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

source, at least for this part of Avitus' vicissitudes, was probably an inscription at Avitus' tomb in Brioude. St. Iulianus' sanctuary appears a second time in II 20, a collection of some political actions and building activities of Victorius. According to this story, Victorius was appointed by Euric, the Visigothic king, as duke of "the seven cities" (that is, the province Aquitania prima) and had extended his power to Clermont. 96 He had had the columns of St. Iulianus' sanctuary constructed. An inscription in honour of Victorius' generosity is likely to have been engraved on one of those. Ill 12 This chapter tells of the punitive expedition the Frankish king Theuderic (|533) undertook against Clermont in consequence of the city's treason. Within this framework, Gregory mentions the pillaging of the sanctuary at Brioude. The dating of these events is problematic.97 The source of the story may have been an inscription in commemoration of the looting, since the opening sentence vaguely reflects the text of a memorial tablet. The story is preceded by the message that Quintianus was bishop at that time. 98 An oral source, however, is more likely. Gregory is very well informed of the treason of the city and the subsequent revenge of Theuderic, events which were indelibly imprinted in the memory of the Auvergnats. Chapters III 9,11,12 and 13, as well as VSJ 13 and 23 and VP IV 2 all narrate events which are actually or erroneously related to Theuderic's retaliation. At any rate, Gregory's sources stem from Clermont. Ill 16 The story may have its origin entirely in one or two deeds of donation, supplemented by an oral tradition. Duke Sigivald, billeted at Clermont as part of Theuderic's measures against the city, took the villa Bulgiatensis (Bongheat), which was in the property of the basilica. Sigivald fell ill, recognised the illegality of his action, and doubly restored what he had taken. 99 In the first document at Gregory's disposal, Tetradius, bishop of Bourges in the first decades of the sixth century, had bequeathed the villa to St. Iulianus. In the second, Sigivald confirmed its title to St. Iulianus and made over some other properties to the basilica, perhaps under conditions. 100 The deeds were either preserved in the 96

Euric acquired Clermont around 475, cf. Krusch ed., 65, n.6. The betrayal of Clermont took place when Theuderic was at war with the Thuringians (Hist III 9, cf. III 7), that is, A.D. 531. According to Hist III 12, the subsequent retaliatory action took place at the time Quintianus was bishop of Clermont. Quintianus, however, had already died in 525, cf. Hist IV 5 (with Krusch 138, n. 3) and VP IV 5 (with Krusch 227, n. 2). From VSJ 23, though, it appears that the retaliation, or another one, took place earlier, at the time Gallus (a. ep. 525-551) was a youth. On the action see further VP IV 12 and V 2 and VSJ 13. 9 » 108,15. 99 ...vota beato martiri vovens, quae vi abstulerat duplicata restituii, 117,3. Cf. VSJ 14 to which Gregory refers and in which he tells the same event. In this passage, however, the vota and Sigivald's restoration do not occur. 100 The conditionality of Sigivald's deeds is suggested by the interpretation of votum as a promise or a debt obligation to the saint. Such promises were to persuade the deity or the saint to comply with the entreaties. Gregory states that Sigivald was ill. The written votum, then, may 97

The beginning of writing

47

basilical archives or in the ecclesiastical archives at Clermont. The information that the sacerdos (bishop Quintianus?) admonished the wife of the ill Sigivald to remove him from the villa may derive from oral tradition. IV 5 The last story which may be traced back to a written source deals with the episcopate of Gregory's uncle Gallus. Except for the short notice of Gallus' inauguration and his death, the chapter dilates upon Gallus' vision during the pest of 543 and the institution of rogations. These rogations consisted of a procession to the basilica at Brioude and were held in the midst of Lent. In Gregory's time they featured in the liturgical calendar of Clermont.101 A lectio in commemoration of the origins of the rogations, deposited at the basilica, is conceivable as a written source. Such a reading may have been part of the ceremonies, as was the reading of the passio of St. Iulianus on his feast day, August 28. The plausibility of an exclusively written source is opposed by the following. The vision of Gallus comprises the prophetic announcement of his death. It is part of the tradition that Clermont would not suffer from the pest during Gallus' episcopate. This remarkable emphasis on the beneficial and protective power of the bishop reflects the striving for canonisation. The tradition is to be explained by the pest which afflicted the city during the episcopate of Gallus' successor, Cautinus, which occurred in 571. 102 The form of the tradition handed down by Gregory must in any case have originated after Gallus' death. If its origin lies with the outbreak of the pest in 571, Gregory himself might have been its author. This story has to be interpreted in the light of IV 31 on the pest of 571 and the subsequent death of Cautinus. This chapter is associated with a series which, aiming at an Arvernan audience, campaigns against bishop Cautinus: IV 11, 12 and 13. The next three stories, IV 13, 32 and 46, originate from Gregory's own experience. The first of these ends in the basilca of St. Iulianus, as does the third. In the second Gregory explicitly calls himself an eyewitness. IV 13 This chapter describes the faint-hearted flight of bishop Cautinus during the rogation procession to Brioude. It is the last of the series to exemplify the unvirtuous character of Cautinus. The series breaks through the chronological framework. IV 13 closes with a formula that highlights the digression. 103 From this the terminus a quo for the date of the event may be deduced, because after this chapter Gregory turns to events of the year 556. The last possible date is 560, because the Frankish prince Chramn, who plays a role in this story, died

have contained the condition that St. Iulianus would cure Sigivald. However, an unconditional dedication of the villa and other goods to the saint is also conceivable. Gregory tells that Sigivald delivered the vola after his recovery. In later times, the two kinds of vota were distinguished by the terms vota conditionata and vota absoluta or inconditionata. 101 Cf. IV 13 (ca. 555) I 13sqq. 102 I V 3 1 103

Sed coepta sequamur, 145,17.

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

in that year. Gregory was between 18 and 22 years of age when the events took place. 104 The story is rather confused. Two narrative lines are discernible. Both are treated coordinately, whereas the first is actually subordinate to the second. The narrative betrays the point of view of the reporter and a first draft of the story shortly after the events. 1) Firminus, ex count of Clermont, removed by Chlotar's son Chramn, had been taken prisoner, but managed to escape on the second day of the procession; 2) bishop Cautinus, who felt threatened by Chramn, had taken the precaution of bringing his horse with him to Brioude, although he should have proceeded on foot, and on the second day of the procession, seeing horsemen drawing near, assumed that these were men of Chramn, deserted the procession and flew to Brioude on horseback. The fact that the first line of the story is developed coordinately with the second may be explained by the high degree of detailed information Gregory received after the arrival of first Firminus and then the procession at the basilica. The story has the imprint of an eyewitness report, in which the amazement and consternation among those involved can still be heard. Presumably, Gregory participated in the procession, or was awaiting the people in the basilica, where he was preparing the ceremonies. The final writing of the chapter must be dated after the death of Chramn in 560. The chapter starts with a reference to that event, which is described in IV 20. 1 0 5 There is some evidence suggesting that the chapter was written before 571. The series IV 11, 12 and 13 seems to be composed at the same time. IV 11 deals with the priest Cato, who, during his candidature for the episcopate of Clermont in 551, was crossed in his aspirations by the then archdeacon Cautinus (cf. IV 6 and 7), and who in 552 had turned down the episcopate of Tours, offered to him through Cautinus, because he still hoped to be raised to the see of Clermont. As with chapters IV 12 and 13 on Cautinus, chapter IV 11 on Cato was written after the death of Chramn, given the vaticinium ex eventu.106 Cato and Cautinus are always treated together (IV 6 and 7; IV 11-13; IV 31). In IV 31 on the pest in Clermont, written after 571, Gregory retracts the negative judgement on Cato passed in the preceding series on both clergymen, so that the writing of these chapters must be dated to before 571.

104

Assuming that Gregory was bom in 538, see above n. 23. ...et ob hoc acceleratus est [Chramnus] de mundo, 144,7. 106 Cato autem amicitias cum Chramno nexuerat, promissionem ab eo accipiens, ut, si contigerit in articulo temporis illius regem mori Chlotharium [the father of Chramn], statim eiecto Cautino ab episcopatu, iste praeponeretur ecclesiae. Sed qui cathedram beati Martini contemptui habuit, quam voluit non accepit, 142,9-12. The early death of Chramn frustrated the plan. The Turonian point of view discernible in the vaticinium need not be explained by a revision after 573, but may be explained by the fact that after Cato's refusal a relative of Gregory was raised to the see of Tours, viz. Eufronius.

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49

IV 32 In this chapter Gregory presents an explicit eyewitness account of events which took place in the basilica of St. Iulianus. He relates the death of a priest and monk, Iulianus, at the time of the pest of 571, and commemorates some of the deeds of this thaumaturge. Gregory was witness to one of the miracles the namesake of St. Iulianus produced at the sanctuary.107 IV 46 This chapter offers the last story in Books I-IV in which St. Iulianus' sanctuary is the place of action. The story deals with a quarrel between Andarchius, a scholar and official at the court of Sigebert, and Ursus, a citizen of Clermont. The lingering strife leads to the murder of Andarchius. The story ends with the flight of Ursus to the basilica of St. Iulianus, where he was granted amnesty before 573. Gregory might have taken down the story from the mouth of Ursus while he was still fulfilling clerical office there. In the Books dealing with the time he was bishop of Tours, Gregory keeps silent about St. Iulianus' sanctuary. Two exceptions are found in the last Book only, chapters X 8 and X 29. X 8 In this chapter Gregory reports the judgement a local synod passed in 590 in the case of the lecherous count of Clermont, Eulalius, and his adulterous wife. A circumstantial narratio causae is preceded by Gregory's private recollection of Eulalius' doubtful morality. He recalls that when Cautinus was bishop of Clermont (551-571), the youth Eulalius was generally suspected of having murdered his mother, whereupon he had been excommunicated. On the feast day of St. Iulianus, Eulalius had requested the bishop admittance to the Eucharist, declaring that he was innocent. Cautinus served him, formally threatening punishment by God and St. Iulianus if Eulalius had lied. The public prosternado and re-admission to the comunity were stamped indelibly on Gregory's memory. X 29 Finally, in this chapter the basilica is mentioned for the last time in the Histories. It offers a short memorial of Aredius, written on the occasion of his death in 591. Abbot Aredius of Limoges was one of Gregory's most important informants. 108 With Gregory he shared the same pair of heavenly friends, St. Iulianus and St. Martin. 109 Among the miracles of Aredius recounted by Gregory is one that occurred while he was on his way with his mother to the basilica at Brioude. The event is not datable. The origin of the story lies with Aredius himself.110

107

Nam videtnus eum quadam vice in basilica beati luliani martyris inerguminum verbo tantum curasse, 166, 17sq. 108 Cf. GM 36, 41 VSJ 28, 41-45, VSM II 39, III 24, IV 6, VP XVII praef. and passim, GC 9 , 1 0 , 1 0 2 , Hist VIII15 and 27. 109 Iulianus: VSJ 28 and 4 1 ^ 5 , Hist X 29; Martin: VSM II 39, III 24, GC 9 and 10, Hist VIII 15 and X 29. 110 De his vero signis, quae per virtutum sancii luliani martyris Martinique confessons beati in eius manibus Dominus operatus est, pleraque in libris Miraculorum, sicut ipse effatus est, scripsimus , X 29 / S24,l6sqq.

50

1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

Reviewing the entire Brioude corpus in the Histories, it is plausible that Gregory had recorded most of the events which occurred before 573 and which are related in the first four Books before he was consecrated bishop, however vague the origin of the information, however impossible to indicate the date of writing with further exactitude. The difference in the kind of information found in the stories in the first four Books and those in the last six bears out this conclusion. Gregory may remember spontaneously more than twenty years afterwards a public, solemn humiliation of a member of his community. Recounting the information carved into a memorial pillar in the basilica, however, implies determined inquiry. It requires questions to be posed to sources with the aim in mind of writing history. Numerical as well as analytical data point to a start of the Histories before Gregory's enthronement. The conclusions drawn from the analysis of the Brioude corpus may by analogy be assumed valid for the Clermont corpus. Much information, not analysed here, in which Clermont is the place of action, as well as a large number of stories betraying an Arvernan point of view, analysed in a later chapter, may be supposed to have been recorded before 573, on the same grounds expounded here, and with the same degree of plausibility.

CONTEMPORARY HISTORIOGRAPHY

The writing of the chapters dealing with the time after Gregory's consecration probably kept pace with the events described in them. From some seven chapters analysed by Monod and Krusch of which a final date of writing may be determined, Büchner infers a space between the event and the recording thereof not in excess of three to seven years. 111 As an average the figure seems rather high. It cannot, though, be either refuted or confirmed. Considering the very small number of chapters which may be dated at all, it is exceptionally difficult to trace later interpolations in the last six Books. Only once is a later addition obvious. The last sentence on Rauching in V 3 cannot have been written before his death in 587. Because chapter V 14 must have been written earlier, before 582 or 584, the sentence in V 3 , or perhaps the entire chapter has been interpolated. By virtue of this single case, Büchner assumes

111

Monod 1872,46f. and 49; Krusch ed., XXIsq. ; Büchner 1977, XXII f. V Praef. : not after 584; V 14 (576/577): not before 580, probably not after 582, certainly not after 584; V 19 (577): before the death of the emperor Tiberius was known in Tours ( t 14-8-582); V I 3 9 (584): before 591; VII 47 (585): before 588; X 3 0 (591): before 593/594; X 3 1 : before 593/594. The last two chapters are dated before 593/594, which is only to say that they were written before Gregory died.

The final structuring

51

that Gregory has revised the Histories. 112 As a second argument for a revision he takes the references in the Histories to Gregory's other works. Some four of them in Book V are taken together with some ten in the preceding four Books as an indication of a revision, carried at least through the first five Books, but perhaps through the entire work. 113 Given the present state of inquiry into the chronology of Gregory's other works, however, this hypothesis also can neither be refuted nor confirmed. The idea of a revision originated from the scholarly tradition challenged above, which reconstructed the chronology of composition on the basis of manuscript evidence, explaining its curiosities by the hypothesis of two versions. This tradition has been sufficiently refuted by Krusch. Contrary to the rather mechanical conception of interpolated Histories, a more plausible one may be considered. It has been proved for the De virtutibus sancii Martini that Gregory took down the events as soon as or shortly after the moment the information reached him. 114 The steadily growing collection was organised chronologically. New information on recent events was added, that on older events inserted, older information was updated and adjusted. The method resembles building up archives more than writing preconceived books. There is no conceivable reason why Gregory should have done otherwise in writing the Histories. Both works are comparable in that they are collections of stories, compiled through the years and sorted out chronologically. It may be safely assumed that Gregory applied this typical ad hoc method in the Histories, writing down stories as soon as he was informed, adding stories on recent events, inserting stories on older events, adjusting and readjusting his growing compilation of historiae. The conception of an isolated revision, carried through from a specific moment onwards, is therefore rendered superfluous. The Histories were in a permanent state of revision. Between writing and revising there exists an indistinguishable difference. Such a method, however, finally compels the author and compiler to structure his collection of short stories. The mass of material has to be divided into books and provided with introductions. This structuring constitutes the logical end of writing histories the way Gregory did. In the next section, an attempt will be made to place chronologically this final piece of work.

THE FINAL STRUCTURING

The last regnal year Gregory refers to in the running account of the Histories is the sixteenth of Childebert II and the thirtieth of Guntramn. Both years comprise 112

Büchner 1977, XXIII. See the preceding note. Actually, there are five references in Book V and twelve of them in the first four Books, see below pp. 54f. 114 Schlick 1966, Pietri 1977, 99, Heinzelmann 1981, 237-241, cf. also Pietri 1983, 537ff. and Corbe» 1983,47f. 113

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

the major part of A.D. 591. 115 Gregory died, according to Büchner, three or four years later, in 594 or 595, on a November 17. 116 The last year to occur in the Histories, in the epilogue X 31, covers A.D. 594. 117 It is assumed that illness or a waning of mental strength robbed Gregory of his feather in the intervening period between 591 and 594. 118 Given the remarkable short Book X, consisting of a mere 30 chapters, whereas the other Books have about 50 chapters each, the Histories indeed convey the impression of an Unvollendete. This impression, though, is misleading. Actually, it would have lacked an ending if it did not have an opening. Given the characteristic way the work came into being, as a compilation of short stories, the finishing of it lies with opening it, structuring it, and making it accessible to the readers. The assumption of a late date for Gregory's structuring work is only logical, but is also confirmed by the contents of the structuring passages. Here, it is necessary to run ahead of the results of the inquiry into the structure of the Histories. 119 The first four Books have been qualified, rightfully or not, as the introduction of the Histories. At least the Praefatio prima, the first two Books and the introductions of the first three Books, as well as the computations of the age of the world, range among the theologically most matured and reflected passages in the Histories. The firm structure of the first four Books is of a like conceptual quality. In these passages and structural elements, a reflection is discernible on the long years of compiling stories. More than in other passages, in these Gregory comes to the fore as a scholar, showing off his knowledge of biblical and Christian historiography, of Sulpicius Severus, Orosius and Jerome; and as an author of books, conceptualising ideas, instead of an archivist keeping record of his own files. It was only at a late date that Gregory was occasioned to explicit theological reflection upon history. A concrete motive is to be found in IX 6. In this chapter the appearance in Tours of the "pseudo-prophet" Desiderius is described. Desiderius came to Tours in the twelfth year of Childebert II (587), that is, four years before the last recording of a contemporary event (591). Moreover, the story betrays a certain temporal distance to the event. 120 It was only then, for the first time in the on-going narrative of contemporary events, that Gregory formulates some explicit theological reflections on history, viz., concerning the end of times. Such reflections are only lurking in the narrative of events which took place before 587. 1

^ X 24/515,9. A year of Childebert's reign started on 25 December, according to Gregory (V 1/194,14; see however Krusch a.l. and Schneider 1972,90); a year of Guntramn started on 28 November. Büchner 1977, XI. On the year of Gregory's death, see below p. 62-66. 117 See below pp. 59-66. 118 By firmly established scholarly tradition, e.g. Büchner 1977, XXV, Thorpe 1982, 27, Goffart 1988, 153. 119 Below Chapter 4, Dispositio. 120 Nec cognovimus deinceps, quo abisset [Desiderius], 418,1.

The final structuring

53

This indication of a late start of theological reflection upon history is confirmed by the fact that in the same chapter IX 6, Gregory recalls a comparable event which had taken place "seven years before." 121 Although some reserve as to the exactitude of this date is required, given the special significance of the number seven in apocalyptic symbolics, for Gregory the span must have been conveniently indicated by "seven years." Seven years before, however, towards 580, Gregory had not recorded the events he recalls now. Neither had he then by that event been inspired to theological reflections. Not until 587 did Gregory link a specific event with Christ's prophecies concerning the end of times. The association is deliberately put forward, for the only reason for recalling the event of seven years earlier is to show Christ's prophecies coming to their fulfillment. Seeing the prophecies come true required multiple appearances of Desiderius-like characters. By recalling the earlier event, and by explicitly stating that there were many of those seducers, Gregory satisfied this condition. 122 Gregory was probably provoked to this scriptural interpretation of the events by the clergy of Tours. Desiderius, pretending to be an equal of the apostles, appeared in Tours on the moment appropriate to do so, viz., when the bishop happened to be absent. The clergy, however, were powerful enough to expose the man and to expel him beyond the town boundary. After Gregory had returned, when the clergy reported what had happened, it might have pointed out to him the parallel with scriptural prophecies on the end of times. 123 After all, apart from being a common idea in patristic literature, the idea of living at the end of times was a strong Martinian tradition, presumably still vigorous at the time Gregory was bishop, prevalent among the clergy of Tours. 124 The idea of the end of times drawing near is the exclusive motive for the computation of the age of the world. Three times in the Histories Gregory counts the years since Creation up to the year he had reached in his narrative: at the end of Book I, at the end of Book IV and at the end of the last Book. In the Preface of Book I he explicitly points out his motive for doing so, namely, that people feared that the end of the world was drawing near. This motive carries all of Book I and it recurs, apart from the aforesaid passages in Books IV and X, at the end of Books II and III. Because Desiderius' appearance in Tours and the interpretation of the event by the clergy form a clear indication for the source of this motive, the whole of Book I may well be assumed to have been conceived after 587. The same goes for the different parts of the computation at the end of Books I, II, III, IV and X, which constitute structural elements of the Histories 121

4183. Multi enim sunt, qui, has seductiones exercentes, populum rusticum in errore ponere non désistant etc. 420,2-6. 123 Nec mirum si hic similem se dicat apostolis, cum ille auctor nequitiae, a quo ista procedunt, Christum se esse in fine saeculi fateatur, 417, 12sq. 124 See below pp. 171-174. 122

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1. HISTORY OF COMPOSITION

b y h o l d i n g the B o o k s t o g e t h e r in a certain w a y , h o w e v e r l o o s e .

Moreover,

G r e g o r y e x p l i c i t l y states that the result o f the c o m p u t a t i o n w a s c o m f o r t i n g to t h o s e w h o f e a r e d . 1 2 5 T h i s presupposes d i s q u i e t i n g e x p e r i e n c e s such as the appearance o f characters labelled pseudo-prophets and seducers. In g e n e r a l , the a b s e n c e o f e x p l i c i t t h e o l o g i c a l r e f l e c t i o n o n c o n t e m p o r a r y h i s t o r y b e f o r e 587, in contrast to the considerations underlying the structure o f the w o r k and the d e g r e e o f planning o f the f i r s t f o u r B o o k s , e s p e c i a l l y

of

B o o k I , s u g g e s t s that, at a r e l a t i v e l y late date, p r o b a b l y a f t e r 5 8 7 , G r e g o r y started o r g a n i s i n g his c o l l e c t i o n o f short stories, w r i t i n g i n t r o d u c t i o n s and preparing the w o r k f o r publication. A further i n d i c a t i o n f o r a late start o f his t h e o l o g i c a l rethinking o f h i s t o r y , i m p l y i n g a late date f o r the structuring passages, is o f f e r e d b y

Gregory's

r e f e r e n c e s to his other w o r k s . T h e matured t h e o l o g i c a l passages are to b e f o u n d in the f i r s t f o u r B o o k s , w h i c h a l s o contain the r e l a t i v e l y m a j o r part o f the r e f e r e n c e s to G r e g o r y ' s other w o r k s , 12 ( 1 4 ) out o f 2 2 ( 2 4 ) . 1 2 6 T h e r e f e r e n c e s are the f o l l o w i n g : 1)

I 45: ...quod in libro ilio, quem de eius [s. Illidii] vita conscripsimus, memoravimus, 29,19sq. (to VF 2 ) 2) 147: Meminimus de his in libro Miraculorum, 32,29sq. (to GC 31) 3) 148:...quod in libro virtutum eius [s. Marlini]primoplenius exposuemus, 32,6K/. (to VSM 14 and 5) 4) Π 5:... in libro Miraculorum scripsimus, 47,5 (to GC 74) 5) II 21: ...sicut in libro vitae eius fs. Abrahae abbatis]scripsimus, 67,23 (to VP 3 ) 6) II 22: Quod in praefatione libri, quem de missis ab eo [s. Sidonio] conpositis coniunximus, plenius declaravimus, 67,29sq. (to a lost work) 7) II 36: Reliqua vero de soneto Quintiano... scripta sunt in libro Vitae eius, 85,4sqq. (to VP 4) 8) III 2: Reliqua vero quae gessit [s. Quintianus]... scripta sunt in libro, quem de eius vita conposuimus, 99$sq. (to VP 4 ) 9) ΠΙ 12: ...sicut in libro virtutum eius [s. luliani]conscripsimus, 108,21 (to VSJ 13) 10) III 16: Meminimus et huius virtutis in libro Miraculorum sancii luliani, 1 Π 3 s q . (to VSJ 14) 10a) IV 16: [Tßtricus] cui in superiori libellum memoriam feeimus, 149,13 (erroneously to a preceding Book of Hist \ actually, Gregory mentions Tetricus only in VP 7,4) 11) I V 36: sicut in libro vitae eius [s. Nicetii]scripsimus, 168,17j^. (to VP 8 , 3 ) 12) I V 37: ...de cuius [s. Friardi] miraculis quaedam in libro, quem de vita eius scripsimus, memoravimus, 1693Qs#. (to VP 10) 12a) IV 49: Quod in sequentibus libris. Domino iubente, desseruemus, 186,15 (erroneously to subsequent Books of Hist, actually the events referred to are described in VSM II, 5sqq.) 13) V 6: Anno vero quo supra... multae virtutes ad sepulchrum beati Martini apparuerunt, quas in Ulis libellis scripsi, quos de ipsis miraculis conponer e temptavi, 203,4sqq. (to VSM in general, specifically to II 27 and further) 14) V 7: ...multas virtutes... quas in libro vitae eius [b. Senoch presbiteris] scripsimus, 204,Asq. (to VP 15) 15) V 9 : .. sicut in libro vitae eius [Caluppae reclausi] scripsimus, 204,17 (to VP 11 )

See below pp. 299-305. 126 Y j j e f i g u r e ¡jj parentheses refer to the totals of the occurrences, including the erroneous references 10a and 12a (see list). 125

The final structuring

55

16) 17) 18) 19)

V 10: Scripsimus el de huius [Patrocli reclausi] vita libellum, 2053 (to VP 9) V 12: ..sicut alibi scripsimus, 207 lsg. (to VP 12) Vili 2 : [Avitus abbas] cui in libro Miraculorum meminitnus, 371,11 sq. (to GC 97) IX 2: Quae...virtutes apparuerutit... in libro Miraculorum plenius scribere studui, 415,12 sq. (to GC 104) 20) IX 15: ...quod nos in libro Miraculorum plenius declaravimus, 429,14s ιI .t

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348

APPENDIX II PFRE COMPA MADO DOMES CUBIC COMSTA THES REF NUTR AUL

pretender comes palatii maior domus domesticus cubiculari as comes stabuli thesaurarius referendarius nutritor other aulicus

PROC

procer, maior, senior, primus

Β 3. Remaining military RPROV PATR MAMI PREF COM IULO DUX

and administrative functionaries rector Provinciae patricius magister rrulitum praefectus urbis comes iudex loci dux

C. Remaining functions NEGUT SERV

negutiator servus

STATUS PREDICATES S GRS NO FR CIV LITT Ρ

sanctus nobilis: Gallo-Roman senatorial nobilis: other than Gallo-Roman senatorial Francus civis (free citizen) litteratus pauper FACTUM

CONTENTS -This section briefly summarises the actions by classifying them. LEGEND GESTAR GESTAAP GESTAEP(S) GESTAAC(S)

action (and/or character) of one or more persons from royal descent action (and/or character) of one or more secular persons (functionaries) other than from royal descent action (and/or character) of one or more bishops; the addition S indicates that the bishop is called beatus or sanctus (status predicate) action (and/or character) of one or more persons in spiritual orders, secular as well as conventual; the addition S indicates that the clergyman is called beatus or sanctus (status predicate)

Quantifying the inventio

349

GENTLE DEATH EVIL DEATH INIM BELL BELL INT PERS SUCC ALTERC MIR PROD

the protagonist dies a gentle death the protagonist dies an evil death quarrel or private fight (armed) conflict, war brotherly war or "civil war" (bellum civile) persecution(s) of (orthodox) Christians succession of bishops theological dispute miraculous intervention of God or saint, power of relics irregular phenomena in the sky, singular natural phenomena

BLISS DISASTER

the protagonists) perform(s) or experience(s) blissful acts, enjoy(s) blessings the protagonists) perform(s) or experience(s) damaging acts CAUSA

CONTENTS -This section summarises the cause or occasion of the action. LEGEND VIRTUE VICE

a moral attitude of the persona dramatis positively valued, usually explicitly mentioned as a concrete virtue or complex of virtues a moral attitude of the persona dramatis negatively valued, usually explicitly mentioned as a concrete vice or complex of vices

VINDIC

a legal occasion; the moral value of the attitude of the persona dramatis is neutral

HELP

a person or group in distress is relieved by helping intervention. The situation of distress is commonly caused by vice. The working principle is reward or grace (or justice) a person or group conducting themselves improperly is repaid by punishing intervention. The situation of evil is always caused by vice. The working principle is revenge or justice (cf. VINDIC)

PUNISHMENT

APPENDIX III THE ARVERNAN AND THE TURONIAN CORPUS IN THE HISTORIES I-IV: A SURVEY.

The following paragraphs survey the probable geographical provenance of the narrative material in the first four books. The survey is confined to the question of in which region the naiTative material has or could have reached the author, whether in Clermont or in Tours.1 A. THE ARVERNAN CORPUS BOOK I

In Book I chapters 29,31-34 and 44-47 stem from Arvernan traditions. The first chapter which at least partly dates back to Gregory's Arvernan period is I 29 on the martyrs of Lyons (De sancto Photino, Hirineo vel reliquis martyribus Lugdunensibus). This chapter concludes with mentioning the martyr Vectius Epagatus. This martyr, it is true, occurs in Rufinus' Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica V 2, one of the written sources from which Book I (in its entirety composed in Tours after 585) draws, 2 but it is significant that he is the only one of the "forty eight martyrs of Lyons" who is mentioned by name. 3 The fact that this martyr, according to family tradition, was an ancestor of Gregory may explain this.4 I 31 on Leocadius, a civ is of Bourges, also depends on family tradition. As with Vectius Epagatus, Leocadius belonged to the family of Gregory's grandmother.5 The story on the destruction of the sanctuary Vasso Galate near Clermont (I 32) and the commemoratorium of some Arvernan martyrs (133) stem from Clermont, as well as the tradition on the martyrdom of Privatus of Javols (134). Privatus was venerated in Clermont.6 The last complex of Arvernan traditions in Book I consists of chapters 44-46 on the succession of the bishops of Clermont. As a member of the Arvernan clergy, Gregory had access to the episcopal archives in which the fasti and the legends were preserved. Chapter 147, finally, describes the chaste marriage of the Arvernan aristocrat Iniuriosus and the miracle occurring at the grave of the spouses. According to the author the place is called usque hodie (31,29) Duos Amantes.7

1 On Gregory's sources see Monod 1872,73-108, Kurth 1919b, 1919e and 1919f, Von den Steinen 1963, Oldoni 1972 and 1977; cf. also Verdón 1989,128-141. 2 Verbal reminiscences or non-verbal parallels of Rufinus in Gregory's Histories are, according to Krusch: Hist I 22: HE 11,1,2 Hist I 24: HE II 2,1; 2,7; 2,9.10; 1,8,5-14 Hist I 25: HE II, 13,1 (II 133; II 14,4; 11,1,1,8) Hist I 28: HE (IV,6,4), IV.1532 Hist I 29: HE V,l,29 3 For other names see GM 48, a list which deviates from Rufinus' Eusebius, but which approaches the list transmitted by the seventh century codex Monacensis lat. 3514 (Krusch, MGH SRM1/2,428); cf. Krusch, MGH SRMII2,71 n. 2, and 428. 4 VP VI,1/230,14. s Hist I 31/24, 9sq.; Gregory's grandmother (paternal side) was called Leocadia and was from the family of Vectius Epagatus, VP VI,1/230,13; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 214. 6 Witnessing VSJ 30/12633. 7 The same story, less detailed, is in GC 31.

The Arvernan and the Turonian corpus

351

BOOK Π In Book II Arvernan traditions are incorporated in chapters 11,13,16,17,20,21-25. Chapter 11 deals with emperor (Eparchius) Avitus, a scion of the Arvernan aristocracy. 8 This tradition might have been related to the sanctuary of St. Iulianus at Brioude, because the story ends there. It sprang from circles around Sidonius Apollinaris, who himself was Avitus' son-inlaw and had been a member of Avitus' Arvernan imperial court in Rome. Five chapters (13, 16, 21-23) deal with the succession of Arvernan bishops and their respective acts, one relates the acts of the wife of the Arvernan bishop Namatius (17) and two are connected with the Sidonius related traditions in II 21-23: II 24a focusses on Ecdicius, son of Eparchius Avitus and Sidonius' brother-in-law; 9 II 24b and 25 go back to letters of Sidonius. Chapter II 20 deals with the acts of the Visigothic dux Victorius in Clermont. In the complex II 27-43 on the reign of Clovis, originated after 573 in Tours, chapter II 36 is an alien element. It narrates the expulsion of bishop Quintianus of Rodez and his reception in Clermont. Quintianus was later to become bishop there. 10 This chapter belongs to the older Arvernan layer of the Histories. BOOKS III AND IV The major part of the Arvernan corpus is in Books III and IV. In Book III histories stemming from Arvernan traditions are incorporated in seventeen out of the 37 chapters constituting this book: 1) Stories from Clermont and family traditions: 2b (succession of bishops) 9 (Childebert's siege of Clermont) 11 (Theuderic's siege of Clermont; also Turonian) 12 (Theuderic's siege of Clermont: Iulianus) 13 (Theuderic's siege of Clermont: Lovulautrum, et alibi) 15 (Gregory of Langres 11 , Leo, Attalus12: family traditions) 16 (Theuderic's siege of Clermont (Sigivald): Iulianus) 19 (Dijon: family tradition (and autopsy?)) 21b+22+23b (Deoteria in Clermont) 25 (Theudebert and Clermont) 2) Remaining Theudebert histories, not demonstrably originating from Turonian sources: 20 (betrothal of Theudebert; cf. 26+27) 23a (Theudebert and Sigivald iun.) 24a (Theudebert and Childebert) 24b (Theudebert and Sigivald iun.) 26+27 (Deoteria-circle) 33 (Asteriolus and Secundinus13) N.B. The informant for the Sigivald/Sigivald related stories (III 13, 16, 23a, 24b) was Brachio, abbot of Ménat (V 12, cf. VP 12). In Book IV are the contemporary histories from Gregory's Arvernan period. In 26 out of its 51 chapters histories are incorporated which stem from Arvernan sources: 8 9 10 11 12 13

Stroheker 1948, no. 58. Stroheker 1948, no. 358 (Gaius Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius) and no. 110 (Ecdicius). Cf. III 2; Gregory himself refers 85,2sqq. to VP IV. Relative of Gregory of Tours; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 182. Relative of Gregory; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 42. N.B. Theudebert is simply called the king.

352

APPENDIX III

1) Stories on Clermont and family traditions: 5 (succession of bishops: Gallus14) 6 (succession of bishops: the priest Cato) 7 (succession of bishops: Cato and Cautinus) 11 (Cato and the Turonian succession; also Turonian) 12a (the episcopacy of Cautinus) 12b (Cautinus and Anastasius) 13 (Chramn in Clermont: Iulianus) 15 (Chlotar and the Turonian succession: Eufronius1S; also Turonian) 16a (Chramn in Clermont) 16d (Chramn and Tetricus of Dijon16) 20 partly (plague of locusts) 24? (patriciate of Celsus) 26b (succession in Saintes; source: Eufronius) 30 (Firminus comes of Clermont and the patricius Celsus) 31 (the fortification Tauredunum, portents in Clermont, the pest of 571) 32 (Iulianus of Randan: Iulianus) 33 (Sunniulf of Randan) 35 (succession of bishops: Avitus17) 36a (succession in Lyons: Nicetius18; also Turonian) 39 (Palladius from Clermont) 41 (the Lombards in Italy19) 42 (patriciate of Eunius "Mummolus," Saxones in Clermont20) 43 (Albinus rectorprovinciae21) 44 (Mummolus and the Lombards) 46 (Ursus and Andarchius) 2) Remaining stories on Merovingians: 9 (Theodovald22) 14 (Chlotar, his Franks and the Saxons23) 3) Other stories 40a (the emperors Justin and Tiberius24)

Β. Τ HE TURONIAN CORPUS. The major part of the first four books dates back to Gregory's Turonian period. Several sources are clearly distinguishable. The following paragraphs outline the most important ones. 14 15 16

Gregory's uncle; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 171. Relative of Gregory and his immediate predecessor in Tours; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 130. Son of Gregory of Langres and a relative of Gregory of Tours; cf. Stroheker 1948, no.

385. 17

N.B. barbari for Franks. Relative of Gregory; cf. Stroheker 1948, no. 259. 19 Source as 40 ? (Firminus of Clermont) 20 N.B. the difference in Gregory's judgement of Mummolus compared to his description of his role in Gundovald's usurpation, written from a Turonian point of view: Hist VI 24, VII 9,27, 31,34-39; Mummoli illiusperiuris : VIII3/3733· 21 Source originated from Sigebert's court of law acting on Iovinus' charge against Albinus. 22 N.B. signa vidimus A.D. 555. 23 N.B Francia for Chlotar's kingdom, which at that time is Arvernan vocabulary. 24 Source (?): Firminus comes of Clermont. 18

The Arvernan and the Turani an corpus

353

In the first place the episcopal archives of Tours appear as a distinct source. From these the histories on the succession of the Turonian bishops at least partly drew. 2S In addition, traditions can be distinguished which have St. Martin' s basilica as the place of action. The stories on the acts of the Merovingians can for the greater part be traced back to the Clotild traditions which Wolfram von den Steinen proposed. Von den Steinen carried the story of Clovis' Catholic conversion (II 29-31) back to Clotild, who after Clovis' death in 511 stayed in Tours as a religious (II 43) and died there in 544 (IV l). 2 6 Gregory learnt this history from Turonian circles around the queen-dowager. These circles are the first source to be considered for the major part of the entire Clovis-series (II 27-34, II 37f., II 43). The cluster on the Burgundian kings certainly goes back to the retinue of this Burgundian princess (II 32-34). The histories following the Clovis series dealing with the victories of Clovis' sons link up with the stories on the victories of their father (II 40-42). Probably these stories stem from Clotild's environment as well. 27 In connection with the dynastic history of the Merovingians reaching Gregory in Tours, the author may have started his research on the first Frankish king (Π 9). Next to the Clotild-traditions occur traditions in the first four books which sprang from another queen, Radegund. These traditions deal with the Thuringian dynasty from which Radegund descended. Gregory was in personal contact with Radegund. 28 Finally, most of the written traditions incorporated in the first book belong to the Turonian corpus, because the motive for paraphrasing these sources originated only in Tours. 29 Although several stories in the first four books cannot positively be traced back to one of the above sources, their Turonian origins are plausible. The Turonian corpus in the first four books consists of the following chapters. BOOK I 1) Excerpts from and paraphrases of written sources: vetus historia (Scriptures), Sulpicius Severus, Jerome's Eusebius (Chronicon), Rufinus' Eusebius (Historia ecclesiastica), Orosius' Historiae adversus paganos, Gesta Pilati, Jerome's De viris illustribus, etc. : 1-22 (from Adam up to and including the Apostle James) 23b-28 (Passion of Christ up to and including the persecutions and discords at the time of Antoninus) (29) (Martyrs of Lyons) 30a (persecutions under Decius) 32a (persecutions under Valerianus and Gallienus) 3 5 ^ 3 (persecutions under Diocletian up to and including the imperial reign of Theodosius) 48a (chronological data of St. Martin' death) 2) Other: 23a (the Dies Dominica·, cf. the remarks on the Dies Dominica in X 30 (ad A.D. 591) 48b (translatio of St. Martin's relics to Tours) BOOK Π 1) Archives, Turonian bishop legends and stories around St. Martin' s 1 (succession of bishops: Brictius (and Eustachius)) 25 On the problem of the differing data regarding the succession of the bishops of Tours in the Histories see Pietri 1982. 26 Steinen 1963,7-13. 27 See, however, for the victories of Clovis also above p. 293f., n . l l indicating a written source arranged according to lustra (perhaps meant by Chlodovechi vict[o]riae in II 9/57,14sq.: Quod postea probatum Chlodovechi victfojriae trad[i]d[e]runt). 28 GM 5/40,17. 29 Above pp. 51-54, 170-174 and 299-305.

354

APPENDIX III

14 (succession of bishops: Perpetuus) 15 (Eufronius of Autun: St. Martin's basilica tradition) 26 (succession of bishops: Volusianus and Verus) 39 (succession of bishops: Licinius) 2) Frankish dynastic histories (Clotild tradition) 9:end (on the first Frankish king) 12 (Childeric and Basina of Thuringia) 27a (Clovis wins the realm of Syagrius) 27c (Clovis wins the realm Thoringia) 28 (Clovis marries Clotild) 29 (Qotild's attempts to convert Clovis) 30 (Clovis and the Alamans; conversion of Qovis) 31a (Remigius' catechesis to Clovis) 32-34a (Qovis and the Burgundians Godegisil and Gundobad) 35 (Qovis and Alaric the Visigoth: the Treaty of Amboise) 37 (Clovis and Alaric the Visigoth: battle of Vouillé; also mixed reports) 38 (Qovis receives the consulate in Tours) 40 (Clovis wins the realm of Sigebert "the Lame" and Chioderie) 41 (Clovis wins the realm of Chararic) 42 (Clovis wins the realm of Ragnachar, Richar and Rignomer) 43a (Clovis' death; Clotild in Tours) 3) Other 5 (Aravatius of Tongres and the Huns) 6 (the oratory of St. Stephen and the Huns in Metz) 7a (Anianus of Orléans and Attila's Huns: the siege of Orléans) 7b (the rescue of Aetius by the Apostle Peter) 7c: continuation of 7a (Aetius, the Franks, Thorismod's Goths and Attila's Huns: the relief of Orléans) 8 (Renatus Frigeridus on Aetius: excerpt) 9a (the commencement of Frankish kingship: excerpts) 10 (refutation of the cultus fanatici ·, excerpts) 18 and 19 (divers reports, also regarding Childeric) 27b ?(Qovis and the vase of Soissons) 31b (Clovis' baptism by Remigius of Rheims) 31c (Remigius of Rheims) 34b (Avitus of Vienne) BOOK ΠΙ 1) Archives: 2a (succession of bishops) 17 (succession of bishops) 2a) Qotild-tradition: 3 (Theuderic, Theudebert and the Danes of Chlochilaic) 5 (Sigimund the Burgundian) 6 (Clotild, her sons and the Burgundian kings) 10 (Childebert, Clotild and Amalaric the Visigoth) (11: Childebert, Chlothar and Godomar the Burgundian; Theuderic and the Ar ver ni ; also Arvernan) 18 (Childebert and Chlotar) 28 (Childebert, Chlotar and Theudebert) 29 (Childebert and Chlotar in Spain)

The Arveman and the Turonian corpus 31 (Childebert, Chlotar and Theudat of Tuscany) 32 (Theudebert in Italy); 2b) Radegund-tradition: 4 (Theuderic and Herminefred the Thuringian) 7 (Theuderic, Chlotar and Herminefred the Thuringian) 8 (Theuderic and Herminefred the Thuringian) 3) Other 34 (Theudebert and Desideratus of Verdun) 35 (Sirivuld and the son of Desideratus of Verdun) 30 (Gothic succession to the throne) BOOK IV la) Archives and clergy: 2 (Tours' exemption privilege) 3b (succession of bishop») 4b (succession of bishops) 11 (succession of bishops; also Arvernan) 15 (Chlotar and the succession of bishops: Eufronius; also Arvernan ) 16b (Leo in Tours: St. Martin) 18a (Austrapius in Tours: St. Martin) 20 partly (Wiliachar in Tours: St. Martin) 21a (Chlotar in Tours: St. Martin) lb) Family traditions: 26b (succession in Saintes; or Arvernan) 36a (succession in Lyons: Nicetius; also Arvernan) 36b (succession in Lyons: Priscus; the priest Martin) lc) Other: Turonian and Poitevin traditions lcl) Clotild-tradition: 1 (death of Clotild) lc2) Radegund-tradition: 10 ? (Chlotar and the Saxons: Thuringia) lc3) Other (Turonian traditions and eyewitness account): 18b (Austrapius) 19 (Chlotar and Medardus of Noyon) 45 (Mummolus in Tours and Poitiers) 47a (Clovis II, son of Chilperic) 47b (Guntramn and Sigebert) 47c (Theudebert) 48 (the monastery Latta and the Franks) 49 (Sigebert, Chilperic (and Guntramn)) 50 (Chilperic/Guntramn/Theudebert and Sigebert cs.) 51 (portents, Germanus of Paris and Sigebert; his death) 2) Other dynastic histories: 3a (Chlotar's marriage) 16c (Chramn and Chlotar) 16e (Chlotar and the Saxons) 17 (Chramn and Childebert) 20 partly (Chramn in Brittany, Chramn and Chlotar) 21b (Chlotar's death) 22a (Chilperic usurper A.D. 561)

356

APPENDIX III

23b (Chilperic usurper A.D. 561/562) 25 (Guntramn: marriages) 26a (Charibert: marriages) 26c (Charibert's death; Thëudichildis and Guntramn) 27 (Sigebert' s marriage) 28 (Chilperic's marriage(s)) 3) Visigothic source: 8 (Agila, Athanagild and the Greek) 38 (Athanagild, Leuva, Leuvigild) 4) Breton stories: 4a (Chanao and Macliav) 37 (Friardus30) 5) Armenian source 40b (the emperor Tiberius and the Persi-Armeni31)

In a few cases the geographical origin of the narrative material is not determinable or dubious. BOOK I: 30b (mission of 7 bishops in Gaul) ΒΟΟΚΠ: 2a (the Vandals of Gunderic and the Alamans in Galicia) 2b (the Vandals of Trasamund 32 and the Christians in Spain) 3 (the Vandals of Huneric and the Christians in Africa: the Arian bishop Cirola and the Christian bishop Eugenius) 4 (Athanaric the Visigoth and the Christians) BOOK LU: 1 (division of the realm A.D. 511) 14 (Munderic the pretender) 33 (Asteriolus and Secundinus) 36 (Parthenius the tax collector and Theudebert' s Franks) BOOK IV: 22b (division of the realm A.D. 561) 23a (Sigebert and the Huns, A.D. 561?) 29 (Sigebert and the Huns, A.D. 566?) 34 (the anonymous monk at Bordeaux)

30 31 32

Source: Felix of Nantes. Source: Symon?, cf. X 24. See above p. 108, n. 133 for this error.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CCsl CSEL DACL GCS MGH

RAC SC SCBO TRE

Corpus Christianorum; series latina, Turnhout Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, Vienna Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller, Berlin Monumenta Germaniae histórica, München/Hannover/Stuttgart etc. AA Auctores antiquissimi SRM Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum SS Scriptores Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentum, Stuttgart Sources Chrétiennes, Paris Scriptorum classicorum bibliotheca Oxoniensis, Oxford Theologische Realenzyklopädie, Berlin/New York

PRIMARY SOURCES AND TRANSLATIONS Wilhelm ARNDT / Bruno KRUSCH (eds.), Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Opera Omnia (=MGH SRM I), Hannover 1885. Henri Leonard BORDIER (ed./transl.). Les livres des miracles et autres opuscules de Georges Florent Grégoire, évêque de Tours, revus et collationnés sur de nouveaux Manuscrits et traduits pour la Société de l'histoire de France, Vols. I-IV, Paris 1857-1864. Ernest Β REHAUT (transi.), History of the Franks by Gregory, Bishop of Tours; Selections translated with Notes (=Records of Civilisation I), New York 1916. Rudolf BÜCHNER (ed./transl.), Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historiarum Libri Decern; post Brunonem Krusch hoc opus iterum edendum curavit, Vols. I-III Gregor von Tours, Zehn Bücher Geschichten; Auf Grund der Übersetzung IV. Giesebrechts neubearbeitet. Vols. I-II (=Ausgewählte Quellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters; Freiherr vom SteinGedächtnisausgabe II-III), Darmstadt 19775 (Vol. I) - 1974 6 (Vol. II). Gaston COLLON (ed.), Grégoire de Tours, Histoire des Francs, livres VII-X; Texte du manuscrit de Bruxelles publié par Gaston Cotton (=Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire de France 16), Paris 1893. Ormande Maddock DALTON (transi.), The History of the Franks by Gregory of Tours, 2 vols., Farnborough 1967 (Oxford 19712). Wilhelm (von) GIESEBRECHT (transi.), Gregor von Tours; Zehn Bücher fränkische Geschichte, Vols. I-II (=Die Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit in deutscher Bearbeitung, VI. Jahrhundert; IV-V), Berlin 1851, (Vols. I-III)1878 2 . Wilhelm (von) GIESEBRECHT / Siegmund HELLMANN (transi.), Gregor von Tours; Zehn Bücher fränkische Geschichte; 4. vollkommen neu bearbeitete Auflage, Vols. I-III (= G.H. Pertz and others (eds.), Die Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, 8,9/1,9/II), Leipzig 1911-1913. Edward JAMES (transi.), Gregory of Tours: Life of the Fathers (^Translated Texts for Historians, Latin series 1), Liverpool 1985.

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Bruno KRUSCH / Wilhelm LEVISON / Walther HOLTZMANN (eds.), Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Libri Historiarum X (=MGH S RM I/l), Fasc.I (Lib. I-V): Hannover 19832 (=1937); Fasc.II (Lib. VI-X): Hannover 1942; Fase. III (praef./ind ): Hannover 1965 2 (=1951). Bruno KRUSCH (ed.) / Gottfried OPITZ (corr.), Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Miracula et Opera Minora (=MGH S RM 1/2), Hannover 1969:2 with corrections and additions in Bruno KRUSCH / Wilhelm LEVISON (eds.), Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici V: cum supplemento et appendice (=MGH S RM VII), Hannover 1979 (=1919-20), pp.707-756 (concerning Miraculorum libri VIII), pp. 757-769 (concerning the Passio VII dormientium), pp. 770sq. (concerning De cursu stellarum ratio) and pp. 771sq. (concerning Anon., Passio S.Iuliani martyris). Robert LATOUCHE (transi.), Grégoire de Tours, Histoire des Francs, Vols. I-II (=Les Classiques de l'Histoire de France au Moyen Age 27-28), Paris 1963-1965. William C. MCDERMOTT, (translation editor), Monks, Bishops and Pagans; Christian Culture in Gaul and Italy, 500-700; Sources in Translation. Including 'The World of Gregory of Tours ' (With an Introduction by Edward Peters), Philadelphia 1975. H. M ORF, Auswahl aus den Werken des Gregor von Tours (=Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte 6), Heidelberg 1922. Henri Ο MONT (ed.), Grégoire de Tours, Histoire des Francs, livres I-VI; Texte du manuscrit de Corbie, Bibliothèque nationale, ms. lat. 17655 (=Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire de France [fase. 2]), Paris 1886. Henri OMONT (ed.), Histoire des Francs de Grégoire de Tours, manuscrit de Beauvais; Réproduction réduite du manuscrit en onciale, Latin 17654 de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris [1905/1906]. René POUPARDIN (ed.) (=Omont 1886 + Collon 1893), Grégoite de Tours, Histoire des Francs (=Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire de France [fasc.47]), Paris 1913. Lewis THORPE (transi.), Gregory of Tours, The History of the Franks, Harmonds worth/New York etc. 1974 (reprinted 1977,1979, 1982 and later). Raymond VAN DAM (transi.), Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Martyrs (=Translated Texts for Historians, Latin series 3), Liverpool 1988. Raymond VAN DAM (transi.), Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Confessors (=Translated Texts for Historians, Latin series 4), Liverpool 1988.

SECONDARY SOURCES ARNOBIUS, Adversus nationes, ed. by August Reifferscheid (=CSEL IV), Vienna 1875. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, De civitate Dei libri XXII, ed. by Bernard Dombart and Alfons Kalb, Vols. I-II (Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana), Stuttgart 1981 s (=Leipzig 1928-19294). Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, Confessiones, ed. by M. Skutella (=OSA 13-14), 1962. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, De doctrina Christiana, ed. by Ioseph Martin (=CCsl 32), Turnhout 1962. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, EpistulaeXXX1-CXX1II, ed. by Al. Goldbacher (=CSEL34/2), Vienna 1898. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, Epistulae CXX1V-CLXXXIV A, ed. by Al. Goldbacher (=CSEL 34/3), Vienna 1904. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, De Genesi contra Manichaeos libri duo, ed. in PL 34,173-220. Aurelius AUGUSTINUS, Sermones 43, 87,184, ed. in PL 38,254-258,530-539,995sqq. Gustav BECKER (ed.), Catalogi Bibliothecorum Antiqui; Im Anhang Rezension von Max Perbach und Nachträge von Gabriel Meier, Hildesheim/New York 1973 2 (originally Bonn 1885). CAESARIUS Arelatensis, Sermones, ed. by D.G. Morin, Vols. I-II (=CCsl 103-104), Turnhout 19532.

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INDEX I PERSONS AND PLACES

Abraham 145f„ 165, 179, 184, 220, 269, 272,274,304 Adalbald 81 Adam 145, 165, 179,265,269,272,297 Aelius Tubero, Roman annalist 249 Aetius, archdeacon of Paris 123, 252 Aetius, Roman commander 123,252, 287 Africa 109, 188,223, 282 Africanus, Sextus Iulius 74,165,301,310 Agde 209, 213, 215, 216 Ageric, bishop of Verdun 243 Agila, Gothic envoy to Chilperic 120, 169, 191,220,272,274,278,279 Agila, Visigothic king 192 Agiulf, deacon of Tours 62,67f., 70 Agricola, patricius 212 Agroecola, bishop of Chalon-sur-Saône 122, 243,259 Alamans 213, 221, 293 Alaric II, Visigothic king 176, 267, 275f. Albi 112,210,280 Alboin, Lombard king 161 Alcuin81 Alexander, Sulpicius 96f., 101,317 Alexandria 151 Alps 208,210 Amalaric 276 Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric and Clovis' sister Audofleda 232 Amatus, patricius 212 Ammianus Marcellinus, historian 93, 197 Amo, Lombard duke 212f. Amon 146 Anagild38 Anatolius, hermit of Bordeaux 161 Andarchius, offical of Sigebert 49 Andrew, the Apostle 260,327 Angers 171,173,188f„ 194,210, 214 Anianus, bishop of Orléans 287 Ansovald, Frankish duke, envoy to Leuvigild 113,191f., 279 Antichrist 182f„ 305 Antìoch 81,192 Apollinaris, son of Sidonius Apollinaris of Clermont 216 Apostles 170,195 Aprunculus, bishop of Langres, later of Clermont 146, 216 Aquitaines 210 Aravatíus, bishop of Tongres 109, 243, 287 Arcadius, Flavius, emperor 147

Aredius, abbot of Limoges 49, 58f., 115, 263 Argives 145 Arius, heresiarch 176,221,275,277ff., 281, 283 Aries 194,210,211,213 Armenia 192 Armenian Christians 192 Armentaria, mother of Gregory 33f. Armentarius, servant of Gregory 33 Armentius, bishop of Tours 146 Amobius 321 Artemius, bishop of Clermont 146 Arvernus, see Clermont Assyrians 145 Athalaric, son of Threodoric, Ostrogothic king 212 A thai oc, bishop of Narbonne 213,244, 276 Athanagild, Visigothic king 110, 192 Athanaric, Visigothic king 109,280 Athanasius 284 Atlantic Ocean 208,210 Attila, Khan of the Huns 213, 275, 287 Auch 210 Audinus, a citizen of Tours 125 Audofleda, Merovingian princess 232 Audovera, χ Chilperic 109,110 Augustine, Aurelius, bishop of Hippo 179183,185,260,305,318,321f„ 329 Augustus (Gaius Octavius), emperor 145f., 304 Aulus Gellius 317,320 Aurelian, Lucius Domitius, emperor 183 Austrapius, duke, bishop of Champtoceaux 164,199 Austrasia 219,224, 237 Austrasians 149, 204f„ 219 Austrechild, χ Guntramn 238 Auvergne 30,33,34,38,41f., 70,232 Avignon 210 Avitus, bishop of Clermont 3If., 41, 45f., 146,242, 243,272,326,327 Avitus, bishop of Vienne 167, 177, 243, 272,281,317f. Avitus, abbot in Orléans 123, 240 Avitus, senator of Clermont, emperor, bishop of Piacenza 45 Babel 181,145, 151,193 Badegisil, maiordomus, bishop of Le Mans 108,158,244

Persons and places Baudegisel, deacon, envoy of Chilperic 250 Baudinus, bishop of Tours 146,242 Basilius, bishop 210 Bazas 210 Béam 198 Bec 77 Bede 77,83,145, 230 Bemy-Rivière 127,172,190f„ 206,298 Berthar, Thuringian king 232 Bertram, bishop of Bordeaux 204, 218, 239, 244 Bladast, duke 128 Bongheat 46 Bordeaux 120,127,199, 210 Bourges 46,168,188,194, 265 Brachio, abbot of Ménat 232 Braulio 323 Brictius, bishop of Tours 81, 146, 147, 242, 243, 244 Brioude 31,35-41,45-49, 187f. Brittany 237 Brunhildis, Visigothic princess, χ Sigebert 41,125 Burgundiones 222 Burgundy 33, 219,224,237 Byzantium 192, 2 1 8 (see also Constantinople) Cabrières 231 Caesarius, bishop of Aries 196, 249, 271, 321,322,329,330 Cahors 198 Calumniosus "Agila", duke 212 Canaan 222 Carhaix 189 Carignan 103 Carthage 280, 282 Cartherius, bishop of Périgueux 160 Cassiodorus 79 Cassius Hemina, Roman annalist 249 Catianus, bishop of Tours 146f., 242f. Cato, priest of Clennont 48, 244 Cautinus of Clennont 32, 41, 47ff., 108, 146,244 Celsus, patricius 212 Chalón 33 Chalon-sur-Saône 129,191 Champagne 159 Champtoceaux 199 Charibert, Merovingian 125, 188, 201ff., 205, 237,260f., 299,334 Chelles 191 Childebert I, Merovingian 201, 231, 232, 276 Childebert II, Merovingian 51f., 55ff„ 59,

379

61-66, llOff., 122,125ff., 129,143,146, 148-151,153f„ 160, 165,168,172,184, 188, 190ff„ 201, 203-206, 21 If., 217ff„ 232,239,278f„ 293f., 296,306 Childeric, Merovingian 143 Chilperic, Merovingian 41, 56f„ 102f., 109112, 122-128, 130, 148ff„ 154, 159, 168ff„ 172, 176f, 184, 190ff., 201-207, 217, 220, 224f„ 228, 230f„ 233-237, 240, 244ff„ 250, 252ff„ 256, 259, 272, 277, 281, 288,294,298f„ 306 Chlochilaich, Danish king 231 Chlodobert, Merovingian 154 Chlodomer, Merovingian 123, 201, 202, 204,232,240 Chlotar I, Merovingian 41, 48, 57, 58, 109, 125, 188, 199, 201, 202, 204, 205, 218, 219, 232, 237,250, 260 Chlotar II, Merovingian 57,204,217, 247 Chramn, Merovingian 47f., 250,268 Chramnesind, citizen of Tours 298 Christ 145f„ 156f„ 159,161, 166,170,176185, 193, 221, 255, 261ff., 265, 268, 272,276f„ 282,297,301,304 Chroc, king of the Alamans 213 Cicero 86,92, 95,103,105,140 Claudius, procer of Guntramn 163f. Claudius Quadrigarius, Roman annalist 249 Clermont 29ff„ 35, 37f„ 40-48, 111, 143, 146f., 159, 184f„ 187Γ, 190,194,200ff., 205ff„ 210, 216, 220, 222, 224f„ 231f„ 234, 296 Clotild, Burgundian princess, χ Clovis 190, 201,232 Clovis, Merovingian 38, 98, 103, 125, 143, 166f., 176, 190, 201, 214, 216-219, 22If., 228, 230f„ 237, 247, 250, 259, 262,271f„ 274ff„ 279, 293, 296f. Clovis II, Merovingian 154, 217,236 Coblenz 56, 103,190f. Constane, Flavius Iulius, emperor 147 Constantine, Flavius Valerius (Constantine I), emperor 167, 212 Constantinople 191f., 218, 234, 277 (see also Byzantium) Constantius, Flavius Iulius (Constantius II), emperor 283 Constantius, Flavius (Constantius III), emperor 212 Coriosolitum (Carhaix?) 188 Crispinianus 155 Crispinus 155 Cyprian, bishop of Carthage 270 Cyprian, bishop of Toulon 330 Cyrola, bishop of Carthage, 244, 280, 282

380 Dagulf, abbot (in Tours?) 121 Dalmatius, bishop of Rodez 242f., 258 Danes 213,231 Daniel 181 David 179,308 Decius, Gaius Messius Quintus, emperor 147,183,274 Desideratus of Albi 112 Desideratus of Verdun 242f. Desideratus, bishop of Verdun 233 Desiderius, abbot of Monte Casino (see Victor III, pope) 73 Desiderius, duke of Chilperic 218 Desiderius, patron of Sulpicius Severus 322 Desiderius, unauthorised magician 52f., 56, 70,161,170f., 193,265, 297,333 Deuteria, concubine of Theudebert 23 Iff. Deutz 219 Devil 161,167,227,236,247,264f„ 268 Diana, Roman goddess 275 Dijon 33,188,199,250 Dinifius, bishop of Tours 146 Diocletian, Gaius Aurelius Valerius, emperor 183 Dionysius Exiguus 145,271 Domigisil, Frankish envoy to Leuvigild 191, 279 Domitian, Titus Flavius, emperor 183 Domnolus, bishop of Le Mans 242f. Droctigisil, bishop of Soissons 244 Éauze210 Eberigisel, bishop of Cologne 188 Eberulf, chamberlain of Chilperic 102,163f. Egidius, bishop of Rheims 41,159, 244 Egypt 120,182,193 Egyptians 145 Elijah 308 Elisha 308 Embrun 198, 209,212 Engelbert of Admont 94 Ennodius, Magnus Felix, bishop of Pavia 323 Ennodius, count of Poitiers, later duke of Guntramn 198 Enoch 269 Eparchius, bishop of Clermont 146, 242, 243 Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis 283 Epiphanius Scholasticus 76 Erlebald, abbot of Reichenau 74 Eufrasius, bishop of Clermont 146 Eufronius, bishop of Tours 41,48,146,173, 188,196, 206,242,243,334 Eugenius, bishop of Carthage, martyr of

INDEX I Albi 258,272,280,282 Eugippius 91,323 Eulalius, count of Clermont 49,108,190 Eunius, bishop of Vannes 244 Eunius "Mummolus", count of Auxerre, patricius 202,212,218,121 Euric, Visigothic king 46,213, 276 Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea 74-77, 95ff., 105, 113, 120, 145ff., 165, 175, 179, 183, 255, 272, 277f„ 304, 308, 310, 317 (see also Jerome and Rufinus) Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia 277 Eustochius, bishop of Tours 146,242f. Eutyches, heresiarch 277,281,304 Eve 145,265, 269, 272,297 Faustus, bsihop of Riez 271 Felix, bishop of Nantes 110, 123, 239, 244, 246 Ferreolus, bishop of Uzès 242,243 Ferreolus, martyr of Vienne 35 Firminus, bishop 330 Firminus, count of Clermont 48, 192, 198, 234 Florentianus, Brunhildis' mayor of the palace 125 Florentius, father of Gregory 30f., 36 Horns, Lucius Annaeus 180 Fortunatianus, C. Chirius 311 Fortunato, Venantius 32, 37, 41, 56, 111, 195,237,315,317f„ 320,323,325 France 230 Francia 78f„ 82, 219,301 Francilio, bishop of Tours 146 Franks 77f„ 85, 105, 213, 216f„ 219, 222, 224,229,232, 271,275, 279,287 Fredegisus, bishop of Tours 81 Fredegund, χ Chilperic 57, 109, 192, 204, 236,246, 253,272 Friardus, hermit of Nantes 110 Frigeridus, Renatus Profuturus 96f., 99,317 Fronimius, bishop of Agde, later of Vence 216,243 Frontonius, bishop of Angoulême 164 Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe 181 Galicia 169f.,307 Galienus, amicus of Gregory 206 Galla Piaci dia, empress 38 Gallo-Romans 131, 222, 229 Gallus of Clermont, uncle and foster-father of Gregory 30ff„ 38,40f„ 46f„ 146, 243, 260 Galswintha, Visigothic princess, χ Chilperic 109f.

Persons and places Garachar, count of Bordeaux 128 Gascogne 209 Gaul(s) 57, 65, 108, 117, 119, 126, 127, 131, 147, 149,157,171,191,182f„ 185, 193-198, 207-211, 213-225, 229f„ 237, 240, 245, 251, 260, 266, 278, 281, 287, 297f., 307 Gelimer, Vandal king 109 Geneva 209 Georgius, grandfather of Gregory 30 Germ anus, bishop of Auxerre 38 Germanus, bishop of Paris 240,258,263 Gervase, monk of Canterbury 84,86f., 91 God 36, 58, 111, 120, 123f„ 127, 144, 151, 157ff„ 162ff„ 166, 174, 177, 181f„ 184, 193, 195, 217f„ 220ff., 224, 227, 233, 235,239, 246ff„ 251f., 255f„ 258f„ 261266, 268f., 271, 273, 275f„ 279-282, 284f.,287ff.,301 Godegisil, Burgundian king 176,276,280 Godomar, Burgundian king 176 Goiswinth, χ Athanagild 276 Goliath 308 Gordianus 323 Gottfried of Viterbo 87 Gregory I, pope 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 81,324 Grenoble 212 Gripo, envoy of Childebert II to Constantinople 113 Gundegisil, bishop of Bordeaux 188 Gundobad, Burgundian king 38, 176, 219, 272, 281 Gundovald, Merovingian pretender 122, 129,192,212,218,239,249 Gunthar, bishop of Tours 146 244 Guntramn, Merovingian 41, 51f., 56, 57-66, 70, 103, 122, 126-129, 148ff„ 153, 163, 188, 190ff., 202-206, 211f., 214-221, 223, 225, 228, 230, 236-240, 247, 253, 259,278 Guntramn Boso, duke of Childebert II 124, 218, 246f.,250f. Hautes-Alpes 209 Heraclea 151 Heraclius, bishop of Angoulême 164, 258 Hérault 231 Hericus 32 Hermanfrid, Thuringian king 232 Hermenegild, Visigothic prince 169f., 191f., 279 Hezekiah 308 Hilarianus, Quintus Iulius 165,301 Hilary, bishop of Poitiers 172, 176, 194,

381

243,259,271f., 286 Hilderic, Vandal king 109 Hippo 40 Hippolytus of Rome 165, 179,301 Holy Cross convent at Poitiers 81,154,173, 188, 265 Honorius, Flavius, emperor 147 Horace 317 Hospicius of Nice 67, 194f„ 263, 275 Huneric, Vandal king 109,279f. Huns 213, 275,287 Illidius. bishop and martyr of Clermont 31, 146,242,243,258,326f. Ingund, Merovingian princess, χ Hermenegild 191f., 214, 272,279 Ingytrudis, foundress and abbess of a Tours convent 154 Iniuriosus, bishop of Tours 125, 146, 201, 242f. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons 255 Isaac 145 Isidore, bishop of Seville 75, 79, 82, 92f., 181,230,321 Israel 104,145,146,222,308 Italy 160f„ 188,192, 223,307 Iulianus, martyr of Clermont 33,35-39,41f., 47,49,114,200, 258,260 Iulianus, monk of Randan 49 Iustinianus, bishop of Tours 146 Jacob 145 James of Nisibis 243 Javols 188,190,194,210 Jerome 52, 74f„ 88, 95f„ 105, 113, 120, 145ff., 165, 175, 179, 181, 183, 255, 304, 308, 310, 317, 321f„ 329, 331 (see also Eusebius of Caesarea) Jerusalem 188, 193f„ 220, 265,305,308 Jews 32, 111, 127, 238, 254, 265, 272, 274f„ 282 Job 145 John the Deacon 67 John the Baptist 57 Jordanes 79,82 Joseph 145,272 Joshua 179,222 Jublains 188f. Julian see Iulianus Julius Caesar 146 Jupiter 274 Justin II, emperor 192,223, 233ff. Justin Martyr 181 Justinian, emperor 192 Justinian, relative of Tiberius II 235

382 Justinian of Tours, see Iustinianus Khan of the Huns 109 Lactantius 321 Langres 110,127,188,199 Lapideum campum near Marseilles 212 Le Mans 171,173,188f„ 210, 214 Legonus, bishop of Clermont 146 Leo, bishop of Tours 146 Leo, citizen of Poitiers 268 Leontius,bishop of Bordeaux 244 Leubowera, prioress of Holy Cross convent at Poitiers 174 Leudast, count of Tours 108, 160, 203f., 298,306f. Leudegisil, Guntramn's Master of the Stables 212 Leuvigild, Visigothic king 161, 169, 177, 191f„ 214f„ 220, 272, 274, 276, 279, 282,294, 298 Licinius, bishop of Tours 146 Ligugé, monastery near Poitiers 195 Limoges 59,127,157,160, 210 Litorius, bishop of Tours 146,147, 242f. Loire 38, 124,210 Lombards 121,168,192, 213, 223,275 Lombards 212 Longinus, African bishop 280,282 Lyons 30,32,33ff„ 41, 188, 193f„ 210 Mâcon 157,199 Maestricht 188 Magnachar, father-in-law of Guntramn 238 Magnetic, bishop of Treves 112 Mamertus, bishop of Vienne 243 Maracharius, count, later bishop of Angoulême 164 Marcellinus Comes 74 Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra 277 Marcellus, martyr of Chalon-sur-Saône 155 Marcion, heresiarch 277 Marcus Aurelius, emperor 183 Marius of Avenches 160,304 Maroveus, bishop of Poitiers 188 Mars 274 Marseilles 67,171,209,211,214,239 Martialis, bishop of Limoges 163, 258 Martianus Capella 106, 140,317 Martin "of Galicia" of Braga 243 Martin, bishop of Tours 26, 29, 33, 37-40, 49, 62, 80f., 103, 111, 114f„ 118, 121, 123ff„ 128, 143, 146ff„ 154, 156, 163f„ 166,169f„ 172f., 175f„ 178,183ff„ 190, 194ff., 214, 220f„ 223, 225, 232, 243,

INDEX I 246f., 250f„ 258-263, 274f„ 282, 297, 299f., 307,334 Mary 171,258,277 Maurice (Mauritius Tiberius), emperor 192 Maurilio of Cahors 198,242,243 Maxentius, recluse of Poitiers 103 Maximinus Daia, Gaius Galerius Valerius, emperor 183 Maximus, Magnus Clemens, emperor 38, 123,178 Medardus of Soissons (bishop of Noyon) 109,242f„ 256, 258 Ménat 232 Mercury 274 Merovech, Merovingian prince 124, 236, 246f.,250,287 Merovingians 217ff„ 250,278, 299 Metz 190f.,209f.,287 Moses 145f„ 169 Mummolus "Bonus", bishop of Langres 110,242 Mummolus, Eunius see Eunius "Mummolus" Namatius, bishop of Clermont 146, 243 Nantes 127,171,173,188f„ 210,214 Nanthinus, count of Angoulême 164 Narbonne 209,213,215 Nazelles 261,334 Nepotianus, bishop of Clermont 146, 243 Nero, emperor 183 Neustria 80, 219, 224 Neustrians 204 Nice 195 Nicetius, bishop of Lyons 30-34, 110, 122, 128,242, 243, 258, 259,262,336 Nicetius, count of Clermont, duke, rector provinciae, patricius 212f. Nile 120 Nineveh 193 Ninus 145,146,165 Noah 151, 179,269 Nogent-sur-Marne 127,177,190,191f. Nonnichius, count of Limoges 160 Notker the Stammerer 85 Novatianus, heresiarch 277 Odoacer 212 Ommatius of Tours 146,201,243 Oppila, Visigothic envoy to Chilperic 192, 272,275,278f., 283 Origen 321 Orléans 56, 102, 108, 128, 157, 190f., 205, 207, 210,217, 237ff„ 249,287 Orosius 52, 74ff„ 88, 95ff„ 105f., 113, 120,

Persons and [daces 145, 165, 169, 175, 181ff„ 304, 308, 310,317 Ostrogoths 156,278 Otto of Freising 87 Ovid 331 Palladius, bishop of Saintes 218,244 Palladius, count of Javols 163f. Pannonia 194f. Pappolus, bishop of Langres 110 Paradise 188, 193f., 224, 264f„ 269f„ 276, 297 Paris 122f., 159, 168, 170, 173, 188, 190f., 200,210,249,251 Parisians 159 Parthenius, bishop of Javols 164 Parthenius, patricius 212 Paschasius 91,323 Patiens, bishop of Lyons 243 Patmos 193 Paul the Deacon 67,78f., 82f. Paul, the Apostle 109, 250, 258, 275f„ 287, 331 Paulinus of Nola 243,317 Paulinus of Périgueux 40,317 Pelagius, heresiarch 277 Pelagius, pope 67 Pelagius, bishop of Tours 68 Périgueux 127,210 Perpetuus, bishop of Tours 40, 121, 146, 150,196,243,260 Persians 151, 192,235 Peter, Apostle 258,263,282,287 Peter the Deacon 73 Peter, Gregory's brother, deacon of Langres 110,123,246 264 (en meer!) Phalek 179 Phineas 308 Plato, archdeacon of Tours 206 Pliny the elder 317 Poitevins 169 Poitiers 154, 172, 188, 190f., 195f„ 198f„ 202-205,222,250,299 Pons Petreus 205 Portus 67 Praetextatus, Praetextatus of Rouen 122f., 157, 178, 191, 236, 240, 243,252f„ 256,266 Priscus, bishop of Lyons 244 Priscus, Jew, purveyor to Chilperic's royal household 127,177,272 Proculus, joint-bishop of Tours 146 Promised Land 193f., 220 Proserius, martyrarius of St. Iulianus, Brioude 40

383

Prosper 'Tiro' of Aquitaine 74,277,304 Provence 212 Prudentius, Aureli us 317 Publianus, arch-presbyter of St. Iulianus, Brioude 40 Puy-de-Dôme 232 Puy-en-Velay 171 Pyrenees 208, 210, 221 Quimper 188, 189 Quintianus, bishop of Rodez, later of Clermont 46f„ 146, 216 Quintilianus 92,140 Radegund, Thuringian princess, χ Chlotar I 41, 154, 172, 173, 174, 188, 195, 196, 232 Rathar, duke of Childebert II 163f. Reccared, Visigothic king 56, 177, 191,215, 221, 271Γ, 274f„ 279,282 Red Sea 104 Remigius of Rheims 166, 167, 221, 243, 272 Rennes 173, 188f., 210 Rheims 37,41, 167,188, 191 Rhine 208 Rhodes 151 Rhône 209 Riculf, priest of Tours 160,172,206,207 Riez 210,212 Rigunth, Merovingian princess 154, 191, 249, 279 Roccolen, procer of Chilperic 124, 158, 245f„ 299 Rodau, Lombard duke 212 Rodez 190,210 Rome 67f„ 81, 105, 109, 145, 180f„ 193f„ 248,287 Romulf, count palatine of Childebert II 125 Rouen 173,188,253 Rufinus, Tyrannius, of Aquileia 76, 165, 255,304,317 Ruricii 30,33 Rusticus, bishop of Clermont 146 Sabana 194 Sabellius, heresiarch 277, 281 Sacerdos, bishop of Lyons 110 Sagittarius, bishop of Gap 122,218,244 Saintes 188 Sallust317 Sallust 108 Salomon III, bishop of Konstanz 85 Salonius, bishop of Embrun 122, 198, 218, 244

384 Salvius, bishop of Albi 81, l l l f . , 115, 127, 159,237,243,256, 298,306,307 Samuel 308 Saturn 274 Saturninus, bishop of Toulouse, martyr 147 Saxons 212f. Scaevola, Publius Mucius 249 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus 180 Septimania 214f. Sergius, martyr 258 Servius Honoratus, Maurus ("Grammaticus")317 Severianus, Iulius 92 Severinus of Noricum 91 Severus, Sulpicius 52, 75f„ 95ff„ 113, 123, 165,173, 175, 182f„ 195, 219,304,308, 310,317,322,324,332 Sichar, citizen of Tours 298 Sidonius Apollinaris, C. Sollius, bishop of Clermont 55, 101, 146, 216, 230, 242ff„ 255,258ff„ 278,317ff., 335 Sigebert, Merovingian 25f., 29, 32, 41, 49, 62,64f„ 109,143,148f„ 165,168,187f„ 190ff„ 202-206, 211f„ 219, 225, 234, 240, 297,299f„ 334 Sigibert of Gembloux 79,94 Sigivald, duke of Theuderic I 38,46f., 232 Sigivald the younger 232 Soissons 154, 191,221 Soissons, kingdom of 293 Solomon 145,146,151 Sophia, empress, χ Justin II 234 Spain 109, 154, 188, 191, 214Γ, 221, 223, 254,307 St. Bertrand-de-Comminges 129, 210 St. Ferreolus, Vienne 35 St. Iulianus, Brioude 31,35,37,45ff„ 49 St. Iulianus convent, Tours 37,336 St. Lawrence, Liège 76 St. Martin, Tours 37,80,121,124,129,158, 164, 168, 176, 198, 206, 224, 236, 250, 268,328,334,336 St. Maur-des-Fossés 74,81 St. Nazarius monastery, Lorsch 73,77 St. Peter, Paris 123 St. Peter monastery, Chartres 77 St. Peter monastery. Corbie 73,75 St. Richarius 78 St. Sergius' baptistery, Tours 336 Stephen, protomartyr 258,287 Stremonius, bishop of Clermont 146f. Sulpicius, bishop of Bourges 57,243 Syagrius, king of Soissons 293 Sycyonians 145 Sylvester, pope 167

INDEX I Symon, Armenian bishop 192,234 Syria 198 Tacitus 320 Tetradia, χ Eulalius 190 Tetradius, bishop of Bourges 46 Tetricus, bishop of Langres 110, 128, 250, 259 Theodahad of Tuscany, Ostrogothic king 232 Theodore, bishop of Marseilles 128, 164, 218,242f. Theodore, bishop of Tours 146 Theodoric, Ostrogothic king 21 If., 219,223 Theodoric, Visigothic king 287 Theudebald, Merovingian 201, 219, 248 Theudebert I, Merovingian 125, 187, 228, 230-233,240,248, 297 Theudebert II, Merovingian 124,154 Theuderic, Merovingian 38, 41, 46, 143, 187,202,231ff., 275 Thietmar of Merseburg 82 Thuringia 195 Thuringians 46, 232, 293 Tiberius Constantine (Tiberius II), emperor 125, 192, 223, 228, 231, 233-237, 240, 262,272, 288 Titianus, Iulius 317 Toledo 191 Tongres 188,209,287 Toulouse 210 Tours 28, 32f., 37f„ 40-44, 48, 52f., 56, 58f„ 65, 70, 80, 108, 112, 117f„ 121f„ 124f„ 127, 129, 131, 143, 146-151, 157, 159, 161, 163, 166, 168-173, 176, 178, 183ff„ 188-198, 200-207,210,216, 220, 224f„ 231-235, 238ff„ 245ff., 249, 251255,259f., 265,287,296-299 Trajan, Marcus Ulpius, emperor 183 Trasamund, Vandal king 109,279 Treves 104,188,275 Turanians 205,207 Urbanus, martyrarius of St. Iulianus of Brioude, deacon 40 Urbicus, bishop of Clermont 146, 242, 244 Ursus, a citizen of Clermont 49 Valence 212 Valens, Flavius, emperor 147 Valentinianus, Flavius (Valentinian I), emperor 147 Valentinianus, Flavius Placidus (Valentinian III), emperor 38 Valentinus (Valentinianus), heresiarch 277

Persons and places Valerian, Publius Licinius, emperor 183 Vandals 108,213,223,276 Vannes 188f„ 210 Vectius Epaga tus, martyr of Lyons 193 Venerandus, bishop of Clermont 146,243 Veranus, bishop of Cavaillon 243 Verdun 190,233 Verus, bishop of Tours 146,216 Victor, C. Iulius 140 Victorinus, Q. Fabius Laurentius 140 Victor III, pope (Desiderius, abbot of Monte Casino) 73 Victorius of Aquitaine 46, 97, 105, 145, 155,175,304,317 Victorius, duke of Euric 46 Vicus lulii (Aire) 198 Vienne 35,127,208,210 Vincent, martyr of Agen 258, 262

385

Vindimialis, African bishop 280, 282 Virgil 101,265,316,331 Visigoths 38, 109, 192, 212f„ 216, 219, 22 Iff., 231, 250, 260, 274, 276ff„ 281, 283,287 Viventius, bishop 330 Volusianus of Tours 146,216, 242f. Vouillé 216,293 Widukind of Corvey 82 Wisigard, Lombard princess, χ Theudebert I 232f. Wulfila 283 Wulfilaic, stylite 103f„ 275 Zaban, Lombard duke 212 Zeno, emperor 212 Zerubbabel 272

INDEX II PASSAGES CITED FROM GREGORY'S WORKS

HISTORIAE Incipit 76, 7 7 , 7 8 Praef. I Incipit 76f. Praef. I 52, 56, 95, 99, 101f„ 117ff„ 165, 196f., 268, 274ff„ 291, 293, 299, 307, 312,319ff., 3 2 9 , 3 3 2 I Index 75 I Incipit 7 3 , 7 5 f „ 7 9 , 2 9 4 I Praef. 52f„ 96f„ 102, 105, 145, 175, 181, 185, 2 6 5 , 2 6 8 , 2 7 1 f „ 2 7 4 , 2 7 6 , 2 8 6 , 2 9 1 , 293,300,304f„ 307,310,330 I 1 145,193,26If., 264f„ 2 6 9 , 2 7 2 12 262,269 I 3 262, 269 1 4 63, 178,262f„ 2 6 9 , 2 7 2 I 5 96, 169, 2 6 4 , 2 6 5 , 2 6 9 I 6 96ff„ 1 9 3 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 9 I 7 63, 97, 145, 175, 178, 193, 262, 269, 272,274 I 8 145,193 1 9 98, 1 4 5 , 1 9 3 , 2 7 2 I 10 6 3 , 7 1 , 9 9 , 1 0 4 , 1 2 0 , 145, 175,262,272 11163,193 I 12 178,262 I 13 6 3 , 1 4 5 , 2 6 2 I 15 6 3 , 1 7 9 , 2 6 2 , 2 7 2 I 16 145f„ 179, 193, 2 6 2 , 2 7 4 I 17 145f„ 193,269 I 18 193,210 I 19 145, 262f., 304 1 2 0 169, 1 9 3 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 3 I 21 261 I 22 158ff„ 261 I 23 63, 157,179, 2 7 2 , 2 7 5 I 24 175, 26If. I 25 168,182,193,263ff. I 26 182, 193 I 27 193 I 28 9 6 , 1 7 5 , 1 8 2 , 1 9 3 , 264f„ 275, 277 I 29 188, 193f., 264f. I 30 96, 146f., 175, 182, 194, 209f„ 214f„ 274, 277 131 188, 194 1 3 2 168, 182,194, 210,213 1 3 3 168, 194,274 1 3 4 188,194,213 1 3 5 155f„ 182, 263, 275

1 3 6 97, 144,194 137 243, 262f. 138 144,274 I 39 144, 194f„ 214, 221, 224f„ 243, 263, 274f. 140142 141 262f. 1 4 2 262f. 143 178 I 44 146,242, 244, 264f. 1 4 5 54, 101,146,242f„ 258 1 4 6 146, 243,262 147 5 4 , 1 6 7 , 1 7 5 , 2 7 2 I 48 54, 80f„ 115, 143f„ 146f., 154ff., 169, 183f„ 225,243,262, 299 I Explicit 63,165, 183,291,293, 296f„ 300 II Index 73 II Praef. 5 2 , 9 5 f f , 100, 108, 116, 174f„ 266, 268f„ 2 7 6 , 2 9 1 , 3 0 8 II 1 80f„ 144, 146,200,242ff. II 2 108f„ 213,223,272, 276,279f. II 3 108ff„ 223, 243f„ 258, 263, 272, 276, 279f„ 282,285 114 108f., 197, 2 6 2 f , 276, 280 115 54,109,209, 213, 243, 275, 287 116 258,287 117 209f.,213,287 II 8 96f„ 99f„ 102 II 9 71,96-99,101,104f., 143, 219,293 II 10 71,96, 272, 274, 278 II 1145 II 12 142 II 13 146,155, 163,243 II 14 80f„ 121,144,146, 175,243 II15 243 II 16 146,243 II 17 96,142, 168 II 20 45f„ 144,175 II 21 5 4 , 1 4 6 , 1 5 5 , 1 6 2 , 2 1 6 , 2 4 2 f . II 22 54,156, 242f„ 255 II 23 146,216,240,258f„ 26Iff., 275,278f. II 24 101,175,243 II 25 163,175, 209f„ 2 1 3 , 2 2 5 , 2 6 2 f „ 276 II 26 144,146,240 II 27 144,221,274,293 II 29 262,274 1130 1 4 4 , 1 6 3 , 2 2 1 , 2 6 2 , 2 9 3 1131 99,166, 1 7 5 , 2 2 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 6 2 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 9 1132 2 1 0 , 2 1 3 , 2 7 9

Passages II 33 175,219,276,279f. II 34 152,163,167,175,177, 243,272, 277, 281 1135 210,216,269 II 36 54,146,210,216,240 II 37 103, 144, 175, 216, 221f„ 225, 250, 259f„ 262, 275f„ 279,293 II 39 146,209 II 40 262f. 1142 214,221 II 43 144,269,291,293 II Explicit 73 III Incipit 294 III Praef. 52, 103, 120, 176, 178, 197, 214, 2 2 1 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 4 , 2 7 6 , 2 7 8 f f „ 282,291,308 111 1 2 0 1 , 2 3 1 , 2 3 7 III 2 54, 71,144,146,216,262,291 ΙΠ 3 213,231,269 ΙΠ 5 219,262f. ΙΠ 6 123,201,240,262 ΙΠ 7 46,188 ΠΙ 8 269 ΙΠ 9 46, 262 IH 10 142,274,276 ΠΙ 1146 ΙΠ 12 46,54 III 13 46,158f„ 262, 275 III 15 126, 155f„ 158f„ 162, 164, 168, 188, 262 ΙΠ 1 6 4 6 , 5 4 , 1 6 3 , 1 7 8 , 2 5 8 IH 17 144,146,201 ΙΠ 19 99,188, 199,269 ΙΠ 20 232,269,291 ΠΙ21 231 in 22 23 lf. i n 23 144,23 lf. ΙΠ 24 23 lf. ΙΠ 25 125,231 III 26 232 ΙΠ 27 144, 232 III 28 232,258,262 IU 29 258,262f., 307 m 30 219,307 III 31 156, 201, 219, 223, 232, 264f„ 272, 276,278f„ 285,307 UI32 307 IU 34 175, 233,242f. ΙΠ 36 162f„ 262, 298 ΙΠ 37 144, 152,291,298 IV IV IV IV IV

Index 120 Incipit 294 2 125, 242f., 258ff. 3 102, 144, 146 4 144, 146,189

387

I V 5 3 1 . 3 6 , 4 6 f . , 146,210,213,243,262 IV 6 48,244 IV 7 48,146,161 IV 8 192,269,307 IV 9 120,144,152,201,248,307 IV 10269 IV 11 47f., 146,188,244 IV 12 47f., 108,161f„ 168,244, 262f. IV 13 47f„ 108,155f„ 197 IV 14 188,219 IV 15 146,188,201 IV 16 54f„ 155f„ 163, 188, 219, 250, 258, 261, 268 IV 17 262 IV 18 162ff„ 199, 201,243,258,262f. IV 19 109, 175, 201, 242,258 IV 20 48,158,162,260,262 IV 21 144,201,258,260 IV 22 41,191,201,236f. IV 23 213,236 IV 25 163,205,238,262f. IV 26 188,197,243f., 262f. IV 27 238,279 IV 28 109,142, 236,263 IV 29 109,213 IV 30 41, 198,212 IV 31 41, 47f„ 152, 155f., 158, 160, 188, 209,214 IV 32 47,49 IV 33 261 IV 34 120, 121,163 IV 3 5 3 2 , 1 4 6 , 2 4 2 , 2 6 2 IV 36 54, 110, 144, 163, 175, 188, 242ff„ 258f„ 262f. IV 37 54,110 IV 38 96, 110,279,307 IV 39 158,163,164,262-265,307 IV 40 124, 163, 188, 192, 223, 233f„ 277, 307 IV 41 158,161,188,223,307 IV 42 101, 121, 209Γ, 212f. IV 43 155f., 211 IV 44 209f., 213,262 IV 45 102, 110,188, 201ff„ 236,299 IV 46 4 7 , 4 9 , 9 9 IV 47 168,188,236, 238, 299 IV 48 125,236,238,258, 262, 275, 299 IV 49 54f„ 115, 200, 236,238, 258, 299 IV 50 26,125, 158, 236,238, 299 IV 51 29, 63, 71, 126, 144, 152, 165, 236, 240,291,293f„ 296ff„ 300,304 V Praef. 25, 50, 71, 103, 125f„ 169ff„ 217, 219,272,276,291f„ 294, 299,308 V 1 52, 110,148ff„ 156,165,184,197,236,

388 296 V 2 155f„ 236 V 3 50,163 V 4 115, 124, 154ff., 158, 163, 168, 236, 243,245,258f., 262, 299 V 5 110f„ 123,197,242,244,246,262ff. V 6 54,102f., 111,115,148f.,258,307 V 7 5 4 , lOlf., 148,307 V 8 111, 148,258,263,307 V 9 54,111,148,307 V 1055,111,143,307 V 11 32, 111, 148, 155f„ 243, 262, 264f„ 272,307 V 12 55, 111,232,307 V 13 111,143 V 14 50, 125, 148f„ 167, 176, 219, 236f„ 243, 246,249f„ 259,261,264 V 15 124, 262f. V 16 189, 262 V 17 148, 152, 155f„ 163, 205, 210, 224, 238, 262 V 18 122f„ 152, 169, 177, 190f„ 197, 219, 236, 240,243,247f„ 251ff„ 266,291 V 19 50,125,192,223,233ff„ 262,272 V 20 41,122, 198, 244, 262f. V 21 189,258 V 23 152, 154ff„ 162, 243,248,251,307 V 24 143 V 25 148,150,197,258,262 V 26 189 V 27 122,148,150, 244,262 V 28 154f., 236 V 29 210 V 30 192,210, 223,233, 235, 262 V 31 148,189 V 33 148f., 152, 158,217,307 V 34 152,154,214,236,247, 251, 272,306 V 35 238 V 36 101, 163f„ 258,263f. V 37 243,307 V 38 148, 192, 197, 262f„ 272, 276, 279, 285,307 V 39 122,154, 175,217,236, 243, 247 V 40 244 V 41 143, 152, 158, 249 V 42 143, 198,242f. V 43 71, 81, 120, 169, 192, 220, 243, 254, 272, 274ff„ 278f., 282f„ 289 V 44 81, 127, 154, 163, 169,191, 224, 236, 243,254, 256, 257,272, 278 V 45 122, 243 V 46 242f., 258 V 47 155f.,203f.,307 V 48 99,108,202f„ 298,306 V 49 100, 108, 127, 149, 155, 156, 158,

INDEX Π 160, 162f„ 172, 190f., 203f„ 206, 225, 236, 246, 250,262f„ 298,306 V 50 127, 158ff„ 191,237,243,298,306 V Explicit 293 VI Explicit index 294 VI Incipit 293 VI 1 148f„ 163,212,236,269 VI 2 127,191f., 211,234 VI 3 127,191,236 VI 5 71, 81, 127, 177, 236, 243, 254, 272, 275,278 VI 6 67,175,194,275 VI 7 211,242f. VI 9 158,242f. VI 10 243,258 VI 11211,262 VI 13 143 VI 14 148,150,152f., 156 VI 15 189,243f., 246 VI 17 148,236,274 VI 18 113, 192, 243, 272, 274, 276, 279, 283, 289 VI 19 161,236 VI 20 148,189 VI 21 148, 152, 199, 249,307 VI 22 158, 160, 164 VI 24 112, 175, 192,209,212, 218, 262 VI 25 148f., 152,154f.,307 VI 27 155f.,269 VI 28 163 VI 29 143, 175,264 VI 30 148, 223, 233,235 VI 31 162,167f„ 188f„ 211, 236, 262 VI 32 155f., 163, 243 VI 33 148f., 152,211 VI 34 143,192 VI 36 162f„ 197,238,262-265 VI 37 163, 175 VI 38 158 VI 39 50,238,243 VI 40 71, 81, 155f„ 192, 243, 254, 272, 275f., 278f„ 285 VI 41 247 VI 42 192,307 VI 43 148,167,169, 192,262f„ 279,307 VI 44 148, 152f., 214,307 VI 45 154f„ 200,249,279 VI 46 103, 123, 126, 128, 149, 184, 200, 236,240,256 VI Explicit 73,294 VII Index 298 VII 1 96, 100, l l l f . , 115, 148, 163, 243, 26 If., 307

Passages VII 3 143,262f. VII 5 269 VII 6 175 VII 7 204 VII 8 155f„ 217 V E 10 218,249 V i l l i 152,158,160,218,307 VII 12 65, 149, 188,202,205,258 VII 13 149,188,205,240 VII 14 162,205,218 V n 16 197,253 V E 18 156,163 V n 19 200 VII 21 102,108,158,161,258f. VII 22 102,148,243,258Γ, 291 VII 23 148 VII 24 65, 112,148f„ 188 VII 26 218 VII 27 197, 218,240 V U 28 122, 218 VII 29 163,164,200,258 V n 30 218 VII 31218,240,244,258 V n 32 126,218 VII 33 65, 205,217f. VII 34 122,155f.,218 VII 35 218,258,262f. V n 36 192, 218 VII 37 158,1611"., 218 VII 38 122,218,262f. VII 39 218,244,2621". VII 40 168,218 V n 41 218, 269 VII 42 163,218,258f. V n 43 218, 269 V n 44 243, 264 V n 45 148, 214 VII 47 50,162,243,298 VIH Index 294,307 VIII Explicit index 294 V i l i Incipit 294 VIII 1 128,149f., 155f., 190f„ 238f„ 274f. V i l i 2 55,128,149f„ 190f„ 218,238f„ 244 VIU 3 128,149f„ 190f. V i l i 4 128, 149f., 190f„ 217f., 239 V i l i 5 123,128,149,190f., 236f„ 253, 259 V i l i 6 128f„ 149,190f„ 243 V i l i 7 112,128,149,155f„ 190f., 265 V i l i 8 152 V i l i 9 57,269 V i l i 12 112, 163f„ 211, 242f„ 262-265 V i l i 13 103,191 V i l i 14 103,258,262f. V i l i 1549,103f., 258, 262-265,275

Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili VIH Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili Vili

389 16 103,258f. 17 152,158, 160, 162, 243,248 18 57,71,192,243,279,291,307 19 121, 162 20 112, 238, 243, 256, 262f. 21 155,163, 192,279 22 112,148,269,307 23 148,152,307 24 148,152,158,160,307 25 189,249,307 26 188,243 27 49 28 192,210, 214f„ 225, 279 29 143 30 155f„ 158, 210,212,214f„ 220, 225 31 155ff., 197, 253 32 189 33 158f„ 162,168,258 34 143,158,161, 168,258, 264f. 35 192,210,269 38 148f., 192,209,215 39 101,108,148, 210, 213,244 40 158f., 163f„ 243, 258 41 157 42 143,148,152f„ 156,163, 189,307 43 148f„ 155f., 189,210f„ 213 44 262f. 45 168, 192,307 46 158, 161, 177, 274,307

IX Index 298 IX Incipit 293f. IX 1 192,199,210,269,307 IX 2 55, 148,154,155,158f„ 164,174 1X3 155f. 1X4148,243 1X5148,152f.,307 IX 6 52f„ 110, 112, 148, 155f„ 158, 161, 170,172,264f., 307,333 1X7188,198,200,210,243 IX 9 155,262f. IX 10 197 IX11148 IX 12 168,175 IX 14269 IX 15 55, 97, 99, 177, 210, 213, 215, 221, 223, 243f„ 262f., 272, 274-279, 282f„ 285, 289 IX 16 192 IX 17 148,152f„ 307 IX 18 189 IX 19 156 IX 20 126, 129, 148, 157, 168, 191, 203, 219,223,239,278 1X21 128, 163, 191, 211,239f.

390

INDEX Π

IX 22 102, 158,164,205,21 If., 262f. IX 24 71, 148, 189, 210, 213, 215f„ 243, 274 IX 25 168, 192, 223 IX 26 148, 163f., 262f. IX 27 162,262f. 1X28269 IX 29 155f„ 192,269 IX 30 125,158,163f„ 188,243,258ff„ 262, 267 1X31210 IX 32 153,155, 216 1X33 158 1X36 148,154 1X37 244 1X38 197 IX 39 155,170,172f„ 195f„ 243, 264f„ 291 IX 40 158, 162, 188, 196, 291 1X41 172, 188,2641"., 291 1X42 173, 188,291 1X43 291 IX 44 152f„ 156,298,307 X Incipit index 294 X Index 58 X Explicit index 294 X Incipit 294 X 1 68f„ 143,148,152f„ 158f„ 307 X 2 113, 148,192,307 X 3 158,160, 192,307 X 4 192,269,307 X 5 162 X 6 32, 162Γ, 190, 243,262 X 7 190,262 X 849, 108,155f., 190 X 9 158,189 X 10 148,150,162 X 12 154,155 X 13 177,224,254,257,272,274f„ 278 X 14 168 X 15 155f„ 162,172,188,190,262f., 265 X 16 172 X 17 172 X 19 153, 158f., 1901"., 244 X 1 67f. X 20 190f. X 21 161, 190f., 251 X 22 2631". X 23 143,145, 148, 152-156,162,224,251, 307 X 24 52, 55, 57, 96, 148, 150, 168, 192, 234,262 X 25 143, 1701"., 175,209f„ 213f„ 264f. X 26 57,269 X 28 57f„ 247

X 29 49, 55, 58, 115, 143, 148, 155f„ 163, 258,262f. X 30 26, 50, 56-59, 65, 68, 148, 152f„ 155ff., 159,163,189,252,298f.,307 X 31 42,50, 52, 56f„ 59-67, 71, 77, 80, 96, 98,100, 106, 108, 113f., 118, 130, 147f„ 150f„ 169, 175f„ 194, 207, 216, 2421Ϊ., 260,291, 293f„ 297,310,313,325,336 X Explicit 77,294 IN GLORIA MAKTYRUM

GM praef. 331 GM 36 49 GM 41 49 GM 64 3 If. GM 66 32 GM 79 35 GM 80 162 GM 82 67 GM 83 30 GM 85 157 GM 95 55 DE VIRTUTIBUS MARTYR1S

VSJ 2 34f. VSJ 4 36,38 VSJ 6 36 VSJ 13 39,46,54 VSJ 1446,54 VSJ 16 36 VSJ 17 36 VSJ 21 36 VSJ 23 36,46 VSJ 24 31,36,39 VSJ 25 36 VSJ 27 36 VSJ 28 49 VSJ 32 39 VSJ 34 37 VSJ 35 37 VSJ 36 37 VSJ 40 37 VSJ 41 49,55 VSJ 42 49 VSJ 43 49 VSJ 44 49 VSJ 45 49 VSJ 46 39,41 VSJ 48 32 VSJ 50 35,37

SANCTIIUUANI

Passages

DE VIRTUTIBUS

SANCTI

MARTINI

VSMIPraef. 29,313,328 V S M I 3 194 VSMI4115 VSMI454 V S M I 5 54,115f. VSMI 13 157 VSMI 23 201 VSMI 25 201 VSM 129 201, 206,261,334 VSM 132 30,32f. VSM 133 32f. VSM 134 32ff. VSM 135 32f. VSM Π 165 VSM Π 5 54,115 VSM Π 6 54,115 VSM Π 7 54,115 VSM Π 25 156 VSM II27 54,115 VSM II 39 49,55 VSM Π 60 32 VSM VSM VSM VSM VSM VSM VSM VSM

IH 3 157 ΙΠ 7 157 ΙΠ 24 49,55,115 ΠΙ 29 157 ΠΙ 31 157 ΠΙ 45 157 ΠΙ 55 157 ΠΙ 56 157

VSM IV 6 49,55 VSM IV 30195 VSM IV 37 60 VSM IV 45 157

VP V 246 VP VI 130 VP VI 631 VP VII 4 54 VP Vili 133 VP Vili 2 3 lf. VP Vili 3 32,34, 54 VP Vili 6 67 VP IX 55 VP IX Praef. 326,329 VP IX 2 250 VPX54 VP XI 54 VP XI3 32 VP XII 55 VP XII3 32 VP XIV 3 30 VP XV 54 VP XVI Praef. 328 VP XVn Praef. 49 IN GLORIA

CONFESSORUM

GC Praef. 60,61,114,324ff. GC 9 49,55 GC 1049 GC 13 282f. GC 19201 GC3154 GC3931 GC 61 34 GC 60 67 GC4032 GC6134 GC7454 GC97 55 GC 102 49,55 GC 10455 GC 132 55

DE VITA PATRUM

VP Praef. 60f., 328 VP II Praef. 3 lf., 316,326f. VP II 54 VP Π 231 VP ni 54 VPIV 246 VP IV 54 VPIV 5 4 6 VP IV 12 46

MIRACOLA BEATI ANDREAE

APOSTOLI

MBA Praef. 260,327 DE CURSU STELLARUM (General 150f.)

CSR 12 317 CSR35 150

RATIO

Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte Herausgegeben von Adolf Martin Ritter Eine Titelauswahl 60 Rudolf Keller Die Confessio Augustana im theologischen Wirken des Rostocker Professors David Chyträus (1530-1600) 1994. Ca. 224 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55168-1 59 Ralf Kötter Johannes Bugenhagens Rechtfertigungslehre und der römische Katholizismus Studien zum Sendbrief an die Hamburger (1525). 1994. 489 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55167-3 58 Wolfram Kinzig · Novitas Christiana Die Idee des Fortschritts in der Alten Kirche bis Eusebius. 1994.702 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55166-5

53 Miikka Ruokanen Theology of Social Life in Augustine^ „De civitate Dei" 1993.179 Seiten, kart. ISBN 3-525-55161-4 52 Gerhard Graf Gottesbild und Politik Eine Studie zur Frömmigkeit in Preußen während der Befreiungskriege 1813-1815. 1993. 166 Seiten mit 21 Textbeilagen, 7 Abb., kart. ISBN 3-525-55160-6 51 Anneliese Bieber Johannes Bugenhagen zwischen Reform und Reformation Die Entwicklung seiner frühen Theologie anhand des Matthäuskommentars und der Passions- und Auferstehungsharmonie. 1993. 330 Seiten mit 23 Abb., kart. ISBN 3-525-55159-2

57 Adriaan H. B. Breukelaar Historiography and Episcopal Authority in Sixth-Century Gaul The Histories of Gregory of Tours interpreted in their historical context. 1994. 391 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55165-7

50 Angelika Dörflei>Dierken Die Verehrung der heiligen Anna in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit 1992. 387 Seiten, kart. ISBN 3-525-55158-4

56 Holger Strutwolf Gnosis als System Zur Rezeption der valentinianischen Gnosis bei Orígenes. 1993.405 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55164-9

49 Wolfgang Wischmeyer Von Golgatha zum Ponte Molle Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der Kirche im dritten Jahrhundert. 1992.256 Seiten, kart. ISBN 3-525-55157-6

55 Matthias Schlicht Luthers Vorlesung über Psalm 90 Überlieferung und Theologie. 1993. 183 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55163-0 54 Griet Petersen-Szemerédy Zwischen Weltstadt und Wüste: Römische Asketinnen in der Spätantike Eine Studie zu Motivation und Gestaltung der Askese christlicher Frauen Roms auf dem Hintergrund ihrer Zeit. 1993.239 Seiten, geb. ISBN 3-525-55162-2

48 Heinrich Holze · Erfahrung und Theologie im frühen Mönchtum Untersuchungen zu einer Theologie des monastischen Lebens bei den ägyptischen Mönchsvätern, Johannes Cassian und Benedikt von Nursia. 1992. 311 Seiten, kart. ISBN 3-525-55156-8 47 Wolfram Kinzig In Search of Asterius Studies on the Authorship of the „Homilies on the Psalms". Ed. by M. Richard. 1990. 317 Seiten, kart. ISBN 3-525-55154-1

Yandenhoeck & Ruprecht · Göttingen und Zürich